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Rh the church as in the plan. The door shown in the west wall was found in the ruin; the width of the wall I assume to be about 5 feet; the north and south walls (rising now only a foot or two above the rubbish and extending only 50 or 60 feet east) I continue to points directly north and south of the end of the crypt; the east wall I draw with an apse as a termination of the nave—as I remember the ground above the east end of the vault, it falls away in a sort of rounded hillock, suggesting a buried apse; the altar, usually just west of the apse, would thus come just above the well, or the sacred spot of the church, I do not venture to draw transepts with apses, as there is no indication of them.

I draw double aisles for the following reason:—The north and south axis of the church is 66 feet; the column is 11 feet from the south wall and the column  11 feet from the north wall, leaving 44 feet between the two columns, obviously too great a distance for the span of the arch of the nave. I thus assume another column 11 feet to the south of and one the same distance to the north of m, giving 22 feet as the span of the nave. We thus have four rows of columns. As and  are each 35 feet from the west wall, I divide the space by four, giving spans of about 9 feet. This division also brings columns in a line with

As the pavement found at the top of the stairway is several feet below the top of the vault, the choir of the church must have been necessarily elevated above the nave. Whether this elevation extended across the width of the church depends on the unknown continuation of the wall and of the inferred wall  If  extended to the south wall of the church, then the choir would have been ascended by steps from the west; if  turned and joined the east wall, then the choir steps would have ascended from the south. The pillar found leaning against I have not indicated in the plan, as it may have been placed in some later time. It is possible, however, that all the columns were in pairs.

This restoration has been attempted on the assumption that the remains about the vault belonged to the same construction as the west wall with the columns and  That the vault was merely the crypt of some superimposed edifice is made probable by the steps leading up to the pavement, and it is natural to assume that the west wall with the columns belong to that edifice, as they follow exactly the orientation of the crypt. The correctness of my plan could be tested by a few days' excavation in search for answers to the following questions: (1) Can traces of the pavement about the crypt be found as far as the western wall? (2) Are the bases of the columns and  actually on a level with the pavement? (3) Are other columns to be found under the rubbish at any of the places indicated? (4) What is the further direction of the wall ? (5) May traces of an eastern apse be found? (6) Were there transept apses as in the Church of St. Mary's at Bethlehem? (7) What is the breadth of the western wall? (8) Has it at any point a facing of well cut stone? This last question is important. The stone of the walls and  is well dressed, and it is hard to


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112 reconcile with it the rough western wall. But this wall was very thick:: I have drawn it at 5 feet, but it may have been 8, or even 10. The inside of the wall was plastered, hence a smoothly dressed surface was not of importance there. We would, however, expect a well-dressed outer facing, and such an one may exist under the rough wall built on the ancient one.

The question arises: who built this church? The only indications of date lie in the dressing that resembles crusading work noticed by Major Conder on the well-stone, which I also recognised on the newly excavated stone work outside the crypt, with the pointed arches of the vault which support the same date. We know that a church existed here before 383. In 700 Arculf, Bishop of Gavil, describes a cruciform church with a well in the centre of the cross. This was seen by St. Willibald in 722. In 1322 Sir John Maundeville finds a church here beaten down.

The following theory I would advance somewhat tentatively. At or after the time of Constantine a large basilica, as figured in my plan, was built here with a cruciform crypt over the well. This church was destroyed by Omar, but the crypt preserved. It was this crypt that was seen by Arculf. In his plan (see Statement for 1877, p. 73) the arms of his cross are in different proportion to each other from those in the present crypt, but we must remember that Arculf was not a very critical observer. More serious is the objection that in his plan the well comes at the intersection of the arms of the cross, whereas in the present crypt, while it is in the centre of the crypt, it is at the end of the eastern arm. It may be that the crypt was rebuilt by the first Crusaders (whose stone cutting seems recognisable), and that the form of the cross was altered, while the general idea was preserved. While rebuilding the crypt they may have not attempted to restore the surrounding church. It may be that Jaladin made breaches in this repaired vault, so that Sir John Maundeville in 1322, seeing the damaged crypt and the ruined church, would naturally write of Jacob's Well as having a "church beaten down" around it.

We may well congratulate ourselves upon the fact that the crypt, whoever may have built it, has now not only been cleared out, but is carefully guarded. The custodian, under the Abbot, is an obliging Moslem called Daûd, living in the village of Belata, seven minutes' off. The breaches in the vault have been repaired, and the approach is now by steps, at first from the present level of the ground by steps constructed by the Abbot, and then by the ancient excavated stairway. The Abbot has placed an altar in the vault with a double purpose: first, out of reverence for the sacred spot; and second, to secure it against molestation, as all sects respect a place consecrated by an altar. It was interesting to find on my visit to the Abbot after my measurements had been made at the well, that he also had seen a likeness between the ruined church and the basilica of St. Mary at Bethlehem.

While at Nâblus I was pleasantly received by the Samaritan High Priest, a man in middle life. As males so preponderate in this small

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Rh community, the matter of finding wives continues to be one of great difficulty. The High Priest's son, however, though only 17, has been married some time. A marriage was recently arranged between a young Samaritan and a rich Joppa Jewess, but it fell through, the difficulty, I understand, being the question as to who should perform the ceremony.

At Sebastieh (Samaria) I found that extensive repairs were going on in the mosque at the east end of the Church of St. John. I noticed an interesting stone fragment, perhaps recently turned up: a bust of a man in coat of mail, arms raised to level of head, supporting three small columns, one in each hand and one on his head. The summit of the hill of Samaria is crowned by a tell. The tell-slope is unmistakable; the top fairly flat coming to a distinct edge, and dropping at a sudden angle. At the west and north I should estimate the accumulation at about 40 feet. The flat top continues to the east where a terrace occurs, like a platform on the tell, indicating the ruin of some later building that did not cover as much ground as the earlier ruins.

Between Jenîn and Haifa we passed the two great tells of Ta'anuk and Mutesellim, near Lejjûn. The latter is somewhat circular in shape, and its north and south axis at the summit measures about 1,000 feet. The accumulation at its southern end is 50 feet, while at the northern end over 80 feet. As I paced up and down this magnificent site, commanding such a wide outlook over the plain of Esdraelon, and remembered a similar outlook from the smaller Tell el Hesy, which yielded up its story to us, I confess I felt a burning desire, which returns upon me as I write, to put the spade into the larger tell also, and see if it would not settle the much discussed site of Megiddo. Whatever Mutesellim may represent, the site was one of the most important in the whole country. The pottery on the summit is not very distinctive, but the absence from it of the Roman ware, so prevalent in the fields between the tell and Lejjûn, suggests that the earlier occupations were at the tell and the later near the mills. The tell at Ta'anuk is smaller than that of Mutesellim, but very similar in appearance. They are less than 5 miles apart, which is suggestive when we remember how often Taanach and Megiddo are mentioned in lists, the one after the other, as well as the phrase "Taanach by the waters of Megiddo."

February 7th, 1894.

Auwaly flowing westwards from the Lebanon enters the sea about two miles north of Sidon. Some eight miles from its mouth, at Merj Bisry where the narrow bed widens into a small fertile plain, it is joined by the river of Jezzîn coming down from the south. The


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114 sides of the Jezzîn valley are in contrast, for on the west the hills are thickly wooded and less steep, while the eastern hills, though terraced and planted on their lower slopes, culminate in headlands of solid rock which round out from the cliffs like huge towers.

One of these projections is more rounded than the rest and is not unlike the first rude fashioning of the head of some gigantic statue. It is called the Castle of Fukhredeen Ma'an, from the Druze chief who held it against the Turks. Notices of this castle have appeared in Churchill, Thomson, &c., but I have not seen a full description. The approach is somewhat difficult but not at all dangerous, for a rough path steeply climbs up a break in the cliff where enough soil clings to support brambles and wild fig. We could easily understand, however, how different would have been the attempt to get up to the castle had it been held by an enemy. A natural ledge of rock runs around the centre of the headland, and this was probably what suggested the use of the place as a stronghold. The approach to the ledge from the continuation of the cliffs to the north was probably guarded by a drawbridge, for, on reaching the level of the ledge, we found a deep cut in it, about 15 feet across. The entrance was also once guarded by a tower of masonry, of which we saw the foundations. The ledge begins as a narrow groove in the face of the cliff, but further on has a width of 12 feet. Towards its southern end the rock of the cliff above projects over the ledge, beyond the precipice below, making a roof which slants upwards and outwards. The length of the ledge is about 500 feet; at first, after leaving the "drawbridge," it slants upwards but later runs quite horizontally. Where the ledge slants the edge is stepped down, as if to secure stones which may have formed an ancient parapet. In the cliff back of the ledge, opening from it, are two chambers hewn in the solid rock. In the floor of the ledge, as well as in the wall of the cliff, there are lines of small square holes, as if for beam-ends, tier upon tier, as I found at Ma'lula. This suggests that a second storey of wood was built against the cliff' above the ledge and explains several steps hewn in the cliff high above the ledge floor leading to a door hewn in the face of the cliff. These steps probably connected this chamber with the second storey. We need not suppose that such a second storey above the ledge was very substantial; it may have been constructed like the watch towers erected on stout poles in the Lebanon vineyards to-day, and floored with boards and brush. We counted five openings to chambers in this upper level, one of which was walled up with nicely-cut white stone. As these openings were in the face of the cliff some 15 feet or 20 feet above where we stood, we could not get up to examine the masonry or see whether the chambers were connected by galleries.

