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 where the river Mersey is narrow, a concrete sea-wall 4300 ft. long was substituted for the embankment. At various points under the canal cast-iron siphon pipes were laid to carry off any land drainage which was at a lower level than the canal; the largest of these siphons were constructed to allow the tidal and fresh water of the river Gowy to pass under the canal at Stanlow Point, between Eastham and Ellesmere Port. Two 12-ft. siphons are there placed close together, built of cast-iron segments; they are each 400 ft. long, and were laid on concrete 4 ft. below the bottom of the canal. From Runcorn to Latchford the canal is nearly straight, the depth of cutting varying from 35 to 70 ft., partly in rock, but generally in alluvial deposit. The whole length of the canal passes through the New Red Sandstone formation, with its overlying beds of gravel, clay, sand and silt, which gave much trouble during the progress of the work; retaining walls of stone and brickwork had to be built in these places to maintain the sides of the canal from slips and injury from the wash of steamers.

The canal from Latchford to Manchester is in heavy cutting through the valleys of the rivers Mersey and Irwell. As these rivers are circuitous in course, only very small portions could be utilized in forming the canal; a line as nearly straight as possible was therefore adopted, and involved many crossings of the river channels. During the whole progress of the work these had to be kept open for the discharge of floods and land water, and in some places temporary cuts of considerable length had to be made for the same object. In November 1890 and December 1891 high winter floods covered the whole of the river valleys, filling many miles of the unfinished canal and causing great damage to the slopes. Altogether 23 m. of canal had to be pumped out to enable the work to be completed. After the cuttings between the river channels were finished, the end dams were removed, and the rivers Irwell and Mersey were turned into the new channel now forming the upper portion of the ship canal. The total rise to the level of the docks at Manchester from the ordinary level of the water in the tidal portion of the canal below Latchford locks is 60 ft. 6 in.; this is obtained by an average rise of about 15 ft. at each of the sets of locks at Latchford, Irlam (7 m. nearer Manchester), Barton (2 m. farther) and Mode Wheel (3 m. above Barton locks at the entrance to the Manchester docks). For the greater part of this last length the canal is widened at bottom from 120 ft., its normal width, to 170 ft., to enable vessels to lie at timber and other wharves without interfering with the passage of large vessels to or from the docks. The locks are in duplicate, one being 600 ft. long by 65 ft. wide, the other 350 ft. long by 45 ft. wide, with Stoney’s sluices adjacent. They are filled or emptied in five minutes by large culverts on each side with side openings into the lock. Concrete with facings of blue Staffordshire brick is largely used, and the copings, sills, hollow quoins and fender courses are of Cornish granite. The lock gates are constructed of greenheart timber. The sluices near the locks take the place of the weirs used in the old Mersey and Irwell navigation; they are 30 ft. span each, four being generally used at each set of locks. In ordinary seasons any water not used for lockage purposes passes over the tops of the sluices, which are kept closed; in flood times the sluices are raised to a height which will pass off floods with a comparatively small rise in the canal. There are eight hydraulic installations on the canal, each having duplicate steam-engines and boilers; the mains exceed 7 m. in length, the pressure being 700 ℔ to the inch. They work the cranes, lifts and capstans at the docks, lock gates and culvert sluices, coal tips, swing bridges and aqueduct.

At Barton, near Manchester, the Bridgewater canal crosses the river Irwell on the first navigable aqueduct constructed in England. It was the work of James Brindley, and since it was built at only sufficient height to allow of barges passing under it, means had to be found to allow of this important canal being maintained, and yet to permit steamers to use the ship canal below it. Brindley’s canal is on one level throughout its whole length, and as its water supply is only sufficient for the flight of locks by which it descends at Runcorn to the Mersey, locks down to the ship canal would have involved the waste of a lock of water on each side and caused serious delay to the traffic. Sir E. Leader Williams surmounted the difficulty by means of a swing aqueduct for the Bridgewater canal, which when closed enables the traffic to pass as before, while it is opened to allow of ships crossing it on the lower level of the ship canal. The water in the swing portions of the aqueduct when opened is retained by closing gates at each end, similar gates being shut at the same time across the fixed portion of the aqueduct. The swing portion is a large steel trough carried by side girders, 234 ft. long and 33 ft. high in the centre, tapering 4 ft. to the ends; the waterway is 19 ft. wide and 6 ft. deep. The whole works on a central pier with similar arrangements to the largest swing bridges on the canal; it has two spans over the ship canal of 90 ft. each. It is somewhat singular that the first fixed canal aqueduct in England should, after the lapse of 136 years, be replaced by the first swing aqueduct ever constructed. The swing aqueduct is moved by hydraulic power, and has never given any trouble in working, even in times of severe frost. The weight of the movable portion, including the water, is 1600 tons.

The manner of dealing with the five lines of railways that were cut through by the canal was one of importance, both in the interests of the travelling public and the trade on the canal; they are all lines with a heavy traffic, including the main line of the London & North Western railway near Warrington, with its important route to Scotland. Swing bridges, although in use on some lines to cross navigations, are dangerous and inconvenient, and high-level deviation lines were adopted for each railway crossing the canal. No such alteration of a railway had been previously sanctioned by parliament, and it was only the importance of a ship canal to Manchester that secured the requisite powers against the strong opposition of the railway companies. Embankments were made close to and parallel with the old lines, beginning about a mile and a quarter from the canal on each side, the canal itself being crossed by viaducts which give a clear headway of 75 ft. at ordinary water-level. Vessels with high masts trading on the canal are provided with telescopic or sliding top-masts. The gradients on the railways rising up to the viaducts are 1 in 135. The span of the viaducts is so arranged as to maintain the full width of the canal for navigation; and as the railways generally cross the canal on the skew, this necessitated girders in some cases of 300 ft. span. There are nine main roads requiring swing bridges across the canal; all below Barton have a span giving a clear waterway of 120 ft. The width of these bridges varies with the importance of the roads from 20 to 36 ft., and they are constructed of steel, their weight ranging from 500 to 1000 tons each. They work on a live ring of conical cast-iron rollers and are moved by hydraulic power supplied by steam, gas or oil engines. The Trafford Road bridge at the docks at Manchester is the heaviest swing bridge on the canal; being of extra width, it weighs 1800 tons.

The canal being virtually one long dock, wharves at various points have been erected to enable chemical or manufacturing works to be carried on, widenings being provided where necessary. At Ellesmere Port coal tips and sheds have been erected, and the canal is in direct communication with the docks there as well as at Weston Point and Runcorn, where a large trade is carried on with the Staffordshire Potteries and the Cheshire salt districts. At Partington branches from the railways connect the canal with the Yorkshire and Lancashire coal-fields, and the canal is widened out 65 ft. on each side for six hydraulic coal tips. At Mode Wheel there are extensive abattoirs and lairages, erected by the Manchester Corporation; also large petroleum oil tanks, graving dock and pontoons, cold-air meat stores and other accommodation for traffic. At Manchester the area of the docks is 104 acres, with 152 acres of quay space, having over 5 m. of frontage to the docks, which are provided with a number of three-storey transit sheds, thirteen seven-storey and seven four-storey warehouses, and a large grain silo. The London & North Western and Lancashire & Yorkshire railway companies and the Cheshire Lines Committee have made branch lines to the docks, the railways and sidings at which are over 30 miles in length. Much traffic is also carted, or dealt with by inland canals in direct communication with the docks. The substitution of a wide and deep canal, nearly straight, for comparatively shallow and narrow winding rivers, and the use of large sluices in place of fixed weirs to carry off the river water, have been of great advantage to the district in greatly reducing the height of floods.

The total amount of excavation in the canal, docks and subsidiary work amounted to over 54 million cub. yds., nearly one-fourth of which was sandstone rock; the excavated material was used in forming the railway deviation embankments, filling up the old beds of the rivers and raising low lands near the canal. As many men were employed on the works as could be obtained, but the number never exceeded 17,000, and the greater part of the excavation was done by about eighty steam navvies and land dredgers. For the conveyance of excavation and materials, 228 miles of temporary railway lines were laid, and 173 locomotives, 6300 wagons and trucks, and 316 fixed and portable steam-engines and cranes were employed, the total cost of the plant being nearly £1,000,000. The expenditure on the works, including plant and equipment, to the 1st of January 1900, was £10,327,666. The purchase of the Mersey and Irwell and Bridgewater navigations (£1,786,651), land and compensation (£1,223,809), interest on capital during constructions (£1,170,733), and parliamentary, superintendence and general expenses brought up the total amount to £15,248,437.

The traffic on the canal gradually increased from 925,659 tons in 1894 to 2,778,108 tons in 1899 and 5,210,759 tons in 1907. After its opening considerable reductions were made in the railway rates of carriage and the charges at the Liverpool docks in order to meet the lower cost of conveyance by shipping passing up it. The result has been of great advantage to the trade of Lancashire and the surrounding districts, and the saving in the cost of carriage, estimated at £700,000 a year, assists manufacturers to meet the competition of their foreign opponents who have the advantage of low rates of carriage on the improved waterways of America, Germany, France and Belgium. Before the construction of the canal, large manufacturers had left Manchester to establish their works at ports like Glasgow, where they could save the cost of inland carriage. Since its opening, new industries have been started at Manchester and along its banks, warehouses and mills that were formerly empty are now occupied, while nearly 10,000 new houses have been built for the accommodation of the workpeople required to meet the enlarged trade of the city.

