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588 to-day in its greatest purity only in Scandinavia, in northwestern Germany and in England. Its chief physical characteristics are blond hair, a fair complexion, tall stature and especially a distinctly dolichocephalic shape of the head. Now as Ripley justly remarks, this longheadedness does not ipso facto imply a strong character, or superior mental power. The negroes, the Spaniards, the Sicilians are dolichocephalic without showing any intellectual superiority. But this particular long-headed northern race excelled and still excels by great mental qualities. It is the dominating race of modern times. It forms the ruling and predominating element in the three most powerful nations of the present day, England, Germany and the United States. Through the Anglo-Saxons, its most vigorous branch, it carried European civilization to the uttermost parts of the earth. The higher classes and the dynasties of the modern European nations belong to this northern race. Lapouge found that most of the great Frenchmen are of this type and are the descendants of the early Teutonic invaders. The majority of the great Italians who, during the Renaissance, made northern Italy the most enlightened country in the world, were the descendants of the northern conquerors, who during the great migration settled in that part of Europe. Likewise a close inquiry would probably show that the great thinkers and writers of middle and southern Germany, where the brachycephalic Alpine race forms the bulk of the population, are the descendants of the long-headed Teutons who settled among them. These northern peoples surpass all others in vigor, energy and self-control; they are aristocratic in their nature, domineering, oppressive to inferior races; but they are liberty-loving, have an innate love for law and order, and are above all other races capable of self-government; and it is certainly not accidental that all the branches of this race are protestants.

It is of descendants of this long-headed northern race that the great majority of the agricultural population of the United States is made up, and it is its very best elements that settled the American states. The people that founded the thirteen colonies belonged to the most energetic and most independent elements of old England. Only men of an indomitable courage and superior intellect would dare to brave the dangers of a distant and unknown country. Many left their homes


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Rh on account of religious or political persecution; they stood above their fellow men in independence of thought and love of freedom. Thus by a process of natural selection only the best people of Old England came to settle the American colonies and to form the solid nucleus around which the great American nation was to form. Of these early settlers only the most vigorous, the most intelligent, again survived; the weaker elements succumbing to the new conditions, the climate, the dangers of a new country.

After the war of independence came the Irish, the Germans, the Scandinavians, the Austrians, the Swiss. The Celtic colonists, coming from Ireland, Wales and parts of Scotland, mixed with the Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic settlers. They have undoubtedly greatly modified the character of the American people. The American is less stolid, less phlegmatic than the Englishman; he is quicker, more nervous; in vivacity he approaches the mercurial Frenchman. The character of the American people was much less affected by the people who came from middle and southern Germany, from Austria and Switzerland, because these peoples are themselves the product of a mixture between the Teutonic conquerors and the brachycephalic Alpine race and were thus a less heterogeneous element than the Celtic immigrants. Here, too, a selective process was at work. It was still the days of the sailing vessel and the prairie schooner. Only the strongest, most energetic, most independent would undertake such a long, tedious and dangerous voyage. Ammon, in his most interesting study on the population of South-German cities, has shown that it is mostly the long-headed as the most energetic people who move from the rural districts to the cities. From this we may infer that the countries just mentioned sent principally this class of people across the ocean to mingle their blood with a kindred race.

The greater part of this earlier immigration belonged to the agricultural classes. Large numbers of families came from the rural districts of northern and central Europe in quest of new homes, where they might enjoy greater freedom and have larger opportunities, and where they might be enabled to leave their children a goodly inheritance. Only

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590 a comparatively small portion of these people established themselves in the large cities; the great bulk of them went west and settled, side by side with the pioneers from the eastern states, the broad and fertile prairies of the Mississippi Valley and the sunny slopes of the Pacific Coast. It is true, a general intermixture of the various branches of this northern race did not take place equably throughout the country. There are large territories in many states where certain nationalities established distinct and separate settlements. Extensive tracts in Pennsylvania, Illinois, Missouri, Iowa, Texas and other states were settled by Germans alone. The Swedes and Norwegians established their new homes mostly in the northwest. The purest Anglo-Saxon blood we find in the southern states. The Celtic immigrants formed nowhere large separate settlements; they are scattered equably all over the union. One important fact must be noted here. A very large portion of the people of Celtic origin did not settle in the rural districts, but established themselves in the great cities, in New York, Boston, Chicago, St. Louis, etc., where, as we shall see later, they will disappear in the course of a few generations.

About the middle of the ninth decade of the last century an entirely new immigration began to set in. The new arrivals came from southern and eastern Europe, from Italy, Greece, Hungary, Bohemia, Russia. Hailing from an entirely different region of Europe, they differ completely in their racial characteristics from the earlier immigration. Considering only the head form, some of these people would show no marked difference from the Anglo-Saxon or Teuton. The Sicilians, the Neapolitans, the Greeks, are more or less dolichocephalic. But some anthropologists lay entirely too much stress on the headform. It is evident that purity of race is of far greater importance than the shape of the head. But these Mediterranean countries have probably the most mixed population of any region on the globe. This manifold intermixture began during the later periods of the Roman republic. The numerous prisoners taken in the many and frequent wars were sold as slaves in Italy and the provinces bordering on the Mediterranean Sea. Mommsen estimates the slave population of the Italian peninsula in the times of Sulla at twelve to fourteen millions, twice as numerous as the free population. These slaves came from the most distant regions, and were mostly barbarians, in every respect dissimilar from the Roman people.

The island of Sicily presents perhaps the best example of this manifold intermixture of the Mediterranean peoples. In the earliest


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Rh Greek colonists came to establish their cities among the native Siculi. Later the Carthaginians and after them the Romans brought great numbers of slaves to the island. Goth and Vandal came and disappeared. The Saracens, themselves mixed with black blood, held the island nearly two hundred years, until the island was conquered by the Normans. All these races left their traces in the modern population of Sicily. But where once the great cities of Syracuse, Agrigentum, Segesta, flourished we find to-day ignorance, poverty, crime; here is the home of the Black Hand and the Mafia. The southern part of the Italian boot, the old kingdom of Naples, has almost the same history as Sicily, and the modern conditions there are not much different. The best portion of the Italian people are the brachycephalic North-Italians. It is these sturdy and energetic people who have brought about Italian unity. By their thriftiness, intelligence and love of law and justice they form the backbone of the Italian monarchy. If we cross the Adriatic we find on the Balkan peninsula a mixture of peoples, a Völkergemisch, made up of hardly less numerous elements than the population of Italy. The Slavic race forms here a predominating element among a population greatly mixed in other ways. The modern Greeks are largely of Slavic origin. They are not the descendants of the ancient Greeks. That noble race, greatly mixed with barbarian blood during the middle ages, was almost completely destroyed in the course of the frequent uprisings against Turkish rule. Slavic immigrants gradually repeopled the country. The same intense mixture of different races we find in Asia Minor and Syria, countries which send considerable numbers of immigrants to our shores. The least mixed of all these races are the Slavs of Russia. Yet this people has little in common with the race that settled America. The Russians are behind all other nations of Europe in social and political development. The mass of the people is ignorant, servile, superstitious, and, according to the opinion of a close observer, unfit for self-government.

The broad-headed Jews are not as pure a race as has commonly been supposed. They have been greatly mixed with the peoples among whom they lived. Especially is this true of the Russian and Polish Jews, who form such a large portion of the American immigrants. The best type of all these various peoples are probably the brachycephalic Hungarians. Though dissimilar from the other races of Europe, they possess valuable qualities; they ate preeminently an intellectual people and well fitted for self-government.

These are the peoples from whom the later immigration to the United States is recruiting itself. All differ among themselves as much as they


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594 differ from the long-headed northern race, which occupies to-day the rural districts of the American Union. Not one of them has reached a high degree of civilization. They have not proved their capability of self-government. They are illiterate and differ in their religious beliefs, their languages and customs, from the Teutonic peoples. They are vivacious, restless, turbulent, and do not possess that respect for law and a well-regulated government which is inborn in the northern race. They bring rarely whole families with them. No process of selection is now at work as in former days. A modern sea voyage has not the dangers and terrors of earlier times. The better and best people stay now at home and only the lower classes emigrate. A mixture of these races with the earlier immigrants could not possibly produce a superior people, as we sometimes read in newspaper articles; it would vitiate and deteriorate the American race, and might prepare for this nation the fate of the Roman empire.

At the time when the immigrants from the south and east of Europe began to arrive in larger numbers on the American shore the vast tracts of public lands had, as we have seen, been occupied by the Anglo-Saxons and the other Teutonic peoples, mingled with considerable numbers of Celts. There were no large territories left where any great numbers of these newcomers could have settled. But these later immigrants are not agriculturally inclined; they would not settle in the country even if public lands were still accessible to them. They belong to the poorest classes, were mostly brought up in cities, and are not adapted to the cultivation of the soil. With the exception, perhaps, of the Poles an exceedingly small number of these later immigrants settle in the country. The Russian Jew is a city dweller; the Greek and the Syrian stay in the cities; the Hungarian and the Slav take to mining; the Italians who do not follow mining or railroading prefer the large cities. Ripley asserts that four fifths of our foreign-born citizens live in the twelve principal cities of the country. It is quite certain that the greater number of these are of the later immigration.

