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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Chase, Salmon Portland

CHASE, Salmon Portland, American jurist and statesman: b. Cornish, N. H., 13 Jan. 1808; d. New York, 7 May 1873. He was the son of Ithamar and Janet Ralston Chase, the former of English and the latter of Scotch descent. After a preliminary education in schools at Keene, N. H., and Windsor, Vt., and under a tutor, he went to Ohio in 1820 under the care of his uncle, Philander Chase (q.v.), Episcopal bishop of Ohio, and attended the bishop's school at Worthington, near Columbus, doing farm work when not in the school room. He studied for a year at Cincinnati College but then returned to Keene, in 1824 entered Dartmouth College as a junior, teaching in country schools during the winter vacations, and graduated in 1826. He then went to Washington, D. C., for the next three years taught in a boys' school there, during which time he studied law, and in December 1829 was admitted to the bar. In March 1830 he went to Cincinnati, where he began the practice of law, soon becoming known as one of the best lawyers in that city. He also made an impression as a lecturer, delivering several lectures before the Cincinnati Lyceum, which he was largely instrumental in founding, two of his lectures being published in the North American Review entitled “The Life and Character of Henry Brougham” (July 1831) and “Effects of Machinery” (January 1832). In 1832 he formed the project of publishing a collection of the laws of Ohio with notes and references, and his work, even though it did not reward him financially, became the standard edition and gave him a solid reputation throughout the West. He also wrote a brief but excellent historical sketch of Ohio. In July 1834 Chase became solicitor of the Cincinnati branch of the Bank of the United States, and in the following November became solicitor of the Lafayette Bank, these trusts affording him so lucrative a practice that his literary pursuits were practically abandoned. In 1841 his connection with the Bank of the United States was severed because his fees were considered too high, but politics and the anti-slavery movement were beginning to absorb his attention and his loss failed to disturb him. Meanwhile on 4 March 1834 he had married Catherine Jane Garniss,

who died 1 Dec. 1835; on 26 Sept. 1839 he married Eliza Ann Smith (d. 29 Sept. 1845), and on 6 Nov. 1846, Sarah Bella Dunlop Ludlow (d. 13 June 1852). Of his six children only two lived to maturity.

Early in his career Chase became identified with the anti-slavery movement. He was aroused not by the wrongs of the slaves altogether but by the dangers to white men, and his earliest act as an anti-slavery man (1836) was to defend the rights of a fellow citizen (James G. Birney) to express his mind freely. He indignantly disavowed any sympathy with the disunion sentiments of William Lloyd Garrison (q.v.), declaring that he was not one of those “abolitionists or anti-slavery men who regarded the Constitution as at war with moral obligations and the supreme law.” He states in his diary that he differed from Garrison and others “as to the means by which the slave power could be best overthrown and slavery most safely and fitly abolished under our American Constitution.” He was a frequent speaker at anti-slavery meetings and conventions throughout Ohio and the neighboring States and even in the East, but he was neither an orator nor a good stump speaker. His great forte was the preparation of formal addresses and platforms, since in these he had time and space more carefully and comprehensively to marshal his facts and thoughts, and accordingly from 1841 to 1848 he was often called upon by the Liberty and Free Soil men to undertake such tasks. But while Chase's powers of statement made him a valuable ally of the Ohio anti-slavery men, he became their leader in the period from 1837 to 1849 chiefly through his pronouncements against slavery and his legal services in connection with fugitive slave cases. He became known as the “attorney-general of fugitive slaves,” but was defeated in every case in which he appeared for the defense. Some of his arguments were against indisputable historical facts — such as his absolute denial that Congress possessed power to establish slavery anywhere by any process, though he did admit that laws had been framed to support slavery in the District of Columbia, in the territories, and (as regards fugitive slaves) in free States, but he declared Congress had no constitutional power to enact such laws. He held the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793 to be contrary to the Ordinance of 1787, which provided for recovery of slaves only from the “original States” and to be incompatible with the constitutional form of Federal government for, said he, “when a slave passes beyond the jurisdiction of the State in which he is held as such, he ceases to be a slave, because he continues to be a man and leaves behind him the law of force which made him at slave.” The law was contrary to the letter and spirit of the Constitution, in denying “due process of law” and authorizing “unreasonable searches and seizures”; the States and not Congress were responsible for the apprehension of fugitive slaves; and finally, “the legislature cannot authorize injustice by law;. . . it cannot repeal the laws of nature, cannot create any obligation to do wrong, or neglect duty. No court is bound to enforce unjust laws.” These and other arguments were used in his various cases. In March 1837 he acted as counsel for an alleged fugitive slave, Matilda, and for Birney, who was accused of “harboring”

her. Chase based his argument on the fact that Matilda had been brought into Ohio by her master and had then escaped, wherefore she was a free person and could not be “a person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another.” The judge decided against Chase, and Matilda was remanded into slavery, but Birney appealed and the State Supreme Court reversed the decision. The most famous of the Ohio fugitive slave cases was that of John Van Zandt, who attempted to convey to safety some slaves who had escaped from their owner and were later recovered by force. One of the slaves escaped, however, and the owner sued Van Zandt to recover the slave's value and the expense of recapturing the others and also to recover the penalty of $500 allowed by the act of 1793 against anyone who “after due notice harbored and concealed” a fugitive. Chase defended Van Zandt at the first trial in July 1842 and lost, but the award of $500 against Van Zandt was appealed to the Supreme Court, which in 1847 sustained the lower tribunal.

Anti-slavery had already begun to play a prominent part in Ohio politics and to Chase fell the task of organizing, politically, the Liberty and Free-Soil parties. Up to 1840 politics had only a mild interest for Chase, though he was a delegate to the National Republican Convention that nominated Clay in 1832. In 1836, though a Whig, he voted for General Harrison, as he did also in 1840, showing no sympathy for his friend Birney, who in 1840 was the candidate of the new Liberty party. But in May 1841 Chase had deserted the Whig party forever and had cast in his lot with Birney. Within a year he was practically the leader of the Liberty party in Ohio and for eight years organized conventions, prepared party addresses and bolstered up the anti-slavery press. He took part in the National Liberty Convention at Buffalo in 1843 and again in 1847, but through a shrewd move he practically dissolved the old Liberty party and secured a convention of the party members, now known as Free-Soilers, at Buffalo in August 1848. This convention, over which Chase presided, nominated Van Buren for the Presidency. On 22 Feb. 1849, through a curious combination of Democrats, Independent Democrats and Free-Soilers in the State legislature, he was elected to the United States Senate. There he continued his opposition to slavery during the stormy scenes of the period of compromise in 1850, and was particularly outspoken, especially in his speech of 26-27 March 1850, in condemning Clay's position and proposal. Chase usually acted with the Democrats, claiming to have been elected as a Democrat, and thereby losing a large share of the confidence of the Free-Soilers, but he gradually became estranged from the Democrats, too, and in 1851 to 1852 spent much of his time in a futile attempt to build up a “Free Democracy”; finally in 1852 the nomination of Pierce on a pro-slavery platform compelled him to withdraw entirely from the Democratic party and to rejoin his old Free-Soil allies. In 1853, however, the Democrats secured a majority in the State legislature and therefore Chase failed of re-election to the Senate. In 1854, even with such men as Sumner and Seward in the Senate, he became the leader of the opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska bill and

on 24 Jan. 1854, in collaboration with Sumner, Giddings and others, issued the historic “Appeal of the Independent Democrats in Congress to the People of the United States,” but he could not prevent the passage of the bill. The political result of the struggle was the rending of the Whig party and the formation by the northern Whigs and independent Democrats of the Republican party, largely due to Chase's activities, In July 1855, therefore, the “Anti-Nebraska” Republican Convention of Ohio nominated him for governor and after a close contest he was elected. He made an excellent executive, introduced many needed reforms and continuing his efforts in behalf of the negro, and in 1856 believed himself qualified for the Presidency, but he could not secure pledged votes sufficient for his nomination at the Republican convention and withdrew his name. In 1857 he was re-elected governor; thenceforth he was recognized as a Republican leader, and on 2 Feb. 1860 was again elected United States Senator for the term beginning 4 March 1861. Again in 1860 he endeavored to obtain the Presidential nomination but was unsuccessful and in January 1861, at the solicitation of Lincoln (then President-elect), accepted the post of Secretary of the Treasury, taking the oath of office 7 March and thus relinquishing the senatorship.

Hardly had he assumed office when, in April 1861, the Civil War began. He rehabilitated the disorganized and almost bankrupt treasury; suggested and secured the enactment of new taxes and property confiscation acts; borrowed money, maintained the national credit, regulated commerce; provided the legal tender paper currency authorized by Congress; insisted upon the establishment of a national banking system and finally saw it put into operation; and administered his department and the financial affairs of the country in so creditable a manner as to distinguish himself as one of the great incumbents of that important Cabinet office. (See, 1861). Despite his onerous duties he never lost sight of the slavery question, supported Butler's contention that slaves escaping within the Union army lines were “contraband of war” and advocated the arming of negroes. He opposed Lincoln's colonization scheme but warmly supported the Emancipation Proclamation, though it did not exactly conform to his conception of the proper method of solving this problem. He differed with the President in many of his political views; held a widely divergent idea of the functions of department heads and felt aggrieved when Lincoln disregarded his advice on military affairs; he corresponded with army commanders and has even been accused of counseling disobedience to the President's orders, directly criticising him and expressing a distrust of him, that, considering its source, could only have created dissension among those for whose conduct Lincoln was directly responsible to the people. Like Seward, Chase hoped to obtain ascendency over Lincoln, and when he learned that Lincoln, after his own fashion, completely dominated the situation and was determined to survive or perish according to the success or failure of his own policies, he resigned (as did Seward, too,) 20 Dec. 1862, petulantly stating that he expected his opinions and those of his colleagues to carry more weight with the President — “there are certain heads

of departments, but no real Cabinet.” Lincoln refused to accept the resignations, but on 3 March 1863 Chase prepared another resignation because Lincoln refused to nominate a revenue collector selected by him. Again on 11 May 1863 Chase became disgruntled because Lincoln removed an official whom he considered unfit for his post, but Lincoln again refused to accept the proffered resignation. The minor differences between Lincoln and Chase were accentuated by their rivalry for the Presidential nomination in 1864, but the issuance in February 1864 of the so-called “Pomeroy Circular,” criticising Lincoln, rendered impossible Chase's nomination and placed him in a delicate relationship with the President, wherefore on 22 February he again offered to resign and again was requested to remain. Finally in June 1864 another dispute arose over patronage in New York and though peacefully settled Chase, still sore because of Lincoln's renomination, decided once more to resign (29 June) and this time (30 June) Lincoln unexpectedly accepted it, appointing W. P. Fessenden (q.v.) as his successor.