For further details see Sir Bosdin Leech, History of the Manchester Ship Canal (Manchester, 1907).

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Friday, the 28th, about noon, everything that Captain Barker intended to take away being on board the Governor Phillips, we all embarked, and arrangements were made for sailing next morning. On Saturday, the 29th, early in the morning, Captain Barker and myself went on shore to bathe. Afterwards, we walked through the deserted camp, and visited the garden, where everything appeared to our eyes more flourishing than before.

The fort was left undestroyed, for the use of, and under the care of, Wellington, who promised to take charge of it until we returned. The carpenter of the brig nailed the union-jack to the flagstaff; and although it was an old one, and hardly worth the carrying away, yet it may last until replaced by another, which we all hoped might, ere long, be displayed,—if

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 surmounted by a statue of Victory. The city has two parks, and in one of them, overlooking the Merrimac, is a monument to the memory of General John Stark, who was born and was buried here. The water-supply is obtained from Lake Massabesic. Amoskeag Falls in the Merrimac are 55 ft. in height, and by means of hydraulic canals Manchester is provided with a fine water-power. Steam power is also used, and the city is by far the most important manufacturing centre in the state. It is extensively engaged in the manufacture of cotton goods, boots and shoes, worsted goods, hosiery and other knit goods, and locomotives; among the other manufactures are linen goods, steam fire-engines, paper, edge tools, soap, leather, carriages and beer. The value of the city’s factory products increased from $24,628,345 in 1900 to $30,696,926 in 1905, or 24.6%. In 1905 Manchester produced 24.8% of the total factory product of the state. Manchester ranks fifth among the cities of the United States in cotton manufacturing, and ninth among the cities of the country in the manufacture of boots and shoes.

On account of the abundance of fish in the river here, Amoskeag Falls and vicinity were a favourite resort of the Penacook Indians, and it is said that John Eliot, the “Apostle to the Indians,” preached to them here in the summer of 1651. The first white settlement within the present limits of Manchester was made in 1722 by Scottish-Irish immigrants at Goffe’s Falls, 5 m. below Amoskeag Falls. In 1723 a cabin was built by some of these immigrants at the greater falls, and gradually a small settlement grew up there. In 1735 Massachusetts granted to a body of men known as “Tyng’s Snow-Shoe Scouts” and their descendants a tract of land 3 m. wide along the east bank of the Merrimac, designated as “Tyng’s Township.” The Scottish-Irish claimed this tract as part of their grant from New Hampshire, and there arose between the rival claimants a bitter controversy which lasted until May 1741, when the courts decided against the Massachusetts claimants. In 1751 the territory formerly known as “Tyng’s Township,” and sometimes called “Harrytown,” with portions of Chester and Londonderry, was incorporated as a township under the name Derryfield; in 1810 the name was changed to Manchester, the change having been suggested by the town’s manufacturing possibilities; and in 1846 Manchester was chartered as a city. The first sawmill was erected as early as 1736, and during the years from 1794 to 1807 a canal was constructed around the Amoskeag Falls through which to carry lumber. As late as 1830 the town had a population of only 877, but in 1831 the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company was incorporated, the construction of hydraulic canals and the erection of cotton mills followed, the villages of Piscataquog and Amoskeag were annexed in 1853, and the population increased to 3235 in 1840, to 8841 in 1860, and to 33,592 in 1880.

Consult M. D. Clarke, Manchester, A Brief Record of its Past and a Picture of its Present (Manchester, 1875).

 MANCHESTER, a former city of Chesterfield county, Virginia, U.S.A., (on the S. side of the James river), since 1910 a part of Richmond. Pop. (1900), 9715, of whom 3338 were negroes; (1906 estimate), 9997. It is served by the Atlantic Coast Line, the Seaboard Air Line, and the Southern railways, by electric lines to Richmond and Petersburg, and by numerous river boats. It is finely situated in a bend of the river, with about 2 m. of water front; on the heights above is Forest Hill park, a pleasure resort, and adjacent to it Woodland Heights, a beautiful residential district. From the surrounding country come much agricultural produce, coal, lumber, bricks and granite. There is a good harbour and excellent water power. Among the manufactures are paper, flour, cotton goods, leather, brick, railway supplies, &c. The value of the city’s factory products increased from $1,621,358 in 1900 to $3,226,268 in 1905, or 99%.  MANCHESTER SHIP CANAL. The advantage of a waterway for the conveyance of goods between eastern Lancashire and the sea is so obvious that so far back as the year 1721 Thomas Steers designed a plan for continuing to Manchester the barge navigation which then existed between Liverpool and Warrington. Parliamentary powers were then obtained to improve the rivers Mersey and Irwell from Warrington to Manchester by means of locks and weirs. This work was successfully carried out, and proved of great benefit to the trade of the district. The duke of Bridgewater, who had made a canal from his collieries at Worsley to Manchester, afterwards continued the canal to the Mersey at Runcorn; this extension was opened in 1722 and competed with the Mersey and Irwell navigation, both routes being navigated by barges carrying about fifty tons of cargo. The Liverpool & Manchester railway at a later date afforded further facilities for conveyance of goods, but the high rates of carriage, added to heavy charges at the Liverpool docks, prejudiced trade, and the question was mooted of a ship canal to bring cotton, timber, grain and other goods direct to Manchester without transshipment. The first plan was made by William Chapman in 1825, and was followed by one designed by Henry Palmer in 1840, but it was not until the year 1882 that the movement was originated that culminated in the opening of the Manchester Ship Canal by Queen Victoria on the 21st of May 1894.

In determining the plan of the canal the main point which arose was whether it should be made with locks or whether it should be on the sea-level throughout, and therefore tidal. The advantage of a still waterway in navigating large steamers, and the facilities afforded by one constant water-level for works on the banks and the quick discharge of goods at the terminal docks at Manchester, secured the adoption of the plans for a canal with locks as designed by Sir E. Leader Williams. The fresh-water portion of the canal extended between Manchester and Runcorn, while from the latter place to Garston it was proposed to improve the upper Mersey estuary by constructing training walls and dredging to form a deep central channel. Parliamentary powers to construct the canal were sought in the session of 1883, when the bill passed the committee of the House of Commons but was rejected by the committee of the House of Lords. Brought forward again the next year, it was passed by the Lords but thrown out by the Commons. The opposition from Liverpool and the railway companies was very strong; to meet to some extent that of the former, a continuation of the canal was proposed from Runcorn to Eastham along the Cheshire side of the Mersey, instead of a trained channel in the estuary, and in this form the bill was again introduced in the session of 1885, and, notwithstanding strong opposition, was passed by both houses of parliament. The cost of this contest to promoters and opponents exceeded £400,000, the various committees on the bill having sat over 175 days. Owing to difficulties in raising the capital the works were not begun until November 1887.

The total length of the canal is 35 m. and it may be regarded as divided into three sections. From Eastham to Runcorn it is near or through the Mersey estuary for 12 m., and thence to Latchford near Warrington, 8 m., it is inland; both these sections have the same water-level, which is raised by high tides. At Latchford the locks stop tidal action, and the canal is fed by the waters of the rivers Mersey and Irwell from that point to Manchester, 14 m. from Latchford. The canal begins on the Cheshire side of the Mersey at Eastham, about 6 m. above Liverpool. The entrance is well sheltered and adjoins a good low-water channel communicating with the Sloyne deep at Liverpool. Three entrance locks have been provided close to and parallel with each other, their length and width being 600 by 80, 350 by 50, and 150 by 30 ft. These locks maintain the water-level in the canal nearly to mean high-water level (14 ft. 2 in. above the Liverpool datum); when the tide rises above that height the lock gates are opened and the tide flows up to Latchford, giving on high spring tides an additional depth of water of about 7 ft. On the ebb tide this water is returned to the Mersey through large sluices at Randles Creek and at the junction of the river Weaver with the canal, the level of the canal thus being reduced to its normal height. The canal throughout to Manchester has a minimum depth of 28 ft.; the depth originally was 26 ft., but the lock sills were placed 2 ft. lower to allow of the channel being dredged to 28 ft. when necessary. The minimum width at bottom is 120 ft., allowing large vessels to pass each other at any point on the canal; this width is considerably increased at the locks and other parts. The slopes are generally about 1 to 1, but are flatter through some portions; in rock-cutting the sides are nearly vertical. From Eastham to Runcorn the canal is alternately inland and on the foreshore of the estuary, on which embankments were constructed to act as dams and keep out the tide during the excavation of the canal, and afterwards to maintain the water-level at low water in the estuary; both sides are faced with heavy coursed stone. The material for the embankments was principally clay excavated from the cuttings. In some places, where the foundation was of a porous nature, sheeting piles of timber had to be used. At Ellesmere Port, where the embankment is 6200 ft. long on sand, 13,000 whole timber sheeting piles 35 ft. long were driven, to secure the base of the embankment on each side; water jets under pressure through 1 in. wrought-iron pipes were used at the foot of each pile to assist the sinking, which was found most difficult by ordinary means. At the river Weaver ten Stoney roller sluices are built, each 30 ft. span, with heavy stone and concrete piers and foundations; at Runcorn,

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Rh not here, at least on some contiguous part of the coast. The settlement was then abandoned;—Captain Barker being the last to embark.