We have thus shown that the Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic stock,


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Rh mixed with Celtic elements, forms the rural population of the United States, while the greater portion of the population of the larger and largest cities is composed of the new immigration. It is a bold assumption that the United States is a "melting-pot" in which all the races of Europe are fused to a new race. A general intermixture of the old and the new immigrants can take place only in the large cities while the rural population, the backbone of the nation, will not be appreciably affected. This mixed city population will not persist for any length of time. It is a generally recognized fact that city populations have much less vitality than the agricultural classes. But the surprisingly rapid rate at which families in the cities die out was not known until the remarkable observations of Hansen, Amnion and others were made public.

In modern times the causes which contribute to the rapid destruction of the city population are much more potent than in the past. The cities are generally much larger and it is certain that the healthfulness of a city decreases as its size increases. It is true that sanitary measures are much more efficient than in former times, but it is also true that the destructive influences have grown in strength and new ones have appeared. The modern factory work, the poor housing conditions of the lower classes, tend to destroy life and weaken vitality. Race suicide is practised especially in the cities, while it is almost unknown among the country population. The struggle for existence is much severer in the cities; marriages are fewer; the mortality of children is greater. Prostitution, the curse of large cities, is an enemy to marriage and tends to shorten and destroy life by transmitting and spreading venereal diseases. To all this we must add the attractions of city life, the chase after pleasure, the constant excitement, the nervous strain, which are all hostile to the vitality of families. Another cause of the rapid extinction of the city population lies in the very mixture of so many races. There is a biological law that hybrids do not tend to reproduce their kind. The fecundity of such a mixed population is appreciably lower than that of a pure race. Lapouge found that in those regions of France where the brachycephalic Alpine race has preserved a comparative purity the birth rate is much higher than in the districts where the race is greatly mixed with Teutonic blood. In the latter regions the birth rate is actually decreasing.

It is evident that the lower classes, living under less favorable conditions than the well-to-do, are more subject to rapid extinction. But


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594 the higher classes are not exempt from this iron law. Various causes are mentioned for this fact. Marriages are contracted much later in life among the wealthy, and, as a rule, they have fewer children; the intellectual, life seems to be unfavorable to the fecundity of women. Race suicide is more common among the higher classes. It is hardly necessary to mention that families of an extremely healthy stock, and living under the most favorable conditions, are able to continue their existence a much longer time. The remarkable vitality of the British aristocracy is due to their athletic habits and to the fact that they spend the greater part of the year on their estates in the country. Ammon holds that the aristocratic classes of the continent "have favorable prospects to perpetuate their family names only if they live on their estates and devote themselves to agriculture and the chase."

The Jews seem to form an exception to what has just been said. They have been city dwellers from the time they left Palestine and began to overrun the countries of the earth. There can be no doubt that they are a very healthy race. In the struggle for existence, during the endless persecutions they had to undergo in every country and at all ages, only the strongest individuals survived. A process of natural selection thus produced a vigorous race. The frugal and sober habits and the faithful application of the sanitary precepts of the Mosaic code also contributed greatly to produce a healthy people. But these influences are much less at work in modern times. The vitality of the Jew will be greatly affected by modern city life as we find it in the city of New York, where the great bulk of the Jewish population in this country lives. Tuberculosis, the scourge of the white race, used to be rare among the Jews, but the unsanitary life in the "sweat-shops" of New York is also increasing its victims among this people.

The rate at which city populations die out is much more rapid than one would ordinarily suppose. Recent researches have thrown much light on this process of elimination. Ammon, in his researches on the population of Carlsruhe and Freiburg (two comparatively small cities) established the fact that the city-born population decreases in the course of two generations from 100 per cent, to 29 and 15 per cent. He supposes that on an average the families who move from the country to a city die out in the course of two generations. Hansen found that one half of the population of the German cities consists at all times of immigrants from the country districts, and he concludes from this fact that the city population renews itself completely in the course of two generations. We may safely apply these results, which have been


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Rh obtained for the German cities, to the great industrial and commercial centers of America, for conditions here are not more favorable to the maintenance of human life. We may assume, therefore, that the families that are now living in our large cities will, with few exceptions, die out in the course of two or three generations. It is only through the constant supply which the cities draw from the country that they are able to maintain and increase their population. If a modern city had to rely solely on its own natural increase, its population would steadily decline and finally shrink to an insignificant number. But if the disappearing portion of the American city population were constantly replenished by new immigration from Europe there would be no change in the actual conditions. However, the time is near at hand when the government of the United States will be compelled, for economic reasons, to close the gates to the great mass of poor immigrants from Europe. When that time comes the cities will have to rely exclusively on the country to replenish their dwindling population. Then the unceasing stream of people, which even now is constantly flowing from the country towards the towns, will reconquer the cities from that alien population which now holds them. It is clear that the longer this process of conquering the cities by the rural population is going on the more thorough will be the elimination of the alien races. A few elements of the new immigration will doubtless persist and form a permanent part of the future American race, but they will be a desirable acquisition, for by the law of the survival of the fittest they must be considered a superior type of humanity.

We have thus shown that no general intermixture of the old with the new immigration will take place, and that instead of the Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic settlers "are working for inferior races," who will some day displace them, the reverse is true. There is no doubt that these later immigrants, as laborers, have performed and are performing an important part in this country; they have contributed not a small part to the wealth of this nation.

It was not the purpose of this article to minimize the disadvantages and dangers of this later immigration. The presence, in our large cities, of great numbers of these illiterate strangers, who neither understand nor sympathize with the political institutions of this country, is an impediment to municipal reform. So many of these heterogeneous


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596 people are now among us that it would be to the best interests of the country if congress, by suitable legislation, restricted immigration in such a manner as only to admit a small number and only the best elements of these heterogeneous races.

The negro, more dissimilar from the Anglo-Saxon than any other race, has purposely been omitted in this study. Though the negroes form a considerable portion of the agricultural population of a large section of the union, a mixture between the two races, as is the case in Latin America, will never take place. The Anglo-Saxon is too proud and too much bent on the preservation of his racial purity to admit of any such intermixture. He even rejects the mulatto who shows the slightest traces of black blood. The negro is physically and intellectually inferior to the white man; he is several thousand years behind the white race in his intellectual development and, as Huxley observed, will never be the equal of the white man. In the great struggle for existence which, in future centuries, will grow in intensity, the negro will be eliminated, "he will melt away before the breath of the white man as snow melts under a hot wind." This is the probable solution of the negro problem in the United States. One of the chief means by which this process of elimination is hastened, is the marked tendency of the negro to leave the rural districts and to settle in the large cities, where he has much less chance of survival than the more energetic and thrifty white man.


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Rh

O say that ours is the best age the world has ever known is to state a simple truth. Even though we can claim for literature no living Homer, nor Dante, nor Shakespeare; for art no Phidias, nor Michel Angelo, nor Rubens; for moral suasion no Confucius, nor Zoroaster, nor Mahomet, still the statement is true. True because for the west as well as for the far east this is the age of Meiji—the age of enlightenment. True because man to-day has more knowledge than ever before of the laws of the universe in which he is placed, and because this knowledge is power; the power by which he brings inanimate nature to his aid; the power that determines his efficiency and fixes his place on the scale of civilization. It is this knowledge, slowly gained through the ages, and his ability to use it, that raises man above the plane of the mere animal and gives him dominion over all the earth and its creatures.

He alone has discovered even so simple a thing as how, by putting the half burned logs closer together and by adding fresh fuel, to keep burning the fire that, like himself, many an animal enjoys but knows not how to obtain; a discovery that has been of incalculable benefit to him and will be. And so too each additional discovery, by the fuller knowledge and wider control of nature it brings, marks a gain in the struggle for life and for happiness. It lays broader and deeper the foundation upon which our arts and our civilization are based, and stamps, therefore, the discoverer as a benefactor of the human race.

There is no intention here to imply that people without originality are necessarily useless. In fact, they are very far from being so, for the practise of the arts is the end of science, and for this one does not need in the least to be original. Nevertheless, all material progress does depend absolutely upon the investigator and the inventor; upon that rare man, the genius that discovers the secrets of nature, and upon that host of skillful men who cleverly use these discoveries in devising mechanical and other means of meeting every-day needs.

