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Henrietta Maria of the acceptance of presbyterianism by the king, but she still looked forward too hopefully to the help of the continental protestants to attach much weight to these overtures, to the chief of which she was compelled to give a reluctant consent. When in December Charles was planning one last desperate campaign, it was on the landing of a French force supported by money forwarded at the queen's entreaty, by French clergy, that he mainly relied.

Early in 1646 the queen, discovering that there was little chance of her getting much assistance from Rome, turned to the Scottish alliance. After the king placed himself in the hands of the Scots and was removed to Newcastle, her efforts to persuade her husband to give up his scruples about abandoning episcopacy were unceasing. In June 1646 she obtained possession of the person of her eldest son, who was, much against the will of Hyde and the other supporters of a purely English policy, removed from Jersey by her orders, confirmed by those of his father. In July, when Belliévre was going on a mission from the French government to Charles, the queen sent to him a memoir for his guidance, which had been drawn up by Digby, and which was too fantastic to be reckoned as a practical scheme. A little later she urged Charles to agree with the Scots on the basis of presbyterianism without the covenant. Her own letters during this year have for the most part been lost, but her opinions can be gathered from the despatches of her ministers, and one characteristic letter written by her on 9 Oct. has been preserved. ‘If you are lost,’ she wrote to Charles, ‘the bishops have no resource; but if you can again place yourself at the head of an army we can restore them to their sees. … Preserve the militia and never abandon it. By that all will come back to you. God will send you means to your restoration, and of this there is already some little hope’ (the queen to the king, 9 Oct. 1646, in Clarendon State Papers, ii. 271). She was in fact once more looking to Mazarin for aid, thinking that the war between France and Spain would soon draw to a close, and that he would then be free to help her. It is hardly to be doubted that she was ready to purchase that help by surrendering the Channel Islands to France.

In the course of 1646 Henrietta Maria recovered her youngest daughter, Henrietta, who was brought from England by Lady Morton in the disguise of a beggar. Her joy did not cause her to forget her anxiety for her husband. Money was before all things needful if the queen's many schemes were to come to anything, and one of her first objects now was to obtain a rich wife for her son. The Dutch marriage treaty having broken down, she urged the young Charles, a boy of fifteen, to make love to ‘La Grande Mademoiselle,’ the daughter and heiress of her brother Gaston. The lady was too old to care for such youthful courtship, and this plan, like so many others of the queen's, came to nothing. In the course of 1647 she sent Sir Kenelm Digby back to Rome [see ], and she employed an agent, Winter Grant, in Ireland (Carte MSS.), in both cases in the hope of obtaining Irish assistance for Charles. In 1648 she took an active part both in the negotiations which led to that combination between the Irish catholics and the royalists, which brought down on them the sword of Cromwell in the following year, and in those which led to the Prince of Wales placing himself at the head of the fleet which revolted from the parliament, and which would, if his plans had not been cut short by Hamilton's defeat at Preston, have led to his transferring himself to the camp of the Scots. She was in correspondence with her second son, James, in England, urging him to effect his escape, and had the satisfaction of learning that it was successfully accomplished.

In the summer of 1648, when the troubles of the Fronde were becoming serious, Henrietta Maria removed to the Louvre. The French court had enough to do to take care of itself, and about 21–31 Dec. Cardinal de Retz found the queen of England in a state verging on destitution, taking care of her little Henrietta, whom she kept in bed for want of means to light a fire (, Mémoires, ed. Champollion-Figeac, i. 269; Miss Strickland, who tells the story from De Retz, gives a wrong date). Bad news from England, however, occupied the queen more than her own suffering, and on 27 Dec.–6 Jan. she wrote to the French ambassador in England, asking him to apply for passports to enable her to return to plead for her husband's life (the queen to Grignon, 27 Dec.–6 Jan. 1649, in, Lives of the Queens of England, viii. 145). On 8–18 Feb. she received the news of his execution.

With her husband's death Henrietta Maria's political career came practically to an end. The troubles of the Fronde were at their height, and for some little time she retired into a Carmelite nunnery in the Faubourg St. Jacques. In the course of the summer of 1649, after she had left her retreat, she received a visit from her eldest son, now known by his supporters as Charles II. When in 1650 he started on his expedition to Scot-


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Henrietta Maria two Hothams, who, though they were in the service of the parliament, offered to betray to her Hull and Lincoln.