For the information of future visitants, I may state that the garden contained orange, lime, and lemon trees, bananas in abundance, shaddocks, citrons, pineapples, figs, custard apples, papaws, tamarinds, dates, cocoa nuts, arrow root, sugar cane, peaches, pumpkins, sweet potatoes, turmeric, capsicum, black pepper, and many other useful and ornamental articles, all of which were thriving well, except the figs and peaches: and Captain Barker, with a view to increase the probability of their continuance, made the gardener plant several of them in different convenient places, not far from the settlement,—viz., on the north lagoon, 130 bananas, six cocoa nuts, and four areca ditto; on the grass tree flat, near the small rivulet, at the head of the bay, fifteen bananas; on the flat, near Cook's cliff, fifteen bananas; near the swamp, eighteen papaw trees, eighteen custard apples, and eighteen bananas.

Moreover, that future settlers might not be under the necessity of eating salt-junk; he left, poultry,—a boar and several sows, in a place where it is likely they will thrive and increase, being a swamp, abounding in fern and other roots, of which they are fond;—also a bull and three cows; and (even attentive to the convenience and ease of future sojourners) a Timor horse; and a mare in foal which he purchased from Dr. Davis expressly for this purpose.

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118 Some fears are entertained that the two bush-rangers who have not returned may, from malicious wantonness, destroy both animals and vegetables. Necessity would not compel them to do so, as there is no doubt of their having stowed away plenty of beef, oat-meal, and flour; and there was a sufficiency of pumpkins to supply the wants of 100 men. If they act with prudence towards the natives, there is little doubt of their not only surviving, but living sumptuously, and in idleness (the summum bonum of such people), until the arrival of the proas from Macassar.

All being on board, and the brig ready for sea, we got under weigh about ten, A. M., and coasted along the shore. Being anxious to examine Port Essington, we ran into it, and came to an anchor about seven, P. M., in eleven fathoms water, near Knocker's Bay; and shortly afterwards, we observed numerous signal fires of the natives at Point Smith.

Next morning, at daylight. Captain Barker and myself left the brig, and proceeded in the boat to examine Knocker's Bay. It appeared exceedingly commodious in all respects, excepting the absence of fresh water, which defect might very easily be remedied. Returning on board about nine, A. M., we observed the natives making signals on shore; and shortly afterwards, two canoes, full of men, (seven in one, and eight in the other,) were observed making towards the brig. When the first approached sufficiently near, the natives began calling out, and still continued, though slowly and

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Rh, to advance. As soon as they recognized Captain Barker and myself, they gave a loud and joyful shout, calling out "Commandant," "Caraie ," when both canoes pulled with all speed, and the men jumped on board without hesitation.

They proved to be some of our old friends; among whom, were Marambal, Iacama, Luga, and Mimaloo, bringing with them a quantity of tortoise-shell, for the purpose of barter. They were kindly received on board, and regaled with plenty of biscuit and rice. Marambal using the freedom of an old acquaintance, took the oil out of the binnacle lamp to mix with his rice. After their refreshment, some presents were distributed among them: they inquired very particularly after Riveral, some of whose relatives were present, whom I had not previously seen. I was much struck with the mild and unassuming manners of one of them, hitherto unknown to me, named A-rain-boo; but feeling that old acquaintances ought always to have the preference, I dressed Mimaloo in a pair of white trowsers; a red handkerchief was put round his neck, and a piece of calico on his shoulders, over which two bits of spun-yarn supported his trowsers; and, to complete his dress, a soldier's wife very gallantly put a cap on his head, which, although it was not particularly clean, he received with a bow and a smile.

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120 This finery completely turned his brain, and he jumped about the deck, cutting a variety of capers, all indicative of the most extravagant joy: then he would stand still, silently contemplating his figure, with all the self-admiring complacency of a thorough-bred dandy; and again, unable to suppress his satisfaction, he would burst afresh into movements of unrestrained delight, to the astonishment of all on board, both savage and civilized;—although his pleasure was somewhat damped by one of the soldiers calling him a Manburgē. I thought that A-rain-boo viewed his gestures with pity, and seemed to despise him for thus compromising his dignity in our presence.

Captain Barker gave Luga (the native who had been flogged) a mambrual, and also remembered Marambal, who had behaved so attentively the first time he had trusted himself among them. Shortly afterwards, the natives left us, promising, that should Captain Barker and I come on shore, we should have a sight of the yalcuhéé; but they, unlike their civilized sisters, showed no disposition, either to form an acquaintance with, or to be admired by, strangers.

Shortly after the natives left the ship, those in the first canoe called to us to observe their mode of killing turtle, one of which they had discovered resting on the water. Luga stood in the bow, and threw the spear, but missed his aim. Those in the second canoe having seen another turtle, requested us to witness their superior skill, but they proved equally unsuccessful, to

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Rh their great chagrin and mortification. Their feelings, no doubt, were much of the same kind with those experienced by a "white fellow," who, with the intention of impressing the wandering savages with a favourable idea of his prowess, fires a musket among a numerous flock of cockatoos, without doing any damage.

As the brig could not get under weigh, in consequence of the wind setting in to blow from the W.N. W., we embraced the opportunity of taking a further view of Port Essington (where, had the settlement been originally formed, it is probable that it might have now been in a flourishing state); and accordingly, about three, P. M., Captain Barker and myself proceeded on our expedition. We passed Point Record, and continued our course to the western branch of the bay; near the head of which. Captain Barker had, some time previously, found a fine stream of fresh water, and he now wished to see if it still continued to run.

We landed at a point near the south-west side of this inner bay, and walked in a westerly direction, where, at about one mile and a half distance, we expected to fall in with the stream. Having walked, however, twice that distance, without meeting with it, we began to suspect, from the nature of the ground, that no stream of water existed. Captain Barker was now convinced that we had landed at the wrong spot; the place he had previously landed at, being situated one mile farther to the southward. This we very much

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122 regretted, as, from the day being spent, we could not strike across the country to endeavour to fall in with it. It being now quite dark, we thought we might have some difficulty in retracing our steps to the place where the boat lay waiting for us; but, knowing that we had taken a westernly direction, we reversed the course, and, guided by the stars, (after several tumbles over fallen trees,) we got safely to the boat, where we found the men anxiously expecting us. We arrived on board about three o'clock in the morning, after a long and very tiresome pull.

When Captain Barker visited Port Essington, on a former occasion, he found the stream in question of considerable magnitude, and, from appearances, he was induced to believe it to be permanent; but, as his visit was shortly after the conclusion of the rainy season, this was by no means certain. Had it been running now, at the termination of the dry season, the matter would have been placed beyond a doubt. It was, therefore, to be regretted, that we did not succeed in deciding the question.

On Saturday morning, the 31st of August, the brig was got under weigh, and we left the north coast of New Holland exactly six years after the date of Mr. Barnes's letter to Lord Bathurst.

It may not be out of place now to make a few remarks as to the formation of these settlements, and also as to the events which unfortunately led to their abandonment.

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Rh The principal object in forming a settlement on the north coast of New Holland was, to establish a commercial intercourse with the natives of various islands in the Indian Archipelago; and which, it was imagined, might be brought about through the means of the Malays, who annually frequent these shores in considerable numbers, for the purpose of procuring trepang.

The British government, therefore, (chiefly induced, I believe, by the representation of Mr. Barnes, who painted in glowing colours, the vast and manifold advantages thence to be derived,) determined to form an establishment somewhere on the northern coast of New Holland; and, to carry this resolution into effect, Captain Bremer, of H. M. S. Tamar, sailed from Sydney on the 24th of August, 1824, taking in company the ship Countess of Harcourt, laden with stores, provisions, and other articles necessary in the formation of a new settlement. A party of the 3d regiment, under the command of Captain Barlow and Lieutenant Everett, and a party of prisoners, chiefly mechanics, (who obtained the name of volunteers,) were also embarked in the Countess of Harcourt.

They proceeded through Torres' Straits, by the inner passage, and arrived safely at Port Essington on the 20th of September; when, after going through the ceremonies usual on such an occasion, formal possession was taken of the north coast, between the meridians 129° and 135° east longitude; and, after making some

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124 ineffectual search for water, they left this beautiful bay, and proceeded farther west.

On the 30th of September, they arrived at Melville Island, where they formed the settlement. Thus was an error committed in the very beginning. Had the examination for water at Port Essington been more extended and minute, plenty, of good quality, would have been discovered; and the port is, in every point of view, decidedly preferable to that of Apsley Straits, than which, indeed, a worse place could not have been selected: first, because the entrance to it is exceedingly intricate, on account of a dangerous shoal extending several miles' distance from the land; and which is rendered more perilous by the rapidity of the tides. And, lastly, but chiefly, by this part of the coast not being frequented by the Malays; although this fact could not have been known at the time.