In the rock floor of the ledge two pear-shaped excavations had been made, large at the bottom and narrowing to a small mouth, 16 feet deep. These were evidently used for storing corn, as they are of the same shape as the Bedawin corn-pits. The one we examined was nicely plastered. Another square excavation served for a pool. Water was brought


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Rh from a spring in the high land above the castle by a channel cut as a groove in the rock, lined with tiles. High up above the ledge is cut a niche in the cliff in the form of a pointed arch. There are holes as if for beam-ends in the rock at the base of the cliff. Over the cliff water-spouts project from the ledge.

The view from this lofty ledge is magnificent. A visit to the place would, I am sure, stir the romantic feeling latent in the most commonplace mind. A stranger ignorant of the history of the Lebanon would at once feel the necessity of inventing a tale of chieftains, and of sieges, and all sorts of adventure. History, however, furnishes us a tale ready made fully romantic enough to harmonise with the surroundings. The history of the Lebanon has no more picturesque figure than that of the Emir Fukhredeen Ma'an. The Ma'ans became prominent during the early part of the seventeenth century, but their ancestors, Arab Sheikhs who had lived near Aleppo from the fifth century, emigrated to the Southern Lebanon in 821. They became well established in the mountains and, early in the eleventh century, accepted the teachings of Darazi, the follower of Hakem, and thus gave origin to the Druzes. For more than seven centuries after these Arab tribes appeared in the Lebanon the over-lordship was held by the family of Tanuch. Local affairs thus continued in their hands under the dominion of Saracens, Franks, and Egyptians. Under them the feudal system which has broken down in Lebanon only within the last 30 years became perfected. After the Turkish conquest, however, the Tanuch family lost power. In 1516 Sultan Selim entered Damascus, and on his return to that city the next year, after the conquest of Egypt, the Emir Fukhredeen Ma'an I sought his protection and favour. His submission was rewarded and the Sultan invested him with the government of the mountains from Joppa to Tripoli.

From this time the Ma'ans became the ruling power. The Emir Fukhredeen II passed his youth under the care of a Maronite Sheikh, to whom he had been sent during a time of trouble. Later on we find him ruling in Lebanon and joining in a conspiracy against the Sultan. He even laid siege to Damascus and extorted a large ransom for its deliverance. An army of 50,000 men was sent against him by the Sultan. Large as was this army, it is doubtful whether it would have overcome the Emir's forces could he have had the loyal following of the other Sheikhs. But the Sultan relied upon the jealousies of the chieftains and not in vain, for the Shehaabs, a rival family, joined the Sultan and cut to pieces the Emir's forces near the Jordan. This spirit of local faction has always been characteristic of the Lebanon and has been successfully calculated upon by all who have had to rule over this people. Somewhat daunted by the defection of the Shehaabs, the Emir made a general appeal to the loyalty of the other Sheikhs, but they responded so feebly that he suddenly sailed for Europe, an undertaking so rare in those days that it shows a startling independence of character.

Great was the excitement in Pisa during the winter of 1615. One of


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116 the old palaces was occupied at the command of the Grand Duke by an Oriental, the professor of a mysterious religion. Seeing that the Grand Duke treated him with marked courtesy, the nobility, piqued perhaps by curiosity, visited him and fêted him with great honour. Reports of this extraordinary visitor reached Naples, and the King sent for him to pay a visit. So the Emir proceeded to Naples, where he was comfortably housed and given a liberal allowance. But this life of soft inaction soon palled on the warrior, who had lived a life on horseback in his wild Lebanon. The novelty for the Italians, too, wore off. The King's hospitality proved to have a distinct object, for one day the Emir was asked what force he could muster to the aid of the Italians should they attempt to land in Syria. The Emir gave an equivocal answer, with the result that his allowance was promptly curtailed.

Greater Kings, however, showed an interest in him. Two royal offers he refused with his Eastern politeness. Louis XIII offered, through the French Consul, to mediate between the Emir and the Sultan. The King of Spain sent him a letter offering him a government "better than that of Lebanon" if he would become a Christian. After five years of European life, of which he had become thoroughly sick, he received a letter from home saying that his aged mother was dangerously ill and announcing that the Pasha of Damascus had confirmed him in the government of the Lebanon. When he had with some difficulty convinced the Italians that he did not mean to use his knowledge of their country against them, he was given a passport and sailed away, landing at Acre in 1620. He was received cordially by all his former rivals, and his son, 'Ali, who had beer, ruling the Lebanon for some time, handed over the government to his father.

And now the governor of Damascus, whose tenure of power always depended on his skilful manipulation of the local chiefs, by a cordial recognition of Fukhredeen's suzerainty over the other Sheikhs secured his assistance in collecting taxes long overdue to the Sultan. This suited Fukhredeen for he was able to pay off an old score against the Safas of Tripoli while apparently doing Imperial business. He turned out to be so valuable to the Sultan as a tax-gatherer that in 1626 he received a firman naming him governor of the entire mountains from Jerusalem to Tripoli and confirming his power over the Arab tribes between Damascus and the Dead Sea. The Pasha of Damascus naturally resisted these new rights of his nominal subject but the Emir took him prisoner and soon got a proper acknowledgment of his power. In 1627, in consequence of a new firman which gave him almost royal power, permitting him to repair roads, build forts and raise taxes, he made a grand progress from Antioch to Gaza. Entering Damascus, he quite eclipsed the Pasha. For five years he ruled undisturbed, with justice and wisdom, showing great toleration to the Christians, among whom, it will be remembered, he was brought up. Under him the Franks began to return to the seacoast as traders. But the Turks having got all they could out of the Emir and fearing his glowing power, sent in 1632 an army and a fleet against him.


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Rh The Lebanon lies between the sea on the west and the plain of the Beka'a on the east. With the fleet along the coast and the army on the plain, the Emir, who had lost heart at the death of his son in a skirmish with the Turks, gave up active resistance and fled with a few followers to the Cliff Castle in the Jezzîn valley, which he is said to have fortified previously, perhaps in anticipation of some such necessity. We may attribute the tower at the entrance to him and perhaps the masonry in the upper chamber, with the tiling of the water-channel, but I am inclined to think that the wall-hewn chambers were ancient excavations which he utilised. The Cliff Castle resembles in many particulars those of Ma'lula, which I described in the Quarterly Statement of April, 1890. The chambers there I am inclined to think even older than the Greek inscriptions cut in their walls.

Here for several months the Emir held out against the besiegers. With a good water supply, ample corn-places, which his prudence had doubtless filled, comfortable chambers, glorious air, and a wide look-out, the siege need not have been such an uncomfortable one. At first the besiegers kept below the cliff's but finding it impossible to scale them went around to the high ground above. Descent seemed equally impossible. Treachery, as usual, betrayed the castle. A goatherd led the Turks to the spring which furnished water to the besieged. Tradition has it that the Turks slew a number of sheep and oxen, defiling the water with the blood and entrails. The Emir, finding his water supply endangered, was let down the cliff by ropes and with his secretary and three sons sought another hiding place.

The Cliff Castle we have been describing is in the range of cliffs that crowns the eastern slope of the Jezzîn valley. Below the cliffs the ground slopes somewhat irregularly westwards, until it comes to an edge at the top of another range of cliffs towering above the stream-bed, not unlike the higher range. Between the base of these cliffs and the stream-bed there is a steep slope, strewn with rocky fragments fallen from the cliff above. In the face of the cliff some 30 feet above its base is the mouth of a cave, inaccessible from below, as the cliff projects out so as to overhang the slope. Square holes cut in the face of the cliff from the cave-mouth to the top suggest that it was once approached from above by a ladder set up against beams projecting from these holes. In time of danger the ladder might have been pulled down into the cave. I have not yet visited this cave, and am indebted for a description of it to the Rev. William K. Eddy, of Sidon. He says that the cave is not wide but that it is very deep, extending quite 200 feet back into the mountain. Water trickles from the rock of the cave and is collected in cisterns hewn in the floor.

To this apparently inaccessible den the Emir escaped. Treachery probably put the Turks on his track. Unable to approach the mouth of the cave they determined to mine down into it, and a square cutting in the top of the rock above still witnesses to their attempts. More successful were their mining operations from below. Fukhredeen was one day


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118 quietly smoking his water-pipe, seated on a carpet on the floor of his cave, when suddenly a soldier's head appeared! We must suppose that his nonchalance was dramatically assumed, for he could hardly have been unaware of the mining under his feet. Through this hole made by the Turks over 250 years ago the cave may be approached to-day.

The Emir was taken on board the fleet and conducted to Constantinople; for three years he was permitted to live in domestic retirement on a liberal allowance, but in 1635 in revenge for some deed committed by one of his sons against the Turks he was executed. If the reader cares to follow the career of this illustrious man more fully, I refer him to the second volume of Churchill's "Mount Lebanon."

a photograph of a marble fragment found at Jebail, now in the museum of the Syrian Protestant College at Beyrout. Anything found at Jebail is interesting, from the extreme antiquity of this Phœnician site. The inhabitants are probably mentioned in 1 Kings, v, 18, as engaged in hewing stones for the Temple of Solomon. It is interesting to note that even to the present day certain villages of this district are famed for certain crafts; for example, the inhabitants of Shweir in the Lebanon are largely masons, and ply their trade as far as the Hauran.

In the collection of letters from Tell-el-Amarna in the British Museum there are thirteen letters from Rib-Adda, the Egyptian Consul in Gebal. As in the case of so many other Syrian sites, the name given to this place in Græco-Roman times never thoroughly supplanted the old name, which in course of centuries was restored. By the time of the Crusaders, the Greek name Byblos had disappeared, and the place was called Giblet. The modern name is even more like the original.