Science, as just implied, is not an end within itself, at least not an important one, for it is the bringing of nature's forces to our service, the application of her laws to the development of useful arts, and not the abstract knowledge of the laws themselves, that chiefly concerns mankind; and, therefore, being cognizant of only its mediate benefactors, the public gives its laurels and its material rewards to the inventor and the manufacturer, rather than to the investigator and the scholar. But in this, as in so many other things, the decision of the majority is


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598 wrong and the judgment of the public not to be trusted. Some praise may very well be given to the manufacturer and a great deal more to the inventor, for the work of each is essential to the good of the public; but, after all, the real honor is due the investigator who, by patient research and keenness of insight, discovered the laws that made possible the invention and its uses. Only let some genius discover electrical waves and in time there will be devised many systems of wireless telegraphy, or let the mysterious X-ray and how to produce it be revealed and soon there will be hundreds of clever devices for its practical use. And so it is through all the arts and all the sciences, where there is one to lead and discover there are many to follow and apply, and countless millions to enjoy. A Newton, a Darwin, a Pasteur, rarely is found, but wherever he may be there are, besides himself, many others who can and who do perform the necessary, but always secondary, function of turning his discoveries to every-day uses so that all mankind, as long thereafter as the race may last, can live more securely and more happily.

It is man's power of investigation and of discovery that enables him to bring the forces of nature to his aid, without which help he would perish wholly or at best live only as the beasts of the forest. It is science that makes two blades of grass grow where but one grew before, and this is basic, for by it we conquer in the struggle for existence. It is basic because self-preservation is everywhere and always the first law of nature, and because whatever else happens, and before any higher development is possible, our physical needs must be provided for.

The author fully concurs in every claim that can be made for the intellectual and the moral uplift due to the beautiful and the artistic, whether in literature, music, painting or any other form whatsoever in which they can find expression; but these are apart from his present discussion which concerns the knowledge of nature's laws and their application to human affairs. Neither is he unmindful of nor without appreciation for the great good, other than material, that follows in the wake of scientific study and investigation. He believes that the declaration: "The truth shall make you free," is as applicable and as necessary to things intellectual as to things spiritual; but he also holds that those truths of nature that aid in providing for our daily needs are just as effective as any others in freeing the human mind from the bondages of fear and of superstition, and that therefore only those truths that offer definite applications, and those essential to a better understanding of nature and a fuller control of her forces, are really worthy to be sought after patiently and diligently.

However, the possible usefulness of an investigation is a point to be considered, if ever at all, in determining what question to take up and how to attack it, for the scientific genius investigates, as the poet writes, along any line that appeals to him. In a sense he can not help it, for to him research and experiment are life and happiness; he is still


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Rh a boy who has never outgrown young life's curiosity and the joy of seeing new things, nor has he outgrown the stimulus of companionship, the necessity for playmates. He obeys instinctively that best of advice given and followed by Rowland of experimental fame: "Do something to it, man, do something to it and something will happen," and therefore once his investigation is begun he seldom stops to consider of what use the results may be; nor is this often to be regretted since whatever his discoveries, it is practically certain that some day they will have many and unsuspected applications. It was Helmholtz who, to satisfy his own apparently idle curiosity, determined why a cat's eye glows, or as we say, looks green in the dark. But out of this investigation, which to the practical man would appear utterly trivial and useless, came not only knowledge that shattered certain superstitious fears, but even the ophthalmoscope that every year helps to save the sight of thousands of human beings.

This beautiful illustration of the unsuspected results of scientific work is scarcely more than typical, for however keen the zest of investigation, however glorious the hour of discovery, these joys of the few are as nothing in comparison with the sum total of the peace of intellectual freedom and of the pleasures of physical comfort their labors provide for the multitudes of every living nation and of all future generations. And therefore it would seem that, of all people, those who, by their persistent labors and by the keenness of their intellect, make the world more fruitful and nature more the servant of man, would be honored and encouraged; that they would be sought after and put in those positions that would enable them to do their work best, and where they could exert the greatest influence upon others by inspiring as many as possible to emulate their example. And indeed this in some measure is the happy state of affairs in the cultured centers of the old world; and it is there that nearly all the power that comes of knowledge had its origin.

That which makes human progress possible, that which has given us our present civilization, and points the way to a higher, should command our unqualified admiration and our every encouragement. And in so far as they depend upon our knowledge of the laws of the universe in which we are placed and from which we can not escape, in so far as they depend upon our luxuries and upon the means of providing our necessities, of protecting ourselves from plague and from pestilence —in so far as they depend upon making the world more fruitful and therefore the abode of a more numerous and happier people—so far as civilization and progress depend upon all these things, just so far they depend absolutely upon the labors of the creative scholar, upon the work of the investigator, the seeker after and the discover of nature's truths and nature's laws. It matters not how firmly the man of affairs establishes some new and important industry, nor how readily the public accepts what he has to offer, whether the convenience of modern lighting,


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600 the facilities of wireless and of other methods of communication, or any of the thousands of things that steam and electricity can supply, every one traces back beyond the artisan and the financier to the oft forgotten investigator but for whose labors there would be occasion for neither, and even kings could not have as a luxury that which all the world now deems a necessity.

It is absolutely essential to our future progress, nor can this be emphasized too strongly, that we appreciate the inestimable value of pure research; that we realize the futility without it of every effort to advance, and the certainty with it of the creation of new industries, the finding of new comforts and the improvement of man's every condition: and it is equally essential that on realizing this we have the courage to act according to our convictions.

Let us then humbly and honestly inquire what part we Americans as individuals, as communities and as a nation are taking in this the chief labor of the human race for its existence and for its betterment. The average individual, if he is honest with himself, is not likely to feel very proud of his own achievements or of those of his community, nor even satisfied with the earnestness of his efforts; and therefore as a nation we are not able to point with pride to the part we have taken in scientific investigations. Good work has been done and is being done in an increasingly large amount, but on the whole, as a nation, we are not doing our duty in this respect, for our productiveness, relative to our numbers, falls far short of that of most of our mother countries, such as England, Prance, Germany and Holland, and besides many of the more important discoveries that we claim were made by men of foreign birth.

It is not very agreeable to have to admit this state of affairs, but only the ignorant fail to see their own faults, and only the coward refuses to admit them. The wise thing to do is to admit them frankly—at least to one's self—and the courageous thing is to begin promptly and persistently to do one's full duty as he sees it.

It would be well if possible to learn the cause of this generally admitted rarity of American discoveries, so that as in the case of a disease a remedy can be intelligently sought for. It can not be attributed to race difference, since we are of the same stock that produces so much more on the other side of the ocean. Nor can it be attributed to lack of means, for we boast of the greatest wealth of any nation of this or of any past age, and to our universities we make gifts whose princely magnificence astounds the world. Neither is it due to our mad rush in business, our striving after wealth, for in general our greatest business centers, our wealthiest cities, are the principal sources of our original contributions to knowledge; while that very part of our country which has always boasted its superiority to the sordid things of mammon, to the littleness of business strife, and prided itself upon its intelligence,


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Rh upon its scholarship, its leisure and its devotion to the greatest good of its own people, is the least productive of creative work—in some of the more important sciences even practically sterile.

Here then, in the south, that cause, whatever it is, has its greatest influence, and can therefore the more certainly be determined. Surely though, this mortifying, this deplorable state of affairs does not have to exist, for the south long ago showed her ability in meeting and mastering great political, military, and judicial problems, and she has to-day as splendid a class of people, as earnest, as capable, as sensitive and as self sacrificing as has any country on the face of the earth, the very qualities essential to scientific achievements. Why then do her people accomplish so little of this kind of work, and why have they no voice in the councils of our national scientific societies?

But first to show that these statements are true. In Science for December 18, 1908, is given the names of the presidents and secretaries for the Baltimore meetings of a number of scientific organizations—the American Association for the Advancement of Science, its several sections, and twenty-four other societies—in all, seventy-eight names, and just one is from south of the Potomac and the Ohio. Even the Southern Society for Philosophy and Psychology was officered by men from north of the Potomac. Surely then the voice of the south is faint in the councils of our scientific organizations; nor has she even a single representative in the whole of the National Academy. But this is not intended in the least as a criticism of any of these societies or of the excellent men they have chosen to represent them. It is a simple statement of the facts, so astonishing, however, that if generally realized they could not help arousing that healthy determination that leads to better things.

During the past twelve years the author has had the pleasure of attending many of the meetings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, sections A and B, of the American Physical Society and of the Astronomical and Astrophysical Society of America, but in all this time, except for an occasional contribution from one university, rarely ever heard a paper that was written in what are known as the southern states. He has repeatedly heard papers, often excellent ones, written at northern universities by men of southern birth, but seldom, if ever, a paper by a northern man in a southern university.

This great inequality, even when the men are the same, in productive scholarship between the northern and the southern parts of our country can have but one explanation—difference in environment; and it explains too the inferior part we as a nation are taking in preparing the way for any real advance in civilization.

