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Letter 26] nitrous oxide had come into very general use among dentists, I went to have a tooth extracted, and determined to try the gas. Perhaps I had some misgivings that it was a little cowardly; perhaps I was a little nervous; in any case I remember at the last moment thinking that I should like to be conscious of the precise moment when unconsciousness came; I remember struggling to retain consciousness—even when a tell-tale throbbing in the temples shewed that something new was going on—protesting to myself that the gas had "no power," "no power at all yet," "I don't believe it's going to have any power';—till the portcullis came down. I suppose the consequence was that I inhaled rather more than was usual; and when I came to myself I heard the voices of the dentist and the physician—a long way off, as it seemed to me, but with perfect distinctness—saying that "he was a long time coming to" and they did not "quite like the look of things," and so on. Meantime I lay motionless and without power either to move or speak, but perfectly conscious. I took in the whole situation at once. I was dead. I had passed into another state of existence. I could think more clearly than before. I was a spirit. And then the thought came pressing in upon me, as I reviewed my whole life and the manner of my death, that to avoid a little pain I had done a wrong thing and had deserted those who needed me and would miss me. No fear possessed me, not the slightest fear, of any external punishment for the fault which I thought I had committed: but in a detached solitude I seemed to be quietly and coldly sitting in judgment upon myself, impartially hearing what I had to say in self-defence, rejecting it as inadequate, and passing against myself the verdict of Guilty. Painful, increasingly painful, the burden of this self-condemnation seemed to press and crush me down more and more past power of bearing, so that at last,


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294 when in one moment I recovered both power of motion and knowledge that I was alive again, I leapt up from the dentist's arm-chair, and, without taking the least notice of the two operators, I gave vent to my feelings by shouting aloud the well-known words from Clarence's dream—

I shall not easily forget the look of mingled humour and horror with which the dentist replied, "Well, sir, considering you are a clergyman, I should have hoped it might have been the other place." I tried to explain. I assured him that it was a quotation from Shakespeare; that I had not really believed that I was in the place commonly called Hell; and so on. But I am quite sure my explanations were utterly ineffectual; and to this day I probably labour under the suspicion, in the minds of at least two worthy persons, of having committed some horrible crime by which my conscience is racked with agony. In reality, however, it was a small offence, if any, for which I suffered that bad quarter of a minute; and I have often since thought that, if the mind is capable of inflicting such pain upon itself for a venial error, those pangs must be terrible indeed with which our sinful souls may be forced to scourge themselves when we judicially review the actions of a selfish life with a compulsory knowledge of all the evil, direct and indirect, which we have wrought, and when we realize at last—ah, how differently from the dull, decorous, conventional contrition with which we droned out the words on earth, kneeling on the hassocks in the family pew—that "we have left undone those things which we ought to have done, and done those things which we ought not to have done."

But why do I thus discourse in detail upon a subject

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Letter 26] about which I have admitted that I know no details? It is in order to shew you that though I do not know much, the little I do know greatly influences me. The thought of a material Hell has probably contributed largely to insanity, and has exercised a baneful influence upon many women and children; but the majority of healthy men who profess to believe in a pit of flame are little influenced by it. It is so horrible, so unnatural, so unjust, that in their heart of hearts they feel sure the good God cannot mean it; He will let them off; or they will get off somehow—by absolution, by forensic justification, by baptism, by uncovenanted mercies, or what not. This is but natural. How can it not be natural to believe that an unnatural and arbitrary Hell may be dispensed with by an unnatural and arbitrary indulgence? I have no such consolations. With me, Hell is a different thing altogether: it is natural, it is inevitable, it is just, it is merciful. Not a day passes but I think of it and anticipate it in some sort for myself and my friends. Tout sepayera: this act, I say, or this neglect, was wrong, and must have been injurious: the doers cannot escape from the consequences of it; I do not wish to escape from the consequences of it. God will work good out of evil; but He will be just, not indulgent. I do not want Him to be indulgent. Thus Heaven and Hell, impending over the routine of my every-day life, become to me practical and potent realities; but they are real to me because the conceptions I have formed of them are in accordance with the profound laws of spiritual nature, and quite independent of the conflicting fancies of theologians.

Ask me what I trust to be in Heaven, and I can give you no answer save that one which I have often given you before—a being capable of loving and of serving God. Ask me the nature of Hell and Heaven, and my only reply is that they will be God's retribution. Ask me whether


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296 all will be hereafter "saved," and I am silent, or merely answer that God is good, and that I believe a time will come when we, in Him, shall look back, and around, and forward, and shall see that His work has been "very good." Enough for me to work and fight on the side of God and against Evil, that His righteous Kingdom may come and bring with it the time when His work will be seen to have been "very good." As for other details, I know nothing and delight in knowing nothing. I do not know whether I shall live again on earth or elsewhere; whether I shall be a being of three dimensions, or four, or of no dimensions at all; whether I shall be in space or out of space. It is far better to give up speculations about accidental trifles such as these: for accidents they are, as compared with the essence of the second life, which consists in Love. Do not give up the belief in that, at any cost; least of all, at the cost of a little banter. "But surely it is possible that our very highest and purest conceptions of Heaven may fall short of the reality." Granted: but we must hold fast to the belief that there is at all events a proportion between our best terrestrial aspirations and their celestial equivalents. We must reject, as from Satan, the suggestion (was it Spinoza's?) that there is no more likeness between God and our conception of God than between the constellation Canis and a dog. "God may not be Love:" I do not believe you: but if He is not Love, He will be some celestial form of Love, corresponding to our Love, only infinitely better. "You will not retain your individuality:" possibly not, but certainly we shall have something corresponding to individuality, only better. And so of the rest. We shall talk humbly, as beseems our microcosmic faculties; we are but the transitory tenants of a little world, which is to the Universe but as a dew-drop to the ocean: yet even a dew-drop exhibits the same infrangible laws of light and


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Letter 26] the same divine glories that are manifested in the rainbow and the sunset. So it is with a human soul: there are laws in it of righteousness and justice and retribution—laws which cannot be broken by the fictions and illusions of theology, but must be manifested in all places and in all time, now and for all eternity, on earth, in Heaven, in Hell.


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Author:Horace John Wilson

Contributions to EB1922

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title: Author:Horace John Wilson


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24 Whence it is concluded that the losses still decrease at a distance of about 100 millimetres.

To comprehend at a single glance the law of the propagation of caloric radiating through diaphanous media we have only to reduce the results contained in the first two columns of the Tables A. and B. to a linear construction.

The mere inspection of the curves thus constructed shows that the rays lose very considerably when they are entering the first layers of the medium. But in proportion to their distance from the surface we see that the loss decreases and that at a certain distance it is almost imperceptible, and the rays seem to continue their progress, retaining all their intensity; so that in glass and in oil of colza, and probably in all other diaphanous media, the portion of heat which has forced its passage through the first layers must penetrate to very great depths.

Delaroche had found that the heat which has passed through one plate of glass becomes less subject to absorption when it is passing through a second. The identity of this fact with the law of resistance in continuous media shows that the solution of the continuity and the interposition of the atmosphere between the two screens do not alter the nature of the modifications which the rays undergo in the first plate of glass. It is therefore exceedingly probable that the proposition of Delaroche is true with respect to a very numerous series of thin screens; for we have just seen that in the same medium the losses still diminish to the depth of 80 or 100 millimetres. In reference to this point, the following is the result of the experiments I have made with four plates of the same glass that had been employed in the first attempts to investigate the law of propagation through continuous media The common thickness of these plates was 2mm·068.

It is scarcely necessary to observe that the common radiation to which the screens had been exposed was always 30 degrees, answering to a force or temperature of 35·3. If we represent this radiation by 1000, as we have done in all the foregoing cases, we have:

Whence we have


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OHN DALTON, the founder of the chemical atomic theory, was born at Eaglesfield, Cumberland, on 5th September 1766. He was a Quaker, and the son of Joseph and Deborah Dalton; and he attended the village schools until he was eleven years of age. He was a steady-going, thoughtful, and industrious boy.