Philo, of Byblos, gives a free translation of a work by the Phœnician Sancthoniathon, who wrote probably in the second or third century B.C. Gebal is represented as being the oldest city in the world, having been built by the God El, at the beginning of time. It seems very probable that Gebal exercised the hegemony, at first, over the other Phœnician cities until it was over-topped by the importance of Sidon. It, however, was always a strong religious centre, and Renan called it the "Jerusalem of the Lebanon." In Græco-Roman times the mysteries of Astarte and Adonis were celebrated here. The older Phœnician worship passed over to Grecian types, as shown by the statues. I have seen in a private house in London a piece of Phœnician sculpture from the Lebanon: a beautiful Venus, entirely Greek, with her hand on the head of a priest of the pure Phœnician type, as shown in the ungraceful Cypriote art.


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Rh

The fragment under consideration in this note seems to belong to the transition period. It seems to be part of a pillar. First there is a plinth 3 inches high, 18 inches long in front, and 12 inches at the side. On this there rises a plain pedestal, set back one-half an inch from the edge of the plinth (which is chamfered), $5 1⁄2$ inches high, and 8 inches across the front. Standing on the plinth at the sides of this pedestal are two bulls; they are fairly well executed, one fore foot is advanced, the heads are gone, but it is clear that the bulls were not winged; they measure 10 inches from the plinth to the top of their backs, hence they rise above the plain pedestal. From the pedestal rises the pillar, which appears to have been carved as a female statue; the lower part consists of drapery from under which appear the toes of two feet, placed close together. The ten toes are excellently carved, and are not at all stiff. Above the few inches of drapery the pillar is divided into panels by bands at right angles, the panels in front being much broader than the


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120 rest. On the lower front panel is a lion's head, similar to the lion's head decoration on the stone Greek and Roman sarcophagi found at Sidon, which are doubtless the development of the metal plaques, in the same form found on Phœnician coffins of wood at the same place. On the panel above are three small busts in high relief. These are somewhat damaged, but it is clear that two, and perhaps the third, are of female figures: the style is Greek or Græco-Roman. The other panels are ornamented with rosettes, and shapes like these—

The circumference of the pillar increases as it rises. In the rear it is shaved off, so that the back panels occupy a flat surface. From the plain back of the pedestal it is clear that this part at least stood against a wall, but as the flat back of the pillar is ornamented, the wall may have been a low one.

It is the naturalistic treatment of the feet which appear from under the drapery that leads me to suppose that the pillar was in the form of a caryatid, with the main portion of the drapery about the lower limbs conventionally ornamented. That a pillar with an ordinary capital should terminate in a few inches of drapery with a pair of feet seems improbable. I may mention, however, that the open hand occurs as a symbol on a stile from Carthage, figured on p. 263 of the first volume of Perrot and Chipiez's "History of Art in Phœnicia," &c.

From the well-carved bulls and the busts, I am inclined to refer this fragment to the Greek period. The photograph is kindly furnished by my friend Mr. Moore, of the College.

February 14th, 1894.

Quarterly Statements for the years 1887 and 1888 contained accounts of some very remarkable and beautiful sarcophagi which had then recently been found in a sepulchre at Sidon, and a monogram on the subject is now in course of publication at Paris by His Excellency O. Hamdy Bey, Director of the Museum of Antiquities at Constantinople. The sarcophagi have been placed in a room built for the purpose in that Museum, and have attracted a great deal of attention from antiquaries and others. The learned Canon Curtis, of Constantinople, kindly permits us to publish a paper on these most interesting objects which was read by him before the British Institute of that city.

The paper is reprinted from the "Levant Herald," by permission of the editor.


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Rh a great part of which consisted of wide arid plains, where no savage tribes could find, in certain seasons, either food or water, is too low; and that applying the figures based on the native population of three counties in Victoria to the whole area of the colony, Mr. Thomas's estimate is too high. Between the numbers—1,220 and 6,000—there is much left for conjecture; but if we correct Mr. Thomas's estimate, so far as to make his figures applicable to the area in Victoria available for a savage people, and subtract from the area of the counties he has cited those areas within them which are covered by dense forests and scrub, we find that the total number would not exceed 3,000—that is to say, about 18,000 acres of all kinds of country to each Aboriginal.

It is impossible to give figures which will satisfy the enquirer; but, in attempting to arrive at the truth, he is enlightened and helped by the preceding descriptions.

In his journey towards the Grampians—previous to the occupation of that part of Victoria by the whites—Sir Thomas Mitchell saw very few Aborigines. Mr. Landsborough, also, in travelling southwards from Carpentaria, met with very few natives, the largest number he counted being thirty; and he believes that the country is nowhere thickly peopled; and the statements of travellers generally confirm this impression. Those who are of a different opinion must not be blamed. It is only the experienced bushman who is able to estimate the numbers of a tribe in the bush. A few—fifty or sixty—moving backwards and forwards in the bush, changing their weapons, now holding their arms aloft, and anon appearing without any in their hands (all the time dragging them between their toes), uttering wild shouts, and answered by their wives at a distance, give to a stranger the impression of a multitude of people. The inexperienced man supposes that he has seen two hundred warriors.

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36 On some occasions all the tribes inhabiting a large area assemble at one spot, and a stranger seeing perhaps four hundred or five hundred natives might suppose that they were usually present at the place, and that other adjacent localities were peopled in like manner.

Again, it is known that a tribe will follow white men many scores of miles. They appear at times painted in such colors, and in such places, as to lead to the belief that they are not the same men who were seen many days previously.

I have prepared a map showing some of the areas formerly occupied by the tribes of Victoria, and though necessarily imperfect and incomplete, it is interesting.

For Gippsland, my authorities are the Rev. John Bulmer and the Rev. F. A. Hagenauer.

The Rev. Mr. Bulmer gives the following account of the lands formerly held by the people:—

The area of Gippsland is, roughly, 10,000,000 acres; and assuming that there were as many as 1,500, the number of acres to each black would be 6,666.

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United States Proclamation 95 by Abraham Lincoln, issued 1 January 1863, better known as the Final Emancipation Proclamation.

This month is the 150th anniversary of the issuing of this proclamation, which marked a significant turning point in American history. It was issued during the American Civil War by the President of the United States of America, rendering every slave in the opposing Confederate States of America permanently free, to be enforced by Union armed forces as territory was taken. It followed the earlier Proclamation 93, or Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, and together they are known as the Emancipation Proclamation. It did not apply to the United States, in which slaves were not freed until the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States.

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My beloved mother told me I was born one Thursday morning early, unfashionably and uncomfortably early; on the 28th of March. The year of Grace of my advent, which I have no means to verify, has been put down in almanacs and newspaper records anywhere between 1845 and 1860. As my dear father did not happen to be married until 1848-49, and I was the youngest but one of a moderately numerous family, the former date suggests a situation which happily, no less an authority than Ulster King-at-arms contradicts; the latter date I know to be wrong—unhappily! My nurse, bless her heart, when to this day, I remember with the tenderest feelings of undying affection, always impressed upon me the legend that I was "found in a band-box under a cabbage." Dear, deceitful soul—rest in peace!

So, you see, even in my earliest childhood, my mind was sorely puzzled to discriminate between fiction and fact. I must say, the picture I conjured of myself, wrapped in beautiful clean tissue-paper, tied up with a lovely pink ribbon, or possibly a blue one, reclining in a pure white band-box under the shade of a dew besprinkled cabbage, was intensely alluring.

I never could settle in my mind why the cabbage was selected by "Willie," my nurse, and I ventured to question the genus of the plant that sheltered my discovery.

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10 But in spite of suggestions from me of "bulrushes," "rose bushes," and other more decorative plants, Miss Wilson stuck to the cabbage. Failing to shake her adherance to the succulent vegetable, I let it go at that. I never see a cabbage growing, however, even to-day, but the difference between us arises in my mind; and were "Willie" once more to revisit the earth, I feel, if we met, I should still try to induce her to reconsider the matter of the plant, under whose shade I was introduced to the world.

The troublous times of the Indian Mutiny gave me my first impressions of life. Of these I have only vague recollections; and I am not sure to-day, whether those vivid pictures, that come back to me out of the mist of the past, are not the memories of my parents transmitted to me in early childhood.

I know we were up in the hills of Chirapoongee, and came down to Calcutta, passing through many perils. In those days there were no railways, and I remember being borne along in a kind of chair, held by a broad band passed around the forehead of a stalwart native bearer. I remember days spent in a howdah on the back of an elephant. I recount many days and nights on board a pinnace; it was a green pinnace—green and white, floating along down the silent waters of a broad river. I can to-day see again large fires along the banks lighting up the darkness of the Indian night, with a lurid glare as we drifted along. I can hear yelling men and see them dressed as soldiers—and can recall the frequent firing of guns—and wondering why "Willie" used to make us lie down flat on the floor of the vessel's cabin, while my mother and she cowered down over us and sobbed.

I remember my father and mother kissing us all good-by, as we left the ghat with "Willie" in a native dinghy, and were taken alongside a large ship, lying out in the stream off Prinseps Ghat, Calcutta.

My next impressions are of the sea. I do not

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Rh missing my father and mother—Willie to my eyes the most beautiful thing on earth was with us—and we children of the "Padre Sahib" in Calcutta Cathedral were the pets of the ship, and that same Captain Toynbee, whose name is dear to every man that sailed in those days, and for many a long year after from the port of London.