On the 13th of November, H. M. S. Tamar left for India, having rendered every assistance to the settlement. Previous to her departure, the natives had visited the new comers, (whom, I have no doubt, they considered unwelcome intruders,) and some slight differences had occurred. The settlement, however, got on pretty well for some time; but, at length, hostilities commenced between the natives and Europeans, and proceeded, from bad to worse, until the hatred of both parties became thoroughly rooted.

From all the accounts I could collect, and I had them from various and authentic sources, I have no

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Rh hesitation in stating, that the civilized party was far from being blameless.

It is well known to every person who has had the slightest intercourse with savages, that they are invariably addicted to thieving. It is, therefore, not to be denied, that the natives committed many petty thefts; but the policy of being unnecessarily annoyed thereat, and the humanity of putting them to death for such offences, may be safely called in question.

If I am rightly informed by those who were actors in the business, many of the natives were put to death in a very unwarrantable manner; and I think I may assert, that, had mild and conciliatory conduct been adopted, and uniformly continued towards these ignorant creatures while their depredations were unattended with violence, several valuable lives might have been saved, and many inconveniences and privations prevented.

Latterly, it was unsafe to venture out of the camp unarmed;—a melancholy instance of this insecurity occurred in the massacre of the surgeon and the commissariat-officer, who, while taking a walk a few yards from the settlement, fell victims to the vengeance of these irritated and undiscerning savages.

Shortly after the formation of the settlement, sickness made its appearance. I was in Sydney when alarming accounts of the unhealthiness of Melville Island arrived there; and, as the surgeon of the settlement wished to be relieved, a young man who had just arrived in the colony, surgeon of a trading vessel,

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126 was appointed to succeed him, who, owing to the desperate nature of the service he was to be employed in, received a salary of one guinea per diem. Both before and after this period, the accounts were greatly exaggerated, and, in some respects, incorrect; the unhealthiness of the settlement being generally, but very erroneously, ascribed to the insalubrity of the climate.

The disease which, either by itself, or aggravating other maladies, naturally mild, caused such alarm, was scurvy, which, it is well known, is not endemial; indeed, it is more prevalent, caeteris paribus, in a cold, than in a warm climate. Its rise and progress is, therefore, to be attributed to the operation of the usual causes; several of which, in this instance, conspired to produce it.

This disease, therefore, not caused by climate, might have been checked, if not entirely prevented, by means within the reach of the sufferers; and, by a prophylactic attention to dietetics, without requiring much aid from medicine.

It is admitted, that the supply of salt provisions was bad; but, then, the fowls of the air, and the fish of the sea, might have been obtained in abundance, by very moderate exertions: and, until the various vegetables (with the seeds and roots of which they were amply supplied from Sydney) grew fit for use, they had, within their reach, plenty of native roots and vegetables, which, either from ignorance or carelessness, they failed to profit by.

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Rh But as the climate was reported unhealthy, so was the soil accused of sterility; and with what degree of justice may be learned from the statement of Captain Laws, who visited the settlement a few months previous to its abandonment

With respect to the policy of the line of conduct pursued in the public administration of the settlement, I am not capable of forming a correct judgment; yet I may mention, that the instructions given in the first instance to the Commandant were liberal; and had other circumstances been favourable, were likely to promote, in some degree, the ultimate object for which the settlement was formed: but the orders of the 22d of April, 1826, (which, I am informed, were of a conditional nature,) being strictly acted on, put a complete stop to the slender mercantile intercourse that had begun, though slowly, to take place.

To add to the misfortunes attending on Melville Island, the colonial brig Lady Nelson, which was stationed there, sailed to Timor for refreshments, and was never afterwards heard of. Whether she fell into the hands of pirates, or whether she was wrecked on some reef or sand-bank, (many of which abound in the Timor Sea,) is still, and may, perhaps, for ever remain, a matter of uncertainty.

At length, after a period of nearly four years, in consequence of the continued unfavourable reports

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128 to the Home Government, orders were given to abandon the settlement; and, in willing obedience to these orders, it was abandoned on the 31st of March, 1829; the live animals, stores, plants, &c., being transferred to Raffles Bay. The Commandant, with the soldiers and volunteers, (i. e. prisoners) sailed in the barque Lucy Anne for Sydney, and arrived there in safety on the 10th of June.

Although there are different opinions as to the policy of this proceeding, yet, on the whole, it may be considered judicious; as the settlement was attended with considerable expense, and unlikely to become of much importance, being, as before mentioned, entirely out of the track of the Malay proas, not one of whom had ever visited it. But it might have made some return to the mother country, especially as it abounds in various kinds of trees fit for every purpose of domestic economy, and also for ship-building, according to the

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Rh opinion of Captain Laws, whose judgment on such subjects cannot be called in question.

Having made these few general observations, relative to Melville Island, I shall proceed to give a slight sketch of Raffles Bay (the second-formed British settlement on the north coast of New Holland); and as, during my sojourn there, I had much intercourse with the Aborigines, and embraced every opportunity of acquiring information concerning them, my remarks may, perhaps, not be deemed altogether devoid of interest.

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text: Narrative of a Voyage Round the World (Wilson)/Chapter 8


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from the accounts received, respecting the settlement at Melville Island, that it was likely to prove a failure, and being unwilling to abandon the north coast of New Holland, the Home Government determined to make another trial.

Captain Stirling, of H. M. S. Success, being charged with the execution of this important commission, sailed from Sydney, accompanied by three merchant vessels, which conveyed the troops, volunteers, provisions, and stores.

On the 17th of June, 1827, they arrived at Raffles Bay where it was determined to form the new

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Rh, without spending time in search of a more desirable situation.

Various reasons, which it is now needless to mention, have been assigned for this supposed precipitancy. Suffice it to say, the settlement was formed on the 18th of June, and named, in honour of the day. Fort Wellington.

Having been favoured, by the courtesy of the Colonial Government, with an inspection of all the official documents, relative to Melville Island and Raffles Bay, I have availed myself of this privilege on several occasions, and am thereby enabled to present the reader with the following extracts from the diary of Captain Smyth, the first Commandant of Raffles Bay; and, as they afford a concise account of events which occurred in the formation of the settlement, they will, I have no doubt, be considered very interesting.

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left Port Essington (as already mentioned) on the morning of the 31st of August, for Coupang, where Captain Barker purposed to close all accounts that might have been left unsettled by the late Mr. Radford. He also intended to purchase provisions for the use of the settlement at King George the Third's Sound, being fearful that, in consequence of the wreck of the schooner Mermaid, which was laden with provisions for the use of that place, it might be suffering some inconvenience.

As it was not out of the course, the Commander of the Governor Phillips obliged me by steering direct for Buckle's Island. At eight, P. M., we were in latitude 10° 58' south, and longitude 131° 15' east; i. e. the

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176 position ascribed, on the general chart, to that island; but, although the evening was clear, we could not discern any appearance of land. It may, therefore, be safely presumed, that it does not exist.

We made Timor on Saturday, the 5th of September, and on Sunday morning, at seven, A. M., we entered the Straits of Semao. At half-past ten, the ship struck on a ledge of coral rocks, and remained there, hard and fast. After various ineffectual endeavours, we succeeded in getting her off at noon, and were glad to find that she made no more water than she did before the accident.

At two, P. M., we arrived at, and anchored off, Coupang, when Captain Barker and I went on shore, to wait on the Resident and Secretary. We were informed, that Mr. Hazaart, the Resident, had proceeded on his expedition into the interior, accompanied by the Geologist, to search for the gold mines, said to exist in the mountains;—and, to repel the anticipated hostile attacks of the mountaineers, he was accompanied by upwards of 1000 men, armed and equipped in the manner already related.

The Dutch brig Merkus, in which my friend Captain Young had proceeded to Batavia, had returned to this

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Rh port; and I heard, with regret, that he was dangerously ill at Batavia.

The day after our arrival, the Secretary sent his son to return our visit, and to invite us to dine, which was the more willingly accepted, as Captain Barker wished to see whether the account, which I had given him of the Secretary's epicurean style of living, had been correct; and he found that my report was not exaggerated.

We learned, that despatches had been lately received from the Resident, whose search after the precious metal had hitherto been unsuccessful, although he had examined all the mines, excepting one. We hoped that it might not turn out to be a "dowster-swivilian" business; as the disappointment might have a fatal effect on the good old Resident, whose only happiness seemed now to be centred in the success of his expedition.

We met here a Missionary, who had come from one of the small adjacent islands, for the benefit of medical advice, and change of air. The disease under which he had long laboured, intermittent fever, had emaciated him much, but had communicated additional interest to his mild and intelligent countenance. The present of a little sulphate of quinine, with directions for its use, made his hollow eyes sparkle with joy.

He spoke English very intelligibly, having received

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178 part of his evangelical education in London. He had not been particularly successful in converting the heathens whom he had taken under his pastoral care; but he had succeeded in softening their manners considerably, and restraining their accustomed habits of plundering and murdering those unfortunate beings who might, either from shipwreck, or by stratagem, fall into their power.