It is the stimulus of his environment, as every creative scholar knows, that is chiefly responsible for the quantity and even in large


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602 measure for the quality of all the original work he does, and as our educational institutions, equipped with their splendid libraries, museums and laboratories, are the only places where men are supposed to give their entire time to knowing things and to training others to know, therefore the tone, as we say, of its universities, their attitude towards science, is the chief determining cause of the part any nation takes in adding to the sum of human knowledge and of human power; and therefore too it is properly expected of them that they shall seek the highest type of scholarship, and constantly maintain that peculiar environment that stimulates to creative work. The spirit of its community of course has more or less influence on the work of every university, but it is never of first importance, for each takes the institution in its midst for a model, and as no one rises to the level of his ideal, so too no community equals even in sterile scholarship, much less productive, that of its university. In the main this spirit of the community is but that of its own college reflected in a modified and enfeebled form. Of course there are good and bad reflectors, but everywhere the important thing is the quality and intensity of the central light. In fact the public, whose business is the making of money and the getting of bonds, can not be expected to be so enthusiastic about these higher things as are educational institutions whose very existence is for the development of brains and the training of hands, and therefore for some time to come the university is likely to remain, as it has been in the past, the source of much the greater part of all original knowledge, in spite of the fact that at present there is an increasing amount coming from governmental and from business laboratories, for both these latter, necessarily, are greatly restricted in their fields of operation. Business men wish conducted investigations that promise immediate financial returns to themselves, and investigators that do this class of work have something of the same restrictions thrown about them that hedge in the advertising poet whose inspiration is a special brand of soap; and mighty little of a first class order has ever come from either source. Government institutions, though allowing a greater latitude than do business firms in the investigations selected, often feel compelled to have for their object immediate returns that will encourage congress and the country to continue their support, and only too frequently does this lead to insistent calls for "copy," as though the investigator could submit at stated intervals original ideas and finished results with the same regularity that the farmer can raise a new crop of pumpkins. There remain the special laboratories of the Carnegie Institution that are an inspiration to all the world, but even here the investigator is not so free as is the university professor to follow whithersoever his tastes and his talents may lead, and, besides, even these laboratories have not the opportunity that the university has of fixing the lives of men, of molding public opinion and of determining the destiny of our country.


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Rh Wherever then any country is to blame for its barrenness in scientific ideas and results, this blame attaches to her universities. If a community in which a university is situated is without interest in matters of a scientific nature it is because the university itself cares but little for such things and does less.

As stated above, the south is the least productive of original work of any part of our country, and the fault lies at the doors of the southern universities—as the following several illustrations will make clear—the institutions whose duty it is to train by precept and by example. A good instance emphasizing this point is the case of a certain southern man whose name is well known to the scientific world because of his investigations while in the north. On finally accepting, after much hesitation, a position in one of the oldest and best of the southern universities he remarked pathetically in regard to his scientific career—"I am going now to be laid upon the shelf for the rest of my life." And, while he is an ornament to the faculty of which he is a member, as he would be to any other, he fully understood and correctly judged the lethal effect on all scientific aspirations of his boyhood environment,

 Where the mocking bird calls to dreams of fair women, And the soul drifts on in a somnolent ease.

But lest this be regarded as a mere isolated case, due to the peculiarities of a single individual, it may be well to describe the attitude towards creative work maintained by the heads of certain institutions.

One of these, the president of one of the largest institutions in the south, has more than once assured the writer that he regarded investigation on the part of professors as a thing which took just that much time from the students, and that therefore it should not be encouraged—a fallacy that once obtained, but outgrown more than a century ago, at one of the great northern colleges. And the pity of it is this man's opinion clearly is having an influence on his institution, for in certain of the sciences it is about as much heard of as is the Imperial University of Timbuctoo.

The president of another institution of almost boundless claims (this applies to both), when he was on the point of closing a contract with a really capable man, so runs the information from this man himself, invited him to take part in a prayer meeting. This was declined on the ground that, while a regular church attendant, he was not an active church worker. He was then informed that this particular institution raised up christian young men (by implication others did not), and that he, the president, regarded active work in the Young Men's Christian Association on the part of a professor as of more importance than his teaching.

From a certain standpoint this view of the situation may be logical enough; at any rate, the Young Men's Christian Association, in its moral uplift of college life, has a noble function to perform and per


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604 forms it well; but still there is good authority for rendering unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's, and if the chief purpose of a secular college is to train the intellect, then surely the main duty of its professors is to know their own specialities, to work in them and to teach them.

So delicately sensitive a thing as the creative instinct, the uncompromising devotion to truth, even though it conflict with fond notions, seldom thrives in a sectarian college, whether honestly sectarian, sectarian everywhere except in the catalogue, or only sectarian for advertising purposes. The open-minded investigator would be wholly out of place, even miserable, in such an environment, and often, as in this particular case, is informed that his services are not wanted. Such institutions are of but little credit to any church and less to real scholarship. Science and religion are not on the same plane; they deal with totally different things by entirely different methods, and therefore can no more conflict or agree than mathematics can conflict with morals. Consequently any attempt to unite the two is wholly illogical and can lead to nothing but utter confusion. A man of course may be both religious and scientific, but science is no part of his religion, however much the life he lives may be better and more useful because of his science.

One more illustration; probably the best of all for showing the deplorable state of affairs at perhaps many an institution in all sections of the country, for there are echoes of it from every quarter. Not long ago the president of a leading southern university was charged with the troublesome duty of finding several new men for his faculty, and in the course of his inquiries let it be understood that a man with research aspirations and first-class attainments was not desired, and made the astonishing statement, in support of his position, that a research man is seldom ever a teacher. What he really wanted, he said, was men that would mix with the boys and with the people of the state—a clever shoe drummer might have met these conditions.

As mixing with the people suggested a kind of missionary work for the purpose of winning popular favor, he was asked if he was not limited by public sentiment to draw his faculty from his own state. No, he said, fortunately not, as his state furnished no men of sufficient scholarship.

Now right here are brought together the cause we are looking for and its effect. This university does not wish men of first-class attainments given to original work. Its environment must therefore be stifling to every creative effort; and this is the cause that produces such a disastrous effect upon the state that it can furnish no men sufficiently trained (and note that high attainments are not required) to fill the chairs in its own institutions. In the name of reason how can it be expected to? And so long as this condition continues what possible hope is there that it will ever be able to do any better?


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Rh The writer does not advocate exclusive use of home talent. On the contrary, he urges very general exchange, but when a state has nothing suitable for its own use exchange is impossible—it can only import.

If scholarship is worth while, if knowledge is of any value, and research productive of good, then this condition of affairs is utterly intolerable. The change to a better simply must and will be made, for no community high-minded, sensitive and capable as the south is will do anything other than welcome an honest description of things as they are, and then wherever not creditable set about to correct them.

In this case the task is a difficult one, but the need of it more than manifest, and the task weighs first and heaviest upon the presidents of the universities. Power implies duty, and theirs in the main is the power to shape the destiny of their institutions, and through them of the communities, the states and the nation of which they are a vital part.

Wherever the president of an institution gives no hearty encouragement to first-class attainments, wherever creative ability is held to disqualify a man for a position in a university rather than to be the first essential, at that place is stagnation and death in all that stimulates the scholar to his noblest efforts, and at best only a lot of weary taskmasters driving to their unwilling grinds so many human phonographs that give back just what they have taken down of the words of another.

It may not be the university president of the south that is to blame for the origin of the sterile condition of scholarship in his section, but it is to him we must look for the needed change. He may find the labor difficult, but it is possible and that is sufficient. He can not claim that his students are without the ability to follow the leadership of a master, for in the north and in Europe, wherever they have the chance, they do follow masters, and follow them to a purpose. Nor can paucity of material equipment any longer be claimed, since many of the southern institutions are equipped far beyond the extent indicated by the results turned out, and have been for a long while. Indeed for many kinds of creative work the necessary equipment is not great, and besides there are a number of sources from which the capable and the active often can secure substantial aid. Then, too, cooperation with one or another of the various scientific bureaus of the national government is eminently practical and because of the many mutual benefits earnestly to be desired. The physicist, for instance, if so inclined, can with but small expense take up the studies of atmospheric electricity, sky polarization, insolation, or any one or more of the many other interesting meteorological phenomena that are always with him, but which are not yet fully understood. In no other way could he add more to the advancement of his own subject, while at the same time he would be enriching the science of meteorology and thereby improving the art of forecasting. This is only one of many possible suggestions for even the physicist, and similar ones could be made in connection with other branches of


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606 science. No man need believe there is nothing for him to do, nor no one to appreciate and help him—provided only that he will make it evident by his works that he deserves encouragement and would profitably use any material assistance.

For some lines of investigation, as every one knows, an expensive equipment is needed, but, as just explained, there are other things one may do, and besides that state is poor indeed that can not afford support to its university. Note what Germany did for her universities at the close of the Napoleonic wars, and what in turn the universities have done for her. Consider too the attitude of Japan when fighting the greatest battles of all history. Even the emperor's palace was without heat the whole winter long, but the Imperial University and every school of the empire was fully supported. It was when Port Arthur was still resisting stubbornly and all the issues of the war were unsettled that the eminent Kitazato, in company with many American scientists, first saw exhibited a certain new and important piece of research apparatus. The Americans expressed an admiration of and a desire for the apparatus, but each said that his department could not afford it. Kitazato, however, saw its value and recognized that an institution active in his specialty could not afford to do without it, and therefore ordered it at once and insisted upon the earliest possible delivery.