I could write page upon page about the great East Indianmen of the past, but as my life, save for this one voyage as a little child, had nothing to do with them I will refrain. I suppose that from my early associations with it, and perhaps because my mother was the daughter of a distinguished Admiral, I gained my first and my undying love for the sea. It has called to me all my life, and it calls to me as strongly to-day, as it did in my youth. Above all things the sea has ever been mistress of my heart. I can remember too, seeing my first steam engine. It was at Plymouth when the long voyage was over, and we were taken ashore.

Then all was wonderment. England where everything was so green—where everyone was white—where we had no ayahs, no bearers—no palkees and nothing we were used to. We were installed in a little house in St. John's Wood. I remember it well. The whole place would have gone into the hall of the lovely home in Harrington Street, Calcutta. We were not happy. It was so gloomy and cold when the winter came. I remember the snow—and above all I recollect my dreadful chilblains! Then things happened, we didn't understand.

Strange people came; at last father arrived—and he came alone. Years followed. We moved to a pretty little home near his grand big church; a tutor came to take care of us boys; the girls went to a school, and "Willie," our beautiful and well-beloved Willie disappeared. A turning point seemed to come in all our lives, when one day my father told us we were

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12 going into the country for the Summer, and on the platform of the Waterloo Station, a very handsome and beautifully dressed lady come up to us and we were told she was our new "mamma."

That day set the first period in my life—and I can feel now the consternation the revelation of this new order of things created in my small breast. I adored my father. I was jealous of his love. I felt I had suffered a bitter wrong—I didn't know why. Something went out of my life, and something came into it that left me dazed. I grew in an instant into a rebel, and a great desire filled me to get away from home.

We went to the Isle of Wight, and in the delight of that beautiful summer spent in the most picturesque spot behind St. Katherine's point, I temporarily forgot my troubles and revelled again in the contemplation of the glorious sea and the frequently passing ships, whose white sails dotted the lovely sunlit water of the Channel.

The French fleet visited Portsmouth, and my dear father, who was persona grata with all the great folks, took me one day on board the flag-ship of the Channel Fleet, at that time, the two-decked wooden line-of-battle-ship "Edgar." We lunched aboard and then visited the "Victory," and spent the rest of the day in the dock yard and amongst the men-of-war. A new world opened to my eyes, and I made up my mind there was only one thing in it for me—and that was a life at sea.

I brooded over the matter and at last told my father, who opposed the idea as I was his only boy left, my elder brother having gone into the world under the aegis of Mr. Henry, the great railroad magnate of America. I was unhappy at home; I never got on well with my new "mamma," and at last one day I ran away, determined to go to sea.

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Rh I had a few shillings in my pocket, and away I went, wending my way down the river to the Great East India docks at Blackwell. Lying in the Export dock nearly ready for sea was a large Indianman, on board of which I stole. The riggers were aloft bending sails and, in the bright sunshine the life and color—the salt water smells of tarry ropes and new canvas—intoxicated and fascinated me.

I wandered about the ship unheeded—watched the cargo lowered down the hatches and lastly forced by an irresistible longing to go aft—clambered into the port fore-rigging and crawled up the first two or three ratlines above the sheer pole.

Some one sprung beneath me, and before I knew what had happened, I found my feet seized with rope yarns to the shrouds, and a voice sung out—"Now, Young 'un, you'll have to pay your footing."

What was meant by this very rude person, clad in a tarry jumper and a pair of very dirty overalls, I hadn't the least idea. I felt uncomfortable, and my uneasiness increased on seeing the mate coming forward with a grin on his face, calling out "Come down out of that, youngster! What are you doing up there!"

He had me cast adrift, and I gave all the money I had to the man who lashed me up, on his explaining to me that any one not belonging to the ship, venturing aloft had to "pay their footing"—in other words stand drinks to the men.

The mate called me aft and began to question me, discovering among other things my name and who I was.

"Want to go to sea, do you? Well, you take my advice, youngster. Go back home as quickly as you can, and if you must go to sea get your father to send you—and don't try running away any more. If you don't promise me—I'll tie you up to a stanchion till knock-off time, and then, damm me! I'll take you back myself."

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14 My father, being so prominent and well-known all over England, the mate knew that he would have done quite the right thing for himself in acting as he threatened.

I promised him, however, to return home at once, and I left the docks with a sad heart, but more determined than ever to go to sea.

Next day was a terror. My father had been making all sorts of search for me, as I did not get home until four in the morning, having walked all the way from the docks.

I arrived tired out—dirty and hungry.

I shall never forget my dear old dad in his night shirt opening the door. He simply said "Go to your room. I'll talk to you to-morrow."

That to-morrow!

I told him the truth—got a hiding for running away—but with it such a salve as I never hoped for, in his promise to let me go to sea.

I didn't care for anything on earth. I didn't feel the hurt when I sat down in silence and disgrace at breakfast. I was completely, ecstatically happy, and in a few weeks found myself alongside the gangway of H. M. S. Conway, with my cadet's kit in my regulation chest, with my name in big letters painted across the front, and my uniform on in which I felt as if I owned the earth Poor dear old dad! A tear rolled down his cheek as he kissed me and said: "God bless you, boy—I wanted you at home with me."

Well, I went to sea,—and years after I left it. I travelled the world over. I became a gold-miner in Australia, a newspaper man, reporter, editor, even a dramatic critic—out in that great country. I wandered about as a stockman, a station hand, everything a man can be in the bush. I saw life in every phase, until at last chance brought me to the stage. There let me stop. Some of the incidents of my life I have jotted down in the following pages.

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Rh As I look back on them I live again in the past, and out of my dreams came the faces of many I have loved, and who have believed that the foolishness and adventures of my life have not been without some good—even if only to serve as a kind of moral finger-post to others which way not to go.

If my "good fairy" ever visited me again and gave me my "wish," it would be to meet some kind-hearted old millionaire, who would give me a big sailing ship, and send me off to roam about the world at sea, and so "live happy ever after."

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Rh mountains capped with snow and ice, but there were very few trees to be seen. The people in general paid me the respect due to my exalted station; but I had some trouble with the prefect of one of the northern districts. He was so insolent as to refuse to acknowledge me as governor, or to surrender the iron chest which I was resolute in demanding. But I called from his door to the people around me to collect a quantity of brushwood for the purpose of burning him and his house too, if he did not quickly submit; and submit he accordingly did, though he eyed me suspiciously as if I were only a common impostor.

'After settling all these important affairs to my own satisfaction, if not quite to that of everyone else, I determined to pay a visit to London, on business of a serious nature. I had taken possession of a ship belonging to Count Tramp, and embarked in her, leaving the other passengers on board my own vessel. We sailed in company, but my own ship outsailed the prize, and I was obliged to run the latter between a reef and the shore, a passage till then thought impracticable. I thus gained seventeen miles, but by daylight we saw our companion three miles to leeward with signals of distress flying. Bearing down upon her, we found she was on fire. The people on board were making no efforts to put the fire out, or to save themselves; they were, in fact, paralyzed with terror. With a presence of mind which never deserted me in moments of danger, I immediately ordered out the boats, and succeeded in getting every living creature safe on board the prize. But I remained close to windward, forgetting that the guns of the burning ship were loaded; and presently they went off in a thundering volley, sending a storm of shot over our heads. There were on board ten guns, and a cargo of wool, feathers, oil, tallow, and tar; the sight was magnificent, but it was disheartening to see our fine ship, and all it contained, so


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194 suddenly destroyed. After this catastrophe we returned for provisions. I transferred my passengers to H.M.S. Talbot, which happened to be in the harbour, and resuming my voyage, reached Liverpool in eight days.

'When I arrived in London I found that the Talbot had got in before me, and that the captain had represented to the Ministry that I had established a republican government in the island, for the purpose of harbouring all the disaffected persons in Europe, though nothing was farther from my thoughts. And, further, that I was not qualified to hold the governorship, because I had been an apprentice on board an English collier, and a midshipman in a man-of-war; fine reasons truly with which to crush rising genius! Nelson was also a midshipman; one of the Popes had been a cowboy; and Captain Cook a cabin-boy. At the instance of this false captain, I was arrested, and charged with having broken my parole, though I had never given it at all. They sent me to Tothill Fields' Prison, where I met with some sparkling fellows, who initiated me into the mysteries of gambling; and then to the hulk appointed for the reception of prisoners of war. After having resided in these places for twelve months, I was allowed to retire to Reading, on my parole of honour, and began to devote myself to literature; but going to London, with permission to employ myself as a British subject, I fell in with my friends from Tothill Fields, and was, in the space of six months, considerately stripped of every farthing I possessed. I advise all here, and all who may read my memoirs, never to sit down to a gaming-table, never even to look on while others are gambling. The fascination accompanying this dreadful vice is stronger than that of drunkenness itself. It absorbs every faculty, and steeps the soul in tremulous delight, leading only to disappointment, remorse, and despair. The professional gamester knows only too well how to cajole his


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Rh victim. He will smile pleasantly, and press his hand kindly, as he invites him to have a rubber, but he will eye him as a vulture does a lamb. Surrounded by a number of them, I have more than once congratulated myself on being a winner, when, lo! the cash was suddenly swept off the table, and half a dozen eager voices declared that I had lost. Indignant remonstrances and protestations were in vain.