Before his retirement from the Cabinet Chase had signified a desire to be chief justice of the Supreme Court and in spite of many objections Lincoln nominated him 6 Dec. 1664 to fill the post recently made vacant by the death of Chief Justice Taney (q.v.). He continued to advocate the universal enfranchisement of the negro, warmly sympathized with the work of the Freedmen's Bureau, and in 1866 became president of the “American Freedman's Union Commission,” a benevolent society intended to advance the work of civilization. He took little part in President Johnson's dispute with Congress regarding reconstruction, but privately opposed the readmission of any seceded State until it had granted suffrage to negroes; he drafted the Fourteenth Amendment, which, somewhat extended, was accepted and passed by Congress, and later used it in his dissent from the court's decision in the Slaughter House Cases (q.v.). Chase considered the President's military governments abnormal, and even after Johnson's proclamation declaring the war at an end (2 April 1866) he steadfastly refused to hold court in Virginia and North Carolina (which were included in his circuit) “until all possibility of claim that the judicial is subordinate to the military power is removed by express declaration from the President.” In June 1867, however, he assumed his functions at Raleigh. Chase dissented from the Court's decision in the Milligan (see Milligan Decision), Cummings and Garland cases and refused to sit in the trial of Jefferson Davis until late in 1868 when, however, the amnesty proclamation of 25 Dec 1868 permitted Davis' release and the case was not tried on its merits. Though considering the trial impolitic and unjust, Chase presided with calmness and good judgment over the impeachment of President Johnson in 1868. Prior to this time he had allowed his friends again to bring his name before the Republicans as a candidate for the Presidential nomination, but soon became convinced that he could not secure the Republican nomination and entirety changed his attitude toward that party, within a few weeks endeavoring to become the standard-bearer for the Democrats. However, he was not nominated

and continued his work on the bench, writing numerous important decisions of the Court, such as that in the case of Texas vs. White, wherein he expounded the nature of the government as “an indestructible Union, composed of indestructible States,” reversing his previous theory of State suicide and as he did also in the case of White vs. Hart in 1872, approving the method of reconstruction that had been adopted. He wrote the Court's decision in the case of Hepburn vs. Griswold and thus in 1869 reviewed judicially and construed the statutes which as an administrative officer he himself had set in motion only a few years previously. The Court decided that the Legal Tender Act was unconstitutional in so far as it compelled the acceptance of legal tender paper currency in payment of debts contracted before the statute. By the subsequent decisions in the legal tender cases (q.v.), however, Chase was reversed, the Court holding the act constitutional. These contests, were especially trying to Chase and the continual strain of the past few years began to affect him. In August 1870 he was stricken with paralysis but gradually improved, and though absent from the Court during the term of 1870-71 he sat during the terms of 1871-72 and 1872-73, preparing numerous opinions. He was well enough also in 1872 again to desire the presidential nomination, but in 1873 he began to fail rapidly, on May 6 suffered a second stroke while in New York and passed away there the next day.

Bibliography. — ‘Diary and Correspondence of Salmon P. Chase’ (in ‘Annual Report’ of the American Historical Association for 1902, Vol. II, pp. 11-527, Washington 1903); Hart, A. B., ‘Salmon Portland Chase’ (Boston 1899); Jones, F. R., ‘Salmon Portland Chase’ (Boston 1902); Pike, J. S., ‘Chief Justice Chase’ (New York 1873); Shuckers, J. W., ‘Life and Public Services of Salmon P. Chase’ (New York 1874); Warden, R. B., ‘An Account of the Private Life and Public Services of Salmon Portland Chase’ (Cincinnati 1874).


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Rh blast, or drenched by benumbing rain. Our best affections trampled under foot; the victims of rogues, liars, and villains; the dupes of egregious fools, who think themselves clever and wise. Is there mercy, is there peace, in store for us in the terrible future? What mercy have the winds and the waves, the tigers, scorpions, and serpents for us? Tell me, with your deep analysis of psychological metaphysics, if you have met with it in your dream world. Is there another world where we may yet live, where these persecutions have no existence?'

'Since you ask me, sir, I will also take up my parable. Yes, there is virtue, wisdom, prudence, love, faith, gentleness, feeling and consideration for others! Charity that can give away its gold; ministering spirits who can deny themselves, and watch over beds of cholera and leprosy! There are honest and honourable men and women—blessed be God for them! who are as high above baseness as the golden stars are above the earth. There are men who walk in light and not in darkness, who can subdue evil passions, who can pity and help the poor and the oppressed; who can rejoice in life's pleasures, and weep for its miseries; and for our consolation we have this in our Bible: "I know that my Redeemer Liveth!"

'Our Bible! Is it true then?' said the Doctor. 'It speaks of dreams and visions; it gives us wonderful promises: "No plague shall come nigh thy tent"—"Thou shalt tread upon the lion and adder"—"I will deliver him and honour him"—"I will set him on high because he hath known my name." Tell me the vision that you had last night upon your bed.'

I accordingly related my dream. The effect it had upon the Doctor was totally unexpected, and perfectly astounding. He started up from his chair, dashed his cup violently to the ground, and growled with set teeth.

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122 'Ha I you have trespassed on my domain! Yon have seen that fearful star of my destiny, and you have seen it twice; I have also seen it twice in my dreams, when I thought it foretold me nothing but evil—and undying powers of heaven or hell—you have seen my Helen, and she embraced and kissed you. What mysterious chain is binding your fate to mine? Answer me!'

I was dumb.

He now walked rapidly up and down the room, foaming under the influence of some ungovernable passion. Then he stopped suddenly before me and spoke again.

'When you see that star for the third time, I have been told, your victory will be won, and you will be a happy man. Shall I be happy, too, when I see it for the third time? I cannot be happy without my blessed freedom, and the light of the sun of heaven. You saw it twice in the same vision, but from the time I saw it first to its second appearance more than one hundred years elapsed. You saw my Helen, and her mansion, and her garden, and you drank the water of her celestial river, and she embraced and kissed you. I have also seen her in my visions, but she embraced and kissed me not. She took my hand, and smiled on me with her enchanting smile, and danced round me like an enraptured fawn. Tell me,' he shouted fiercely—'tell me, are you that villain, Banwell Reginald?'

'I am not; I never heard of him.'

'You are not; he never had your eyes or your forehead, or your lips which my Helen hath pressed with hers.'

'You forget, Doctor, that it was only in a dream; and how can you say that the girl I saw was your Helen? Remember also this very remarkable fact, in which I see a prodigious quantity of ointment to heal your wounded spirit, you say that Helen smiled sweetly upon you, and danced round you like a fawn. Does not that show plainly


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Rh that she regards you as her wedded husband, and I believe you cannot dispute that her conduct to me proves quite as clearly that she looks upon me as her brother.'

'Her brother!' He laughed disdainfully. 'Weak words—vain words of duplicity and self-deception. Beware of the devil's arts! She was my Helen, and I believe her spirit was present with you while you slept—"angels have charge over us." When I saw her in my dreams she pointed to that amber star and said : "Behold the Look upon it and be happy for ever!" When I saw it again a hundred years later, she was also present, and said, half laughing, half crying, and her delicious voice thrilling through my heart: "Happy art thou, O Julius, for thou hast seen the !" And now to be buried in a living tomb, with devils for my playfellows! Oh, merciful God! Oh, Christ, thou blessed Son of God, save me! Oh, Helen, Helen, angelic spirit of my lost love, deliver me!'

Here the poor Doctor broke completely down. He threw himself upon the hard stone floor, and wept as if his very heart were breaking. I became dreadfully alarmed, and implored him to be calm, and arm himself with manly courage and resolution. He commanded me, as well as he could in his agony, to retire to my room and leave him to himself. I obeyed, lay down on my bed, and slept again.

When I returned to the breakfast-room it was empty, and I sat there for a long time, not knowing what to do. I could not go out into the hospital for fear of annoying my host, nor out into the streets for fear of being annoyed or knocked down myself. I therefore whiled away the time by alternately sitting still and walking up and down, like a soldier on guard. While so employed I heard a repetition of the strange music which had aroused me out of the insensibility into which I fell on the field of battle. It commenced at a considerable distance, and gradually


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124 until it seemed to be actually in the adjoining room. It sounded like a band of curious instruments, played by a number of persons, and they played a slow and solemn march, very much like those familiar ones, the 'Dead March in Saul,' and 'See the Conquering Hero Comes,' blended together. The band ceased, and after a short pause commenced another tune, a more lively air and an extremely pretty one, and I thought I recognised the sound of voices accompanying the instruments. After a few more tunes the music began to recede, the performers playing a quick march, and I was left to my own reflections.