This is the spirit that within thirty years has made the University of Tokio one of the world's greatest centers of learning and of productive scholarship, and this is the spirit the absence of which has permitted that drowsy, contented introspection that is bringing Nirvana to many an American institution; and especially to those of the south.

 O wad some power the giftie gie us To see oursel's as others see us!

The critic is frequently assured that his is an easy task, and told that if he wishes things different he must at least state clearly what he does want, and show how to get it. Now it is not desired that this article shall be taken as a criticism chiefly, but rather as an appeal for a larger quantity of high-class creative work, especially at our universities of every section. Nevertheless, a few suggestions, which the author knows to be practicable will be made.

But before suggesting what, in the author's opinion, are some of the things best to do to render our scholarship more profound and more productive it may be worth while, though it is humiliating to admit it, emphatically to call attention to a few things not to do. Don't merit contempt by cheaply exploiting the scholar's noblest work. Don't set unprepared young men to doing worthless pieces of drudgery—counting the hairs on the end of a white kitten's tail it may be—and then, after cheating them of their time, try to humbug them into believing that they have been profitably engaged upon important investigations. Don't


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Rh let research flourish for advertising purposes in the catalogue when there is nothing of it in the laboratory. Dishonesty and humbugery in scholarship and in education probably are the meanest, because the most injurious, of all forms of rascality; and yet, though there should be none of it, who can be found willing to say that it is even uncommon?

America, as already stated, is not doing her share of creative work, and this inexcusable negligence is far more pronounced in the southern states than it is anywhere else, though no section is free from blame—no institution can claim to be ideal. This is not due to racial peculiarities, to want of material equipment, nor to an inordinate struggle for wealth, but chiefly to the atmosphere of the university, to the environment in which the university professor is placed and upon which he must depend for his daily intellectual stimulus.

For schools, academies and colleges that confine themselves strictly to elementary work, creative scholarship on the part of the teachers is not so imperative, but, as the reputation of every institution is that of the work it does and no more, therefore, in the case of those that wish to justify their claims to the title of university, let every important chair, irrespective of the present or prospective quantity of graduate work, be filled only by a man who has contributed something to the advancement of his subject, and who is likely to continue doing so. Such a man, because of his love for his specialty, and because of his thoroughness, usually is an enthusiastic teacher and often an inspiring one—the highest qualification. He who is not a research man seldom induces the love of knowledge in others—blood doesn't come from turnips.

In the name of civilization and of human progress let no position that presupposes scholarship and offers the sacred privilege of doing work be filled save by him who recognizes that in this case opportunity means duty. The ideal man is one who has a sympathetic appreciation for all sciences and a minute knowledge of his own specialty—one who knows something about everything and everything about something, for nothing short of this can give that accuracy and that resourcefulness essential to the solution of difficult problems, nor that alertness and breadth of view so necessary to the detection and to the understanding of new phenomena. To be sure, the ideal man seldom is found, but it is better to hunt long for the ideally good, than, as sometimes seems to be the case, quickly to secure the ideally bad.

This, then, the careful selection of his faculty, selection and promotion according to their productive ability (for by their fruits ye shall know them), is the president's first and greatest obligation. Nor is this impracticable, for it is the avowed and fruitful policy of the president of one of our leading universities, a policy fully approved by his board, and supported by the legislature to which he is responsible.

Another important thing the president can do—and one of our best


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608 college presidents did it for years—is to keep himself constantly informed, in a general way, of every investigation that is going on in his institution, and to encourage those who are doing this work, publicly and privately. This sort of encouragement costs but little, but, coming from him whose position and whose judgment command his highest respect, is of incalculable help to the weary, sensitive investigator. He needs to be cheered on by the knowledge that what he is doing is meeting, not indifference, but active encouragement by those to whom he is most responsible for what he does. The writer has known capable men to be timidly engaged on investigations about which it was almost impossible to get them to say anything at all. They acted as though nature was a huge bungle for which they were responsible and of which they therefore were heartily ashamed, or as if they were on the point of making some wonderful discovery which if suddenly revealed in its perfected form would startle the civilized world.

This frame of mind, harmful alike to the man himself and to his associates, is most unwholesome, and one from which the president, more than any one else, can help to free him, since it often originates in the real or supposed isolation of the victim in his work; a condition, as every scholar knows, inimical to creative activity, whether it be the isolation of positive loneliness, or that worse form, the isolation of uncongenial surroundings. And in this connection it should be remembered that because of the intensity and exhausting nature of his work, the research man needs pleasant surroundings and frequent diversions; conditions over which the president unfortunately has but little control, and which therefore should be given all the more careful consideration, if possible, in the original selection of the institution's location. The faculty of an isolated institution is itself in great measure isolated, and commonly the creative work one does in a desert, under the oppression of ennui, bears but little relation to what he can do when agreeably situated and surrounded by things intellectually stimulating. The investigator, imaginative like the poet, nervous and often overwrought, is sensitive, and, while easily elated, just as easily depressed; and therefore when no one takes an obvious interest in what he is doing, and there are no ready means of diversion, he tends to become morose, and keeps his thoughts to himself, where they are likely to find anything but cheerful company.

However, under all conditions let the investigator be encouraged to talk, let him join with his colleagues in the formation of a local science club for the free exchange of ideas, and there let him talk often and talk freely. It will aid greatly to clear up his own ideas—this explaining of things to others—and will help to keep him enthusiastic. In this way his light will not be hid under a bushel, but shine, as it were, from a hilltop where it will be of the greatest help to his neighbors. Because of this sort of encouragement and this sort of united effort and material


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Rh support the creative work of every department and of every scholar in the entire institution will be greater in volume and better in quality.

The proper distribution of routine duties and responsibilities at any institution is an important question, and there is a numerical ratio, not a large one, either, between professors and students beyond which nothing can be properly done; but as far as possible let the research man be relieved of routine drudgery and worry of every type. Of course, however, if at the head of his department, he must have something to do with executive work, but this should be only of the most general nature and at infrequent intervals. The routine and the details of it should be left to others. Some one else can do this class of things as well and commonly better, for the mind that is in tune with the one is out of harmony with the other.

Finally let the professors be encouraged to attend the principal meetings of those societies to which they belong, or should belong, and not only to attend but whenever practicable to take with them suitable communications. They are certain to hear at these meetings many papers of interest, and their own communications will receive all that attention and respect they deserve. But far better than the information they will get from the papers heard, or from the discussion of their own, will be the enthusiasm inspired by the association thus secured, even though temporary, with the productive scholars of the entire country; an enthusiasm that welcomes difficulties and leads, through persistent attack, to their ultimate solution.

It can not be emphasized too strongly that quality of work depends upon efficiency of equipment, and that therefore as the professor is the most essential part of the university's equipment he at least must be kept free from rust and from corrosion. He must attend the meetings of scholars in his own line, where friendly mental friction will give him that alertness and enthusiasm that will increase the quantity of his work and improve the quality of every thing he does.

It may not be practicable for many institutions to follow the lead of a certain excellent college—one that deserves the name university—and set aside a sum of money to help pay the expenses of its representatives at these meetings; but those who can do it will find this an investment that will repay an hundredfold, in enthusiasm, in efficiency and in productiveness.

Frankly, as a nation, and especially in certain sections, we Americans have not been, and are not now, doing our share of original work; not taking our part in the creation of new arts and the promotion of civilization. But the case for us is far from hopeless; already here and there are signs of a true awakening, a realization that opportunity means duty. The past is not creditable, but the present bids us look confidently to the future when soon the sincere and capable alone will achieve success and recognition.


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HERE is perhaps more reserve than formerly in assuming the westward wandering of great hordes out of Asia, but, whether the peoples have or have not migrated, the myths certainly have, and all through western Asia and southern Europe the old biblical stories are strongly blended with dualistic traits that have all the ear marks of Iran. As the light conquers the darkness and ushers in the day, so the darkness conquers the light and ushers in the night. Thus Ormuzd and Ahriman are equal to the confines of eternity and God and Satanael become equal in the blended stories.

Of the many variations of these creation myths which have taken root especially among Slavic peoples in the Caucasus, across southern Russia and the Balkans, I have wilfully chosen those parts which have a geological flavor, and illustrate or parody, in quaint and naive manner, many earth forms or earth-forming processes.

I owe most of this material to Oscar Dähnhardt, who has collected many medieval stories of the creation of curious interest. In north and west Russia, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the "Roll of the Divine Books" tells how, while there was still neither heaven nor earth, the Sea of Tiberias existed, solitary and alone, and it was shoreless.

The story is continued thus in Ukraine (p. 55):

As God would create the world, he spoke to the oldest of his angels, Satanael, with whom he wandered over the sea, and bade him dive to the bottom and bring him up a handful of sand. As he grasped the sand he should say, "I seize thee, Earth, in the name of the Lord!" But as Satanael came to the bottom the wicked thought came to him, and he said, "In the Lord's and in my name!" But as he arose again the sand ran out of his hand and he brought up nothing.