'When I had lost every penny at the gaming-table, for the first time I determined to try my fortune in a foreign land, and took a passage to Lisbon. But here my evil genius pursued me, and I was arrested by the orders of General Trant, and sent back to England, for no crime in the world but reporting to the British Consul the assassination of Mr. Perceval by Bellingham, in the lobby of the House of Commons. I returned to Lisbon, gave way to my newly-acquired propensity for gambling, and again found myself without a farthing. I sold the clothes off my back, and putting on an old jacket and trousers (I could not well do with less) engaged as a seaman in a gunboat, and cruised off St. Vincent for ten days. We took a good many small prizes, sent out on purpose to be taken, furnished with false papers. Here I was promoted to the command of a watch, on account of the ready way in which I performed my duty; but my elevation immediately drew down such a storm of jealousy and dislike from the rest of the officers that I was made quite miserable. Going, however, into Gibraltar, I was lucky enough to be sent to the hospital, through representing an old complaint that sometimes troubled me to be ten times worse than it really was. Soon after I was sent to Portsmouth, and put on board the Gladiator, fifty guns, where from seven to eight hundred sick men were crowded together in a state of positive suffocation. Here I became really ill, and wrote a letter to the Admiral, craving permission to go on shore. When the doctor and captain


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196 heard of this, they both attacked me as if I were a dog, and threatened to tie me up and flog me for "shamming Moses" so that my situation became worse than ever. The captain insulted me every day, and said he would teach me to apply to the Admiralty instead of to him. My first letter having produced no result, I made up my mind to try another, let the consequences be what they might, and the next day an order came for the captain and me to attend the Admiral on shore. We went accordingly, and I was extremely gratified to hear my enemy get a good rap on the knuckles, while I received permission to go where I liked.

'My footsteps were now turned towards London, where I had many friends of high rank and great influence, by whom, notwithstanding my coarse jacket and trousers, I was received with great kindness. In the tranquillity of a friend's country seat in Suffolk I wrote an account of the Island Revolution, which I presented to my friend Sir Joseph Banks. My host pointed me out to his friends as his majesty, the king of that island. My friends in my native city sent me a good supply of money, which was increased by the liberality of those I had in England. I then returned to London, made my appearance among my old acquaintances, by whom I was generously and rapturously received, sat down to the gaming-table once more, and again rose up a beggar.

'But instead of being cured by these repeated misfortunes, my propensity for gambling grew stronger every day. I was arrested for debt, and confined in the Fleet prison for two years. I had made some friends by the timely disclosure of a plot, on the part of the French Government, to take the Australian colonies from the English; and what money I received for this I squandered at the gaming-table. I was presented with sufficient to pay my debts and procure my liberty; but instead of doing so, I threw it all away on


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Rh this fascinating vice, thus losing both my freedom and my peace of mind. To protect myself against the dangers and horrors of idleness, I wrote while in prison a History of the Afghan Revolution, and the tragedy I formerly mentioned. I amused myself by making neat copies of these works, which I presented to different noblemen and gentlemen of whom I had some knowledge; and they rewarded me handsomely for my pains. At this period I was sent for to the Foreign Office, and was offered an employment which would oblige me to proceed to Belgium, where the British troops and their allies were already mustering, under Lord Wellington, in the hope of finally crushing the mad ambition of Bonaparte and the French. My debts were paid, money was advanced to provide an outfit, and permission was given me to draw when abroad for reasonable travelling expenses. And now will your Majesty believe it ? If it is not true, cut my head off on the spot.'

The King started suddenly, like a war-horse when he sniffs the battle from afar, and growled, 'Ha! it's time it was off.'

'Sire, I gambled the money away, and instead of providing myself with an outfit, I sold everything except my shirt, so to speak, and found myself totally destitute. My shame and remorse amounted to agony. I went and told a bundle of lies to the master of a storeship, and got to Ostend; then I drew upon London for money, but the bankers treated me as an impostor, until luckily meeting with a military officer to whom I was known, he was able to testify to my identity, and I found myself again on my legs.

'I now began to taste the pleasures of freedom and a replenished pocket. The belligerent hosts of England and France rapidly approached each other, and it was soon evident where the decisive blow would be struck. I travelled on therefore hastily, and was an astonished spectator of the


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198 battle of Quatre Bras, and a still more astonished witness of the crushing defeat of the boasting Bonaparte at Waterloo. Although I had no great reason to love England, I yet longed to see her victorious over the bloodthirsty, unprincipled conqueror of Europe. What terrible emotions did the thunder of the guns create in my breast!—every discharge carrying destruction to dozens of brave and healthy men, and for nothing but to gratify the fiendish lust of worldly power and glory: rivers of blood flowing on the fields of battle, and bitter cries of want and sorrow ascending from every side to the Judgment-seat of God! And for all this is a man exalted to be a hero and a demigod, by his vainglorious and fickle fellow mortals.

'I went to Paris with the army, and saw the prodigious number of four hundred thousand soldiers collected there, Meeting also with my friend of the Foreign Office, I received orders to proceed to Warsaw, and was furnished with a further supply of money to defray expenses. Instead of going, however, like a gentleman of honour, I went to a gambling hell, merely to see how they managed such matters in France, and with strong resolutions not to play. But the temptation became irresistible. I won at first, but the tide turned, and I lost for several nights, my employer thinking that I had started on my journey. Very soon I was without a farthing; I sold the shirt off my back to a sergeant for seven francs, in cold December, and buttoning up my coat, bade adieu to Paris, and set out for Warsaw on foot.

'I now entered upon a course of minor adventures which might have furnished Smollet or Fielding with materials for some excellent novels, although I managed to get on without Narcissa and Amelia. Like a good many other adventurers, I discovered that something was to be always gained by a timely exhibition of cool, audacious impudence. Nothing lowers a poor wretch in this world so much as a


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Rh bashful demeanour, for in the opinion of men the modest, timid man, though he may be as honest as Fabricius, and as virtuous as Scipio, is nothing but an idiot, and they treat him accordingly. About one hundred and twenty miles from Paris, at the little village of Joncherie, I found myself without a sou, but I entered a cabaret, and called for a good dinner While eating it the mayor came in to look at my passport. Along with this was a letter which I wished him to see and on his looking at it, asked him if he knew the handwriting. I then explained that it was from the Duchess of Angoulème. He bowed and smiled. "I am," said I, "an Irishman going to the Holy Land." With which information he was so delighted, that he advised me not to leave the village until I had seen the Baroness D'Este, a religious and charitable lady. I waited upon her accordingly with the same story, had all my expenses at the inn paid, and received some coins to deposit at the sacred shrine. Here I remained for ten days, enjoying the good things of this life.

'Continuing my journey, I arrived at Rheims. The prefect of this city was a zealous Bonapartist, and I, being in want of money, wrote him a letter, in which I said I had reason to believe that the Commissariat Stores had been robbed by the English. He sent for me, and I made such a favourable impression that he at once furnished me with money and a billet, which enabled me to receive a certain sum per mile to defray my expenses, besides the service of a horse to carry me from station to station on the road. After travelling some time, I was stopped by a blustering village mayor, told I was a lazy fellow, and ordered to stretch my legs, as he would not supply me with a horse; his conduct, indeed, was so offensive that I was provoked to bestow upon him a knock on the head which made his skull ring again; but seeing the villagers coming out like a swarm of bees, armed


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200 with pitchforks and other weapons, I thought it advisable to take to my heels at once.

'At Metz I got my billet renewed through taking advantage of the Mayor's ignorance of the French language. At Frankfort I found myself penniless, but, with my usual sang froid, I entered a good inn, and ordered a sumptuous supper. In the morning I told my landlord I had no money, but expected a supply in the course of the day. Leaving my waistcoat with him in pledge, I went out to seek my fortune, and strolled into a mathematical instrument maker's shop, where I perceived a chronometer bearing my father's name. I then introduced myself to the proprietor, who was a Scotchman named Fraser. He was an amiable and humane man, and in addition to kind advice he directed me to Lord Clancarty, the British Minister. Here I found a gentleman from the Foreign Office who knew me, notwithstanding my shabby attire, and my pecuniary wants were again liberally supplied. Mr. Fraser also gave me a letter of introduction to the secretary of the Grand-Duke of Hesse Darmstadt, on delivering which I had the pleasure of being presented to His Royal Highness, with whom I had a most interesting conversation. I spent a long time in looking over his museum, and splendid gallery of paintings. On my departure His Royal Highness made me a handsome present.

'At Saxe Weimar I visited the Duke's splendid library of two hundred thousand volumes, and was introduced to the celebrated Goethe, no inconsiderable honour, I can assure your Majesty. Travelling thence to Leipsic, I surveyed with indescribable interest the scene of that memorable battle which lasted four days, and in which six hundred thousand men fought in deadly strife—some for glory and dominion, others for the liberties of their country. Here that sublime outlaw who had conquered and robbed the greater part of Europe was defeated. What wonderful


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Rh scenes in history can be created by one little man, whom I could have clapped into a basket, and carried on my shoulders from Cape Wrath to the Straits of Dover!'

'What was his name?' asked the King.

'Napoleon Bonaparte, sire. As for me, I began at last to rise in the world, and hired a carriage to Berlin, where I waited on the British Minister, and had my funds again recruited. In this city I remained for eight months, procrastinating from day to day my departure for Warsaw; for, yielding to my gambling propensities, I gained a prize in the Prussian lottery for four hundred crowns, my ticket having only cost me three shillings. I now gambled to excess, in spite of good resolutions vowed and sworn while lying quietly in bed. I was not happy until again within the exciting whirlpool. One of my partners at several games of whist was that debauched old dragoon, as his great enemy called him, who helped Wellington to crush Bonaparte at Waterloo, the renowned Field-Marshal Blucher. Tearing myself away from Berlin at last, I found myself at Dresden, where I fell among Philistines, and was completely fleeced, losing so large a sum as five hundred pounds to a disreputable rascal who I knew was not worth ten shillings.