My protector made his appearance at last; his serenity if not his cheerfulness, had returned, and, except for the fiery redness of his eyes, no observer could tell that anything more grave than usual had happened to him. He told me that the great conqueror who had crushed me was much better, and had expressed his regret at having caused me additional discomfort. He hoped to have the pleasure of meeting me at his next battle, and would certainly make me a Marshal of his Empire on the field. 'You are quite a hero with most of them already,' continued the Doctor with a laugh. They saw you in the Demon's carriage, and think you are somebody who is going to do great things and become famous, and if you do you'll have all the world bowing and scraping to you. Julius Cæsar wants you, and promises to make you a conqueror. Alexander the Great says that if you are placed on his staff, you shall have the honour of polishing his armour and boots. But perhaps you are famous already; are you a poet?'

'A poet, Doctor?' I replied; 'why nearly everybody writes poetry; but if a man wants to be famous, he must go in for breeding rams and bulls.'

'Recite me a verse or two of you composition; it will cheer me up; I am in low spirits.'


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Rh 'I wrote an ode to my native river many years ago; here it is, sir:

'Humph! ha! thank you,' said the Doctor. 'Where is that "Dodder" which you are trying to make famous?'

'It is a beautiful little river, sir, which falls into the Liffey, near Dublin, my native city.'

Doctor Julius now had recourse to his pipe. It seemed to be his only solace in that gloomy place, where a sunbeam never penetrated, where a sympathetic pressure of the hand of fellowship was never felt. He had spoken about going


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Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/King, William Henry

KING, WILLIAM HENRY, United States Senator from Utah; born in Fillmore City, Utah, in 1864. He was educated at the Brigham Young Academy and at the University of Utah. After studying law at the University of Michigan he began the practice in Utah. For three years he was a member of the territorial legislature and served as county attorney and city attorney. He was appointed assistant judge of the Supreme Court of Utah in 1904 and served in Congress from 1897 to 1899. He was again elected to Congress in 1900, serving until 1901. He was defeated for the United States Senate in 1905, and in 1917 defeated George Sutherland for the term 1917 to 1923. He took a prominent part in the Senate debates on the Treaty of Peace with Germany, in 1919 and 1920.


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 учителя. We liked our old teacher better. • old-fashioned. Он — человек старых взглядов. He's a man of old-fashioned ideas. □ старше older. Он кажется старше своих лет. He looks older than his age.

статистика statistics.

статуя statue.

стать (стану, станет; pct of становиться) to stand. Станем поближе к выходу. Let's stand nearer the exit. • to stop. Машина вдруг стала посреди дороги. The car suddenly stopped in the middle of the road. — (no dur) Мой часы стали. My watch stopped. • to become. Он стал знаменитостью. He became famous. — Очень скоро это стило известно всем. This became known to everybody very soon. — (no dur) С каких пор он стал интересоваться техникой? Since when has he become interested in technology? • to begin. (no dur) После кризиса он стал быстро поправляться. After the crisis he began to recover rapidly. • to start. (no dur) Как станет, бывало, рассказывать, прямо заслушаешься. Once he'd start talking, we couldn't tear ourselves away. • to cost. (no dur) *Это вам станет в копеечку. It'll cost you a pretty penny. • to be. Когда я был мальчиком, я мечтал стать лётчиком. When I was a boy, I dreamed of being a flier. □ Во что бы то ни стало at any price. Я во что бы то ни стало хочу собрать хорошую коллекцию советских марок. I want a good collection of Soviet stamps at any price. • no matter what happens. Вы должны быть там завтра во что бы то ни стало. You have to be there tomorrow no matter what happens. стало быть so. Тут тупик — стило быть, надо возвращаться. There's a dead end here, so we'll have to turn back. стать во главе to head. Во главе этого движения стал молодой рабочий. A young worker headed the movement. стать на ноги to be on one's feet. Нам прежде было трудно, но теперь мы уже стали на ноги. At first we had a tough time of it, but now we're on our feet again. стать на работу to start working. Они снова стали на работу сегодня в шесть часов утра. They started working again today at six A.M. стать с to become of. А что стало с вашим приятелем? What became of your friend? □ Стало быть не хотите? Ну, и не надо. You don't want to? Well, don't then. • За чем дело стало? What's the hitch? • (no dur) *Вот увидите, он ещё будет вас ругать, с него станет. You'll see, he'll still bawl you out. You can expect that from him. • (no dur) Ровно в три его не стало. He passed away at three o'clock sharp. • (no dur) Он не стал бы говорить, если бы не знал этого точно. He wouldn't have said that if he hadn't known it for sure. • (no dur) Реки стала. The river is icebound. • Он сразу стал на нашу сторону. He was on our side from the very beginning. • Вы думаете, что шкаф станет между окнами? Do you think the wardrobe will fit in between the windows?

статья article. Я вполне согласен с автором этой статьи. I agree completely with the author of this article. • clause. В какой статье мирного договора об этом говорится? What clause in the peace treaty deals with it? • item. Это наша главная статьи дохода. This item represents our main profit. • matter. Это особая статья. That's an altogether different matter. □ передовая статьи editorial. Вы читали передовую статью в сегодняшней газете? Have you read the editorial in today's paper? по всем статьям in every respect. *Обед был по всем статьям замечательный. It was an excellent dinner in every respect.

стахановец (-вца) Stakhanovite (man who has set a record in the field of production). У нас в цехе все стахановцы. All of us are Stakhanovites in our shop.

стахановка Stakhanovite F. Наши стахановки никогда не подведут. Our Stakhanovites will never let us down.

стахановский Stakhanovite. Стахановское движение очень помогло повышению производительности труда. The Stakhanovite movement was very helpful in raising labor productivity. □ по-стахановски like a Stakhanovite. Он работает по-стахановски. He works like a Stakhanovite.

стачка strike.

ствол (-а) trunk. Он вырезал её инициалы на стволе дерева. He carved her initials on the trunk of the tree. • barrel. В ствол винтовки набилась грязь. There's dirt in the barrel of the gun.

стебель (-бля, P -бли, -блей M) stem. Розы на длинных стеблях стоят дороже. Long-stemmed roses cost more.

стекло (P стёкла) glass. Это сделано из небьющегося стекла. This is made of unbreakable glass. • lens. Я ношу очки с сильными стёклами. I wear glasses with strong lenses. • crystal. В моих часах разбилось стекло. I broke the crystal of my watch. □ ламповое стекло lamp chimney. Ламповое стекло закоптилось. The lamp chimney is black with smoke. оконное стекло window pane. Оконное стекло треснуло. The window pane is cracked.

стеклянный glass. Куда ведёт эта стекланная дверь? Where does this glass door lead to?

стелю See стлать.

стемнеть (pct of темнеть; impersonal) to get dark. Совсем стемнело. It's gotten dark.

стена (a стену, P стены, стен, стенам) wall. Что за этой стеной? What's behind this wall? — *Мы его припёрли к стене и ему пришлось уступить. We forced him to the wall and he had to give in. □ Мы друг за друга стеной стоим. We stand up for each other. • *За ним мы — как за каменной стеной. We're completely secure with him. • *На него можно надеяться как на каменную стену. He's as dependable as the Rock of Gibraltar.

стенгазета (стенная газета) bulletin-board newspaper. Я читал об этом в стенгазете. I read about it on the bulletin-board newspaper.

степень (P -ни, -ней F) grade. Он получил орден "Славы" второй степени. He received the Order of Glory, second grade. • degree. Он получил степень кандидата экономических наук. He received a degree in economics. • extent. Он до известной степени прав. To a certain extent he's right. □ в высшей степени highly. Он в высшей степени ценный работник. He's a highly valuable worker. сравнительная степень comparative (gr). □ Я не сообразил, до какой степени это трудно. I didn't realize how difficult this was.

степь (P -пи, пей /в степи/ F) steppe.

стерегу See стеречь.


text:
Page:Artabanzanus (Ferrar, 1896).djvu/134

126 to see Helen, and of introducing me to her, and I certainly longed to see again the lovely lady of my dream. I asked myself if it were possible she could be the famous Helen of Troy, or was she, alas! only another Bellagranda? Perish the infamous thought! I dared not ask the Doctor a question on the subject; I had everything to fear if I excited his displeasure, but he had nothing to fear from me as I was not gifted with supernatural power.

'I have an insatiable curiosity, Ubertus,' he said, through his clouds of smoke, 'to know more about that bright world of yours above-ground. It is so long since I was there that my life upon it appears to me now like a far distant dream I wish I could see it again. How happy would I be if I could exchange my palace here for the poorest, lowliest hut on the surface of the earth. I am rich and powerful here, as you have seen and shall see, and as I do not abuse my power like the Demon does, I am very well liked by the people. They call me by the simple name of Doctor Julius; some of them call me the good physician. I gave to you the name of "Rabbitonius" because you raved so constantly and piteously about rabbits, fines, taxation, and ruin, in your delirium, that I thought it would do as well as any other. I ran the risk, it is true, of bringing on a relapse by recalling disagreeable recollections, but then I have powerful drugs. You are getting strong again; in a few days you will be as well as ever. I can see by the returning clearness of your eyes, and the freshening up of the colour of your skin, that, if you are not likely to grow young again, you will not grow old for a number of years to come.'

'I owe you a debt of gratitude, Doctor,' I replied 'which I could not repay, were I to live for another hundred years.'

'Well, don't consider yourself in my debt,' he rejoined; 'I did my duty. But it surprises me exceedingly to see you here at all, so young, so apparently childlike in your ways


text:
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Rh and habits of thought. I cannot imagine why the Demon brought you here; he can get plenty of private secretaries—hardened, unprincipled old rascals—without seeking to beguile an innocent, inexperienced youth like you. But remember what I told you: if you dally with his offers you are lost. Put your foot down on them at once. He does not know his own mind for two minutes together. The only thing he is constant in is the ruin of the human race, and he is so clever and artful that he succeeds in making countless thousands of poor weak men and women quite as bad as himself. Take my advice, Ubertus; I am older than you. I am two hundred and thirty-one years of age. I died at the early age of fifty-one, and have lived in this hole one hundred and eighty years.'

'A hundred and eighty years!' I exclaimed in awe and astonishment.