The Lord, who noticed what had happened, bade him dive again and forbade him to use his own name. He did this, nevertheless, and again brought up nothing. Only the third time he left out his own name and brought up sand in his open hand. God took it; went out over the sea and scattered it upon the waters and it became land.

But Satanael licked his hand and said, "I will keep back just a little and also make land." And God asked him if he had any sand and he answered, "No!"

Now God blessed the earth in all four directions and it began to grow. But the earth that Satanael had in his mouth began to grow also and became so great that his lips stretched apart.


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And God said, "Spit it out, Satanael." And he began to sputter and spat it all out, and wherever it fell cliffs and mountains grew up. Therefore is our earth greatly uneven.

"Wherefore hast thou made such mountains?" asked the Lord, "That man should weary himself in climbing them?"

"O Lord it is good that it is so hard," answered the Devil, "For now will man think of you and also not forget me. When he climbs up breathless he will say, 'Help, Lord!' When he descends the mountains he will think of me also, and say, 'The Devil has tempted me up on to this mountain, here one can break his neck only too easily.'"

Among the Philippone of the flat plains of Ost Preusen the story has this curious turn:

We may continue the story as it is told among the Moguls (p. 67):

In Transcaucasia they say:

In a Greisinian variant (p. 32):

In the Swanetic narrative:

God and his angels wandered through the world on their wonderful horses, and came on a great white stone. But the angels led God another way. Again they came on the stone and again the angels led God another way. "Some cheating is the cause," said God to the angels, "that we do not come upon this stone; otherwise we should have reached it already." The angels answered, "All right, we will bring you to the white stone, but we believe it will do you


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marble palaces which American millionaires have built for the Medical School of Harvard University are justified by their beauty. They will house part of the meetings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science and the affiliated societies during convocation week at the end of the present month, and it would be worth while for scientific men from a distance to attend the meetings if their only object were to see these beautiful and stately halls. But these buildings have not solved the complicated problems of medical education; they have, to a certain extent, fossilized the system of sequestering the medical school from the university. Reinforced cement at Cambridge might have accomplished more for training and research in the medical sciences than marble on the Boston fens.

President Eliot appears to be in large measure responsible for separating the medical school from the university both in space and time. Shortly before his retirement, he appointed a dean of the school who to a certain extent shares his views. Dean Christian, in his address at the dedication of the Medical Department of Stanford University, said that the institutions which have adopted a combined academic and medical course "have succeeded in rendering the A.B. degree of less value and significance than formerly and have sacrificed one or two years of college work while seeking to conceal this fact by the award of the two degrees, A.B. and M.D."

President Lowell, who does not hesitate to express educational theories at variance with those of his predecessor, agrees with him in wanting to base the professional schools on the college, and apparently would have the professional schools so ordered that "every college graduate ought to be equipped to enter any professional school." In his inaugural address he says: "Our law school lays great stress upon native ability and scholarly aptitude, and comparatively little upon the particular branches of learning a student has pursued in college.... Many professors of medicine, on the other hand, feel strongly that a student should enter their school with at least a rudimentary knowledge of those sciences, like chemistry, biology and physiology, which are interwoven with medical studies; and they appear to attach greater weight to this than to his natural capacity or general attainments."

It may be doubted whether in the Harvard Medical School or elsewhere there are professors who attach greater weight to rudimentary knowledge of certain sciences than to natural capacity and general attainments. But there are those in the Harvard Medical School, as appears from an extended article filling half the Harvard Bulletin for November 3, who do not approve the attitude of the administration in determining the relation between the college and the medical school. It is there argued that students in the college should be permitted to study in the college the sciences required by the medical student, as they now can the sciences preliminary to engineering, and that it should be possible for the student to complete both his college work and his medical course in six years.

President Lowell apparently wants a four-year college course, followed by


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Rh a medical course which can not count on any special knowledge on the part of the student—it should in this case be five years—and this must be followed by a year or two in the hospital. Students are on the average over eighteen years old when they enter Harvard, and the physician would not begin to practise medicine and to learn what can only be taught by practise until he is nearly thirty. To this late start in life there are serious objections both educational and economic.

It may be that the local separation of the medical school from the rest of the university which obtains at Harvard and also elsewhere, as at Columbia and the Johns Hopkins, may ultimately lead to greater independence on the part of the medical school. In this country we find that medical schools were usually started as independent institutions which later became parts of universities. This was a great advance, for the medical schools were largely proprietary institutions whose standards were lower than in the university. But it is perhaps now true that the spirit of scholarship and research is more advanced in the medical school than in the college. When a medical school is sufficiently well endowed and its professors are men devoted to research, it is probable that it would be best for it to take charge of the education of students after they leave the high school, whether their period of instruction is to be four years or ten. The resources of the college and the graduate schools could be fully used, but men engaged in medical practise, teaching and investigation should be responsible for the education required by physicians and by those preparing to undertake research work in the medical sciences.

Tokyo on September 16, after a long illness, died Kakichi Mitsukuri, professor of zoology in the Imperial University, dean of the college of science, and the foremost zoologist of Japan.

Any one might safely have predicted that Mitsukuri would succeed. For he came from stock which was both intellectual and energetic. For generations his family had produced prominent scholars, especially physicians, and I recall that one of his forefathers had learned the Dutch language and was translating works in surgery and anatomy in the days of the early Tokugawas, when such exotic studies were punishable with death. And it came to pass that this family with its tradition of western learning pushed to the front in the enlightened upheaval of the restoration. And that of its youngest members Mitsukuri and two of his brothers were among the scholars who sought the training of foreign universities. They were better by one than par nobile fratrum, those young Mitsukuri, and if they could have looked from their ship into the waters of the future they would have seen themselves high in the counsels of a new and national university, one of them a dean of a college, another a peer, a minister of education, and a president of a university.

Mitsukuri Kakichi, as he is known in Japan, owed his training largely to the United States. He received his first foreign education in Hartford—he was then but a boy and was in the care of the Misses Goldthwaite, to whom his gratitude was ever almost filial. In 1875 he entered the Sheffield Scientific School, and took his degree of Ph.B. in 1879. The same year he matriculated at Johns Hopkins and studied with Brooks and Newell Martin for four years. In 1881 he became fellow in biology and he took his degree (Ph.D.) in 1883. It may be mentioned that his thesis "On the Gills of Nucula" has not fallen into the limbo of forgotten dissertations. In his Hopkins days he was an enthusiastic frequenter of the Chesapeake laboratory, and was an intimate of his fellow students, Fessenden Clark, Sedgwick and Wilson.


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616 After this he traveled in Europe, visited universities, English and continental, and thence returned to Japan. There he arrived at an opportune moment: the department of zoology which had been organized by Morse and given a second bent by Whitman, was in a state of upheaval. Japan in general was then beginning to assert her intellectual rights: from the imported foreigners it had learned nearly all it felt the need of, and in this instance there seemed no reason why one branch of the educational work should not be carried on entirely by Japanese. Mitsukuri entered into the work with his new training, and with a knowledge of Japanese diplomacy and breeding and obligations which no foreigner, at least in those days, had mastered. So it came about that the department of zoology began a new development, and in this work Mitsukuri would be the first to testify how much he owed to his trusted associate, Professor Iijima, and his other colleagues.

Mitsukuri devoted much of his life in Japan to his numerous pupils, sacrificing to no little degree his research work. He was tireless in his attendance at the university, accessible at all times, and with an affectionate friendliness which no one appreciates more keenly than a Japanese. "I feel I have lost a parent," writes Dr. M—. And this is the common sentiment among his pupils. His attitude was ideal: he was frank, inspiring, uncompromising when a question involved accuracy or scientific purpose. "How different," he would say, "is the training of the diplomat and the scientist—the one studies to dress up the truth, the other to expose it naked." in spite of his long years of foreign training" because of it," he would perhaps have said), Mitsukuri was intensely Japanese—patriotic to his finger-tips, alert to point out the advantages of his country's ways, but like Okakura, so skilful in his dissection of the failings of his foreign friends that they never minded the pain. None the less, I have still the feeling that the Japanese looked upon him as somewhat too progressive. He admitted foreigners among his most intimate friends, he had rooms in his house in foreign style, and his family took its place in social gatherings in the same informal way as in America or Europe. And he could think as a foreigner, and he certainly could write as one, for his English never betrayed him. And he had a wide circle of correspondents for whom he was constantly doing, and with the greatest courtesy, troublesome favors.