'The gentlemen with whom I got connected at Dresden tried hard to persuade me that I was in debt to them, so I was obliged to depart suddenly without even applying for a passport, though I knew I should suffer greatly for want of one. But travelling now on foot, crestfallen and miserable, I was too obscure to attract much notice. One evening, however, arriving at the gate of a small fortified town, the sentinel positively refused to let me pass unless I produced my passport. I was terribly annoyed, being very tired and hungry, and the noise I made brought out the gatekeeper's wife, to whom I immediately appealed. God bless the ladies! Presenting her with two silk handkerchiefs, I


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202 begged her to intercede, as it would be ruinous for me to be shut out that night, having a cartload of smuggled goods coming, which would stand a good chance of being seized if I were not at hand to receive them. In addition to the two handkerchiefs I promised her some very advantageous bargains when the goods came up. My story went to the honest woman's heart; I was invited into the gatehouse, regaled with supper, and accommodated with a bed. In the morning I fortified myself with a hearty breakfast, and in great astonishment that my cartload of goods had not come up, I walked out to see what had detained it.'

'I understand,' said the King; 'you told a falsehood; you had no cartload of goods coming.'

'No, your Majesty; it was an invention of mine to enable me to surmount a difficulty.'

'Ha! Proceed.'

'The want of a passport, sire, sharpened my wits. From the Continent I crossed over to London, and, notwithstanding my delays and delinquencies, received the approbation of my employer, and a liberal reward for my services. Led on still by my evil genius, from whose fangs I had been so often unaccountably rescued, I again sank into the vortex of gambling, and spent three years in the wicked and senseless excitement. At length an ungrateful and cunning wretch, a fellow-lodger of mine, laid a scheme to ruin me, and it succeeded only too well. I was arrested one day on a charge of having pawned some property belonging to my landlady; I was tried at the Old Bailey, and had the mortification to receive a sentence of seven years' transportation. Detained in Newgate until my innocence was made manifest, I had the pleasure of being pardoned on condition that I should quit the kingdom within a month of the day of my liberation.

'Your Majesty will now fully expect to hear that I turned a deaf ear to the solicitations of my fast friends; that I left


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 OF

BY

EBENEZER HOWARD


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LTHOUGH Queen Wilhelmina and the Dowager Queen Emma strive to encourage the wearing of the several local costumes, the custom, sad to record, has died, and is dying out in many localities. A sign of this is that ladies wear these costumes for a bal costumé, as if they were truly a thing of the past. On certain occasions the Queen affects the garb of the women of Friesland. If one wishes to see the women in their picturesque array, Zeeland, Groningen, Friesland, the southern


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 part of Brabant, and Volendam, in North Holland, are the places to hie to on Sundays or on vegetable market-days. The women of Volendam have a weekday and a Sunday dress, but it is practically the same costume, the difference lying in the colour and striping of the outer skirt—generally one of the seven which they drag about.

The national costume, except on market-days and festive occasions, is a curiosity even in that very Dutch city Amsterdam; and Markeners, Volendammers, islanders from Urk, and Frieslanders, dressed in their special garb, will excite almost as much curiosity in the Kalverstraat as they would in the streets of London. Zeeland, with Walcheren, North and South Holland, and Friesland, are about the only places where the local costume is in daily use. To describe the wearing apparel affected by


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RT is sedulously cultivated in Holland, and one is the whole time looking at an endless unrolling of pictures, both indoors and outside—binnen en buiten. A walk through the streets of any village, town, or city of the Netherlands gladdens the eye. There is high art in the Rijks and in the Stedelijk Museums in Amsterdam, and in the Mauritshuis at The Hague, to mention the three principal picture-galleries of the “lowlands.” But there is art in the streets of little


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, to name one small town specially, with its quaintly and many-gabled little homes, fronted with medieval bas-reliefs, its tower with a graceful campanile in the Spanish style, crowned with an open belfry, from which, when the hour is struck, steps out a manikin sounding a trumpet, and followed by a cavalcade of puppets; art in the picture presented to you at Hoorn, as you sail into its pleasing harbour, at the end of which arises the famed Water-Tower; art even in the post-offices, gaudily ornamented with the coloured escutcheon of Orange, with its proud device, Je maintiendrai, embodying a perpetual promise; art at the side of the humblest fireplace, which, like the French foyer, is the centre, not only of social life, but also of domestic art, ornamented as it is with its blue and white tiles, illustrative of Scripture history or


text: Guatimala or the United Provinces of Central America in 1827-8/12


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116 He wanted to bring the girl home. Mrs. Morel said she should come at the Christmas. This time William arrived with a lady, but with no presents. Mrs. Morel had prepared supper. Hearing footsteps, she rose and went to the door. William entered.

“Hello, mother!” He kissed her hastily, then stood aside to present a tall, handsome girl, who was wearing a costume of fine black-and-white check, and furs.

“Here’s Gyp!”

Miss Western held out her hand and showed her teeth in a small smile.

“Oh, how do you do, Mrs. Morel!” she exclaimed.

“I am afraid you will be hungry,” said Mrs. Morel.

“Oh no, we had dinner in the train. Have you got my gloves, Chubby?”

William Morel, big and raw-boned, looked at her quickly.

“How should I?” he said.

“Then I’ve lost them. Don’t be cross with me.”

A frown went over his face, but he said nothing. She glanced round the kitchen. It was small and curious to her, with its glittering kissing-bunch, its evergreens behind the pictures, its wooden chairs and little deal table. At that moment Morel came in.

“Hello, dad!”

“Hello, my son! Tha’s let on me!”

The two shook hands, and William presented the lady. She gave the same smile that showed her teeth.

“How do you do, Mr. Morel?”

Moral bowed obsequiously.

“I’m very well, and I hope so are you. You must make yourself very welcome.”

“Oh, thank you,” she replied, rather amused.

“You will like to go upstairs,” said Mrs. Morel.

“If you don’t mind; but not if it is any trouble to you.”

“It is no trouble. Annie will take you. Walter, carry up this box.”

“And don’t be an hour dressing yourself up,” said William to his betrothed.

Annie took a brass candlestick, and, too shy almost to speak, preceded the young lady to the front bedroom, which Mr. and Mrs. Morel had vacated for her. It, too, was small and cold by candle-light. The colliers’ wives only lit fires in bedrooms in case of extreme illness.

“Shall I unstrap the box?” asked Annie.


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Rh modifications which the active part of this force is made to undergo by the different inclination of the needles to the direction of the currents; and these modifications are quite analogous to those which take place in the portion of gravity that acts on the pendulum in different arcs of oscillation.

Now the force necessary to make the pendulum vibrate from one inclination to the other, is proportional to the difference of the cosines of the angles which the two directions form with the vertical. Whence it is clear that it remains sensibly constant in the arcs that are not far removed from the line of rest. The same effect must therefore be produced in the galvanometer also; or, in other words, the force required in this apparatus to increase the deviation of the index by a degree will be constant near the line of zero, as is shown by experiment.

From what we have just said it will be easy to see that the relation between the degrees of the galvanometer and the forces which cause the deviations of the needles, must depend on the sensibility of the astatic system and the distribution of the wire on the frame In order to understand this clearly, it is sufficient to suppose a galvanometer in which the circumvolutions of the wire are move numerous towards the extremities than towards the central part. It is evident that under the action of such a system the forces which produce the deviations, instead of increasing or being merely proportional in the arcs near zero, must decrease as we approach the extremities of the frame, in order to increase afterwards when the index haspassed these positions.

As to the influence of the sensibility of the astatic system, we shall be able to form a tolerably exact idea of it, if we imagine a galvanometer with the two needles possessing very different degrees of magnetism. Then the terrestrial globe will very powerfully affect both combined; and, in order to produce the least deviations, electric currents must be employed possessing much greater force than those required to produce small deviations in a more perfect astatic system. In the positions near zero, the electro-magnetic action produced by the most distant currents, that is, the action of the currents situated at the extremities of the frame, will possess an energy sufficient at least to overcome the resistance arising from the twisting of the suspension thread and the inertia of the astatic system. It will therefore always contribute to move the oscillating mass. Hence it is evident that if the needles are displaced in the slightest degree, the consequence will be a loss in the moving force; for if the system approaches a certain arc at a certain extremity, it recedes at the same time double the distance from the opposite extremity. Now we have already seen that, in delicate galvanometers, the moving force is constant when the angles are small; and we have assigned the cause of this fact upon the incontestible principle that, in small deviations of the instrument, the action of the currents situated towards the extremities of the frame must be disregarded, not indeed because they have no value, but because it becomes, in consequence of its distance, extremely feeble, and incapable of surmounting the obstacles opposed to it by the torsion of the silk thread and the inertia of the needles. . It will vary, therefore, according to the construction of the instrument, but may be always determined by the method we have mentioned.

Experiment having shown that in my galvanometer the proportion of


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Rh “Oh, thank you very much!”

Annie played the part of maid, then went downstairs for hot water.

“I think she’s rather tired, mother,” said William. “It’s a beastly journey, and we had such a rush.”

“Is there anything I can give her?” asked Mrs. Morel.

“Oh no, she’ll be all right.”

But there was a chill in the atmosphere. After half an hour Miss Western came down, having put on a purplish-coloured dress, very fine for the collier’s kitchen.

“I told you you’d no need to change,” said William to her.

“Oh, Chubby!” Then she turned with that sweetish smile to Mrs. Morel. “Don’t you think he’s always grumbling, Mrs. Morel?”