In 1778 he began to teach in a school at Eaglesfield, but had great trouble to maintain discipline owing to some of his pupils being as old as himself. Disputes were often settled by exhibitions of physical force displayed in the neighbouring churchyard. Three years later he gave up the school, and went as assistant to his cousin, George Bewley, at Kendal, which position he occupied four years. At the end of this time Bewley retired, and the school was continued by the brothers, John and Joseph Dalton, but as teachers they were not popular owing to their uncouth manners.

After leaving Kendal, Dalton went to Manchester as a science tutor to the Manchester New College then


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Rh as the losses suffered by the rays in successively passing through the four plates of glass; it being carefully kept in mind that these values are not referred to the initial quantity, but to the number of rays which arrive at the surface of each screen.

Thus the proposition of Delaroche is true as far as the third and the fourth screens; for in the transition from one loss to another a diminution of each loss is observable.

It will have been observed that the losses were not so great in respect to the four equal layers of the screen of a fourfold thickness; and that this should happen will be easily conceived if we consider that in the latter case there is a solution of continuity which causes a greater dispersion of the heat by reflexion. But we see that in both cases the difference between two successive losses becomes less in proportion as the distance from the surface, at which the rays entered, is greater.

Let us now proceed to consider the influence exercised on calorific transmission by the composition of the substance of the screen.

M. Prevost had concluded from the experiments described in a memoir already quoted, that water and glass ought to transmit rays of heat in different quantities; for by causing the sheet of water to fall between the lighted candle and a very delicate air-thermometer, he obtained no indication of heat being transmitted unless when he had blackened the ball of the thermometer, and even then the increase of temperature was extremely small; whilst a plate of glass substituted for the sheet of water produced effects sufficiently manifest. But it was objected to him that the difference between the action of the water and that of the glass was owing to the conductible caloric which was perceptible in the latter case only. Delaroche subsequently observed that a square of greenish glass transmitted more heat than a plate of another species of glass perfectly pure. However, as the first flake was much thinner than the second, it was insisted that the difference in the effects was owing to the difference of thickness. At length, some time after the invention of the thermomultiplier, M. Nobili and myself made some experiments on olive oil, alcohol, water, and nitric acid; whence we inferred that water opposed a greater resistance than any of the three other liquids did to the passage of rays of heat emanating from a hot iron. But these experiments are to be regarded only as mere trials, tending to show the facility with which the thermomultiplier may be employed in all sorts of inquiries relative to calorific radiation; for we did not take sufficient precautions to prevent the heat from passing by


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 1834-1907

N the reign of Ivan IV., the Terrible (1555), the tribes east of the Urals came into collision with Russian colonists. A tendency to form invading expeditions into Siberia now began, and by 1650, in the reign of Alexis Romanof, Siberia was entirely incorporated into the Russian Empire. The surplus population of the dominions west of the Urals has since been gradually settling in Siberia; and, in addition, the system of severe repression which the empire has always maintained has served to people many districts with political exiles as well as convicts. To a large extent the Russian Government has also peopled Siberia by sending Cossacks to occupy the frontiers, and by subsidizing colonists of various descriptions; but the greater part of the Siberian population has been produced by immigration. Fur-hunting, escape from serfdom, from religious persecution, and from conscription, have been the main incentives to this great exodus—for despotism and servitude are deeply rooted in Russia. Whether the Duma will alter this state of affairs remains to be seen. 126


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length upon the crowning towers were placed The topmost stones, and the cathedral fair

Rose in its carven beauty, interlaced

With wreathed flowers and arches light as air;

And with its wise, majestic oriel faced

The rising sun, and seemed as standing there

Worthy, almost, an offering to be made

To Him who once was in a manger laid.

Dense vines and branches cluster round its base, Dark, seamed and weather-stained, while further on Green mosses cling; then for a little space The stones are bare, and further, one by one The lines drawn by the years still mark the place Where toiled each life until its sands were run; The tide-marks left by generations spent Rearing the glory of this monument.

And he whose lot came last was striving now To add the final grace, that ere the day When they should rear upon the pavement low The sacred altar, all that marble gray Might with new, myriad-tinted sunbeams glow; And there where now the shameless daylight lay, Thro' his rich window's softened air might fall A halo o'er that holiest spot of all.

With lavish hands he wrought the colors rare,

High screened among the traceries of stone;

And as the glittering fragments here and there,

Fell from his hand while toiling on alone,

A young apprentice gleaned them up with care,

And half afraid and to the rest unknown,

Wove them in figures strange, and all unseen

Fixed them behind a vacant window's screen.

And as these two thus labored on, at last

Came that great day whereon to consecrate

With ceremonial high and prayer and fast,

This holy church; came dignitaries great,

And priest and prelate in procession passed,

With incense sweet and perfume delicate,

And moving down the flower-strewn pathway's bloom

Entered the dim cathedral's sombre gloom.

And the proud master stood exultingly,

To mark when they should on the altar gaze, The flaming glory of his window see,

And smiled within himself at their amaze

To think that such the work of man could be;

Then the low-breathing organ softly plays,

And as its throbbing voices fill the air,

All kneel upon the marble floor in prayer.

But when again they rise all eyes are turned,

Not where the eager master's loved to dwell—

Where high amid the pointed arches burned

The colors that his hand had wrought so well,

But to that corner which his pride had spurned—

Where softly now a mellow radiance fell,

So beautiful that his fierce pride of heart

Vanished before the glory of his art.

Upon no sacred cross its light is thrown,

But the worn pavement and the crumbling tomb

Are flooded with a glory all their own;

While the vast shadows of the chancel loom

Dim 'round that place of light, as shadowed down

Over that greatest tragedy the gloom

That veiled the grief, the anguish, the despair,

But not the love divine that suffered there.

And the robed prelate turned, and smiling, said:

"'T is strangely beautiful, and it were meet

Rather that to such scene our steps were led,

To bow ourselves low at the Saviour's feet,

And as we pray behold that thorn-crowned head,

Than 'mid yon blazoned throng and incense sweet;

For ne'er too oft do we when kneeling down,

For thought of that sad cross forget the crown."

Burst forth the master, "Father, 't is but nought;

'T is only from the meanest fragments made

That fell from out my hand there as I wrought;

There is the altar, see the saints arrayed

In colors of the light, and gold, I thought

To touch them with a lustre ne'er to fade."

But on the youth who stood with low-bowed head

The father, turning, laid his hands and said:

"From thy low place thou hast above us all

Risen and taught us; may'st thou ever be

With such small fragments as thou seest fall

Ready to labor long and patiently,

Knowing that so a voice one day will call

And say, 'Well, done,' and thou as here shall see

Thy works of worth and fair. Our lesson brings

Us this: Scorn not the day of smallest things."

L. D. B.

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26 means of conduction, and to be sure that the temperature was the same throughout. Thus it was still believed that the portion of heat transmitted through solid or liquid substances was governed by the same laws as the transmission of light, and that, cæteris paribus, the most diaphanous bodies transmitted the greatest quantity of caloric rays.

The results which I am about to state seem to me to establish beyond the possibility of doubt a fundamental proposition in the theory of radiant heat, namely, that the power of transmitting caloric rays is by no means proportioned to the transparency of the media; it is subject to a different law, which, in bodies without regular crystallization, appears to have many affinities to refrangibility. In crystals the phænomena are still more interesting, since in them we find that bodies possessing a high degree of transparency intercept nearly the whole of the caloric rays, while some others act in a manner directly contrary. These properties are invariably manifested whatever be the temperature of the source, and become yet more singular at low temperatures; for in the latter case we find that the ordinary heat of the hand passes immediately through a solid body of several inches in thickness. Let us not, however, anticipate as to the facts, but first of all examine the methods pursued in this third series of experiments.