This, it will be admitted, is doing effectual good. Indeed, it may be affirmed, that such a rational mode of proceeding is more likely to be attended with beneficial consequences, than the endeavour to force down the throats of shrewd heathens abstruse truths, very difficult to be comprehended, even by the most enlightened; and far more so, when, from imperfect knowledge of the language necessary to communicate the desired ideas,—admitting that the teacher has a clear perception thereof in his own mind,—such subjects must appear to the uninitiated, more perplexed and obscure.

Captain Barker soon made satisfactory arrangements, relative to the unsettled commissariat accounts; and he also purchased, at a fair price, a quantity of salt beef, pork, and flour, for the use of the settlement of which he was about to take charge.

The brig, in the meantime, completed her water, which was of excellent quality, and was procured easily, and in abundance, from a rivulet, (that empties itself into the sea, a little to the eastward of the

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bay (on the east side of which the camp was formed) is small, very safe, and of easy access; the water of no great depth, but sufficient for vessels of moderate burden. The fort, situated in latitude 11° 15' 4" south, and in longitude 132° 24' 57" east , was substantially built of wood, and surrounded by pallisadoes; the ground-floor served as a receptacle for provisions and stores, and above was the residence of the Commandant. To the south of the fort were the soldiers' quarters, and to the north, were those of the prisoners; to the east, the marines had erected their dwelling, on the roof of which, surmounted on a pole, were the cardinal points;—these, together with the

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Rh hospital, guard-room, the cells, and a few straggling huts built without art or elegance, (except a neatly finished cottage, the residence of the Commissariat and Medical officers,) constituted the camp.

This deficiency of buildings did not arise from any supineness on the part of the existing authorities, but in consequence of orders from head-quarters not to erect any expensive buildings; as it was probable that the settlement might be removed to Port Essington.

The greatest attention was paid to horticulture;—besides the garden, sometime formed, and abounding in useful and ornamental articles, there was another of considerable extent, fenced in, and the ground properly prepared for use, when the orders came to abandon the place.

The site of the settlement was by no means judiciously chosen;—an extensive mud bank being right in front of it, through which, at low water, people embarking or disembarking were obliged to wade nearly a furlong. About a quarter of a mile farther to the northward, there was a much more eligible spot, where permanent buildings were intended to be formed, and which might easily have been erected, as good clay abounded.

Captain Stirling was actuated in his choice of the site by its being near a fresh water lagoon; that the people might be protected from the natives while procuring water—but water could not always be procured, as the lagoon was dry, excepting during the rainy

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 AN IRONIC TALE

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 A PATHETIC TALE

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74 (révolté) of modern times. The world knows him as a revolutionary writer whose savage irony has laid bare the rottenness of the most respectable institutions. He has scalped every venerated head, and has mangled at the stake of his wit every received opinion and every recognized principle of conduct and policy. Who does not remember his flaming red revolutionary pamphlets? Their sudden swarmings used to overwhelm the powers of every Continental police like a plague of crimson gadflies. But this extreme writer has been also the active inspirer of secret societies, the mysterious unknown Number One of desperate conspiracies suspected and unsuspected, matured or baffled. And the world at large has never had an inkling of that fact! This accounts for him going about amongst us to this day, a veteran of many subterranean campaigns, standing aside now, safe within his reputation of merely the greatest destructive publicist that ever lived."

Thus wrote my friend, adding that Mr. X was an enlightened connoisseur of bronzes and china, and asking me to show him my collection.

X turned up in due course. My treasures are disposed in three large rooms without carpets and curtains. There is no other furniture than the étagères and the glass cases whose contents shall be worth a fortune to my heirs. I allow no fires to be lighted, for fear of accidents, and a fire-proof door separates them from the rest of the house.

It was a bitter cold day. We kept on our overcoats and hats. Middle-sized and spare, his eyes alert in a long, Roman-nosed countenance, X walked on his neat little feet, with short steps, and looked at my collection intelligently. I hope I looked at him intelligently, too. A snow-white moustache and imperial made his nut-brown complexion appear darker than it really was. In

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Rh his fur coat and shiny tall hat that terrible man looked fashionable. I believe he belonged to a noble family, and could have called himself Vicomte X de la Z if he chose. We talked nothing but bronzes and porcelain. He was remarkably appreciative. We parted on cordial terms.

Where he was staying I don't know. I imagine he must have been a lonely man. Anarchists, I suppose, have no families—not, at any rate, as we understand that social relation. Organization into families may answer to a need of human nature, but in the last instance it is based on law, and therefore must be something odious and impossible to an anarchist. But, indeed, I don't understand anarchists. Does a man of that—of that—persuasion still remain an anarchist when alone, quite alone and going to bed, for instance? Does he lay his head on the pillow, pull his bedclothes over him, and go to sleep with the necessity of the chambardement général, as the French slang has it, of the general blow-up, always present to his mind? And if so how can he? I am sure that if such a faith (or such a fanaticism) once mastered my thoughts I would never be able to compose myself sufficiently to sleep or eat or perform any of the routine acts of daily life. I would want no wife, no children; I could have no friends, it seems to me; and as to collecting bronzes or china, that, I should say, would be quite out of the question. But I don't know. All I know is that Mr. X took his meals in a very good restaurant which I frequented also.

With his head uncovered, the silver top-knot of his brushed-up hair completed the character of his physiognomy, all bony ridges and sunken hollows, clothed in a perfect impassiveness of expression. His meagre brown hands emerging from large white cuffs came and went breaking bread, pouring wine, and so on, with

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76 quiet mechanical precision. His head and body above the tablecloth had a rigid immobility. This firebrand, this great agitator, exhibited the least possible amount of warmth and animation. His voice was rasping, cold, and monotonous in a low key. He could not be called a talkative personality; but with his detached calm manner he appeared as ready to keep the conversation going as to drop it at any moment.

And his conversation was by no means commonplace. To me, I own, there was some excitement in talking quietly across a dinner-table with a man whose venomous pen-stabs had sapped the vitality of at least one monarchy. That much was a matter of public knowledge. But I knew more. I knew of him—from my friend—as a certainty what the guardians of social order in Europe had at most only suspected, or dimly guessed at.

He had had what I may call his underground life. And as I sat, evening after evening, facing him at dinner, a curiosity in that direction would naturally arise in my mind. I am a quiet and peaceable product of civilization, and know no passion other than the passion for collecting things which are rare, and must remain exquisite even if approaching to the monstrous. Some Chinese bronzes are monstrously precious. And here (out of my friend's collection), here I had before me a kind of rare monster. It is true that this monster was polished and in a sense even exquisite. His beautiful unruffled manner was that. But then he was not of bronze. He was not even Chinese, which would have enabled one to contemplate him calmly across the gulf of racial difference. He was alive and European; he had the manner of good society, wore a coat and hat like mine, and had pretty near the same taste in cooking. It was too frightful to think of.

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T is not perhaps commonly realized that a general Encyclopaedia is more than a mere store house of facts. In reality it is also a systematic survey of all departments of knowledge But the alphabetical system of arrangement, with its obvious advantages, necessarily results in the separation from one another of articles dealing with any particular subject. Consequently the student who desires to make a complete study of a given topic must exercise his imagination if he seeks to exhaust the articles in which that topic is treated. Though the Index proper (pp. 3-878 of this volume) will give him assistance in obtaining information under headings which are not themselves the titles of articles in the Encyclopaedia, he will still find it of the greatest service in have a bird’s-eye view of all the articles upon his subject.

The ensuing pages of this volume contain what we believe to be the first attempt in any general work of reference at a systematic subject catalogue or analysis of the material contained in it. If the student turn, for example, to the section “Art” (p. 884) he will at once obtain a list of all the articles on architectural subjects, including the brief dictionary articles which are a special feature of the Encyclopaedia Britannica (Eleventh Edition). He will find subjoined a list of the biographies of architects. On pp. 885-888 are similar classified lists for Music, Painting and Engraving, Sculpture, the Minor Arts, the Stage and Dancing. The lists of biographies afford the reader access to information of a kind which cannot be given in subject articles and to which no index can be a satisfactory guide. In each section the main article or articles appear at the beginning in italics, e.g. (p. 883) Anthropology, Ethnology.

It is hoped that by means of this Classified List of Articles the student will find that he possesses not only a general encyclopaedia but also for all practical purposes a complete set of encyclopaedias on special subjects.

The classification of so great a mass of material must necessarily be to some extent arbitrary. Too minute a subdivision might easily confuse the reader and decrease the practical usefulness of the Table. The principle adopted has been to classify articles under as few general headings as possible, and those the most natural and obvious—e.g. Art, Geography, History, &c.

In order to keep the Table within reasonable compass the duplicating of articles in several sections has been as far as possible avoided. Thus the article “Charlemagne” in the History section might have appeared in any one or all of the subsections Europe, France, Germany, Roman Empire, Franks. It was, however, decided to group together under the heading

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Rh One evening he remarked, casually, in the course of conversation, "There's no amendment to be got out of mankind except by terror and violence."