For zoology in Japan Mitsukuri did these things: He directed the upbuilding of the zoological and, to a certain degree (as dean of the science college), the scientific work of the university; he organized zoology in Japan, making his department its focus, not only in technical matters but popular and semi-popular as well; he was the moving spirit in sending zoological expeditions throughout Japan from Sagahalin to the Liu Chiu islands—even to Tai Wan; he was conspicuous in founding and developing the Misaki Biological Station; he was potent in building up a fisheries bureau, officered it with his pupils and contributed to its publications; he gave an important stimulus to the pearl industry in Japan and furnished numerous ideas to the culturists who sought to produce natural pearls by artificial means; and last of all he lifted up the position of zoology throughout the country by means of his many-sided teachings and by means of the influence exerted in his behalf by many friends in all stations. In this regard it has often been said he had not a few personal attributes of our own Professor Baird.

His researches cover many branches of zoology. At the time of his death he was completing a monograph of the holothurians of Japan. "We must do systematic work," he said in mock apology, "for you know that nearly everything we find here is new, and it


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 of the modern system of musical notation (died c. 1050), the poet Petrarch, Pietro Aretino, the satirist (1492–1556), and Vasari, famous for his lives of Italian painters. The town never possessed a distinct school of artists.

ARGALI, the Tatar name of the great wild sheep, Ovis ammon, of the Altai and other parts of Siberia. Standing as high as a large donkey, the argali is the finest of all the wild sheep, the horns of the rams, although of inferior length, being more massive than those of Ovis poli of the Pamirs. There are several local races of argali, among which O. ammon hodgsoni of Ladak and Tibet is one of the best known. There are likewise several nearly related central Asian species, such as O. sairensis and O. littledalei. (See .) ARGAO, a town on the east coast of Cebu, Philippine Islands, 36 m. S.S.W. of the town of Cebu. Pop. (1903) 35,448. Large quantities of a superior quality of cacao are produced in the vicinity, and rice and Indian corn are other important products. A limited amount of cotton is raised and woven into cloth. The language is Cebu-Visayan. Argao was founded in 1608. ARGAUM, a village of British India in the Akola district of the Central Provinces, 32 m. north of Akola. The village is memorable for an action which took place on the 28th of November 1803 between the British army, commanded by Major-General Wellesley (afterwards duke of Wellington), and the Mahrattas under Sindhia and the raja of Berar, in which the latter were defeated with great loss. A medal struck in England in 1851 commemorates the victory. ARGEI, the name given by the ancient Romans to a number of rush puppets (24 or 27 according to the reading of Varro, de Ling. lat. vii. 44, or 30 according to Dionysius i. 38) resembling men tied hand and foot, which were taken down to the ancient bridge over the Tiber (pons sublicius) on the 14th of May by the pontifices and magistrates, with the flaminica Dialis in mourning guise, and there thrown into the Tiber by the Vestal virgins. There were also in various parts of the four Servian regions of the city a number of sacella Argeorum (chapels), round which a procession seems to have gone on the 17th of March (Varro, L.L. v. 46-54; Jordan, Röm. Topogr. vol. ii. 603), and it has been conjectured that the puppets were kept in these chapels until the time came for them to be cast into the river. The Romans had no historical explanation of these curious rites, and neither the theories of their scholars nor the beliefs of the common people, who fancied that the puppets were substitutes for old men who used at one time to be sacrificed to the river, are worth serious consideration. Recently two explanations have been given: (1) that of W. Mannhardt, who by comparing numerous examples of similar customs among other European peoples arrived at the conclusion that the rite was of extreme antiquity and of dramatic rather than sacrificial character, and that its object was possibly to procure rain; (2) that of Wissowa, who refuses to date it farther back than the latter half of the 3rd century, and sees in it the yearly representation of an original sacrifice of twenty-seven captive Greeks (taking Argei as a Latin form of  ) by drowning in the Tiber. This second theory is, however, not borne out by any Roman historical record.

ARGELANDER, FRIEDRICH WILHELM AUGUST (1799–1875), German astronomer, was born at Memel on the 22nd of March 1799. He studied at the university of Königsberg, and was attracted to astronomy by F. W. Bessel, whose assistant he became (October 1, 1820). His treatise on the path of the great comet of 1811 appeared in 1822; he was, in 1823, entrusted with the direction of the observatory at Åbo; and he exchanged it for a similar charge at Helsingfors in 1832. His admirable investigation of the sun’s motion in space was published in 1837; and in the same year he was appointed professor of astronomy in the university of Bonn, where he died on the 17th of February 1875. He also published Observationes Astronomicae Aboae Factae (3 vols., 1830–1832); DLX Stellarum Fixarum Positiones Mediae (1835); and the first seven volumes of Astronomische Beobachtungen auf der Sternwarte zu Bonn (1846–1869), containing his observations of northern and southern star-zones, and his great Durchmusterung (vols. iii,-v., 1859–1862) of 324,198 stars, from the north pole to −2° Dec. The corresponding atlas was issued in 1863. His observations (begun in 1838) and discussions of variable stars were embodied in vol. vii. of the same series.

ARGENS, JEAN BAPTISTE DE BOYER, (1704–1771), was born at Aix in Provence on the 24th of June 1704. He entered the army at the age of fifteen, and after a dissipated and adventurous youth settled for a time at Amsterdam, where he wrote some historical compilations and began his more famous Lettres juives (The Hague, 6 vols., 1738–1742), Lettres chinoises (The Hague, 6 vols., 1730–1472), and Lettres cabalistiques (2nd ed., 7 vols., 1769); also the Mémoires secrets de la république des lettres (7 vols., 1743–1478), afterwards revised and augmented as Histoire de l’esprit humain (Berlin, 14 vols., 1765–1768). He was invited by Prince Frederick (afterwards Frederick the Great) to Potsdam, and received high honours at court; but Frederick was bitterly offended by his marrying a Berlin actress, Mlle Cochois. Argens returned to France in 1769, and died near Toulon on the 11th of January 1771. ARGENSOLA, LUPERCIO LEONARDO DE (1559–1613), Spanish dramatist and poet, was baptized at Barbastro on the 14th of December 1559. He was educated at the universities of Huesca and Saragossa, becoming secretary to the duke de Villahermosa in 1585. He was appointed historiographer of Aragon in 1599, and in 1610 accompanied the count de Lemos to Naples, where he died in March 1613. His tragedies—Filis, Isabela and Alejandra—are said by Cervantes to have “filled all who heard them with admiration, delight and interest”; Filis is lost, and Isabela and Alejandra, which were not printed till 1772, are ponderous imitations of Seneca. Argensola’s poems were published with those of his brother in 1634; they consist of excellent translations from the Latin poets, and of original satires. His “echoing sonnets”—such as Después que al mundo el rey divino vino—lend themselves to parody; but his diction is singularly pure.

His brother, (1562–1631), Spanish poet and historian, was baptized at Barbastro on the 26th of August 1562, studied at Huesca, took orders, and was presented to the rectory of Villahermosa in 1588. He was attached to the suite of the count de Lemos, viceroy of Naples, in 1610, and succeeded his brother as historiographer of Aragon in 1613. He died at Saragossa on the 4th of February 1631. His principal prose works are the Conquista de las Islas Molucas (1609), and a supplement to Zurita’s Anales de Aragón, which was published in 1630. His poems (1634), like those of his elder brother, are admirably finished examples of pungent wit. His commentaries on contemporary events, and his Alteraciones populares, dealing with a Saragossa rising in 1591, are lost. An interesting life of this writer by Father Miguel Mir precedes a reprint of the Conquista de las Islas Molucas, issued at Saragossa in 1891. ARGENSON, the name, derived from an old hamlet situated in what is now the department of Indre-et-Loire, of a French family which produced some prominent statesmen, soldiers and men of letters.

, seigneur d’Argenson (1596–1651), French statesman, was born on the 21st of November 1596. He was a lawyer by profession, and became successively avocat, councillor at the parlement of Paris, maître des requêtes, and councillor of state. Cardinal Richelieu entrusted him with several missions as inspector and intendant of the forces. In 1623 he was appointed intendant of justice, police and finance in Auvergne, and in 1632 held similar office in Limousin, where he remained till 1637. After the death of Louis XIII. (1643) he retained his administrative posts, was intendant of the forces at Toulon

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Arezzo

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 CHAPTER I.

reader is asked to imagine an estate embracing an area of 6,000 acres, which is at present purely agricultural, and has been obtained by purchase in the open market at a cost of £40 an acre, or £240,000. The purchase money is supposed to have been raised on mortgage debentures, bearing interest at an average rate not


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title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Argei


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Rh £4 per cent. The estate is legally vested in the names of four gentlemen of responsible position and of undoubted probity and honour, who hold it in trust, first, as a security for the debenture-holders, and, secondly, in trust for the people of Garden City, the Town-country magnet, which it is intended to build thereon. One essential feature of the plan is that all ground rents, which are to be based upon the annual value of the land, shall be paid to the trustees, who, after providing for interest and sinking fund, will hand the balance to the Central Council of the new municipality, to be employed by such Council in the creation and maintenance of all necessary public works—roads, schools, parks, etc.