In the first place it is unnecessary to dwell on the manner in which the solid screens have been exposed to the radiation and the indications of the thermomultiplier, for in this respect everything was the same as in the previous experiments. As to the liquids, these bodies are less permeable to radiant heat than solid bodies are. They must therefore be brought nearer to the thermoscope in order to obtain a well-marked transmission; but then the proper heat of the molecules themselves might be able to act on the instrument, and this the more certainly as the motions always developed in liquids unequally heated easily transfer the particles of the anterior to the further surface of the layers exposed to the source of heat. This effect of conductibility cannot be neutralized in a general manner by continually renewing the interposed layer, as in the experiments of M. Prevost; for some of the liquids can be procured only in small quantities; others, as soon as they are exposed to atmospheric air, undergo considerable alterations and evaporations which produce corresponding elevations or depressions of temperature that prove very annoying in experiments of this kind. The contrivance which I have employed for the purpose of avoiding these inconveniences is very simple. It consists in putting the liquids into very flat glass recipients, whose two large lateral surfaces are perfectly parallel, and the height four or five times that of the surface of the thermoelectrical pile. The lower part Of these vessels is applied to the mouth of the tube that envelops the face of the apparatus turned towards the source. The heat stopped by the anterior face of the vessel penetrates


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 1707-17781788 [sic]

INNÆUS and Buffon were born and died in the same years; this identity of dates, and the importance of the services which they rendered to natural history, are the only similitudes in their lives. Linnæus was poor, extremely poor; the poverty of which Marie Corelli speaks in The Sorrows of Satan: while Buffon was the scion of a noble and rich family.

Georges Louis Le Clerc (Comte de Buffon) was born at Montbard, in Burgundy, on 7th September 1707, and at school displayed a great liking for mathematics and astronomy.

It was in 1727, while travelling in Italy, that he received the news of his mother's death. This event placed him in possession of £12,000 a year; but he did not settle on his estate until he reached the age of twenty-five. On his return to his ancestral home, he resolutely followed a course of study and research for fifty years. His studies were pursued at a building situated at the extremity of his beautiful garden. This 137


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 1827-1907

N 1827 the Government of Charles X. sent a fleet to the coast of Morea to join the English in putting a stop to the barbarous warfare between the Greeks and the Turks. De Rigny and Codrington, the two admirals, acted in concert in a battle fought in the Bay of Navarino, in which the Turkish fleet was destroyed. It will be remembered that Lord Byron, the poet, fought in this battle, and had the great pleasure of seeing Greece made an independent state. In the same year Pierre Eugène Marcellin Berthelot was born on 25th October 1827, at Paris, and for half a century was a most famous chemist, writer, and philosopher. He was the son of a distinguished physician, Dr Jacques Martin Berthelot, and received his education at the Lycée Henri IV. In early life he won an important prize at an open competition for philosophy, and then devoted himself to scientific studies, beginning with investigations on acids and fermentation. In 1851, at the age of twenty-four, he entered the Collège de France, as préparateur of the lectures on chemistry 146


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 scribe has perhaps deprived this worthy of the honour of being the earliest English organ builder on record.

The next entry, in 1457, is more clear: "To, brother of the order of Preaching Friars, who repaired and restored the organ at the altar of the B. V. M. in the Cathedral Church of the City of York, and one pair of bellows for the same, 36s. 8d."

Again, under the date 1469, we have: "To brother John for constructing two pair of bellows for the great organ, and repairing of the same, 15s. 2d."

Both these entries undoubtedly relate to the same person; and to Father John Roose must be awarded the distinction of being the first English organ builder of whom we have any authentic account.

Other entries occur in the York records where "organ menders" are mentioned. In 1470, we have the name of ; and in 1473, of. But in 1485 we have the following specific and curious entry:


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WO years after the Declaration of Independence of America, and the same year that an alliance between France and America was signed, England's great chemist, Humphry Davy, was born at Penzance, in Cornwall, on 17th December 1778—four years after the discovery of oxygen.

He went to school until he was fifteen years of age, and was then apprenticed to a surgeon-apothecary. In these young days he was endowed with great observing power and a keen appreciation of Nature. In 1798 he began the study of chemistry by reading Lavoisier's Traité de Chimie; and about this time Davy became acquainted with Mr Davies Gilbert (afterwards President of the Royal Society) and Dr Beddoes. He was employed by the latter to superintend the Pneumatic Institution at Bristol, and from this date his scientific career began—a career that placed Davy's name in the front rank of scientific investigators. " His was an ardent boyhood," says Professor Forbes; " educated in a manner somewhat irregular, and


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The New International Encyclopædia/Whitman

WHIT'MAN. A town in Plymouth County, Mass., 21 miles south by east of Boston, on the New York, New Haven and Hartford Railroad (Map: Massachusetts, F 3). It is primarily an industrial place, having manufactures of boots and shoes, tacks and nails, steel shanks, paper,

wooden boxes, etc. There is a public library with 10,000 volumes. The government is administered by town meetings. The water-works are owned and operated by the town. Whitman, originally a part of Abington, was separately incorporated as South Abington in 1875. Its present name was adopted in 1886. Population, in 1890, 4441; in 1900, 6155.


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 "To John Hewe for repairing the organ at the altar of B. V. M. in the Cathedral Church, and for carrying the same to the House of the Minorite Brethren, and for bringing back the same to the Cathedral Church, 13s. 9d."

This is the earliest instance I have found of a practice afterwards common—that of one church lending another its organ.

Surely no further proof need be required of the smallness of our cathedral organs at the end of the fifteenth century.

But I must remind you that it was not uncommon before the Reformation for a cathedral to possess several organs. The York records particularly mention the organ at the altar, and the large organ in the choir. It was the smaller organ that was lent to the Minorite Brethren. There were doubtless several other organs in the various chapels. The Cathedral of Worcester had three organs; one in


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 the Chapel of St. Edmund; another in the Chapel of St. George; and a large organ in the choir. Davies, of Kidwelly, in his "Ancient Rites of Durham," has left us a curious passage concerning the organs of that rich foundation. He says: "There were three pair of organs belonging to the said quire, for maintenance of God's service, and the better celebrating thereof. One of the fairest pair of the three stood over the quire door, only opened and played upon on principal feasts, the pipes being all of the most fine wood, and workmanship very fine, partly gilt upon the inside, and the outside of the leaves and covers up to the top, with branches and flowers finely gilt, with the name of Jesus gilt with gold. There were but two pair more of them in all England of the same making; one in York and another in Paul's. Also there was a lantern of wood like unto a pulpit, standing and adjoining to the wood-organs over the quire door, where they had wont to sing the nine lessons in the old time, on principal dayes, standing with their faces towards the high altar. The second part stood on the north


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The New International Encyclopædia/Whitman, Charles Otis

WHITMAN, (1842—). An American zoölogist, born in Woodstock, Maine, and educated at Bowdoin College (1868) and at Leipzig (1878). In 1880-81 he was professor of zoölogy at the Imperial University, Tokio, Japan. In 1882 he studied at the Naples Zoölogical Station. He was assistant in zoology at Harvard University from 1883 to 1885; director of the Allis Lake Laboratory at Milwaukee from 1886 to 1889; professor of zoölogy at Clark University from 1889 to 1892; and subsequently head professor of zoölogy in the University of Chicago. In 1887, in connection with Edward Allis, he founded and afterwards edited the Journal of Morphology. In 1888 he became the director of the Marine Biological Laboratory at Woods Hole, Mass. His main work has been in the embryology, and he has published memoirs on the development and anatomy of certain leeches, worms, fishes, etc. He did much to advance methods of microscopical technique, including Methods of Research in Microscopical Anatomy and Embryology (1885). Among his more general researches are those entitled: The Kinetic Phenomena of the Egg During Maturation and Fecundation (Oökinesis) (1887); The Heat of Formative and Regenerative Energy (1888); Spermatophores as a Means of Hypodermic Impregnation (1891); The Inadequacy of the Cell Theory of Development (1893); Evolution and Epigenesis (1894); Animal Behavior (1898).


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 side of the quire, being never played upon but when the four doctors of the Church were read, viz., Augustine, Ambrose, Gregory and Jerome, being a pair of fair large organs, called the Cryers. The third pair were daily used at ordinary service."

This being the first time the expression "a pair of organs" has occurred, I may as well explain that it meant simply an organ with more pipes than one. Johnson, Heywood, and other of the old writers, always use the term pair in the sense of an aggregate, and as synonymous with set; thus we have "a pair of beads," "a pair of cards," "a pair of chessmen," "a pair of organs." When speaking of a flight of stars we often say a pair of stars. We also have "a pair of steps"; so this ancient form of expression, although obsolete in most cases, is still in use at the present day.