You can imagine the effect of such a phrase out of such a man's mouth upon a person like myself, whose whole scheme of life had been based upon a suave and delicate discrimination of social and artistic values. Just imagine! Upon me, to whom all sorts and forms of violence appeared as unreal as the giants, ogres, and seven-headed hydras whose activities affect, fantastically, the course of legends and fairy-tales!

I seemed suddenly to hear above the festive bustle and clatter of the brilliant restaurant the mutter of a hungry and seditious multitude.

I suppose I am impressionable and imaginative. I had a disturbing vision of darkness, full of lean jaws and wild eyes, amongst the hundred electric lights of the place. But somehow this vision made me angry, too. The sight of that man, so calm, breaking bits of white bread, exasperated me. And I had the audacity to ask him how it was that the starving proletariat of Europe to whom he had been preaching revolt and violence had not been made indignant by his openly luxurious life. "At all this," I said, pointedly, with a glance round the room and at the bottle of champagne we generally shared between us at dinner.

He remained unmoved.

"Do I feed on their toil and their heart's blood? Am I a speculator or a capitalist? Did I steal my fortune from a starving people? No! They know this very well. And they envy me nothing. The miserable mass of the people is generous to its leaders. What I have acquired has come to me through my writings; not from the millions of pamphlets distributed gratis to the hungry and the oppressed, but from the hundreds of

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 “Franks” all articles relating to the Frankish Empire up to the period when it lost its unity, and with these the article “Charlemagne” was naturally included. Similarly the article “Electricity Supply” might have been placed in any one or all of the sections Engineering, Industries and Commerce, Law, Sociology. It was felt, however, that its proper place was beside the other articles which appear in the subsection Electricity under the general heading Physics.

Readers should note in connexion with the question of duplication that the sections entitled History and Geography are mutually complementary. The vast majority of articles under topographical headings contain the historical information appropriate to the county, district or town which they describe. Similarly the sections Archaeology and Anthropology are inter- dependent, referring respectively to the ancient and the modern divisions of the same science. As regards Archaeology all the articles on the sites will be found under Geography, while the articles under Anthropology must be supplemented by those in the section Religion § Comparative.

It should further be understood that this classification does not claim to exhaust the articles in the Encyclopaedia, but rather to collect under the obvious headings, main and subsidiary. those articles which are necessary to the understanding of a given subject.

Further guidance as to the arrangement of the sections is given on pp. 881-882.

THE EDITORS. , May 31, 1911.

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78 thousands of copies sold to the well-fed bourgeoisie. You know that my writings were at one time the rage, the fashion—the thing to read with wonder and horror, to turn your eyes up at my pathos. . . or else, to laugh in ecstasies at my wit."

"Yes," I admitted. "I remember, of course; and I confess frankly that I could never understand that infatuation."

"Don't you know yet," he said, "that an idle and selfish class loves to see mischief being made, even if it is made at its own expense? Its own life being all a matter of pose and gesture, it is unable to realize the power and the danger of a real movement and of words that have no sham meaning. It is all fun and sentiment. It is sufficient, for instance, to point out the attitude of the old French aristocracy towards the philosophers whose words were preparing the Great Revolution. Even in England, where you have some common-sense, a demagogue has only to shout loud enough and long enough to find some backing in the very class he is shouting at. You, too, like to see mischief being made. The demagogue carries the amateurs of emotion with him. Amateurism in this, that, and the other thing is a delightfully easy way of killing time, and feeding one's own vanity—the silly vanity of being abreast with the ideas of the day after to-morrow. Just as good and otherwise harmless people will join you in ecstasies over your collection without having the slightest notion in what its marvellousness really consists."

I hung my head. It was a crushing illustration of the sad truth he advanced. The world is full of such people. And that instance of the French aristocracy before the Revolution was extremely telling, too. I could not traverse his statement, though its cynicism

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Rh —always a distasteful trait—took off much of its value to my mind. However, I admit I was impressed. I felt the need to say something which would not be in the nature of assent and yet would not invite discussion.

"You don't mean to say," I observed, airily, "that extreme revolutionists have ever been actively assisted by the infatuation of such people?"

"I did not mean exactly that by what I said just now. I generalized. But since you ask me, I may tell you that such help has been given to revolutionary activities, more or less consciously, in various countries. And even in this country."

"Impossible!" I protested with firmness. "We don't play with fire to that extent."

"And yet you can better afford it than others, perhaps. But let me observe that most women, if not always ready to play with fire, are generally eager to play with a loose spark or so."

"Is this a joke?" I asked, smiling.

"If it is, I am not aware of it," he said, woodenly. "I was thinking of an instance Oh! mild enough in a way . . ."

I became all expectation at this. I had tried many times to approach him on his underground side, so to speak. The very word had been pronounced between us. But he had always met me with his impenetrable calm.

"And at the same time," Mr. X continued, "it will give you a notion of the difficulties that may arise in what you are pleased to call underground work. It is sometimes difficult to deal with them. Of course there is no hierarchy amongst the affiliated. No rigid system."

My surprise was great, but short-lived. Clearly, amongst extreme anarchists there could be no

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80 ; nothing in the nature of a law of precedence, The idea of anarchy ruling among anarchists was comforting, too. It could not possibly make for efficiency.

Mr. X startled me by asking, abruptly, "You know Hermione Street?"

I nodded doubtful assent. Hermione Street has been, within the last three years, improved out of any man's knowledge. The name exists still, but not one brick or stone of the old Hermione Street is left now. It was the old street he meant, for he said:

"There was a row of two-storied brick houses on the left, with their backs against the wing of a great public building—you remember. Would it surprise you very much to hear that one of these houses was for a time the centre of anarchist propaganda and of what you would call underground action?"

"Not at all," I declared. Hermione Street had never been particularly respectable, as I remembered it.

"The house was the property of a distinguished government official," he added, sipping his champagne.

"Oh, indeed!" I said, this time not believing a word of it.

"Of course he was not living there," Mr. X continued. "But from ten till four he sat next door to it, the dear man, in his well-appointed private room in the wing of the public building I've mentioned. To be strictly accurate, I must explain that the house in Hermione Street did not really belong to him. It belonged to his grown-up children—a daughter and a son. The girl, a fine figure, was by no means vulgarly pretty. To more personal charm than mere youth could account for, she added the seductive appearance of enthusiasm, of independence, of courageous thought. I suppose she put on these appearances as she put on her picturesque

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Rh dresses and for the same reason: to assert her individuality at any cost. You know, women would go to any length almost for such a purpose. She went to a great length. She had acquired all the appropriate gestures of revolutionary convictions—the gestures of pity, of linger, of indignation against the anti-humanitarian vices of the social class to which she belonged herself. All this sat on her striking personality as well as her slightly original costumes. Very slightly original; just enough to mark a protest against the philistinism of the overfed taskmasters of the poor. Just enough, and no more. It would not have done to go too far in that direction—you understand. But she was of age, and nothing stood in the way of her offering her house to the revolutionary workers."

"You don't mean it!" I cried.

"I assure you," he affirmed, "that she made that very practical gesture. How else could they have got hold of it? The cause is not rich. And, moreover, there would have been difficulties with any ordinary house-agent, who would have wanted references and so on. The group she came in contact with while exploring the poor quarters of the town (you know the gesture of charity and personal service which was so fashionable some years ago) accepted with gratitude. The first advantage was that Hermione Street is, as you know, well away from the suspect part of the town, specially watched by the police.

"The ground floor consisted of a little Italian restaurant, of the flyblown sort. There was no difficulty in buying the proprietor out. A woman and a man belonging to the group took it on. The man had been a cook. The comrades could get their meals there, unnoticed amongst the other customers. This was another advantage. The first floor was occupied by a

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82 shabby Variety Artists' Agency—an agency for performers in inferior music-halls, you know. A fellow called Bomm, I remember. He was not disturbed. It was rather favourable than otherwise to have a lot of foreign-looking people, jugglers, acrobats, singers of both sexes, and so on, going in and out all day long. The police paid no attention to new faces, you see. The top floor happened, most conveniently, to stand empty then."

X interrupted himself to attack impassively, with measured movements, a bombe glacée which the waiter had just set down on the table. He swallowed carefully a few spoonfuls of the iced sweet, and asked me, "Did you ever hear of Stone's Dried Soup?"

"Hear of what?"

"It was," X pursued, evenly, "a comestible article once rather prominently advertised in the dailies, but which never, somehow, gained the favour of the public. The enterprise fizzled out, as you say here. Parcels of their stock could be picked up at auctions at considerably less than a penny a pound. The group bought some of it, and an agency for Stone's Dried Soup was started on the top floor. A perfectly respectable business. The stuff, a yellow powder of extremely unappetizing aspect, was put up in large square tins, of which six went to a case. If anybody ever came to give an order, it was, of course, executed. But the advantage of the powder was this, that things could be concealed in it very conveniently. Now and then a special case got put on a van and sent off to be exported abroad under the very nose of the policeman on duty at the corner. You understand?"

"I think I do," I said, with an expressive nod at the remnants of the bombe melting slowly in the dish.