“Is he?” said Mrs. Morel. “That’s not very nice of him.”

“It isn’t, really!”

“You are cold,” said the mother. “Won’t you come near the fire?”

Morel jumped out of his arm-chair.

“Come and sit you here!” he cried. “Come and sit you here!”

“No, dad, keep your own chair. Sit on the sofa, Gyp,” said William.

“No, no!” cried Morel. “This cheer’s warmest. Come and sit here, Miss Wesson.”

“Thank you so much,” said the girl, seating herself in the collier’s arm-chair, the place of honour. She shivered, feeling the warmth of the kitchen penetrate her.

“Fetch me a hanky, Chubby dear!” she said, putting up her mouth to him, and using the same intimate tone as if they were alone; which made the rest of the family feel as if they ought not to be present. The young lady evidently did not realize them as people: they were creatures to her for the present. William winced.

In such a household, in Streatham, Miss Western would have been a lady condescending to her inferiors. These people were, to her, certainly clownish—in short, the working classes. How was she to adjust herself?

“I’ll go,” said Annie.

Miss Western took no notice, as if a servant had spoken. But when the girl came downstairs again with the handkerchief, she said, “Oh, thank you!” in a gracious way.

She sat and talked about the dinner on the train, which had been so poor; about London, about dances. She was


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118 really very nervous, and chattered from fear. Morel sat all the time smoking his thick twist tobacco, watching her, and listening to her glib London speech, as he puffed. Mrs. Morel, dressed up in her best black silk blouse, answered quietly and rather briefly. The three children sat round in silence and admiration. Miss Western was the princess. Everything of the best was got out for her: the best cups, the best spoons, the best tablecloth, the best coffee-jug. The children thought she must find it quite grand. She felt strange, not able to realize the people, not knowing how to treat them. William joked, and was slightly uncomfortable.

At about ten o’clock he said to her:

“Aren’t you tired, Gyp?”

“Rather, Chubby,” she answered, at once in the intimate tones and putting her head slightly on one side.

“I’ll light her the candle, mother,” he said.

“Very well,” replied the mother.

Miss Western stood up, held out her hand to Mrs. Morel.

“Good-night, Mrs. Morel,” she said.

Paul sat at the boiler, letting the water run from the tap into a stone beer-bottle. Annie swathed the bottle in an old flannel pit-singlet, and kissed her mother good-night She was to share the room with the lady, because the house was full.

“You wait a minute,” said Mrs. Morel to Annie. And Annie sat nursing the hot-water bottle. Miss Western shook hands all round, to everybody’s discomfort, and took her departure, preceded by William. In five minutes he was downstairs again. His heart was rather sore; he did not know why. He talked very little till everybody had gone to bed, but himself and his mother. Then he stood with his legs apart, in his old attitude on the hearthrug, and said hesitatingly:

“Well, mother?”

“Well, my son?”

She sat in the rocking-chair, feeling somehow hurt and humiliated, for his sake.

“Do you like her?”

“Yes,” came the slow answer.

“She’s shy yet, mother. She’s not used to it. It’s different from her aunt’s house, you know.”

“Of course it is, my boy; and she must find it difficult.”

“She does.” Then he frowned swiftly. “If only she wouldn’t put on her blessed airs!”


text:
Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. v. Sebelius

Cite as: 568 U. S. ____ (2012)

Opinion in Chambers

NOTICE: This opinion is subject to formal revision before publication in the preliminary print of the United States Reports. Readers are requested to notify the Reporter of Decisions, Supreme Court of the United States, Washington, D. C. 20543, of any typographical or other formal errors, in order that corrections may be made before the preliminary print goes to press.

SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

No. 12A644

HOBBY LOBBY STORES, INC., ET AL., v. KATHLEEN SEBELIUS, SECRETARY OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES, ET AL.

ON APPLICATION FOR INJUNCTION

[December 26, 2012]

, Circuit Justice.

This is an application for an injunction pending appellate review filed with me as Circuit Justice for the Tenth Circuit. The applicants are two closely held for-profit corporations, Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. (Hobby Lobby) and Mardel, Inc. (Mardel), and five family members who indirectly own and control those corporations. Hobby Lobby is an arts and crafts retail chainstore, with more than 13,000 employees in over 500 stores nationwide. Mardel is a chain of Christian-themed bookstores, with 372 full-time employees in 35 stores. Employees of the two corporations and their families receive health insurance from the corporations' self-insured group health plans.

Under §1001(5) of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, 124 Stat. 131, 42 U. S. C. §300gg–13(a), non grandfathered group health plans must cover certain preventive health services without cost-sharing, including various preventive services for women as provided in guidelines issued by the Health Resources Services Administration (HRSA), a component of the Department of Health and Human Services. As relevant here, HRSA's

guidelines for women's preventive services require coverage for "all Food and Drug Administration . . . approved contraceptive methods, sterilization procedures, and patient education and counseling for all women with reproductive capacity as prescribed by a provider." 77 Fed. Reg.8725 (Feb. 15, 2012) (internal quotation marks omitted).

The applicants filed an action in Federal District Court for declaratory and injunctive relief under the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA), 42 U. S. C. §2000bb et seq. They allege that under the HRSA guidelines, Hobby Lobby and Mardel will be required, contrary to the applicants' religious beliefs, to provide insurance coverage for certain drugs and devices that the applicants believe can cause abortions. The applicants simultaneously filed a motion for a preliminary injunction to prevent enforcement of the contraception-coverage requirement, which is scheduled to take effect with respect to the employee insurance plans of Hobby Lobby and Mardel on January 1, 2013. The District Court for the Western District of Oklahoma denied the motion for a preliminary injunction, and the Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit denied the applicants' motion for an injunction pending resolution of the appeal.

The only source of authority for this Court to issue an injunction is the All Writs Act, 28 U. S. C. §1651(a). "We have consistently stated, and our own Rules so require, that such power is to be used sparingly." Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. v. FCC, 507 U. S. 1301, 1303 (1993) (Rehnquist, C. J., in chambers); see this Court's Rule 20.1 ("Issuance by the Court of an extraordinary writ authorized by 28 U. S. C. §1651(a) is not a matter of right, but of discretion sparingly exercised"). Unlike a stay of an appeals court decision pursuant to 28 U. S. C. §2101(f), a request for an injunction pending appeal "'does not simply suspend judicial alteration of the status quo but grants

judicial intervention that has been withheld by lower courts.'" Respect Maine PAC v. McKee, 562 U. S. ___ (2010) (quoting Ohio Citizens for Responsible Energy, Inc. v. Nuclear Regulatory Comm'n, 479 U. S. 1312, 1313 (1986) (, J., in chambers)). Accordingly, a Circuit Justice may issue an injunction only when it is "[n]ecessary or appropriate in aid of our jurisdiction" and "the legal rights at issue are indisputably clear." Wisconsin Right to Life, Inc. v. Federal Election Comm'n, 542 U. S. 1305, 1306 (2004) (Rehnquist, C. J., in chambers) (internal quotation marks omitted).

Applicants do not satisfy the demanding standard for the extraordinary relief they seek. First, whatever the ultimate merits of the applicants' claims, their entitlement to relief is not "indisputably clear." Lux v. Rodrigues, 561 U. S. ___, ___ (2010) (, C. J., in chambers) (slip op., at 2) (internal quotation marks omitted). This Court has not previously addressed similar RFRA or free exercise claims brought by closely held for-profit corporations and their controlling shareholders alleging that the mandatory provision of certain employee benefits substantially burdens their exercise of religion. Cf. United States v. Lee, 455 U. S. 252 (1982) (rejecting free exercise claim brought by individual Amish employer who argued that paying Social Security taxes for his employees interfered with his exercise of religion). Moreover, the applicants correctly recognize that lower courts have diverged on whether to grant temporary injunctive relief to similarly situated plaintiffs raising similar claims, Application for Injunction Pending Appellate Review 25–26, and no court has issued a final decision granting permanent relief with respect to such claims. Second, while the applicants allege they will face irreparable harm if they are forced to choose between complying with the contraception-coverage requirement and paying significant fines, they cannot show that an injunction is necessary or appropriate to aid our jurisdic-

-tion. Even without an injunction pending appeal, the applicants may continue their challenge to the regulations in the lower courts. Following a final judgment, they may, if necessary, file a petition for a writ of certiorari in this Court.

For the foregoing reasons, the application for an injunction pending appellate review is denied.

It is so ordered.

title: Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. v. Sebelius


text: Talk:Hobby Lobby Stores, Inc. v. Sebelius


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Page:Things Seen In Holland (1912).djvu/177

HE Dutch nation is happy to-day, in spite of its past history, which constitutes a wonderful record, not only of its everlasting fight against the encroachments of the sea, but of its struggle with some of the greatest of the Great Powers. It is sufficient, within the limits of this book, to give only a brief summary of Holland's history, dating it from the abdication of Margarethe, wife of Louis of Bavaria, in favour of her son, William of Bavaria,


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Rh “It’s only her first awkwardness, my boy. She’ll be all right.”

“That’s it, mother,” he replied gratefully. But his brow was gloomy. “You know, she’s not like you, mother. She’s not serious, and she can’t think.”

“She’s young, my boy.”

“Yes; and she’s had no sort of show. Her mother died when she was a child. Since then she’s lived with her aunt, whom she can’t bear. And her father was a rake. She’s had no love.”

“No! Well, you must make up to her.”

“And so—you have to forgive her a lot of things.”

“What do you have to forgive her, my boy?”