This old expression has been a source of great vexation to archæologists, as well as to musical writers. Albert Way thought that the term had reference to the "double bellows." Douce, that it referred to an


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The New International Encyclopædia/Whitman, Marcus

WHITMAN, (1802-47). An American pioneer and missionary, born at Rushville, N. Y. He studied medicine at the Berkshire Medical Institution at Pittsfield, Mass., and practiced for four years in Canada. In 1834 he offered himself for missionary work to the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. In 1835, with Samuel Parker, he was sent to explore the Oregon country, but turned back at Green River. In 1836 he married, and with three other missionaries, H. H. Spalding and his wife, and W. H. Gray, started westward. The party took the first wagon across the Rocky Mountains, reached the Columbia River on May 21st, and located near the site of the present Walla Walla, Wash. Other missionaries came out and four stations were organized. Friction ensued, and numerous quarrels were reported to the board, which voted in 1842 to discontinue the southern branch of the work. Whitman immediately started East, through the dead of winter, and after suffering much inconvenience reached Boston, March 30, 1843, and secured a reversal of the board's resolution. On November 29, 1847, the Cayuse Indians attacked the station, murdered Whitman, his wife, and twelve other persons, and took the other residents prisoners. The prisoners were afterwards released by the influence of the chief factor of the Hudson's Bay Company. The massacre has been attributed to the instigation of the Hudson's Bay Company or of the Catholic missionaries; but the probable

explanation is the prevalence of epidemic diseases, unknown before the coming of the whites, which the Indians attributed to poison. In 1864-65 the statement was made by H. H. Spalding that Whitman's visit to the East in 1842-43 was made for political reasons, and that by a visit to Washington and interviews with President Tyler, Secretary Webster, and others, he prevented the cession to England of the American claim to ../Oregon/ (q.v.), and in fact prevented Oregon from being traded for a cod-fishery on Newfoundland. This belief has gained wide circulation, but Professor E. G. Bourne, in Essays in Historical Criticism (New York, 1901), presented an elaborate documentary study which seems to disprove the claim. For the other side consult: Mowry, Marcus Whitman (New York, 1901); and Nixon, Life of Marcus Whitman (Chicago, 1895).


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The New International Encyclopædia/Whitman, Sarah Helen Power

WHITMAN, (1803-78). An American poet, born in Providence, R. I. Her Hours of Life, and Other Poems appeared in 1853, and a posthumous volume of verse in 1879. She became best known, however, for her association with Poe, with whom, about 1848, she entered into a conditional engagement of marriage. In 1860 she published a work in his defense, entitled Edgar Allan Poe and His Critics. In 1828 she married John W. Whitman, who died in 1838.


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 The radius of curvature A..C is to be considered as an intrinsically positive quantity whether the surface be convex or concave; and then—

For instance, in the case of Fig.2d we have $$\textstyle{ \frac{1}{A..q}=\frac{1}{F}-\frac{1}{A..Q} }$$, but by convention A..Q is a negative quantity, therefore the formula is $$\textstyle{ \frac{1}{A..q}=\frac{1}{F}-\frac{1}{-A..Q} }$$ or $$\textstyle{ \frac{1}{F}+\frac{1}{A..Q} }$$, therefore A..Q comes out divergent and positive.

Should Q..A or A..Q be infinite or the rays of the incident pencil be parallel, then of course $$\textstyle{ \frac{1}{A..Q} }$$becomes zero, and $$\textstyle{ \frac{1}{A..q} }$$ becomes $$\textstyle{ \frac{2}{A..C} }$$ or $$\textstyle{ \frac{1}{F} }$$, and the rays converge to or diverge from the principal focus of the mirror.

The dotted lines in the figures indicate negative distances, and the full lines the positive distances.

Plane Refracting Surfaces

In the case of normal or perpendicular incidence of small pencils at a plane refracting surface bounding a transparent substance whose refractive index = μ, while that of the left-hand medium = o, the simple relationship A..q=μ(A..Q) holds good. See Figs.3a and 3b.

Spherical Refracting Surfaces

In the case of direct refraction of normal pencils by spherical surfaces, as in Figs. 4a, b, c, d, e, f, g, and h, the formula


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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Planche, Jean Baptiste Gustave


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The New International Encyclopædia/Whitman, Walt

WHITMAN, (originally ) (1819-92). An American poet, born at Westhills, L. I., and educated in the public schools of Brooklyn and New York. He learned his father's trade, carpentry, and also printing, forming in the composition room associations with printers and journalists that continued through life. At the age of seventeen he was teaching in Long Island and writing occasionally for newspapers and magazines. Two years later (1839) he was editor and publisher of a weekly at Huntington, L. I. This enterprise failing, he spent some years in various printing offices, contributing to periodicals, making long pedestrian tours, generally following the lines of the great Western rivers, and extending his journeys to Canada. That he wrote fiction we know only by the preservation of a title, Frank Evans, a temperance tale. For a year he edited the Brooklyn Eagle. This varied life brought him in contact with all sorts and conditions of men, and he seems to have fraternized gladly with what he calls ‘powerful uneducated persons’ of every kind, being by instinct a democrat, and entering heartily into the life and feelings of the people. It is said that he drove an omnibus for a time, though more from charity than liking, and he achieved some local success as a political stump speaker. In 1850, returning from wanderings that had carried him to New Orleans, he started in Brooklyn The Freeman, a very short-lived organ of the Free-Soil Party. Then for three years he tried carpentry, building and selling workingmen's houses, and gradually accumulated the materials that made up the first collection of Leaves of Grass (1855). This was a modest little book of 94 pages, and, so far as it attracted attention, seems to have provoked mirth, until Emerson made it the occasion of glowing praise and challenged for it the attention of the thoughtful public, which it has since held increasingly

the English-speaking world, in editions that grew to several times the bulk of its humble beginning. The remainder of Whitman's uneventful life was given to the elaboration of this book. The incidents and date-marks of the remaining thirty-seven years of the poet's life are these: During the second year of the Civil War the wounding of his brother in the battle of Fredericksburg led him to volunteer as an army nurse, in which capacity he served until the close of the war, in Washington and Virginia. The immediate literary result of this experiment is Drum Taps (1865), best described in his own words as “a little book containing life's darkness and blood-dripping wounds and psalms of the dead.” This is now incorporated in the Leaves of Grass. In 1867 he published Memoranda During the War, made up chiefly of letters written at the time to the New York Times, from which he drew his chief support. His letters to his mother during the war were posthumously printed as The Wound Dresser (1897). His labors in the field brought on a serious illness in 1864, from which it is believed he never recovered completely. In recognition of his services, he was given a clerkship in the Treasury Department (1865-73), after having been dismissed by the Interior Department, on account of his Leaves of Grass. His Washington life was terminated by a slight paralytic stroke (1873). He moved to Camden, N. J., the residence of his brother George, and remained there until his death, in honorable poverty and serene cheerfulness, much sought by literary pilgrims, especially Europeans who discerned in him a distinctively American quality. He was never married. The works of this period, many of them incorporated in successive editions of the Leaves, were: Passage to India (1870); Democratic Vistas (1870), prose; After All Not to Create Only (1871); As Strong as a Bird on Pinions Free (1872); Two Rivulets (1873); Specimen Days and Collect (1883), prose; November Boughs (1888); Sands at Seventy (1888); and Goodly My Fancy (1891). William Rossetti published in England a selection of his poems in 1868, which began his influence there, the work being continued by Dowden, Symonds, Stevenson, and others. The final editions of the prose works and of the Leaves of Grass were issued in 1892 in two volumes. Ten years after Whitman's death an elaborate, complete edition was published.