On 16 June Henrietta Maria arrived at Newark at the head of a small army which she was conducting to her husband. She lingered there in hopes of the surrender of Hull and Lincoln. On the 29th the two Hothams were arrested and their design was frustrated. On 3 July ‘her she-majesty generalissima, and extremely diligent with 150 waggons to govern in case of battle,’ as she described herself, finding that her plan of surprising Lincoln had also failed, set out for Oxford. She was met by Rupert on the 4th at Stratford-on-Avon, where she was the guest of Shakespeare's daughter [see under, 1575–1635]. On the 13th she met her husband at Edgehill. Her first request was that he would raise Jermyn to the peerage. If the scandals afloat had had any foundation, it is hardly likely that she would have called attention to them in this way, and still less likely that she would have slaved night and day as she did in the service of a husband to whom, if rumour was to be credited, she had been unfaithful. On 14 July the united pair rode into Oxford.

Well-intentioned as the queen was, she had too little knowledge of England to render her advice other than harmful to her husband. She was all for foreign alliances and for bringing into the country armies from Ireland and the continent. She is said to have been vehemently opposed to the siege of Gloucester, and in this case the event has been held to justify her advice. She was certainly most imprudent in treating with rudeness the peers Bedford, Holland, and Clare, who deserted parliament and sought to make their peace with the king. It was a time when Charles's cause seemed likely to be triumphant. Later in the year his strength declined, and the plans for foreign assistance again assumed prominence. In the beginning of 1644 the queen favoured a proposed marriage between the Prince of Wales and a daughter of the Prince of Orange, which, as she hoped, would lead to a Dutch intervention in the king's favour (Jermyn to Heenvliet, 12–22 Feb., in, 2nd ser. iv. 98). Before long the position at Oxford appeared so insecure, that it was resolved that Henrietta Maria should seek a safe refuge when the king left for the campaign, and on April 17 she actually set out for Exeter, where she gave birth to her youngest child Henrietta. Her health suffered, and frightened at the approach of the army of Essex, who refused her a safe-conduct to Bath, she made her way to Falmouth harbour, whence on 14 July she sailed for France. A parliamentary vessel fired into the one in which she was, but on the 16th she landed unharmed at Brest.

The bad state of the queen's health made it necessary for her to visit the baths of Bourbon. Here she was attended by Madame de Motteville, sent to her by the queen regent, and was visited by her brother Gaston. When she was sufficiently recovered she was established before the end of August at St. Germains, and received from the queen regent a pension of twelve thousand crowns a month. Her first object, however, was to assist her husband, and she stripped herself of her remaining jewels and of the equipage beseeming her rank in order to carry out this object. Something, too, was gained by the sale of tin forwarded from the Cornish mines. Nor did she desist from pushing various political schemes of the same kind as those which had so often failed before, and she had not been long at St. Germains before she gave her confidence to a jesuit named O'Hartegan, who had come as an agent of the Irish confederate catholics to urge Mazarin to support them. The queen was for some time hopeful of obtaining large sums from Mazarin, with the help of which an Irish army might be launched against England, but Mazarin had no money to apply to such purposes.

Another scheme which occupied Henrietta Maria in the closing weeks of 1644 and in the beginning of 1645 was the gaining of the Duke of Lorraine, who at last promised to bring ten thousand men to Charles's aid. At the same time she pushed on the negotiation for her son's marriage with the daughter of the Prince of Orange, the consideration for which was to be the loan of ships to transfer the duke's army into England. Before the end of April, however, the Dutch refused to allow the duke to pass through their territory, and, as the French would not allow him to go through theirs, the prospect of receiving help from him had to be abandoned. In May 1645 Rinuccini arrived in Paris on his way to Ireland as papal nuncio, but the queen would have little to do with him, and preferred to send Sir Kenelm Digby to Rome in June to negotiate independently with Pope Innocent X for pecuniary aid to the Irish catholics.