'Yes. I was born in London in 1644, and remember when Charles the First was beheaded.'

'What brought you here, venerable sir?' I asked, trembling, 'if I may dare to put such a question. You are to all appearance young, healthy, and vigorous. You wear your own natural hair, and your skin is clear and unwrinkled. You do not seem to be bearing the weight of a load of care, and you have no marks that I can see of deadly, unrepented sin. What brought you here, then? Did the Demon beguile you, or force you, as he did me?'

'I could treat you to a long story,' he answered, but you might not consider it a treat, so I will make it a very short one. The Demon, or some of his brethren, for their name is legion, did certainly beguile me, hardened my conscience, and deprived me of my sense. I am here through my own carelessness and indifference, fostered by foolish, evil companions, and blinded by love of their approbation. I forgot or despised the gravity of demeanour which is most


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128 becoming in an intellectual being, and gave myself up to lightness of thought, frivolity of speech, and laxity of manners, if not of principles. That is why I am here. I never committed a crime against society, but I was fond of parties, and could drink my glass and sing my song. I was praised by my large circle of acquaintances, who conferred upon me the nickname of "Jolly Chirurgeon"; that is why I am here. I was too fond of the world: not an open scoffer at the religion of Jesus Christ: a believer at one time, a doubter at another, I could not make up my mind. I did not treat religion with contempt, but I gave it no deep consideration. May I be pardoned for my folly! And to crown all I became an idolater.'

'An idolater, Doctor!'

'Yes, I fell in love—madly, deeply, desperately, in love—and fell down, so to speak, and worshipped the object of my love; another reason why I am here. That is my story for the present, and you must be satisfied with that.'

'Have you no hope, my dear sir, of ever being released from this horrible pit?' I asked deferentially.

'Very little,' he replied sadly. 'But I do not think that the good God, whom I have now learned to love and worship above all persons and things, will leave me here for ever. It can give Him no pleasure, and it certainly gives me an immense amount of pain. For one hundred and eighty years I have followed the same round—setting these men up again who have been struck down in battle, and trying to heal the diseases of other poor wretches. That is my occupation. It is true I have learned many things which are not known, or even suspected, in your world, and many things are concealed from me which perhaps you know. My researches in chemistry have made me master of some wonderful secrets. If I could only induce that, infernal Demon to take me up in his balloon,


text:
Executive Order 1295

. No conveyance of immovable property or of an interest therein, or a mortgage thereon, shall be effective except by an instrument in writing, executed and delivered between parties competent to contract, and sufficiently describing the property conveyed, or mortgaged, and signed by the person executing the same, or if he is not able to write he shall affix his mark thereto,—and duly acknowledged in accordance with the provisions of this order, before some officer authorized to take acknowledgments, provided, however, that a copy of any instrument in writing, affecting immovable property in the Canal Zone, duly executed before a Notary Public in the Republic of Colombia prior to November 3, 1903, or in the Republic of Panama after said date, and authenticated by the Notary Public charged with the custody of the protocol containing the original deed from which the copy was taken, shall be valid and effective as a conveyance of the lands or interests in the lands therein, described.

. The acknowledgments provided for in this order shall be made in the manner and form provided for the husband's acknowledgment in the Executive Order of August 20, 1910, entitled "Executive Order.—Conveyance of Real Estate by Married Women."

. If for any reason the Grantor in the instrument can not appear before the officer authorized to take acknowledgments, the execution of such instrument must be attested by not less than two subscribing witnesses, and may be proven by the oath of one of the subscribing witnesses to such instrument, taken before any of the officers authorized to take acknowledgments, to the effect that he subscribed such instrument as a witness at the request of the grantor, who signed the same in his presence, or who acknowledged to him that he had signed the same, for the purposes and consideration therein expressed.

The Certificate of Acknowledgment shall be sufficient if it is substantially in the following form:

. The officers authorized to take acknowledgments under this order shall issue proper certificates of all acknowledgments taken or proven before them.

. The Clerk of the Circuit Court of the First Judicial Circuit of the Canal Zone shall be, ex officio, Registrar of Property of the Canal Zone, and it shall be his duty to record all instruments authorized to be recorded by this order, or any other law or order of the Canal Zone, and presented to him for record, in a well bound book or books kept by him for that purpose, and he shall attach a certificate to each deed so recorded by him; which certificate shall state the date and hour of the filing of the instrument for record, as well as the book and page or pages of the record upon which the same is recorded;—and shall be signed by him under his official title, and shall be impressed with his seal. The seal of the Registrar shall contain the words "Registrar of Property of the Canal Zone."

He shall keep an index, direct and cross, of the instruments recorded by him, which shall show the names of the grantor and grantee of each instrument recorded by him, the date of the instrument and the date of the filing of the same, and the book and page or pages in which it is recorded.

. It shall be the duty of the Registrar of Property to keep a file docket wherein he shall note the filing of all instruments when presented to him for record, which docket shall contain the names of the parties to the instrument, the date of the same, and the date and hour of its filing in the Registrar's office; and all such instruments shall be deemed to have been recorded from the time of such filing.

. No instrument in writing shall be admitted to record in the Registrar's office except such as are acknowledged or authenticated in the manner provided for in this order.

. The instruments described in Article 1 of this order, and executed in conformity therewith, as well as the instruments described in the Executive Order of August 20, 1910, entitled "Executive Order.—Conveyance of Real Estate by Married Women," and executed in accordance therewith, shall be admitted to record in the Registrar's Office.

. A copy of any Notarial deed relating to property in the Canal Zone, taken from the records in the office of the Registrar of Property of Panama or Colon, Republic of Panama, and recorded therein prior to February 26th, 1904, and duly certified by the Registrar issuing the same, shall be recorded in the office of the Registrar of Property of the Canal Zone, in like manner as provided for deeds executed in the Canal Zone.

. In all cases in which Spanish documents are admitted to registration under the provisions of this order, such documents shall be accompanied by English translations which shall be recorded with them.

. A copy of any final judgment or decree of a court of competent jurisdiction of the Canal Zone, vesting the title to immovable property or any interest therein, in one or more of the parties to said judgment or decree, and duly certified by the clerk of the court in which the judgment or decree was rendered, as being a true copy of such judgment or decree as the same appears in the records of the court, shall be admitted to record in the Registrar's office in like manner as provided herein for deeds executed in the Canal Zone.

. A copy of a judgment or decree of a court of competent jurisdiction of the Republic of Panama, affecting immovable property situated in the Canal Zone, rendered prior to the 26th day of February, 1904, and duly certified by the clerk or secretary of the court rendering such judgment or decree, and by the judge thereof, when the signature of the said judge is authenticated by the Secretary of Foreign Relations of Panama, shall in like manner be admitted to record in the Registrar's office under the provisions of this order.

. No deed or other instrument in writing affecting immovable property shall be valid against subsequent creditors of, or bona fide purchasers for value, without notice, from the owner of such property, unless the same shall have been recorded with the Registrar of Property of the Canal Zone.

. The Registrar's offices at Empire and Cristobal shall be discontinued on and after the date on which this order goes into effect, and the books and records of immovable property in those offices shall be transferred to the Registrar's office hereby created, and shall become a part of the records of his office; and after this order takes effect all deeds, or other instruments, required to be recorded by the provisions of this order or any other law or order of the Canal Zone, shall be recorded in the office of the Registrar herein provided for.

. The Registrar of Property shall be entitled to charge for his services rendered as Registrar, the following fees, United States currency:

For each instrument recorded, including his certificate thereto ten cents per folio of one hundred words; but no charge shall be less than fifty cents for any one instrument.

For each certified copy issued by him of an instrument recorded in his office, including certificate thereto, ten cents per folio of one hundred words; but no charge shall be less than fifty cents for each copy thereof.

For searching his records and giving a certificate thereto of any fact or facts contained in his records, fifty cents for each certificate, provided that where more than one record book is searched he may charge twenty-five cents for each additional book.

The fees so collected by the Registrar of Property shall be turned in by him to the Canal Zone Treasury.

. Any instrument in writing mentioned in Article 1 of this order and duly acknowledged or authenticated in the manner therein described, and any deed or other instrument executed and acknowledged in accordance with the provisions of the said order of August 20th, 1910, relating to conveyances by married women, may be used in evidence on the trial of any action or special proceedings without the necessity of proof of its execution unless such instrument is attacked for forgery by the affidavit of the adverse parties; provided, however, that such instrument shall not be admissible in evidence without proof of its execution unless the same or a copy thereof be filed with the clerk of the court wherein such action or special proceeding is pending, and due notice is given to the opposite party or his attorney at least three days before the trial of such action or special proceeding.

. A copy of any instrument duly recorded under the provisions of this order and certified to by the Registrar in charge of the record, may be used in evidence in any judicial proceedings in like manner and effect as might be done with the original if produced, provided such certified copy is filed with the clerk of the court wherein the action or proceeding is pending, and due notice of the filing of such copy is given to the adverse party or his attorney at least three days before the trial or proceedings in which the said copy is to be produced in evidence.

. All orders or decrees and parts thereof in conflict with this order are hereby repealed, and the Executive Order of March 12, 1907, effective April 15, 1907, relating to the execution and recording of deeds is also hereby repealed; provided, however, that this order shall not affect a deed or other instrument relating to immovable property executed pursuant to the said order of March 12, 1907, prior to the date on which this order shall take effect, and provided further that this order shall not be construed to modify in any manner the Executive Order of August 20th, 1910, relating to the conveyance of real estate by married women.

. This order shall take effect sixty days from its date.

., February 2, 1911.

title: Executive Order 1295


text:
Page:Atharva-Veda samhita.djvu/392

v. 1-

7. Also, of immortal spirit, vowed (? vráta), I go performing; spirit, soul, of the body then (? tát) with kine (? sumádgu); and either the mighty one (çakrá) assigns treasure, or as the oblation-giver pursues (? sac) with refreshment.