The intense individualism of Whitman's nature was strengthened rather than modified by the education of environment. He knew little of the life that came through books, but much of that other life of the democratic masses which to most of his poetic contemporaries was as foreign as classical culture was to him. Perhaps he was sometimes willfully eccentric. Certainly, in laboring to be natural, he stripped himself sometimes of more than the garment of convention. There was some excuse for those who found that he became indecent in his endeavors not to be smug. In subject, the Leaves of Grass were from the beginning distinctively American, dealing with moral and social conditions and with political questionings. “These United States themselves are essentially the greatest poem,” he had said in the preface, and he finds elsewhere that his country's crowning glory is to be spiritual and heroic. It is then the glorification of

of the average man, the assertion of his right to be himself, the freedom of the individual, and at the same time the ideal of democratic brotherhood which this freedom implies, that are his themes and his inspiration. With this passionate devotion to human nature goes a hatred like that of Rousseau for the conventions that hedge it in, and parallel with this, in the style, there is a feeling for poetic beauty and a hatred for the conventions of expression. He has an instinct of rhythm, words come to him in felicitous collocations, but when they do not come he does not seek them. The result of Whitman's efforts was one of the ironies of literary history. The democratic reader, for whom Whitman wrote, made of it nothing at all. For him poetry must needs be conventional to be comprehensible. So Whitman writing of and for the nuiltitude finds himself the admiration of a cultured coterie, appreciated only by a literary aristocracy. Yet there is no doubt that more people are coming to understand and to enjoy him. He was willing, he said, to wait to be understood through the growth of the taste for himself and what he represented. Up to the present time his cult has been mainly confined to a small group of open-minded lovers of poetry and to those in search of new literary sensations. It may be added that only the pruriency against which he protests could find his work immoral. It is not always agreeable, it is often indelicate and totally frank, but it is as lacking in sensuality, even in its most crude and unconventional expression, as was the poet's own life. Although as a whole his unmetrical matter comes under no present definition of poetry, and although a large portion of it has no possible poetic significance, yet there remains a small body of his verse that reveals a richness of poetic imagination unexcelled in America and that promises to last as long as anything in existing American poetry.

Consult Autobiographia, or the Story of a Life, selected irom Whitman's Writings (1892). There is also an authorized biography by Bucke (1883). Consult also: Burroughs, Whitman, as Poet and Person (1866); Whitman, a Study (1896); O'Connor, The Good, Gray Poet, a Vindication (1866); J. A. Symonds, Essays Speculative and Suggestive, vol. ii.; and Dowden, Studies in Literature (The Poet of Democracy). The Philadelphia Conservator, a monthly edited by Horace Traubel, is the chief organ of Whitman studies.


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Author:Archibald Williams

Works

 * The Romance of Modern Invention (1903)
 * The Romance of Modern Engineering (1904)
 * The Romance of Modern Exploration (1905)
 * The Romance of Modern Mechanism (1906)
 * The Romance of Modern Locomotion (1907)

title: Author:Archibald Williams


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text: United States Statutes at Large/Volume 1/5th Congress/1st Session/Chapter 4


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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Planceer

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Planceer


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 CHAPTER IV.

entering upon the question which presented itself at the conclusion of the last chapter—that of endeavouring to ascertain whether the estimated net available income of Garden City (£50,000 per annum) would be sufficient for its municipal needs, I will very shortly state how it is proposed to raise the money required for commencing operations. The money would be borrowed on "B" debentures, and would be secured by a charge upon the "rate-rent," subject, of course, to the payment of interest and sinking fund in respect of the "A" debentures on which the purchase money of the estate is raised. It is, perhaps, superfluous to remark that, though in the case of the land purchase it might be requisite to raise the whole, or at least some very considerable part of the purchase money before possession would be given of the estate, or operations upon it commenced, yet in regard to public works to be carried out upon the estate, the case is quite different, and it would be by no means necessary or advisable to defer the commencement of operations until the whole sum which might be ultimately required should be raised. Probably no town was ever built on such onerous conditions as would be involved in the


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44 raising at the outset of such a very considerable sum as would defray the cost of all its public works; and though the circumstances under which Garden City is to be built may be unique, there is, as will by and by be seen, not only no need for making an exception of the town in respect of initial capital, but quite exceptional reasons will become more and more apparent which make the overlaying of the enterprise with superabundant capital altogether unnecessary, and therefore inexpedient; although, of course, there must be a sufficient sum to enable all real economies to be readily effected.

Perhaps it may be well in this connection to draw a distinction as to the amount of capital required between the case of the building of a town and the building, let us say, of a large iron bridge across an estuary. In the case of the bridge it is highly expedient to raise the entire sum required before commencing operations, for the simple reason that the bridge is not a bridge until the last rivet is driven home, nor, until its entire completion and its connection with the railways or roadways at either end, has it any revenue-earning power. Except, therefore, on the assumption that it is to be fully completed, it offers very little security for the capital sunk upon it. Hence it would be very natural for those who are asked to invest to say, "We will not put any money into this enterprise until you show us that you can get enough to complete it." But the money which it is proposed to raise for the development of Garden City site leads to speedy results. It is to be expended upon roads, schools, etc. These works will be carried out with due regard to the number of lots which have been let to tenants, who undertake to build as from a certain date; and, therefore,


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Rh the money expended will very soon begin to yield a return in the shape of a rate-rent, representing, in reality, a greatly-improved ground-rent; when those who have advanced money on the "B" debentures will have a really first-class security, and further sums should be easily obtainable, and at a reduced rate of interest. Again, it is an important part of the project that each ward, or one-sixth part of the city, should be in some sense a complete town by itself, and thus the school buildings might serve, in the earlier stages, not only as schools, but as places for religious worship, for concerts, for libraries, and for meetings of various kinds, so that all outlay on expensive municipal and other buildings might be deferred until the later stages of the enterprise. Work, too, would be practically completed in one ward before commencing on another, and the operations in the various wards would be taken up in due and proper sequence, so that those portions of the town site on which building operations were not in progress would also be a source of revenue, either as allotments, cow-pastures, or, perhaps, as brickfields.

Let us now deal with the subject immediately before us. Will the principles on which Garden City is to be built have any bearing on the effectiveness of its municipal expenditure? In other words, will a given revenue yield greater results than under ordinary conditions? These questions will be answered in the affirmative. It will be shown that, pound for pound, money will be more effectively spent than elsewhere, and that there will be many great and obvious economies which cannot be expressed in figures with much accuracy, but which would certainly represent in the aggregate a very large sum.


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46 The first great economy to be noticed is that the item of "landlord's rent," which, under ordinary conditions, largely enters into municipal expenditure, will, in Garden City, scarcely enter at all. Thus, all well-ordered towns require administrative buildings, schools, swimming baths, libraries, parks; and the sites which these and other corporate undertakings occupy are usually purchased. In such cases the money necessary for the purchase of the sites is generally borrowed on the security of the rates; and thus it is that a very considerable part of the total rates levied by a municipality are ordinarily applied, not to productive works, but either to what we have termed "landlord's rent," in the shape of interest on money borrowed to effect the purchase, or to the provision of a sinking fund in payment of the purchase money of the land so acquired, which is landlord's rent in a capitalised form.

Now, in Garden City, all such expenditure, with such exceptions as road sites on the agricultural estate, has been already provided for. Thus, the 250 acres for public parks, the sites for schools and other public buildings, will cost the ratepayers nothing whatever, or, to put it more correctly, their cost, which was really £40 per acre, has been covered, as we have seen, by the annual average contribution of 1s. 1d. per head, which each person is supposed to make in discharge of landlord's rent; and the revenue of the town, £50,000, is the net revenue after all interest and sinking fund in respect of the whole site has been deducted. In considering, therefore, the question whether £50,000 is a sufficient revenue, it must be remembered that in no case has any cost of municipal sites to be first deducted from that amount.


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Rh Another item in which a great economy will be effected will be found in a comparison between Garden City and any old city like London. London wishes to breathe a fuller municipal spirit, and so proceeds to construct schools, to pull down slums, to erect libraries, swimming baths, etc. In these cases, it has not only to purchase the freeholds of the sites, but also has usually to pay for the buildings which had been previously erected thereon, and which are purchased solely, of course, with a view to their demolition and to a clearing of the ground, and frequently it has also to meet claims for business-disturbance, together with heavy legal expenses in settling claims. In this connection it may be remarked that the inclusive cost of sites of schools purchased by the London School Board since its constitution, i.e., the cost, including old buildings, business-disturbance, law charges, etc., has already reached the enormous sum of £3,516,072, and the exclusive cost of the sites (370 acres in extent) ready for building by the Board is equal, on the average, to £9,500 per acre.