A great part at least of these secret negotiations was published when copies of Charles's letters to his wife fell into the hands of parliament after Naseby, but Henrietta Maria did not lose confidence. In October 1645 she listened to Sir Robert Moray, who had come to Paris to plan an alliance between Charles and the Scots on the basis

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Henrietta Maria Transcripts). Soon after this she again talked of visiting the continent, on the plea of her ill-health. This time she was to go to Spa. The commons believed that she was about to take with her the crown jewels in order to pawn them, and took measures which effectually put a stop to the scheme for the time. She did not, however, abandon it, and when her mother left England in August she expressed her intention of following her unless times changed.

Henrietta indeed had not quite abandoned hope. The king was now in Scotland, looking forward to the re-establishment of his power in England with the help of a Scottish army. She knew well how difficult it was to carry out any such scheme without more money than Charles had at his command, and before the end of August she again pleaded with the pope for a supply. As the hopes of Scottish intervention grew dim, the prospects of forming an episcopalian party in England increased, and in October the queen's court at Oatlands was the rallying-point of such of the lords as were discontented with the progress of puritanism. On 25 Nov. she joined in her husband's triumphal reception at the Guildhall. She was, however, very angry at the strong measures taken in parliament against the catholics, and did her best to urge the king to a complete breach with his opponents. In the early part of January 1642 she believed, truly or falsely, that the parliamentary leaders intended to impeach her (Giustinian to the Doge, 7–17 Jan.; Venetian Transcripts in Record Office; Heenvliet to the Prince of Orange, 7–17 Jan.;, 2nd ser. iii. 497). It was by her and Digby that Charles was urged to make his unfortunate attempt on the five members, and it is probable that her ill-advised discovery of the plan to Lady Carlisle [see ] led to its failure. When on 10 Jan. Charles left Whitehall, he was accompanied by the queen, and when on 13 Feb. he gave his consent at Canterbury to the Bishops' Exclusion Bill, he did so on her recommendation. As a catholic she had no interest in supporting the bishops of what she regarded as an heretical church. On 23 Feb. she sailed from Dover, carrying with her a great part of the crown jewels. She hoped not merely to raise money by pawning them, but to obtain armed support from Denmark and the Prince of Orange, as well as from other continental sovereigns, who would be ready, she fancied, to sustain the cause of a falling monarch. By her letters she urged the king to secure Hull, and it is probable that it was on her advice that he offered to head the army preparing for the re-conquest of Ireland, a proposal which, had it been accepted by parliament, would have given Charles a military force entirely at his disposal. She herself played her part vigorously. Before the middle of June it was known in England that she had been selling or pawning jewels at Amsterdam, and had purchased large stores of munitions of war for the king's service. Before long a vessel was despatched to the Humber with the first consignment.

After the beginning of the civil war the queen's operations were still more vigorous, but it was difficult for her to keep her plans secret, and on 26 Nov. parliament learnt from an intercepted letter that the Prince of Orange had advanced her money, and that she had either sent, or had ready to send, no less than 1,200,000l. for her husband's service. It further learnt that she was to land in person on the east coast with an armed force. She actually set sail on 2 Feb. 1643 with a large sum of money, reckoned, probably with exaggeration, at 2,000,000l. She was overtaken by a violent storm, but maintained her high courage. ‘Comfort yourselves,’ she said to the frightened ladies; ‘queens of England are never drowned.’ She was driven back to the Dutch coast, but put out again, and landed at Bridlington Quay on the 22nd. Though she brought no troops with her, her vessels were loaded with warlike stores; and early in the morning of the 23rd a parliamentary squadron, under Captain Batten, attempted to destroy them. The shot flew into the houses of the port, and the queen, springing from her bed, fled for safety, but returned to save her lapdog. Finally she took refuge with her ladies in a ditch, while the shot flew over her head (Mémoires de Mme. de Motteville, i. 210). On 5 March she set out for York, the headquarters of the royalists in the north. Here she was visited by Montrose and Hamilton, each anxious to win her support for their respective policies in Scotland [see, first , and , first ]. Whatever may have been her personal predilections, she was bound by her husband's orders, and rejected the warlike pleadings of Montrose. On 23 May she was impeached by the House of Commons.