8. Also son prays (? īḍ) father for dominion; they called for well-being him of the chief bourn (?); may they see now, O Varuṇa, those that are thy shapes (viṣṭhā́); mayest thou make wondrous forms of the one much rolling hither.

9. Half with half milk thou mixest (? pṛç); with half, O Asura (?), thou increasest [thy] vehemence (?). We have increased the helpful (çagmíya) companion, Varuṇa, lively (iṣirá) son of Aditi; poet-praised wondrous forms have we spoken for him—the (two) firmaments (ródasī) of true speech.

title: Page:Atharva-Veda samhita.djvu/392


text: Talk:Executive Order 1295

title: Talk:Executive Order 1295


text:
Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Kingbird

KINGBIRD, a name given to a shrike, the Tyrannus intrepidus, of the United States. It is above of a dark slaty ash-color, and beneath white; the feathers of the crown are orange. They build in the United States, breeding in general twice a year, and laying five eggs each time. Named from an erectile orange-colored crest on the head, as also from the tyrannical character of the bird. It is insectivorous, and is not in good repute with beekeepers.


text:
Executive Order 1319

Under authority vested in me by law, and until otherwise provided by law or ordered, Walter W. Warwick is appointed an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the Canal Zone, at a salary of six thousand dollars per annum, effective the day he enters on the duties of the office.

., March 16, 1911.

title: Executive Order 1319


text: Talk:Executive Order 1319

title: Talk:Executive Order 1319


text:
Executive Order 1320

Under authority vested in me by law, and until otherwise provided by law or ordered, Thomas E. Brown, Jr., is appointed an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the Canal Zone, at a salary of six thousand dollars ($6,000) per annum, effective the day he enters on the duties of the office.

., March 16, 1911.

title: Executive Order 1320


text: Talk:Executive Order 1320

title: Talk:Executive Order 1320


text: Index:Time-space.djvu

title: Index:Time-space.djvu


text:
Page:Time-space.djvu/1

 Four-Dimensional Space

the question, What is the fourth dimension? may admit of an indefinite number of answers. I prefer, therefore, in proposing to consider Time as a fourth dimension of our existence, to speak of it as a fourth dimension rather than the fourth dimension. Since this fourth dimension cannot be introduced into space, as commonly understood, we require a new kind of space for its existence, which we may call time-space. There is then no difficulty in conceiving the analogues in this new kind of space, of the things in ordinary space which are known as lines, areas, and solids. A straight line, by moving in any direction not in its own length, generates an area; if this area moves in any direction not in its own plane it generates a solid; but if this solid moves in any direction, it still generates a solid, and nothing more. The reason of this is that we have not supposed it to move in the fourth dimension. If the straight line moves in its own direction, it describes only a straight line; if the area moves in its own plane, it describes only an area; in each case, motion in the dimensions in which the thing exists, gives us only a thing of the same dimensions; and, in order to get a thing of higher dimensions, we must have motion in a new dimension. But, as the idea of motion is only applicable in space of three dimensions, we must replace it by another which is applicable in our fourth dimension of time. Such an idea is that of successive existence. We must, therefore, conceive that there is a new three-dimensional space for each successive instant of time; and, by picturing to ourselves the aggregate formed by the successive positions in time-space of a given solid during a given time, we shall get the idea of a four-dimensional solid, which may be called a sur-solid. It will assist us to get a clearer idea, if we consider a solid which is in a constant state of change, both of magnitude and position; and an example of a solid which satisfies this condition sufficiently well, is afforded by the body of each of us. Let any man picture to himself the aggregate of his own bodily forms from birth to the present time, and he will have a clear idea of a sur-solid in time-space.

Let us now consider the sur-solid formed by the movement, or rather, the successive existence, of a cube in time-space. We are to conceive of the cube, and the whole of the three-dimensional space in which it is situated, as floating away in time-space for a given time; the cube will then have an initial and a final position, and these will be the end boundaries of the sur-solid. It will therefore have sixteen points, namely, the eight points belonging to the initial cube, and the eight belonging to the final cube. The successive positions (in time-space) of each of the eight points of the cube, will form what may be called a time-line; and adding to these the twenty-four edges of the initial and final cubes, we see that the sur-solid has thirty-two lines. The successive positions (in time-space) of each of the twelve edges of the cube, will form what may be called a time area; and, adding these to the twelve faces of the initial and final cubes, we see that the sur-solid has twenty-four areas. Lastly, the successive positions (in time-space) of each of the six faces of the cube, will form what may be called a time-solid; and, adding these to the initial and final cubes, we see that the sur-solid is bounded by eight solids. These results agree with the statements in your article. But it is not permissible to speak of the sur-solid as resting in "space," we must rather say that the section of it by any time is a cube resting (or moving) in "space."S. March 16

title: Page:Time-space.djvu/1


text: Four-Dimensional Space

title: Four-Dimensional Space


text:
Executive Order 1345

By virtue of the authority invested in me, I hereby establish the following Order for the Canal Zone:

. If any person after having been convicted and having served a sentence of imprisonment in the Canal Zone, and after being deported therefrom, returns to the Canal Zone, he shall be deemed guilty of a felony and punished by imprisonment in the penitentiary for one year, and thereafter removed from the Canal Zone in accordance with the laws and orders relating to deportation.

. This order shall take effect from and after this date.

., May 2, 1911.

title: Executive Order 1345


text:
Page:Aboriginesofvictoria02.djvu/242

224 Some tribes had a vague idea of the white mn being spirits or re-appearances of dead persons, and were restrained by awe alone from attacking them. This dread of strangers seems to be the natural result of ignorance, and reminds us of the restrictive policy, until lately, of the Japanese, and of the religious prejudices of the Hindoos and strict Mahommedans.

In the south-eastern portion of Australia, the old men used to say that the forms or spirits of the dead went to the westward, towards the setting sun; and the natives of Western Australia had the same belief. When, therefore, they saw white men coming over the sea from that quarter, they at once took them to be their deceased relatives re-incarnated, and called them Djenga, or ghosts, as distinguished from Yuruj-ar, or persons.

In almost all cases where there has been an opportunity of coming to an understanding, and a desire on the part of the Europeans to conciliate the Aborigines, they have evinced a friendly disposition. It has, however, often happened that the earliest interviews left anything but favorable impressions on their minds.

In the year 1699, William Dampier, an Englishman, lauded on the north-west coast, and soon fell in with some natives, who ran away from him and his men. Soon after, nine of them were seen approaching with angry gestures and making a great noise, but taking a sudden panic, they fled away as fast as they could. Dampier then formed an ambuscade, and tried to seize some of them; but failing, one of his men was wounded by a spear; he then fired on the blacks with ball, and one, at least, of them fell, and was carried off by his comrades.

This occurrence may be taken as a fair example of the misunderstandings and collisions which from time to time have disgraced the history of Australia.

The dominant and arrogant race, despising the ignorant barbarian, has paid but little respect either to his rights or person, and has too often treated him as though he were a wild beast; while the savage, in accordance with the instincts of his nature, has resented the aggression; and thus some fearful outrages have occasionally, even to the present time, been perpetrated by both parties;—the white man, with his boasted civilization, being the more accountable of the two.

The landing of Capt. Cook at Botany Bay was disputed by the natives, but he found those at Moreton Bay better disposed.

The murder by the blacks of Mr. Kennedy, the explorer, with whom I was personally acquainted, near Cape York, in 1848, was in all probability committed for the purpose of retaliating aggressive action on the part of a ship's crew.

Capt. Pasco, R.N., formerly of H.M.S. Beagle, when she was engaged in the survey of Torres Straits, has informed me that, on the 24th June 1841, they called in at what was termed "the post office" on the uninhabited "Booby Island," and examined a book which was kept there in order that masters of ships might record any circumstance of interest during the run through Torres Straits, and found an entry by one Greyburne, master of The Brothers, in which he recorded the fact that "he had killed only one native." It is

title: Page:Aboriginesofvictoria02.djvu/242


text: Talk:Executive Order 1345

title: Talk:Executive Order 1345


text:
Page:Aboriginesofvictoria02.djvu/243

Rh not improbable that the master of The Brothers is indirectly accountable for the death of Mr. Kennedy.

This view is supported by Mr. Macgillivray, the Naturalist on board H.M.S. Rattlesnake, who states that the Yagulles are the tribe who were concerned in the murder of the unfortunate Kennedy. The circumstances were related by an old woman named Baki, at Cape York, who, when questioned, corroborated the statement of that noble native lad Jacky, Mr. Kennedy's attendant after he had left all his other men, and in whose arms he died. She further stated that some years before—that is about the time that Greyburne landed from The Brothers— a Yagulle woman and child had been shot by some white men who landed from a small vessel near Albany Island, and that the tribe had been anxious to revenge their death, until they had the opportunity of doing so by killing Mr. Kennedy.

The more recent murder of Mr. Wills in Queensland was probably owing to the conduct of some white men who had shortly before captured and forcibly carried off to Sydney two lads belonging to the tribe which subsequently perpetrated the deed. Such examples, taken very much at random, are illustrative of the mutual misunderstandings and occasional harsh treatment of the natives, followed sometimes by savage murders perhaps of innocent persons, which again were succeeded by prompt and equally indiscriminate punishment of "the blacks."

In the early days of the Swan River settlement a wholesale massacre of some assembled tribes was ostentatiously designated the battle of Pinjarrah.

The Government having been informed that several tribes were to meet at a place called Pinjarrah, about forty miles south from Perth, proceeded against them with a detachment of troops led by Capt. Ellis, and headed by the Governor in person accompanied by a number of civilians.

As the natives are in the habit of occasionally meeting for the adjustment of differences among themselves, for arranging hunting expeditions, and for other purposes of a like kind, I know of no reason for supposing that on this occasion they intended to organize any force for attacking the settlers. Indeed I believe the natives would never think of assembling in large numbers with any such object in view.