At this rate the cost of the 24 acres of school sites for Garden City would be £228,000, so that another site for a model city could be purchased out of what would be saved in Garden City in respect of school sites alone. "Oh, but," it may be said, "the school sites of Garden City are extravagantly large, and would be out of the question in London, and it is altogether unfair to compare a small town like Garden City with London, the wealthy capital of a mighty Empire." I would reply, "It is quite true that the cost of land in London would


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48 make such sites extravagant, not to say prohibitive—they would cost about £40,000,000 sterling—but does not this of itself suggest a most serious defect of system, and that at a most vital part? Can children be better taught where land costs £9,500 an acre than where it costs £40? Whatever may be the real economic value of the London site, for other purposes—as to which we may have something to say at a later stage—for school purposes, wherein lies the advantage that the sites on which its schools are built are frequently surrounded by dingy factories or crowded courts and alleys? If Lombard Street is an ideal place for banks, is not a park like the Central Avenue of Garden City an ideal place for schools?—and is not the welfare of our children the primary consideration with any well-ordered community?" "But," it may be said, "the children must be educated near their homes, and these homes must be near the places where their parents work." Precisely; but does not the scheme provide for this in the most effective manner, and in that respect also are not the school sites of Garden City superior to those of London? The children will have to expend less than an average amount of energy in going to school, a matter, as all educationists admit, of immense importance, especially in the winter. But further, have we not heard from Professor Marshall (see heading to Chapter III.) that "150,000 people, in London, engaged in the clothes-making trades, are doing work which it is against all economic reason to have done where ground-rent is high"—in other words, that these 150,000 people should not be in London at all; and does not the consideration that the education of the children of such workers is carried on at once under inferior conditions


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Rh and at enormous cost add weight and significance to the Professor's words? If these workers ought not to be in London, then their homes, for which, insanitary as they are, they pay heavy rents, ought not to be in London; a certain proportion of the shopkeepers who supply their wants should not be in London; and various other people to whom the wages earned by these persons in the clothes-making trade give employment should not be in London. Hence, there is a sense—and a very real one—in which it is fair to compare the cost of school sites in Garden City with the cost of school sites in London; because obviously if these people do, as suggested by Professor Marshall, migrate from London, they can at once effect (if they make, as I have suggested, proper provision beforehand) not only a great saving in respect of ground-rent for their workshops, but also a vast saving in respect of sites for homes, schools, and other purposes; and this saving is obviously the difference between what is now paid and what would be paid under the new conditions, minus the loss incurred (if any), and plus the numerous gains secured as the result of such removal.

Let us for the sake of clearness make the comparison in another way. The people of London have paid a capital sum representing, when spread over the whole population of London (this being taken at 6,000,000), upwards of 11s. 6d. per head of population for school sites held by the London School Board, a sum which is, of course, exclusive of the sites for voluntary schools. The population of Garden City, 30,000 in number, have entirely saved that 11s. 6d. per head, making a total saving of £17,250, which at 3 per cent, involves an annual saving of £517 in perpetuity. And besides thus


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 holds good if we put u for A..Q, r for the radius A..C, and ù for A..q, and this formula interprets itself for all cases, provided the following conventions are strictly adhered to, viz.:—

The radii of all surfaces, whether convex or concave, to be considered intrinsically positive with respect to the conjugate distances whose signs are to be assessed.

Thus, in the case of Fig. 4c, A..Q is convergent and therefore u is negative, and

$\textstyle{ \frac{\mu}{u'} = \frac{\mu -1}{r} - \frac{1}{u} }$

becomes

$\textstyle{ \frac{\mu}{u'} = \frac{\mu -1}{r} + \frac{1}{u} }$

And, again, in a case where Q..A in Fig. 4a becomes less than $$\textstyle{ \frac{r}{\mu - 1} }$$, then of course $$\textstyle{ \frac{\mu}{u'} = \frac{\mu -1}{r} - \frac{1}{u} }$$ gives a negative result, and the refracted pencil is shown to be divergent, as in Fig. 4e.

If the rays of the incident pencil are parallel and therefore

$\textstyle{ \frac{1}{Q..A} = zero }$

therefore


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 instrument "with a double row of pipes." Nichols, the historian of Leicestershire, says, "a pair of organs was the term at that time when there were two kinds of organs, the one fixed and the other portable." A more recent writer, Mr. Ashpitel, enlarging upon this passage, adds, "a payre of organs consisted of two organs conjoined, with two sets of keys one above the other; one small, and called the choir, or more probably the chayre organ; and the other the great organ, built, as its name imports, on a large scale, and used in forte passages." This is by far the most erroneous explanation of the term yet given. It was probably hastily penned, as the writer is far too well acquainted with ancient documents to have written it after even the slightest reflection. Let us hope, however, that the question is set at rest for the future.

The Household Book of the Duke of Norfolk, an interesting document of the fifteenth century, printed by the


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 "'That for the better providing and accomplishing the reperation of the bells, fencing the church-yard, and purchasing one decent and semely cuppe of silver for the use of the Communion, the organs should be sould to any of the parishe for the sume of 41., if any desired the same: otherwise the said organs should presentlye bee sould to hym whosoever would give 41. or more for the same.'"

Some idea of the devastation committed by the Puritans of the Commonwealth time may be gathered from a few passages extracted from "Mercurius Rusticus," 1647. At Westminster Abbey, we are told, the soldiers "brake down the organs and pawned the pipes at severall ale-houses for pots of ale. They put on some of the singing-mens surplices, and in contempt of that canonicall habite, ran up and down the church; he that wore the surplice was the hare, the rest were the hounds." At Exeter Cathedral they "brake downe the organs, and taking two or three hundred pipes with them, in a most scornefull contemptuous manner, went up and downe the streets piping


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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Pilau

PILAU, a favourite Eastern dish, consisting essentially of rice, boiled with mutton or other meat, fowl or fish, and flavoured with spices, raisin, &c. The word appears in Persian, Turkish and Urdu, and has been adopted in European languages. The form pilaff, showing the Turkish pronunciation, is also common.

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Pilau


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 with them; and meeting with some of the choristers of the church, whose surplices they had stolne before, and imployed them to base servile offices, scoffingly told them, Boyes we have spoyled your trade, you must goe and sing hot pudding pyes." At Peterborough, after commiting all kinds of devastation, "when their unhallowed toylings had made them out of wind, they took breath afresh on two pair of organs." At Canterbury they "violated the monuments of the dead, and spoyled the organs"; and at Chichester "they brake down the organs, and dashing the pipes with their pole-axes, scoffingly said, Harke, how the organs goe." At Winchester "they entered the church with colours flying, and drums beating; they rode up through the body of the church and quire, until they came to the altar, there they rudely pluck downe the table and brake the rayle, and afterwards carrying it to an ale-house, they set it on fire, and in that fire burnt the Booke of Common Prayer, and all


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 the Singing Books belonging to the Quire: they threw downe the organs, and break the stories of the Old and New Testament, curiously cut out in carved work."

Similar notices of the doings of these fanatical monsters are given by Sir William Dugdale, Bishop Hall and Izaak Walton; but the passages cited are more than sufficient for our purpose.

After the zeal with which the parliamentary ordinance of 1644 was put into force, it is only remarkable that any church organs should have escaped demolition. But that some few instruments were suffered to remain, we have accredited evidence. Among the number, were those of St. Paul's, York, Durham and Lincoln Cathedrals; St. John's and Magdalen College, Oxford; Christ's College, Cambridge; and probably others. Some of these have since been destroyed or removed, but one at least remains, a curious episode in the history of which will conclude this lecture.


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 The organ to which I allude is that of Magdalen College, built by Harris, the grandfather of Renatus, in 1637, for forty pounds. It escaped the ordinance of 1644, and was still remaining in the College Chapel in 1654, when Evelyn, who was at Oxford in the July of that year, has this entry in his "Diary":

"'Next we walked to Magdalen College, where we saw the library and chapel, which was likewise in pontifical order, the altar only I think turned tablewise, and there was still the double organ, which abominations (as now esteemed) were almost universally demolished; Mr. Gibbon [Christopher Gibbons], that famous musician, giving us a taste of his skill and talents on that instrument.'" This notice seemed to refute the tradition that "in the Grand Rebellion, when the organ of Magdalen College, among others, was taken down, it was conveyed by order of Cromwell to Hampton Court, where it was placed in the great gallery." I accordingly treated the story as apocryphal in my "History of the Organ." Since then, however, the matter has been


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 set at rest by the discovery of a memorandum in the College books, to the effect that in 1660 £16 10s was paid for the transportation of the organ from Hampton Court back to the College. It must, therefore, have been taken down and removed to Hampton Court between the years 1654 and 1660.