“I dunno. When she seems shallow, you have to remember she’s never had anybody to bring her deeper side out. And she’s fearfully fond of me.”

“Anybody can see that.”

“But you know, mother—she’s—she’s different from us. Those sort of people, like those she lives amongst, they don’t seem to have the same principles.”

“You mustn’t judge too hastily,” said Mrs. Morel.

But he seemed uneasy within himself.

In the morning, however, he was up singing and larking round the house.

“Hello!” he called, sitting on the stairs. “Are you getting up?”

“Yes,” her voice called faintly.

“Merry Christmas!” he shouted to her.

Her laugh, pretty and tinkling, was heard in the bedroom. She did not come down in half an hour.

“Was she really getting up when she said she was?” he asked of Annie.

“Yes, she was,” replied Annie.

He waited awhile, then went to the stairs again.

“Happy New Year,” he called.

“Thank you, Chubby dear!” came the laughing voice, far away.

“Buck up!” he implored.

It was nearly an hour, and still he was waiting for her. Morel, who always rose before six, looked at the clock.

“Well, it’s a winder!” he exclaimed.

The family had breakfasted, all but William. He went to the foot of the stairs.

“Shall I have to send you an Easter egg up there?” he


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 whereupon the dynasty of Bavaria ruled in the land. Jacqueline, or Jakoba, of this line, transferred her rights to Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy. The Burgundians ruled for fifty years, when the inheritance went to Austria.

For close on a century was the Austrian House supreme over the Netherlands; its most noted members being Charles V. and Philip II. of Spain, whose memory is cursed by the Dutch to the present day. Philip II. was a cruel bigot, under whose reign began the savage persecution of the Dutch nation. His right hand was the Duke of Alva, who arrived at Brussels in 1568, when he at once engaged in a war which constituted a series of bloody massacres. The struggle lasted for eighty years, at the end of which Spain was compelled to recognize the independence of the Northern Netherlands. At this parlous


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N a general way, the trade between the Netherlands and England consists in an exchange of agricultural and dairy products from the former, for machinery and manufactured goods from the latter. Most steamships, and practically all railway locomotives in use on the Dutch lines, are of English make. In recent years the total value of goods consigned from the United Kingdom to Holland has amounted to about £14,000,000. Of these, the


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120 called, rather crossly. She only laughed. The family expected, after that time of preparation, something like magic. At last she came, looking very nice in a blouse and skirt.

“Have you really been all this time getting ready?” he asked.

“Chubby dear! That question is not permitted, is it, Mrs. Morel?”

She played the grand lady at first. When she went with William to chapel, he in his frock coat and silk hat, she in her furs and London-made costume, Paul and Arthur and Annie expected everybody to bow to the ground in admiration. And Morel, standing in his Sunday suit at the end of the road, watching the gallant pair go, felt he was the father of princes and princesses.

And yet she was not so grand. For a year now she had been a sort of secretary or clerk in a London office. But while she was with the Morels she queened it. She sat and let Annie or Paul wait on her as if they were her servants. She treated Mrs. Morel with a certain glibness and Morel with patronage. But after a day or so she began to change her tune.

William always wanted Paul or Annie to go along with them on their walks. It was so much more interesting. And Paul really did admire “Gipsy” whole-heartedly; in fact, his mother scarcely forgave the boy for the adulation with which he treated the girl.

On the second day, when Lily said, “Oh, Annie, do you know where I left my muff?” William replied:

“You know it is in your bedroom. Why do you ask Annie?”

And Lily went upstairs with a cross, shut mouth. But it angered the young man that she made a servant of his sister.

On the third evening William and Lily were sitting together in the parlour by the fire in the dark. At a quarter to eleven Mrs. Morel was heard raking the fire. William came out to the kitchen, followed by his beloved.

“Is it as late as that, mother?” he said. She had been sitting alone.

“It is not late, my boy, but it is as late as I usually sit up.”

“Won’t you go to bed, then?” he asked.

“And leave you two? No, my boy, I don’t believe in it.”

“Can’t you trust us, mother?”

“Whether I can or not, I won’t do it. You can stay till eleven if you like, and I can read.”


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 exports of cotton goods were of about the value of £3,000,000, woollen goods about £500,000, and iron nearly £2,000,000.

The value of imports from Holland into the United Kingdom has amounted to about £15,000,000, the principal items being—butter, to the value of about £850,000; cheese, £500,000; sugar, £1,500,000; fresh meat, other than pork, £1,000,000; and fresh pork, also £1,000,000. Practically 75 to 80 per cent. of all fresh pork on the London market comes from Holland, and as the Dutch meat inspection is accepted by the English authorities as entirely reliable, the meat bearing the Netherlands Government label fetches high prices. The exportation of eggs from Holland is still very limited, and it is only during the last few years that it has exceeded the importation of eggs into Holland. However, the Dutch


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Rh “Go to bed, Gyp,” he said to his girl. “We won’t keep mater waiting.”

“Annie has left the candle burning, Lily,” said Mrs. Morel; “I think you will see.”

“Yes, thank you. Good-night, Mrs. Morel.”

William kissed his sweetheart at the foot of the stairs, and she went. He returned to the kitchen.

“Can’t you trust us, mother?” he repeated, rather offended.

“My boy, I tell you I don’t believe in leaving two young things like you alone downstairs when everyone else is in bed.”

And he was forced to take this answer. He kissed his mother good-night.

At Easter he came over alone. And then he discussed his sweetheart endlessly with his mother.

“You know, mother, when I’m away from her I don’t care for her a bit. I shouldn’t care if I never saw her again. But, then, when I’m with her in the evenings I am awfully fond of her.”

“It’s a queer sort of love to marry on,” said Mrs. Morel, “if she holds you no more than that!”

“It is funny!” he exclaimed. It worried and perplexed him. “But yet—there’s so much between us now I couldn’t give her up.”

“You know best,” said Mrs. Morel. “But if it is as you say, I wouldn’t call it love—at any rate, it doesn’t look much like it.”

“Oh, I don’t know, mother. She’s an orphan, and——”

They never came to any sort of conclusion. He seemed puzzled and rather fretted. She was rather reserved. All his strength and money went in keeping this girl. He could scarcely afford to take his mother to Nottingham when he came over.

Paul’s wages had been raised at Christmas to ten shillings, to his great joy. He was quite happy at Jordan’s, but his health suffered from the long hours and the confinement. His mother, to whom he became more and more significant, thought how to help.

His half-day holiday was on Monday afternoon. On a Monday morning in May, as the two sat alone at breakfast, she said:

“I think it will be a fine day.”

He looked up in surprise. This meant something.


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122 “You know Mr. Leivers has gone to live on a new farm. Well, he asked me last week if I wouldn’t go and see Mrs. Leivers, and I promised to bring you on Monday if it’s fine. Shall we go?”

“I say, little woman, how lovely!” he cried. “And we’ll go this afternoon?”

Paul hurried off to the station jubilant. Down Derby Road was a cherry-tree that glistened. The old brick wall by the Statutes ground burned scarlet, spring was a very flame of green. And the steep swoop of high road lay, in its cool morning dust, splendid with patterns of sunshine and shadow, perfectly still. The trees sloped their great green shoulders proudly; and inside the warehouse all the morning the boy had a vision of spring outside.

When he came home at dinner-time his mother was rather excited.

“Are we going?” he asked.

“When I’m ready,” she replied.

Presently he got up.

“Go and get dressed while I wash up,” he said.

She did so. He washed the pots, straightened, and then took her boots. They were quite clean. Mrs. Morel was one of those naturally exquisite people who can walk in mud without dirtying their shoes. But Paul had to clean them for her. They were kid boots at eight shillings a pair. He, however, thought them the most dainty boots in the world, and he cleaned them with as much reverence as if they had been flowers.

Suddenly she appeared in the inner doorway rather shyly. She had got a new cotton blouse on. Paul jumped up and went forward.

“Oh, my stars!” he exclaimed. “What a bobby-dazzler!”

She sniffed in a little haughty way, and put her head up.

“It’s not a bobby-dazzler at all!” she replied. “It’s very quiet.”

She walked forward, whilst he hovered round her.

“Well,” she asked, quite shy, but pretending to be high and mighty, “do you like it?”

“Awfully! You are a fine little woman to go jaunting out with!”

He went and surveyed her from the back.

“Well,” he said, “if I was walking down the street behind you, I should say, ‘Doesn’t that little person fancy herself!’ ”


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14 the degrees to the forces was perceptible as far as the twentieth degree of the scale, I have attentively observed the passage of the index through every 4°, by commencing with this position and continuing my observations as far as the forty-fourth degree. There I stopped; for my experiments on calorific transmission were to be confined to radiations considerably weakened by distance.

The arcs passed once in virtue of the forces acting on the system of the needles at different points of their course are in the following ratios to one another:

The arc comprised between

Each number in the third column represents the mean of eight observations, which agreed with one another as exactly as could be expected from the nature of the instrument. Often equal, sometimes differing by 0°·5, their greatest disagreement never exceeded 1°. A better proof cannot be given of the exactness of the method.

The linear construction of these results, which gives a very regular curve convex towards the axis of the xes, has enabled me to obtain the values of the intermediate forces, degree by degree, from 20° to 45°. By connecting them with the fundamental observations, I have formed the following: table of the intensities:

The use of a table requires no explanations. All the forces are referred to that which makes the index describe the first degree of the scale. The values corresponding with the first twenty degrees are not exhibited in it; for through the whole extent of this arc the number representing the force is equal to the number of degrees contained in the arc passed over by the index. Thus, for instance, when we look