The soldiers shot down a great number of them, and then dragged their bodies into heaps and covered them with sand. These mounds are, I believe, visible at the present time. In this unequal, if not treacherous affair, only one white man was killed, and this was Capt. Ellis, who fell by the spear of a native.

The published accounts of such occurrences are often partial and unfair. The natives have no newspapers and few advocates, and are therefore placed in a worse position than a criminal at the bar of English justice.

About the year 1835, some tribes had arranged to meet on the south side of the Swan River opposite Perth, and while two of them were proceeding thither, and walking along a path leading to the hut of an Indian fisherman near the

title: Page:Aboriginesofvictoria02.djvu/243


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226 mouth of the Canning River, one of them was caught by the heel in a dog-trap which had been set in the narrow path by the fisherman. The native and his companion were, of course, much terrified, but succeeded in reaching the place of rendezvous, a distance of five or six miles, with the iron trap firmly grasping his heel. Here they found their assembled countrymen in a state of great excitement at intelligence which had reached them from the opposite direction that a Swan River native had been killed at Guildford by a white man. The result was that a party went the next morning to the Indiaman's hut—killed him, and so mangled the body that it could scarcely be recognized. They also threw a spear at an English gentleman who happened to be there, and who just escaped being killed by swimming the Canning River; he received a barbed spear in the back of the arm, and ran with it up to Capt. Hester's, where it was taken out.

At about the same place, though two or three years earlier, a powerful leader and two of his companions were ensnared by stratagem and made prisoners. They had been inveigled into a boat which for this purpose had put off from Perth, the embryo capital, to the opposite side of the water, where a number of natives were fishing. So soon as the men in the boat got their victims into their power, they seized, bound, and carried them off, in view of their tribe, who stood amazed and mad with indignation at the perfidy thus practised on them.

The names of these men were Yagan, Doumera, and Nyinyinnee. Yagan was a chief of the Upper Swan tribe; he was tall, athletic, and muscular, with a strong dash of the savage in his countenance. When animated in conversation, or even a little excited, scarcely a peer of the realm could excel him in dignity of demeanour or urbanity of manners. The passions of the savage, however, occasionally flitting across his brow, kept confidence in check; and yet, when conciliating, he exhibited a disposition so candid, cordial, and generous that the most timid would feel at ease in his presence. His was a fine character, but withal he had been the terror of the infant colony.

Doumera was a well-disposed, mild-looking youth, and a great favorite with many of the colonists.

Nyinyinnee, on the other hand, was dark, reserved, and cunning— "a thorough savage," as an old settler remarked.

These prisoners were conveyed to Perth and banished to a barren rock called Karnac Island. A Mr. Milne voluntarily took charge of them, accompanied by a soldier, with a view to their civilization; but after a short period they effected their escape in a boat, and landed at Woodman's Point, whence they made their way across the bush to the Swan; but in crossing the Canning road they unfortunately fell in with two young men, John and Thomas Velvich, both of whom they killed. I shall have to recur to Yagan, and will now only add that the Government offered thirty pounds for his head, for the purpose of obtaining which a boy named Richard Keats treacherously killed him.

This boy with his brother John were tending Capt. Bull's sheep at the Upper Swan, Yagan's country, and were well acquainted with him and all his tribe, numbering some seventy or eighty, when one day he asked Yagan to look

title: Page:Aboriginesofvictoria02.djvu/244


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Rh for wild-ducks in the river for him to shoot. Yagan was in the act of stepping softly and looking over the bank down into the river, when Richard Keats deliberately shot him in the back of the neck, killing him on the spot, in view of the tribe, who were encamped not a quarter of a mile off. Keats then threw down his gun and ran for his life down the side of the river, but the natives soon gained upon him, and when he jumped in to swim across, they riddled his body with spears. These lads had been in the habit of daily frequenting the natives' camps for years; their treachery was therefore the greater. Capt. Bull, I believe, sent Yagans head to the Directors of the British Museum after it had been smoke-dried.

The following anecdote will further illustrate the general character and disposition of the Australian natives when they first saw the white men come among them:—

Towards the end of 1848, Capt. Fitzgerald, the Governor of Western Australia, visited the newly-discovered country to the northward near Champion Bay.

While returning from the Bowes River to that Bay, accompanied by Mr. Rivett H. Bland, his Private Secretary (now of Clunes), Mr. Augustus Gregory, three soldiers and a servant lad, they saw several natives following them, who increased in number as they got into the thickets at the foot of King's tableland, and came closer to the party every step they advanced. Notwithstanding an order to keep off, one laid hold of Mr. Bland by the arm, with the intention of striking him on the head with his dowak; but on a soldier running towards him, he let go.

Mr. Bland had a pistol in his hand, but, with praiseworthy forbearance, was reluctant to commence the affray by using it. Shortly afterwards the natives, armed with spears, kileys, and dowaks, having closed upon the party, a spear was thrown at Mr. Gregory, but without effect, and the Governor, having dismounted, shot the man nearest to him, who appeared to have some influence in directing the movements of the others. He was a splendid fellow, more than six feet high. He suddenly sprang in among the party, his eyes flashing and his spear quivering in the miro, ready to throw, when he received a ball through the heart, for he fell forward on the knees with his head to the ground, and did not even roll over or stir again.

The soldiers then fired, and the natives threw a shower of spears, kileys, and stones. The party had now nearly cleared the thickets, and were between two small rocky hills, from the summits of which and from the thickets behind the natives were throwing their spears, when one struck His Excellency the Governor just above the knee, passing through the thigh and protruding about a foot. Fortunately, he was warned the spear was coming, and made a sudden step forward, or it would have struck him in the back.

During the remainder of the journey, for twelve or fourteen miles, to the beach, the savages used every effort to cut them off. After a fatiguing walk of ten

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and the subject to which this volume is devoted have both no ordinary claim on the attention of the student, — the former, as representing the era wherein, by the common consent of the most eminent authorities, we may find the true boundary line between ancient and modern history, — the latter, as containing the key to those traditions which have ever since prevailed in European education and can scarcely even yet be regarded as superseded or effete.

The present work is restricted to an attempt to place in a clearer light the character of the learning and the theory of education which mediaeval Europe inherited from a combination of pagan science and Christian theology, before that learning and that education were, in turn, modified by the teaching of the Schoolmen. The following pages accordingly represent but a very limited field of enquiry in the wide province of Carolingian history; but that field, though narrow, is not unimportant. That it is altogether erroneous to look upon the influences


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viii by the reforms and policy of Charles the Great as of no greater permanence than the fabric of the Empire itself, is now generally conceded, and in no respect have those influences had a more enduring effect than in connexion with the history of mental culture in Europe. It is indeed not a little remarkable, that in this somewhat unduly neglected ninth century we may discern, as in miniature, all those contending principles — the conservative, the progressive, and the speculative — which, save in the darkest times, have rarely since ceased to be apparent in the great centres of our higher education.

While the author has freely availed himself of whatever aids or suggestions might be afforded by modern contributions to the literature of the subject, it has throughout been his endeavour, as far as practicable, to rely mainly on original research, and the references to his authorities have been systematically given. The valuable corrections of the chronology and text of Alcuin's letters contained in Dümmler's Alcuiniana have been carefully noted, but it has been thought better, as a rule, to refer in the notes to the text of Migne's Patrologia (vols. c and ci), as more generally available.

Two volumes treating on the same subject — Dr. Karl Werner's Alcuin und sein Jahrkundert (1876) and M.


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228 hours, the party reached Champion Bay, and got away in the boats, from which they saw the beach lined with natives.

The attacking party numbered about fifty or sixty. They were described as being a much finer race of men than those in the located districts, and fought with great determination and bravery.

The number of Aborigines killed and wounded could not be ascertained, but the former were believed to be three. On the part of the expedition, the Governor was the only one wounded. I do not know whether this attack, which was quite unprovoked at the time, was made from motives of revenge for some old injury, or from fear and a desire to prevent the intruders from taking possession of their country.

It has been remarked that children have a keen sense of justice, and so have the natives, if Yagan may be taken as an exponent of their sentiments.

Mr. G. F. Moore, when Advocate-General of the colony, had won the confidence of the natives by uniform kindness. He endeavoured to ingratiate himself with them for the purpose of learning their language and customs.

One day, in June 1843, as I was sitting with Mr. Moore at his station at the Upper Swan, he gave me the following account of a wild native's idea of justice. The incident had occurred at the door of the room in which we were sitting. It was thus:—A number of armed native men had surrounded the house, when Mr Moore went to the door to speak to them, having his fire-arms close at hand. He soon recognised Yagan, but the natives near the door denied that he was present. However, when the outlaw perceived that he was known, he stepped boldly and confidently up, and resting his arm on Mr. Moore's shoulder, looked him earnestly in the face, and addressed him, as the first Law Officer of the Crown, to the following effect—"Why do you white people come in ships to our country and shoot down poor blackfellows who do not understand you? You listen to me! The wild blackfellows do not understand your laws; every living animal that roams the country and every edible root that grows in the ground are common property! A black man claims nothing as his own but his cloak, his weapons, and his name! Children are under no restraint from infancy upwards; a little baby boy, as soon as he is old enough, beats his mother, and she always lets him! When he can carry a spear, he throws it at any living thing that crosses his path, and when he becomes a man, his chief employment is hunting. He does not understand that animals or plants can belong to one person more than another. Sometimes a party of natives come down from the hills, tired and hungry, and fall in with strange animals you call sheep; of course, away flies the spear, and presently they have a feast! Then you white men come and shoot the poor blackfellows!" Then, with his eagle eye flashing, and holding up one of his fingers before Mr. Moore's face, he shouted out—"For every black man you white fellows shoot, I will kill a white man!" And so with "the poor hungry women; they have always been accustomed to dig up every edible root, and when they come across a potato

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223

1. That verily was the chief among beings whence was born the formidable one, of bright manliness; as soon as born, he dissolves [his] foes, when all [his] aids (ū́ma) revel after him.