There was, in all probability, some amicable agreement on the subject between Cromwell and the president and fellows. Nichols, in his "History of Leicestershire" tells us that Stanford Church is decorated with a handsome organ that formerly belonged to the banqueting room, Whitehall, which by order of Cromwell was taken down and sold. It was intended, he says, to be placed in the chapel of Magdalen College, Oxford, but being too small, was purchased by the Cave family. Dr. Bloxam suggests that it was offered in exchange for the Magdalen organ, which seems more than probable.


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 To carry on the history of this organ—in 1661, we find Dallam repairing Harris's instrument at a cost of twenty-five pounds. Further repairs by the same maker took place in 1664 and 1665. In 1672, Renatus Harris (the grandson of the builder) repaired the organ; and in 1680 Preston of York was employed for the same purpose. Six years later, Harris was again called in, and promised for one hundred and fifty pounds that it should be "an extraordinary good instrument, the best old organ in England, and exceed the best organ in the University." This proposition, the very curious original of which is preserved in the British Museum, was carried into effect in 1690.

In 1737, the organ was removed to the Abbey Church of Tewkesbury, where, more than a century afterwards, it was remodelled and greatly enlarged by Mr. Henry Willis.

But little of the original work now remains, except the diapasons and the 6


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, together with the east or choir front. The pipes are of tin, alloyed with about eight pounds of lead to the hundred-weight.

"One of the relics of our Church," says the Rev. Mr. Havergal, "before its grand disruption, in the days of fanaticism, rebellion and usurpation, was spared from destruction by the last man in the world who could be thought to have music in his soul—was curiously conveyed to an outraged palace for his stealthy gratification—was upon his death restored to its original home in Oxford, and is now standing, renovated and enlarged, in one of the most beautiful bulwarks of our land. Surely that organ speaks with a speechless voice to the heart of every English churchman more stirringly than the most consummate skill could make it speak to the ear! If more be wanting, then let poetry come to the aid of history, and tell you, that her Bard of Bards, the


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 Glory of Godly verse, must in all probability have listened to its tones."

There can be but little doubt that, if not at Magdalen College yet at Hampton Court, the Tewkesbury organ was often heard and perhaps played upon by Milton. Surely, then, this is an instrument of the highest interest, and the episode which I have related not an inappropriate conclusion to my lecture, "On the Early English Organ Builders and their Works."


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Rh FIGURES AND FLOWERS. Materials with figures and flowers must also be matched carefully at the seams. Usually one line of flowers runs up and the next line down, but when they all run the same way you must decide whether you want them to run up or down in your dress and use them in the same position in every piece. Otherwise your dress will have a very peculiar effect. In cutting a skirt, etc., where several breadths are joined together it is important that the pattern or figures should match at the seams. This can not always be done by simply joining breadths at the selvedge. It will sometimes be necessary to lap the second breadth over the first, as shown in Illustration 65, to bring the corresponding figures together at the seam. Turn under the edge of the second breadth and pin it in the correct position. Join the other breadths in the same way for both sides of the skirt. Slip-stitch the breadths together from the outside by slipping the needle along inside the fold edge of the upper breadth and then taking a stitch in the under breadth as shown in Illustration 66. When the skirt is turned inside out it ill be found that the slip-stitching forms a basting of the joining. It is usually better to cut off the selvedge, for the material will give more if the selvedge is cut.

In cutting a gored skirt if there is a decided figure in the material, fold the front breadth lengthwise through the center of the figure so that the design will balance and not make the skirt look one-sided.

If the skirt has no seam at the front lay the front edge of the pattern even with the fold and cut the gore. Place the pattern of the first gore upon the second gore and mark the design of the material upon the pattern. Lay this second gore pattern on the material so that the figures marked on the pattern will match those on the material. Cut each gore as directed here.

CUTTING DIAGONALS. Diagonals should not be cut with two bias edges meeting as the lines will come together at entirely different angles. (See illustration 68.) This difficulty can be overcome if you have wide enough material. A diagonal rarely has a perceptible nap and the lengthwise and crosswise of the material are so alike that there is no dissimilarity either in appearance or in wearing qualities between them. So if you want the diagonal to run the same way in both sides of your garment cut one-half lengthwise of the material and the other half crosswise. (Ill. 67.) Before doing so you must make certain that there is no perceptible difference in color and shading between the crosswise and lengthwise of your material. Take it to a strong light and turn a bit of it at right angles to itself. This brings the lengthwise and crosswise thread in the same position they will take in the garment and you can easily tell if it is safe to cut your material that way or not.

Each half of the garment will have to be cut separately and neither the front nor the back can be cut on a fold of the goods.

First cut one-half of the garment lengthwise of the material, then lay this half on the material crosswise with the right sides together and the diagonals of each piece exactly over each other, and running exactly in the same direction. (Ill. 67.)

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36 CUTTING A KIMONO SLEEVE GARMENT. Often in cutting a garment with kimono sleeves the material will not be wide enough to cut the pattern without piecing. This piecing seam can be made to appear part of the design by trimming it to match the trimming of the garment. The seam can be hemstitched, fancy-stitched, piped, machine-stitched, and, in the case of thin materials, trimmed with lace insertion, etc., so that the seam will really add to the effectiveness of the sleeve.

HANDLING VELVETS, SILKS, AND CHIFFONS. In using velvets, plushes, corduroy, or silk be very careful about using pins. Use fine steel pins or needles, so as to mark the material as little as possible. Ordinary pins make holes in silks and chiffons and scar velvets, plushes, etc.

A fine needle and silk thread should be used in basting velvets, etc., and also in basting silks, for cotton thread leaves a mark.

When stitching velvets, plushes and corduroy, loosen the tension on the machine and lighten the pressure of the presser foot by holding the linger under the presser liar lifter.

Clip your bastings ever four or five inches or even closer when you are ready to take them out. Pulling long basting threads from silks, velvets or fine thin materials is likely to make a bad mark or tear the material.

In stitching sheer materials like chiffon, silk crêpe, crêpe de Chine, etc., that are likely to pucker while the stitching is being done place a narrow strip of tissue-paper under the material where you are going to stitch it. After it is stitched tear the paper away.

When using materials that fray easily allow an extra quarter of an inch on all ordinary three-eighths of an inch seam edges. This extra one-quarter of an inch allowance must not be overlooked when you baste up your garment. No extra allowance is necessary on the outlet seams. (Marked by large single perforations.) As soon as you have cut out the garment overcast the armhole and neck edges.

In silk materials like taffeta, crêpe de Cliine, charmeuse, satin and materials of similar character the selvedge edges are often used as a finish. Of course this is only possible when the edge of the pattern is straight as in the case of a straight-edged tunic, straight- edged flounce, etc.

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 The fate of Dallam's organ is soon told. The commissioners sent down to Cambridge by the Long Parliament ordered the organ in the chapel to be removed, and in compliance with their edict, the pipes were taken out and sold. The case, with some alterations, remains to this day.

We will now retrace our steps, in order to give a cursory glance at the introduction and progress of the organ in Scotland, Ireland and Wales.

So far as I am aware, the earliest mention of the organ by any of the Scottish historians, is by Fordun, who, upon the occasion of the removal of the body of Queen Margaret from the outer church at


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ATTERNS. Purchase dress waists, shirt-waists and blouse patterns by the bust measure. (Chapter 2 on Butterick Patterns, page 10—Correct Way to Take the Bust Measure.) The right size is very important for it does away with unnecessary fitting and altering.