The objects of this land purchase may be stated in various ways, but it is sufficient here to say that some of the chief objects are these: To find for our industrial population work at wages of higher purchasing power, and to secure healthier surroundings and more regular employment. To enterprising manufacturers, co-operative societies, architects, engineers, builders, and mechanicians of all kinds, as well as to many engaged in various professions, it is intended to offer a means of securing new and better employment for their capital and talents, while to the agriculturists at present on the estate, as well as to those who may migrate


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22 thither, it is designed to open a new market for their produce close to their doors. Its object is, in short, to raise the standard of health and comfort of all true workers of whatever grade—the means by which these objects are to be achieved being a healthy, natural, and economic combination of town and country life, and this on land owned by the municipality.

Garden City, which is to be built near the centre of the 6,000 acres, covers an area of 1,000 acres, or a sixth part of the 6,000 acres, and might be of circular form, 1,240 yards (or nearly three-quarters of a mile) from centre to circumference. (Diagram 2 is a ground-plan of the whole municipal area, showing the town in the centre; and Diagram 3, which represents one section or ward of the town, will be useful in following the description of the town itself—a description which is, however, merely suggestive, and will probably be much departed from.)

Six magnificent boulevards—each 120 feet wide—traverse the city from centre to circumference, dividing it into six equal parts or wards. In the centre is a circular space containing about five and a half acres, laid out as a beautiful and well-watered garden; and, surrounding this garden, each standing in its own ample grounds, are the larger public buildings—town hall, principal concert and lecture hall, theatre, library, museum, picture-gallery, and hospital.

The rest of the large space encircled by the "Crystal Palace" is a public park, containing 145 acres, which includes ample recreation grounds within very easy access of all the people.

Running all round the Central Park (except where it


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 (1646), commissary of the king at the estates of Languedoc (1647), and intendant of Guienne (1648), and showed great capacity in defending the authority of the crown against the rebels of the Fronde. After his wife’s death he took orders (February 1651), but did not cease to take part in affairs of state. In 1651 he was appointed by Mazarin ambassador at Venice, where he died on the 14th of July 1651.

His son,, comte d’Argenson (1623–1700), was born at Blois on the 13th of December 1623. He also was a lawyer, being councillor at the parlement of Rouen (1642) and maître des requêtes. He attended his father in all his duties and succeeded him at the embassy at Venice. In 1655 he returned from his embassy, ruined, and lost favour with Mazarin, who removed him from his office of councillor of state. He then gave up public affairs and retired to his estates, where he occupied himself with good works. In September 1656 he entered the Company of the Holy Sacrament, a secret society for the diffusion of the Catholic religion. Besides writing the Annals of the society, he composed many pious works, which were destroyed in the fire at the Louvre in 1871. Some of his correspondence with the once famous letter-writer, Jean Louis Guez de Balzac (1597–1654), has been published. He died in May 1700, leaving two sons, Marc René (see below), and François Élie (1656–1728), who became archbishop of Bordeaux.

See Fr. Rabbe, “Compagnie du Saint-Sacrement,” in the Revue historique (Nov. 1899); Beaucher-Filleau, Les Annales de la compagnie du Saint-Sacrement (Paris, 1900); R. Allier, La Cabale des dévots (Paris, 1902).

, marquis de Paulmy and marquis d’Argenson (1652–1721), son of the preceding, was born at Venice on the 4th of November 1652. He became avocat in 1669, and lieutenant-general in the sénéchaussée of Angoulême (1679). After the death of Colbert, who disliked his family, he went to Paris and married Marguerite Lefèvre de Caomartin, a kinswoman of the comptroller-general Pontchartrain. This was the beginning of his fortunes. He became successively maître des requêtes (1694), member of the conseil des prises (prize court) (1695), procureur-général of the commission of inquest into false titles of nobility (1696), and finally lieutenant-general of police (1697). This last office, which had previously been filled by N. G. de la Reynie, was very important. It not only gave him the control of the police, but also the supervision of the corporations, printing press, and provisioning of Paris. All contraventions of the police regulations came under his jurisdiction, and his authority was arbitrary and absolute. Fortunately, he had, in Saint-Simon’s phrase, “a nice discernment as to the degree of rigour or leniency required for every case that came before him, being ever inclined to the mildest measures, but possessed of the faculty of making the most innocent tremble before him; courageous, bold, audacious in quelling êmeutes, and consequently the master of the people.” During the twenty-one years that he exercised this office he was a party to every private and state secret; in fact, he had a share in every event of any importance in the history of Paris. He was the familiar friend of the king, who delighted in scandalous police reports; he was patronized by the duke of Orleans; he was supported by the Jesuits at court; and he was feared by all. He organized the supply of food in Paris during the severe winter of 1709, and endeavoured, but with little success, to run to earth the libellers of the government. He directed the destruction of the Jansenist monastery of Port Royal (1709), a proceeding which provoked many protests and pamphlets. Under the regency, the Chambre de Justice, assembled to inquire into the malpractices of the financiers, suspected d’Argenson and arrested his clerks, but dared not lay the blame on him. On the 28th of January 1718 he voluntarily resigned the office of lieutenant-general of police for those of keeper of the seals—in the place of the chancellor d’Aguesseau—and president of the council of finance. He was appointed by the regent to suppress the resistance of the parlements and to reorganize the finances, and was in great measure responsible for permitting John Law to apply his financial system, though he soon quarrelled with Law and intrigued to bring about his downfall. The regent threw the blame for the outcome of Law’s schemes on d’Argenson, who was forced to resign his position in the council of finance (January 1720). By way of compensation he was created inspector-general of the police of the whole kingdom, but had to resign his office of keeper of the seals (June 1720). He died on the 8th of May 1721, the people of Paris throwing taunts and stones at his coffin and accusing him of having ruined the kingdom. In 1716 he had been created an honorary member of the Académie des Sciences and, in 1718, a member of the French Academy.

See the contemporary memoirs, especially those of Saint-Simon (de Boislisle’s ed.), Dangeau and Math. Marais; Barbier’s Journal; “Correspondance administrative sous Louis XIV.” in ''Coll. des doc. inéd. sur l’histoire de France, edited by G. B. Depping (1850–1855); Correspondance des contrôleurs-généraux des finances'', pub. by de Bois-lisle (1873–1900); Correspondance de M. de Marville avec M. de Maurepas (1896–1897); Rapports de police de René d’Argenson, pub. by P. Cottin (Paris, undated); P. Clément, La police sous Louis XIV. (1873).

, marquis d’Argenson (1694–1757), eldest son of the preceding, was a lawyer, and held successively the posts of councillor at the parlement (1716), maître des requêtes (1718), councillor of state (1719), and intendant of justice, police and finance in Hainaut. During his five years’ tenure of the last office he was mainly employed in provisioning the troops, who were suffering from the economic confusion resulting from Law’s system. He returned to court in 1724 to exercise his functions as councillor of state. At that time he had the reputation of being a conscientious man, but ill adapted to intrigue, and was nicknamed “la bête.” He entered into relations with the philosophers, and was won over to the ideas of reform. He was the friend of Voltaire, who had been a fellow-student of his at the Jesuit college Louis-le-grand, and frequented the Club de l’Entresol, the history of which he wrote in his memoirs. It was then that he prepared his Considérations sur le gouvernement de la France, which was published posthumously by his son. He was also the friend and counsellor of the minister G. L. de Chauvelin. In May 1744 he was appointed member of the council of finance, and in November of the same year the king chose him as secretary of state for foreign affairs, his brother, the comte d’Argenson (see below), being at the same time secretary of state for war. France was at that time engaged in the War of the Austrian Succession, and the government had been placed by Louis XV. virtually in the hands of the two brothers. The marquis d’Argenson endeavoured to reform the system of international relations. He dreamed of a “European Republic,” and wished to establish arbitration between nations in pursuance of the ideas of his friend the abbé de Saint-Pierre. But he failed to realize any part of his projects. The generals negotiated in opposition to his instructions; his colleagues laid the blame on him; the intrigues of the courtiers passed unnoticed by him; whilst the secret diplomacy of the king neutralized his initiative. He concluded the marriage of the dauphin to the daughter of Augustus III., king of Poland, but was unable to prevent the election of the grand-duke of Tuscany as emperor in 1745. On the 10th of January 1747 the king thanked him for his services. He then retired into private life, eschewed the court, associated with Voltaire, Condillac and d’Alembert, and spent his declining years in working at the Académie des Inscriptions, of which he was appointed president by the king in 1747, and revising his Mémoires. Voltaire, in one of his letters, declared him to be “the best citizen that had ever tasted the ministry.” He died on the 26th of January 1757.

He left a large number of manuscript works, of which his son, Antoine René (1722–1787), known as the marquis de Paulmy, published the Considérations sur le gouvernement de France (Amsterdam, 1764) and Essais dans le goût de ceux de Montaigne (ib. 1785). The latter, which contains many useful biographical notes and portraits of his contemporaries, was republished in 1787 as Loisirs d’un ministre d’état. Argenson’s most important work, however, is his Mémoires, covering in great detail the years 1725 to 1756, with an introductory part giving his recollections since the year 1696. They are, as they were intended to be,

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