2. Increasing with might (çávas), he of much force, a foe, assigns (dhā) fear to the barbarian, winning (n.) both what breathes not out and what breathes out; brought forward (n.), they resound together for thee in the revelings.

3. In thee they mingle skill abundantly, when they twice, thrice become [thine] aids; unite thou with sweet (svādú) what is sweeter than sweet; mayest thou fight against yonder honey with honey (mádhu).

4. If now after thee that conquerest riches in contest after contest (ráṇa) the devout ones (vípra) revel, more forcible, O vehement one, extend thou what is stanch; let not the ill-conditioned Kaçokas damage thee.

5. By thee do we prevail in the contests, looking forward to many

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Rh garden, of course, down goes the wanna (yam-stick), and up comes the potato, which is at once put into the bag. Then you white men shoot at poor blackfellows. I will take life for life!"

A law prevails, among some tribes at least, which renders it compulsory on the nearest male relative to take the life of some one of the tribe to which the slayer belongs. And even if a man dies a natural death, they believe he has been killed by some unseen hand, in which case they resort to divination, to ascertain the tribe from which the slayer came. The avenger is generally not actuated so much by personal ill-feeling as by the desire to perform a supposed duty, and thereby maintain his good name among his own people. He therefore sometimes kills the first of the tribe he meets, without for a moment considering whether or not his victim was even an accessory. Justice is then supposed to be vindicated. Blood for blood is their universal law; revenge becomes a sacred duty; and if a man withhold his hand from taking a life as a satisfaction for his brother's, he is ever after looked upon as a coward.

As the wild blacks supposed that all white men knew and approved of each other's deeds, they held it a sacred duty for the avenger to slay the first white person in his power, of whatever age or sex, as a satisfaction for his murdered relative.

In some of the Australian settlements the colonists for the most part evinced a very friendly feeling towards the sable occupants of the country. This was especially the case at Swan River after the first few years of the settlement, and in South Australia from its commencement. The natives on their part reciprocated the expression of good-will, and became most useful and faithful assistants to the colonists.

Instances are not wanting of kindness by wild Aborigines to white men when in their power. The surveying operations of the Beagle during the years 1837 to 1843 were confined chiefly to those parts of the northern coast which had not been visited by other navigators. At one time, when some of the crew lived ashore, one of the men always exhibited a great antipathy to the natives; but getting lost in the bush for three days, he lay down, as he supposed, to die. His great dread was that he should be found by the natives. To his horror, on awaking from a slumber, he saw a number of them armed and standing around him. They, however, led him to their camp, fed him and kept him until the following morning, when they took him in safety to his companions, thus exhibiting a kindly disposition in one of those tribes which are deemed the most fierce of the Australians, when not actuated to deeds of violence by motives of fear or revenge.

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Rh the work of a disciple or of some writer who had received his education at Fulda.

During the unhappy struggle which preceded the dissolution of the empire, Rabanus espoused the cause of the emperor against the sons. In this policy he was opposed to Otgar, the archbishop, a zealous and ambitious partisan, with aims very different from those of the peace-loving abbat, intent solely on the interests of religion and the Church. While Otgar urged on the war, Rabanus quoted examples from Scripture calculated to recall the unfilial princes and disloyal nobility to their duty and allegiance; and while the former, under the guise of zeal for the Church's laws, took an active part in the cruel deposition of Lewis at Soissons, the other openly maintained the invalidity of the proceedings. After the emperor's death, Rabanus attached himself to the party of Lothair, and his loyalty to that monarch remained unshaken. The results that followed upon the battle of Fontenay were, however, felt by him as a severe blow; and, having resigned his abbatship, he retired, as Baugulfus had done before him, into religious seclusion. He chose for his retreat the cell at Petersberg, and there, to quote the expression of Rudolfus, devoted himself to the study of 'heavenly philosophy,' — that is, in more prosaic Ianguage, there compiled his De Universo (a feeble though laborious reproduction, with some additions, of the Encyclopaedia of Isidorus); wrote also, at the request of the emperor Lothair, his commentary on Ezekiel; and further, at the request of Lewis the German, an exposition of the 'allegorical' sense of the hymns used in the services of the Church. The relations which he appears to have maintained,


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Parker, Thomas (clergyman)


text: Cambridge Natural History Mammalia/Chapter VIII


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Author:Diana Fontaine Maury Corbin

Works

 * A Life of Matthew Fontaine Maury (1888)

title: Author:Diana Fontaine Maury Corbin


text: Atharva-Veda Samhita/Book V

title: Atharva-Veda Samhita/Book V


text: Atharva-Veda Samhita/Book V/Hymn 1

title: Atharva-Veda Samhita/Book V/Hymn 1


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 154 RABANUS MAURUa CHAP, to attribute to Rabanus. 1 It is right to add that his conclu- III v_ i ' ^ sion has received the support of M. Haureau. According to this assumption, Rabanus, in addition to his other distin- guished claims, appears as the author of a profound and able refutation of the reality of Universals. Unfortunately, however, two material facts, since pointed out by Kaulich and Prantl, seem fatal to such an hypothesis. Rabanus was already sixty-seven years of age when, in 844, he com- posed his treatise De Universe, in which, as we have before stated, 2 he follows Alcuin in dividing logic into dialectic and rhetoric ; but in the manuscript in question logic is sub- divided into grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic a far from unimportant difference and one which Prantl does not hesi- tate to refer to the influence of the views put forth by John Scotus respecting the relation of grammar and rhetoric to dialectic. 3 Again, it is evident that the commentary is de- signed as a reply to certain realistic doctrines, and, apart from the controversy raised by John Scotus, we have no evidence that this famous controversy was agitated in Frank- land before the second half of the ninth century. But the arrival of John in Frankland belongs to the years 840-6, during which time Rabanus, as we shall shortly see, was leading a life of religious seclusion, and tranquilly compos- ing his De Universe, in perfect ignorance, it may be presumed, of that new conception of logic which was being expounded at the court of Charles the Bald. It seems accordingly in the highest degree improbable that either at this period or in the years of his extreme old age, when "busied with the duties of his episcopate and the refutation of Gotteschalk, he should have permitted himself to become involved in a sharp philosophical controversy, have reconsidered his classi- fication of the arts and sciences, and composed a treatise altogether dissimilar to anything to be found in his acknow- ledged writings. 4 The commentary in question was probably An account of tliia gloss will be found in the author's History of the University of Cambridge, pp. 50-4.  See supra, p. 87. s Gesch. d. Loyik, ii 88.  ' Allerdings lasst sich nicht direct beweisen, dass Hrabanus denselben

umuoglich verfasst haben konne, aber als selir unwahrseheinlich miissen wir es immerhin bezeichuen.' Ibid. ' Der Gegensatz von Noniinalisten und Ilealisten beginnt sich zwar im ucuuten Jahrhundert zu entwickeln, aber ihn bis auf Rabauus au?zudehnen erscheiut uns unrecbtfertigt.' Kaulicb, Gesch. d.Schol.' Phil, i 62-3.


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Rh V


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 SALVIAN. 23 country of his birth ; the aspect of the times cast a gloom INTROD. over his whole nature. He believed that it was but the, " His beginning of the end the end of the Eoman polity, the despair Eoman civilisation, the Eoman learning ; and he looked upon such a sequel as nothing more than a long-merited retribution for the wanton abuse of power and almost universal demorali- sation that characterised his age. Like Augustine in his De Civitate Dei, like Orosius in his History, the presbyter of Marseilles, in his turn, put forth the De Gubematione TheDe Dei, to point the moral of contemporaneous history, ' a'nd justify the ways of God to man.' It was in the same year that the battle of Chalons was fought that Salvian is said to have commenced his treatise, and in its turbid eloquence and abrupt transitions we seem to see the reflex of the tumult around. ' Ye complain, Eomans,' is his cry, * because the barbarian crushes you ; but ye complain without right, for ye merit all your woes. 5 even better.' 1 Christianity itself seemed to him powerless to reform a state of society thus utterly corrupt; it was in the barbaric element that his hopes of a regenerated and reinvigorated Europe really centered. Among the Latin races he could discern nothing but corruption, vice, and crime : the hand of authority stretched out only to < oppress the riches of the wealthy squandered in sensual and debasing pleasures the needy, despairing of justice against the employer and of honest recompense of labour, betaking themselves to the recesses of the forest and the mountain to assume the career of the brigand. While in the midst of this widespread, this almost universal, lawlessness and de- moralisation, when the Vandal was triumphing in Africa and the Frank was marshalling his forces for a final descent upon Gaul, the denizen of the great cities, reckless of the morrow, shouted, and applauded in the theatre and the circus inter suoruin supplicia ridebat.* ' Ye ask for public games, ye  De Gub. Dei, iv 12 ; Migne, liii 84 : ' TJbi eublimior est praerogativa, major est culpa,' says Salvian. 5 Ibid, vi 12 ; Migne, liii 123.
 * These barbarians,' he fiercely adds, ' are as good as you, and


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Rh noticed the studious little middy, and had many a kind talk with him.

At this time his pay as a midshipman was only nineteen dollars a month, half of which he sent regularly to one of his sisters.

After a cruise of some months in British waters, and the Mediterranean, the 'Brandywine' returned to New York in 1826, and Maury was transferred to the sloop-of-war 'Vincennes,' then on a cruise around the world.

While on the ship Vincennes, young Maury became a great favorite with the captain, who frequently invited Maury to dine in the cabin. On one such occasion, when the captain had taken a glass or so too much, he insisted that Maury should drink more than the moderate quantity he allowed himself and never exceeded. Maury firmly and politely declined. But his superior officer insisted, and, rising from his seat, approached, glass in hand, to push him yet further. Maury dashed the glass to the floor, and, turning on his heel, left the cabin.