"Exactly. But the cases were useful in another

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Rh way, too. In the basement, or in the cellar at the back, rather, two printing-presses were established. A lot of revolutionary literature of the most inflammatory kind was got away from the house in Stone's Dried Soup cases. The brother of our anarchist young lady found some occupation there. He wrote articles, helped to set up type and pull off the sheets, and generally assisted the man in charge, a very able young fellow called Sevrin.

"The guiding spirit of that group was a fanatic of social revolution. He is dead now. He was an engraver and etcher of genius. You must have seen his work. It is much sought after by certain amateurs now. He began by being revolutionary in his art, and ended by becoming a revolutionist, after his wife and child had died in want and misery. He used to say that the bourgeoisie, the smug, overfed lot, had killed them. That was his real belief. He still worked at his art and led a double life. He was tall, gaunt, and swarthy, with a long, brown beard and deep-set eyes. You must have seen him. His name was Horne."

At this I was really startled. Of course years ago I used to meet Horne about. He looked like a powerful, rough gipsy, in an old top hat, with a red muffler round his throat and buttoned up in a long, shabby overcoat. He talked of his art with exaltation, and gave one the impression of being strung up to the verge of insanity. A small group of connoisseurs appreciated his work. Who would have thought that this man. . . . Amazing! And yet it was not, after all, so difficult to believe.

"As you see," X went on, "this group was in a position to pursue its work of propaganda, and the other kind of work, too, under very advantageous conditions. They were all resolute, experienced men of a superior

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84 stamp. And yet we became struck at length by the fact that plans prepared in Hermione Street almost invariably failed."

"Who were 'we'?" I asked, pointedly.

"Some of us in Brussels—at the centre," he said, hastily. "Whatever vigorous action originated in Hermione Street seemed doomed to failure. Something always happened to baffle the best planned manifestations in every part of Europe. It was a time of general activity. You must not imagine that all our failures are of a loud sort, with arrests and trials. That is not so. Often the police work quietly, almost secretly, defeating our combinations by clever counter-plotting. No arrests, no noise, no alarming of the public mind and inflaming the passions. It is a wise procedure. But at that time the police were too uniformly successful from the Mediterranean to the Baltic. It was annoying and began to look dangerous. At last we came to the conclusion that there must be some untrustworthy elements amongst the London groups. And I came over to see what could be done quietly.

"My first step was to call upon our young Lady Amateur of anarchism at her private house. She received me in a flattering way. I judged that she knew nothing of the chemical and other operations going on at the top of the house in Hermione Street. The printing of anarchist literature was the only 'activity' she seemed to be aware of there. She was displaying very strikingly the usual signs of severe enthusiasm, and had already written many sentimental articles with ferocious conclusions. I could see she was enjoying herself hugely, with all the gestures and grimaces of deadly, earnestness. They suited her big-eyed, broad-browed face and the good carriage of her shapely head, crowned by a magnificent lot of brown hair done in an unusual

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Rh and becoming style. Her brother was in the room, too, a serious youth, with arched eyebrows and wearing a red necktie, who struck me as being absolutely in the dark about everything in the world, including himself. By and by a tall young man came in. He was clean-shaved with a strong bluish jaw and something of the air of a taciturn actor or of a fanatical priest: the type with thick black eyebrows—you know. But he was very presentable indeed. He shook hands at once vigorously with each of us. The young lady came up to me and murmured sweetly, 'Comrade Sevrin.'

"I had never seen him before. He had little to say to us, but sat down by the side of the girl, and they fell at once into earnest conversation. She leaned forward in her deep armchair, and took her nicely rounded chin in her beautiful white hand. He looked attentively into her eyes. It was the attitude of love-making, serious, intense, as if on the brink of the grave. I suppose she felt it necessary to round and complete her assumption of advanced ideas, of revolutionary lawlessness, by making believe to be in love with an anarchist. And this one, I repeat, was extremely presentable, notwithstanding his fanatical black-browed aspect. After a few stolen glances in their direction, I had no doubt that he was in earnest. As to the lady, her gestures were unapproachable, better than the very thing itself in the blended suggestion of dignity, sweetness, condescension, fascination, surrender, and reserve. She interpreted her conception of what that precise sort of love-making should be with consummate art. And so far, she, too, no doubt, was in earnest. Gestures—but so perfect!

"After I had been left alone with our Lady Amateur I informed her guardedly of the object of my visit. I hinted at our suspicions. I wanted to hear what she would have to say, and half expected some perhaps

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86 revelation. All she said was, 'That's serious' looking delightfully concerned and grave. But there was a sparkle in her eyes which meant plainly, 'How exciting!' After all, she knew little of anything except of words. Still, she undertook to put me in communication with Horne, who was not easy to find unless in Hermione Street, where I did not wish to show myself just then.

"I met Horne. This was another kind of a fanatic altogether. I exposed to him the conclusion we in Brussels had arrived at, and pointed out the significant series of failures. To this he answered with irrelevant exaltation:

"'I have something in hand that shall strike terror into the heart of these gorged brutes.'

"And then I learned that, by excavating in one of the cellars of the house, he and some companions had made their way into the vaults under the great public building I have mentioned before. The blowing up of a whole wing was a certainty as soon as the materials were ready.

"I was not so appalled at the stupidity of that move as I might have been had not the usefulness of our centre in Hermione Street become already very problematical. In fact, in my opinion it was much more of a police trap by this time than anything else.

"What was necessary now was to discover what, or rather who, was wrong, and I managed at last to get that idea into Horne's head. He glared, perplexed, his nostrils working as if he were sniffing treachery in the air.

"And here comes a piece of work which will no doubt strike you as a sort of theatrical expedient. And yet what else could have been done? The problem was to find out the untrustworthy member of the group.

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Rh But no suspicion could be fastened on one more than another. To set a watch upon them all was not very practicable. Besides, that proceeding often fails. In any case, it takes time, and the danger was pressing. I felt certain that the premises in Hermione Street would be ultimately raided, though the police had evidently such confidence in the informer that the house, for the time being, was not even watched. Horne was positive on that point. Under the circumstances it was an unfavourable symptom. Something had to be done quickly.

"I decided to organize a raid myself upon the group. Do you understand? A raid of other trusty comrades personating the police. A conspiracy within a conspiracy. You see the object of it, of course. When apparently about to be arrested I hoped the informer would betray himself in some way or other; either by some unguarded act or simply by his unconcerned demeanour, for instance. Of course there was the risk of complete failure and the no lesser risk of some fatal accident in the course of resistance, perhaps, or in the efforts at escape. For, as you will easily see, the Hermione Street group had to be actually and completely taken unawares, as I was sure they would be by the real police before very long. The informer was amongst them, and Horne alone could be let into the secret of my plan.

"I will not enter into the detail of my preparations. It was not very easy to arrange, but it was done very well, with a really convincing effect. The sham police invaded the restaurant, whose shutters were immediately put up. The surprise was perfect. Most of the Hermione Street party were found in the second cellar, enlarging the hole communicating with the vaults of the great public building. At the first alarm, several

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182 LI

GRAVE IN THE OCEAN

beams the sun the brightest

In the hours of sweet July?

Where falls the snow the lightest

From bleak December's sky?

Where can the weary lay his head,

And lay it soft the while;

In a grave that never shuts its dead

From heaven's benignant smile?

Upon the earth is sunlight;

Spring grass grows green and fair;

But beneath the earth is midnight—

Eternal midnight there.

Then why lament that those we love

Escape earth's dungeon tomb?

As if the flowers that blow above

Could charm its undergloom.

From morning's faintest dawning

Till evening's deepest shade,

Thou wilt not cease thy mourning

To know where she is laid.


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88 comrades bolted through impulsively into the aforesaid vault, where, of course, had this been a genuine raid, they would have been hopelessly trapped. We did not bother about them for the moment. They were harmless enough. The top floor caused considerable anxiety to Horne and myself. There, surrounded by tins of Stone's Dried Soup, a comrade, nick-named the Professor (he was an ex-science student) was engaged in perfecting some new detonators. He was an abstracted, self-confident, sallow little man, armed with large round spectacles, and we were afraid that under a mistaken impression he would blow himself up and wreck the house about our ears. I rushed upstairs and found him already at the door, on the alert, listening, as he said, to 'suspicious noises down below.' Before I had quite finished explaining to him what was going on he shrugged his shoulders disdainfully and turned away to his balances and test-tubes. His was the true spirit of an extreme revolutionist. Explosives were his faith, his hope, his weapon, and his shield. He perished a couple of years afterwards in a secret laboratory through the premature explosion of one of his improved detonators.

"Hurrying down again, I found an impressive scene in the gloom of the big cellar. The man who personated the inspector (he was no stranger to the part) was speaking harshly, and giving bogus orders to his bogus subordinates for the removal of his prisoners. Evidently nothing enlightening had happened so far. Horne, saturnine and swarthy, waited with folded arms, and his patient, moody expectation had an air of stoicism well in keeping with the situation. I detected in the shadows one of the Hermione Street group surreptitiously chewing up and swallowing a small piece of paper. Some compromising scrap, I suppose; perhaps

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Rh But if to weep above her grave

Be such a priceless boon,

Go, shed thy tears in Ocean's wave

And they will reach it soon.