A woman may measure exactly thirty-six inches in the bust and yet be longer or shorter waisted than the pattern, or have a longer or shorter arm. Before cutting your material compare the lengths of the waist and sleeve with the corresponding lengths of the person for whom the waist, etc., is being made. (Chapter 3, pages 19–21). Sometimes it is difficult to get the length of the pattern itself when a neck is open and the sleeve is kimono. Butterick patterns are made the correct length for a figure measuring about 15½ inches from the normal collar seam at the back of the neck to the normal waistline at the center back. If a pattern is long or short waisted for you, or long or short sleeved, alter it according to instructions given in Chapter 3, pages 19, 20 and 21.

If your figure is unusual in any way, large or small in the bust, round-shouldered, etc., the pattern should be altered according to instructions given in Chapter 4. If it is necessary to make any alterations in the pattern it is best to make them in the lining first, if the pattern has a lining. The same alterations can then be made in the outside.

CUTTING. Before cutting your material read Chapter 6 on Materials, Sponging, Steaming, Cutting, etc.

LINING MATERIALS. China silk, silk mull and the better grades of percaline are the best lining materials in silk and wool.

Brussels net may be used in silk or cotton materials.

Lawn may be used for a lining in the heavier cottons.

Brussels net and Georgette crêpe are the linings used for lace, chiffons, Georgette, etc.

Mousseline de sole is also used for the lining of an evening dress.

In dress waists, etc., where it does not show, the lining should be of white or flesh color. Under a transparent waist the lining should be the same color as the skirt or drop skirt, otherwise there will be a sharp break in color between the waist and skirt.

Lay the pattern on the material following the layout for your size pattern and width of material in the Deltor Layouts. If there is no Deltor in your pattern follow the instructions given in the pattern for cutting.

Some dressmakers advocate cutting cotton linings crosswise of the material although the material does not cut economically that way. The advantage is that material cut crosswise will give very little, if at all, and the lining may be further strengthened by making it double at points where the greatest strain will come.

Mark all the perforations with tailors' tacks. (Chapter 16, page 8.5.)

Mark all the notches with contrasting colored basting thread, taking two or three stitches to mark each notch. Or instead of marking the notches you can clip them, cutting them sufficiently deep so that you can see them easily, but no deeper than is absolutely necessary.

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 consisted in drawing these to and fro, as the sounds of the various pipes they covered were required. It had four hundred pipes, and twenty-six pair of bellows; but as it had no wind-chest this number was required to supply the unusually large number of pipes.

All doubts upon the matter, should any exist, may be set at rest by a perusal of Theophilus' valuable treatise upon the "Art of Organ Building," a work of the latter part of the eleventh century to which I was the first to call attention in my "History of the Organ." No one, after reading the worthy monk's curious directions for organ building, will question the primitive state of the art at this early period.

I may also, in passing, correct an error which has become very prevalent as regards a similar organ, of the same date, described as being in Westminster Abbey. Dom. Bedos, and after him Mason, La Trobe, Wackerbarth, Professor Pole, Seidel, Ashpitel, and a host of others, all


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 fromFrom [sic] the title here given him, says Sir William Cope, "I have little hesitation in identifying him with the celebrated church writer Robert White, who probably united the art of constructing organs with his higher musical pursuits." Possibly, an entry in the old parish accounts of St. Andrew's, Holborn, may have some reference to this builder:—

"'1553. The parishe gave young Whyte £5 for ye great orgaynes which his father made for ye churche.'"

, "orgayn-master," as he is termed, is another new name in the annals of organ-building. He was employed, in 1533, to set up a new "pair of organs" in the roodloft of Wimborne Minster, for which he was paid by the contributions of the parish; and his work appears to have lasted till the Great Rebellion, which brought it to an untimely end. In the year 1643, among entries for glazing the windows and new covering the roofs with lead (measures often found necessary after a visit of the


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 cite the fact; but it is purely a mistake—giving the name Westminster instead of Winchester—which, originating with Dom. Bedos, has been handed down to the present day without investigation.

In the twelfth century many general improvements may be traced in the continental organs—improvements which, however, made but small way in our own country. The keyboard was invented, and although of very clumsy mechanism, it was a step in the right direction. Each key was originally many inches broad, and struck down by the fist of the performer, a method resembling that of carillon playing still in use in some parts of France, Germany and Holland. The use of compound stops also became known towards the end of this century, and the examples of Hucbald and Guido found illustration and interpretation.

A gradual course of improvement is traced in organs erected at Dijon in the thirteenth century, at Halberstad in 1360, and at Nuremberg in 1468, about which


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 period pipes of the large dimension of sixteen and of thirty-two feet began to be made. The clumsy keys had disappeared long before, and the number of those which replaced them was increased both upwards and downwards. In fact the progress of harmony rendered these improvements inevitable.

Chromatic notes now gradually began to appear in the keyboard; the F sharp in the fourteenth century; the C sharp and E flat early in the following century; and the G sharp towards its close. The B flat was contained in the Winchester organ before alluded to, and probably in many of the earlier instruments, as it formed part of the Greek scale.

Before the close of the sixteenth century all the principal stops now employed had come into use, and the general plan of a large organ, in all its most important particulars was fully developed.

I have now arrived at that part of my lecture when it will be necessary to introduce to your notice some of those old


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 English worthies in the craft of organ-building, whose names are now to be added to the roll of fame.

But first, let me again remind you that our own country did not keep pace with Germany and Holland in organ building. What was the cause of this? We must not plead the nature of our forms of religious worship; for the countries I have named bear witness that Protestantism by no means tends to discourage the use or the improvement of the organ. Perhaps the cause of the evil is to be traced to our general indifference as regards musical matters, and more especially when in connection with religious worship. But to dwell upon this theme would lead us far away from our subject matter.

The Precentor's accounts of Ely Cathedral for the year 1407, give the earliest details of the "Expenses of making an Organ," with which I am acquainted Translated from the Latin they read as follows:


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 The Fabric Rolls of York Minster are among the earliest and most interesting documents of their class. Particulars of the "organs" commence as early as 1399, and in 1419 we have the following entries:

"For constructing two pair of bellows for the organ, 46s. 8d.

"For constructing the ribs of the bellows of the same organ, by, 12d."

A representation of the instrument, of this date, is still existing in York Cathedral; beneath the great niche over the west window, of which there is an organ carved in the pediment; the pipes appear without a case, and it has a single row of keys on which an angel is playing from a music-book held by two small boys or choristers below, while another is behind blowing the organ with a pair of common bellows. A similar device is carved over a door on the north wall of the Cathedral of Utrecht.

It is doubtful whether John Couper was the builder of the organ, or merely the carpenter. The ambiguity of the


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 Club in 1844, has a valuable entry for our purpose. Under the date of 1482 we read:

"'Item, the xxi. day of March, my Lord payd of Stowmarket, the organ-maker, for mendyng of organys, vijs.'"

This person, from his being called "organ-maker of Stowmarket," was, in all probability, a professional builder, not a priest. This conjecture receives some confirmation from an entry that immediately follows the one just given, where the person spoken of is styled priest:

"'Item, the same tyme my Lord toke Sir William Davyes, the pryst, to pay for a lok [lock?] to the orgyns, iiijd.'"

Sir was formerly the designation of certain members of the clergy. Bishop Percy says: "Within the limits of my own memory all Readers in chapels were called Sirs, and of old have been writ so; whence, I suppose, such of the laiety as received the noble order of knighthood, being called Sirs too, for distinction sake had Knight writ after them, which had


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 been superfluous if the title Sir had been peculiar to them."

Some very curious illustrations of the history of the organ in the fifteenth century may be gleaned from old wills. It is not curiosity merely that is gratified by these inquiries, but we receive ample scope for philosophical reflection in contemplating the customs, habits and superstitious bigotry which prevailed at this distant era.

In the will of John Baret, of Bury, dated 1463, we have this clause:

"'Item, I wille yt eche man yt syngy it prykked songe on ye day of my enterment at our ladyes messe have ijd. and ye players at ye orgenys ijd., and eche child id., and yt yei preyid [be begged] to dyner the same day.'"

Lord John Beauchamp, who made his will in 1475, says:

"'My body to be buried in the Church of the Dominican Friars at Worcester, in a new chapel there now to be made on the north side of the quire, to which house of friars, for my burial there I bequeath xx marks to be bestowed in vestments and stuff, beside an organ of my own.'"


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