During this cruise, the ship touched at Nukahiva, the island on which his brother John had passed two stranded years, about twelve years before. The old king who had befriended him was still alive, and recognized the younger brother by his name and likeness. He made great show of affectionate greeting, and offered to adopt him as his son and heir.

The change to the ship 'Vincennes' was a fortunate one for the young student, who found his accommodation in the smaller vessel much more favorable for study than in the noisy and crowded steerage of the frigate. When not occupied with his regular duties, or such social intercourse and amusement as courtesy demands among companions on ship-board, he applied himself resolutely to his books, and made such progress, that, at the conclusion of the voyage, he was Rh


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24  of Trèves! After bloodshed and executions, ye clamour for shows. Ye demand of your prince a circus — and for whom? For a pillaged and mined city, for a captive and plundered people, decimated and in tears!'

To the despondency thus produced in the minds of the teachers of the age by the combined spectacle of deepest social corruption and the severest national calamity, must in a great degree be attributed the disposition, now generally discernible, to abandon the ancient system of instruction — a disposition which was still further increased by the change in popular feeling. As the majority of the people became Christian by profession, and learning declined in estimation, their prejudices, once so strong against the faith which they subsequently embraced, became directed against all pagan institutions and habits of thought. Legislation, which Constantine had invoked to protect the Christian instructor, was needed in turn to protect the professor of rhetoric from persecution. Even those who, like Sedulius, Claudius Marius Victor, and Prosper, sought to impart a Christian tone to the traditional culture by applying it to new themes, found that, in the temper of the times, this middle course was impracticable.

It was precisely as this change in popular sentiment began to find expression, that the rise of the schools of Cassian afforded, in connexion with the monastic foundations, an escape from the previously existing dilemma. A system — narrow, illiberal, and defective, it must be confessed, but still a system — of education was presented which rendered the rejection of the old discipline less difficult. The choice no longer lay between the methods of paganism and the sacrifice of all methods whatever.

Monasticism, as is well known, is of oriental origin; but the spirit which it breathed and the discipline which it enforced in the East differ in many important respects from those which characterised it in western Christendom. Its dominant conception was familiar to eastern communities long before the Christian era, associated apparently, if not identical, with that theory of the contemplative life which in


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Bylot, Robert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Byles, John Barnard


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Parker, Willard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Byng, Andrew


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Byng, George


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Byng, John (1704-1757)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Byng, John (1772-1860)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Bynneman, Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Byrd, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Byrhtferth


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Byrne, Anne Frances


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12 prose and verse “Orphic sayings”—“Orphics.” We wish we could add that they have shown that musical apprehension of the progress of nature through her ascending gradations which entitled them so to do, but their attempts are frigid, though sometimes grand; in their strain we are not warmed by the fire which fertilized the soil of Greece.

Orpheus was a law-giver by theocratic commission. He understood nature, and made her forms move to his music. He told her secrets in the form of hymns, nature as seen in the mind of God. His soul went forth toward all beings, yet could remain sternly faithful to a chosen type of excellence. Seeking what he loved, he feared not death nor hell, neither could any shape of dread daunt his faith in the power of the celestial harmony that filled his soul.

It seemed significant of the state of things in this country, that the sculptor should have represented the seer at the moment when he was obliged with his hand to shade his eyes.

A better comment could not be made on what is


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 served the state in its highest offices were preserved in the atria or halls of their descendants, inscribed, like the Chinese tablets, with titles recording their dignity and exploits. Whether the departed spirits tenanted them according to the Chinese belief is not recorded; though it probably was so, for at funerals they might be carried, like the images of the gods in Lectisternia (see ), on couches before the corpse. Oftener, however, they were mere masques worn at funerals by men who personated the ancestors and wore their robes of office. Perhaps the vulgar regarded these men as temporary reincarnations of those whom they thus represented.

The word Manes signified the friendly ancestral ghosts of a Roman household. To them, under the name of Lares, it was the solemn preoccupation of male descendants to offer food and sacrifice and to keep alight the hearth fire which cooked the offerings. Small waxen images of the Manes called Lares, clothed in dogskin, and on feast days crowned with garlands, stood round the family hearth of which they were the unseen guardians (but see ). To lack such care and tendance was—along with want of regular burial—the most dreadful fate that could overtake an ancient; and a Roman, like a Hindu, in case he was childless, adopted a male child whose duty it would be, as if his own son, to continue after his death the family rites or sacra. On this side the ancestor-worship of the Aryans has been productive of the most important institutions of adoption and will or testament. Sir Henry Maine (Ancient Law, ch. v.) has justly observed that “the history of political ideas begins with the assumption that kinship in blood is the sole possible ground of community in political functions,” and that in early commonwealths “citizens considered all the groups in which they claimed membership to be founded on common lineage.” A man only shared in house, tribe and state, so far as he was descended from particular ancestors and eponymous heroes, and due cult of these illustrious dead was the condition of his enjoying any rights or inheriting any property. Yet if society was to grow, men of alien descent had to be admitted into the original brotherhood and amalgamated therewith. “Adverting to Rome singly,” adds the same author, “we perceive that the primary group, the family, was being constantly adulterated by the practice of adoption.” Thus transition was made possible from an agnatic society based on blood ties to one based on contiguity.

In the worship of the Lares the head of a Roman household commemorated and reinforced the blood tie which made one flesh of all its members living and dead. The gens in turn was regarded as an expansion of the family, as was the state of the gens; and members of these larger units by worship of common ancestors—usually mythical—kept alive the feeling that they were a single organic whole animated by a common soul and joined in consanguinity. Outcasts alone, the offspring of irregular unions, could be ignorant of the blood which ran in their veins, of the unseen ancestors to be fed and tended in family and gentile rites. Such considerations help us to understand the enormous importance attached in ancient societies to the right of intermarriage, as also to grasp the origin of wills and testaments. For a will was to begin with but a mode of indicating (not necessarily in writing) on whom devolved the duty of conducting a parent’s funeral, and together with that duty the right of inheriting his property. The due performance of funeral rites re-created the blood tie and renewed the kinship of living and dead at the moment when death seemed specially to endanger it by removal of that representative of the household whose special duty it had been to keep up the family sacra. In Hindostan, as Maine remarks (op. cit. ch. vi.), we have a parallel to the Roman system; for there “the right to inherit a dead man’s property is exactly co-extensive with the duty of performing his obsequies. If the rites are not properly performed or not performed by the proper person, no relation is considered as established between the deceased and anybody surviving him; the law of succession does not apply, and nobody can inherit the property. Every great event in the life of a Hindu seems to be regarded as leading up to and bearing on these solemnities. If he marries, it is to have children who may celebrate them after his death; if he has no children, he lies under the strongest obligation to adopt them from another family, ‘with a view,’ writes the Hindu doctor, ‘to the funeral cake, the water and the solemn sacrifice’ ” “May there be born in our lineage,” so the Indian Manes are supposed to say, “a man to offer to us, on the thirteenth day of the moon, rice boiled in milk, honey and ghee.”

It is then in connexion with the history of inheritance and adoption, and of the gradual evolution from societies held together only by blood-kinship to societies consolidated on other bases, especially on that of local contiguity, that ancestor-worship chiefly calls for investigation.

We must now pass on to other aspects of it less important for the student of ancient law, but interesting to the folklorist.

In ancient Rome the Di manes, or as we should say the blessed dead, who reposed in their necropolis outside the walls, were specially commemorated on the dies parentales or days of placating them (placandis Manibus). These began on the 13th of February and ended on the 22nd with the Caristia or feast of Cara Cognatio. The family have on the preceding days solemnly visited the grave, and offered to the shades gifts of water, wine, milk, honey, oil, and the blood of black victims; they have decked the tomb with flowers, have renewed the feast and farewell of the funeral, and have prayed to the ancestors to watch over their welfare. Now the survivors return home and hold a love-feast, in which all quarrels are healed, all trespasses forgiven. The Lares are brought out to preside over this solemn feast, and for the occasion are incincti or clothed in tunics girt at the loins.

It is doubtful whether we should dignify by the name of ancestor-worship the older Roman festival of the Lemuria, which was held on the 9th, 11th and 13th of May. For the lemures were, like our unlaid ghosts, unburied, mischievous or inimical spirits, and these three days were nefasti or unlucky, because their malign influence was abroad. The ghosts had to be driven out of the house, and Ovid (Fasti, v. 432) relates how the head of the family arose at midnight, and with feet unfettered by shoon or sandals, and with washen hands traversed his house beckoning against the ghosts with fingers joined to thumb. Nine times with averted glance he spat a black bean out of his mouth and cried: “With these I redeem me and mine.” The ghosts followed and picked up, or perhaps entered into the beans. Then he washed afresh, and rattled his brass vessels, and nine times over bade them begone with the polite formula, Manes exite paterni, “Go forth, O paternal manes.”

The gesture described was probably the same as that with which a Christian priest averts demonic influences from the heads of his congregation in the act of blessing them. The many hands of Zeus Sabazios turned up in ancient excavations observe a similar gesture. All over the earth we meet with such periodically recurrent ceremonies of expelling demons and ghosts, who usually are given a meal before being hunted back into their graves. But an account of such ceremonies belongs rather to demonology than to the history of the worship of Manes, which are peaceful, well-conducted and beneficent beings, endowed and, so to speak on the foundation, like the Christian souls for whose masses money has been left. Ancestor-worship has its parallels in Christian cults of the dead and of the saints; it must be remembered, however, that a saint is not as a rule an ancestor, and that his cult is not based upon family feeling and love of kinsmen, nor tends to stimulate and encourage the same. Such cults have never prevented those who participated in them from fighting one another. Ancestor-worship on this side is also in strong contrast with the teaching of the Gospel, for it is an apotheosis of family affections and supplies a real cement wherewith to bind society together; whereas the Christian Messiah taught that, “If any cometh to me, and hateth not his father

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