Yet midst thy wild repining,

Mad though that anguish be,

Think heaven on her is shining

Even as it shines on thee.

With thy mind's vision pierce the deep,

Look now she rests below,

And tell me, why such blessed sleep

Should cause such bitter woe?


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Rh just a note of a few names and addresses. He was a true and faithful 'companion.' But the fund of secret malice which lurks at the bottom of our sympathies caused me to feel amused at that perfectly uncalled-for performance.

In every other respect the risky experiment, the theatrical coup, if you like to call it so, seemed to have failed. The deception could not be kept up much longer; the explanation would bring about a very embarrassing and even grave situation. The man who had eaten the paper would be furious. The fellows who had bolted away would be angry, too.

"To add to my vexation, the door communicating with the other cellar, where the printing-presses were, flew open, and our young lady revolutionist appeared, a black silhouette in a close-fitting dress and a large hat, with the blaze of gas flaring in there at her back. Over her shoulder I perceived the arched eyebrows and the red necktie of her brother.

"The last people in the world I wanted to see then! They had gone that evening to some amateur concert for the delectation of the poor people, you know; but she had insisted on leaving early, on purpose to call in Hermione Street on the way home, under the pretext of having some work to do. Her usual task was to correct the proofs of the Italian and French editions of the Alarm Bell and the Firebrand." . ..

"Heavens!" I murmured. I had been shown once a few copies of these publications. Nothing, in my opinion, could have been less fit for the eyes of a young lady. They were the most advanced things of the sort; advanced, I mean, beyond all bounds of reason and decency. One of them preached the dissolution of all social and domestic ties; the other advocated systematic murder. To think of a young girl calmly tracking

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184 LII

A SERENADE

Guardians are asleep,

So I'm come to bid thee rise;

Thou hast a holy vow to keep,

Ere yon crescent quit the skies.

Though clouds careering wide

Will hardly let her gleam,

She's bright enough to be our guide

Across the mountain stream.

O waken, dearest, wake!

What means this long delay?

Say, wilt thou not for true love's sake

Chase idol fears away?

Think not of future grief

Entailed on present joy;

An age of woe were only brief

Its memory to destroy.

And neither Hell nor Heaven,

Though both conspire at last,

Can take the bliss that has been given,

Can rob us of the past.


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Rh Then waken, Mary, wake,

How canst thou linger now?

For true love's and for honour's sake

Arise and keep thy vow.


text:
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology/Stratonice 4.

STRATONICE 4. Daughter of the preceding and of Antiochus I., was married to Demetrius II., king of Macedonia. (Euseb. Arm. i. p. 164.) The period of their marriage is unknown; but she appears to have remained in Macedonia till about B. C. 239, when she quitted Demetrius in disgust, on account of his second marriage with Phthia, the daughter of Olympias, and retired to Syria. Here she in vain incited her nephew Seleucus II. to avenge the insult offered her by declaring war against the Macedonian king. According to another account, she was in hopes to induce Seleucus himself to marry her; but that monarch was wholly occupied with the recovery of Babylonia and the upper provinces of the empire. While he was thus engaged, Stratonice took advantage of his absence to raise a revolt against him at Antioch; but she was easily expelled from that city on the return of Seleucus, and took refuge in Seleucia, where she was besieged, taken prisoner, and put to death. (Just. 28.1; Agatharchides, apud Joseph. c. Apion. 1.22; Niebuhr, Kl. Schriften, p. 254 ; Droysen, Hellenism. vol. ii. p. 414.)


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 {| align=center
 *
 * BOOKS BY JOSEPH CONRAD
 *
 * ALMAYER'S FOLLY
 * AN OUTCAST OF THE ISLANDS
 * THE NIGGER OF THE "NARCISSUS"
 * TALES OF UNREST
 * LORD JIM: A ROMANCE
 * YOUTH: A NARRATIVE
 * TYPHOON
 * FALK, AND OTHER STORIES
 * NOSTROMO: A TALE OF THE SEABOARD
 * THE MIRROR OF THE SEA
 * THE SECRET AGENT
 * A SET OF SIX
 * UNDER WESTERN EYES
 * A PERSONAL RECORD
 * 'TWIXT LAND AND SEA
 * CHANCE
 * WITHIN THE TIDES
 * VICTORY
 * THE SHADOW-LINE
 * THE ARROW OF GOLD
 * THE RESCUE
 * NOTES ON LIFE AND LETTERS
 * THE ROVER
 * WITH FORD M. HUEFFER
 * ROMANCE: A NOVEL
 * THE INHERITORS: AN EXTRAVAGANT STORY
 * THE NATURE OF A CRIME
 * }
 * UNDER WESTERN EYES
 * A PERSONAL RECORD
 * 'TWIXT LAND AND SEA
 * CHANCE
 * WITHIN THE TIDES
 * VICTORY
 * THE SHADOW-LINE
 * THE ARROW OF GOLD
 * THE RESCUE
 * NOTES ON LIFE AND LETTERS
 * THE ROVER
 * WITH FORD M. HUEFFER
 * ROMANCE: A NOVEL
 * THE INHERITORS: AN EXTRAVAGANT STORY
 * THE NATURE OF A CRIME
 * }
 * THE RESCUE
 * NOTES ON LIFE AND LETTERS
 * THE ROVER
 * WITH FORD M. HUEFFER
 * ROMANCE: A NOVEL
 * THE INHERITORS: AN EXTRAVAGANT STORY
 * THE NATURE OF A CRIME
 * }
 * WITH FORD M. HUEFFER
 * ROMANCE: A NOVEL
 * THE INHERITORS: AN EXTRAVAGANT STORY
 * THE NATURE OF A CRIME
 * }
 * THE INHERITORS: AN EXTRAVAGANT STORY
 * THE NATURE OF A CRIME
 * }
 * THE NATURE OF A CRIME
 * }

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Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology/Antiochus I.

Anti'ochus I. or Anti'ochus Soter, king of SYRIA, surnamed SOTER (Σωτήρ), was the son of Seleucus Nicator and a Persian lady, Apama. The marriage of his father with Apama was one of those marriages which Alexander celebrated at Susa in B. C. 325, when he gave Persian wives to his generals. This would fix the birth of Antiochus about B. C. 324. He was present with his father at the battle of Ipsus in B. C. 301, which secured for Seleucus the government of Asia. It is related of Antiochus, that he fell sick through love of Stratonice, the young wife of his father, and the daughter of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and that when his father learnt the cause of his illness through his physician Erasistratus, he resigned Stratonice to him, and gave him the government of Upper Asia with the title of king. On the murder of his father in Macedonia in B. C. 280, Antiochus succeeded to the whole of his dominions, and prosecuted his claims to the throne of Macedonia against Antigonus Gonatas, but eventually allowed the latter to retain possession of Macedonia on his marrying Phila, the daughter of Seleucus and Stratonice. The rest of Antiochus' reign was chiefly occupied in wars with the Gauls, who had invaded Asia Minor. By the help of his elephants he gained a victory over the Gauls, and received in consequence the surname of Soter (Σωτήρ). He was afterwards defeated by Eumenes near Sardis, and was subsequently killed in a second battle with the Gauls (B. C. 261), after a reign of nineteen years. By his wife Stratonice Antiochus had three children : Antiochus Theos, who succeeded him; Apama, married to Magas; and Stratonice, married to Demetrius II. of Macedonia. (Appian, App. Syr. 59-65; Justin, 17.2; Plut. Demetr. 38, 39; Strab. xiii. p.623; Paus. 1.7; Julian, Misopog. p. 348a. b. ; Lucian, Zeuxis, 8; Aelian, Ael. NA 6.44; Plin. Nat. 8.42.) Apollo is represented on the reverse of the annexed coin. (Eckhel. iii. p. 215.)


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 They are the only things I have to give you, dear one; but I like to think you know what I have been doing.—I had not seen Ruskin all the summer and autumn, but he just came, on Friday, in time to see my work; so that I could send it to you. He is busy in town every day, so that he could not see me at Denmark Hill; but he came here. You do not know how pleased he was with all I had done, or how happy I was that he was pleased. He said I had done an immense quantity of work, and that I was far more accurate than any of his men at the College, whom, you know, he teaches every week. He said of one of my drawings, "This is quite a marvellous piece of drawing, Octavia." And when I showed him one of my Albert Dürers he exclaimed, "Is that yours? I was going to say you had been cutting up my print."

"Ah," I said, "you won't find it so accurate when you look nearer." He then said that it was as accurate as it was possible to be without absolutely tracing it. He told me he saw with what spirit I had worked. He is going to take me to Marlboro' House on Friday, and give me a student's ticket; for he wants me to copy some Turners for him in outline. He says he must give me more teaching, which he can do when I am working at Marlboro' House, where he will come and superintend me, when he has time. I felt altogether so delighted. Ruskin is so kind and beautiful. You know he is coming to keep my birthday with us. … He has been very busy, so that his looking over my work has been delayed. He sent me the Albert Dürer four weeks ago, saying, "Copy this, bit by bit, till I see you." At last I had done it so long that I was sure he could not want me to go on longer. So I hit on this odd plan. I wrote to him something in this style: "My dear Mr.