The threads of Charles's foreign policy ran through the queen's hands, and on 27 May she advised him to abandon Orkney and Shetland to the king of Denmark in return for the assistance of a fleet and army (the queen to the king, 27 May, in, Letters of Henrietta Maria). In England she won over Sir Hugh Cholmley and the


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Henrietta Maria the sum of 125,000l. as that which might be employed in corrupting members of parliament (Barberini to Rossetti, 16–26 Jan. 1641, Record Office Transcripts). So ready was she to snatch at any method of turning the tables upon her adversaries that she now favoured the marriage of her eldest daughter Mary to Prince William of Orange, which she had discountenanced in the preceding summer, in the hope that the bridegroom would bring with him a sum of ready money which might be useful in organising resistance to parliament, or might even conduct a body of Dutch troops to the help of the king.

With these hopes before her, Henrietta Maria set at nought the wish of parliament to expel Rossetti, and again before the end of December pressed the pope for aid. She promised that though Charles could not himself become a catholic for fear of deposition, he would grant liberty of worship to the catholics of all his kingdoms (Rossetti to Barberini, 25 Dec.–4 Jan. 1641, Record Office Transcripts). Early in January, however, being apparently anxious to have two strings to her bow, the queen opened a negotiation with the parliamentary leaders, offering, as far as can be now known, to admit some of them to office if they would allow Rossetti to remain. As the negotiation came to nothing at the time, it may be inferred that the proposal was rejected. Before the end of the month she found her position so difficult that on the plea of ill-health she proposed to visit France in April. It is possible, too, that she was still calculating on a favourable answer from Rome, and judged it prudent to be out of the way when the explosion came.

The queen's motives are the more difficult to disentangle, as she was living in the midst of a web of intrigue, on which it is impossible to throw complete light. In the beginning of February she was again holding interviews with the parliamentary leaders and proposing office to them, and on the 4th she sent a civil message to the House of Commons. Early in March she learnt that Richelieu not only would hear nothing of her visit to France, but was determined not to help her in any way; and about the same time she was informed by Rossetti that nothing was to be had from the pope unless the king would change his religion. She therefore turned for help in another direction. Henry Jermyn was her man of business, in whom she had the strongest confidence, and he and Sir John Suckling suggested to her a plot for bringing up the English army in the north to support the king. On 23 March, before the plan could be matured, Strafford's trial began; the queen was constantly present, and the necessity of acting quickly appeared more urgent. The plot, however, met with unexpected obstacles. The queen intended that Goring should command the army as lieutenant-general, but on the 29th it appeared that the officers of the army would not place themselves under him. On 1 April Goring betrayed the plan to the parliamentary leaders. Pym kept the secret for some time, but his knowledge led to increased vigour in the proceedings against Strafford. The queen did her best to save him, and won over some of the peers to vote for saving his life, but she could not make up her mind to abide by constitutional pressure. On 19 April Prince William of Orange arrived, bringing with him a large sum of money, the exact amount of which cannot be ascertained. All kinds of violent plans were talked of, and when rumours of these plans got abroad they were always supposed to have their centre in the queen's court.

On 2 May the marriage of the Princess Mary was celebrated. The next morning it was known that attempts had been made to deliver Strafford with the help of armed men. All London was in a state of excitement, and on 5 May Pym revealed his knowledge of the army plot. On the 6th Jermyn, Suckling, and others fled beyond sea. On the 8th the bill for Strafford's attainder was read for a third time in the House of Lords. There were also rumours that a French fleet was on its way to invade England. The queen prepared to fly to Portsmouth, and it was widely believed that she wished to take refuge in France because Jermyn was her lover, and she could not bear to live without him. By the advice of Montreuil, the French agent, she refrained from leaving Whitehall. An angry mob gathered round the palace, calling out for Strafford's execution; and when on the 9th Charles gave his consent to it, he was able to excuse the act in his own eyes by the danger to which his wife and children were exposed (the Elector Palatine to the Queen of Bohemia, 18 May,, British Statesmen, vi. 71; the King to the Queen, 9–19 Feb., Charles I in 1646, Camd. Soc., p. 18).

The queen could no longer retain Rossetti in England. Before he left she again begged him, on 2 June, to obtain money—150,000l. was the sum she named—on any terms short of her husband's conversion. On the 26th she and the king had their last interview with him, in which she declared that as soon as the houses were adjourned the king would take measures for his own advantage (Rossetti to Barberini, 9–19 July, in Record Office


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Henrietta Maria Charles had prepared a proclamation such as Laud required, the queen obtained a modification of it which rendered it practically valueless. At Christmas 1636 she arranged that all the new converts should receive the communion in a separate body in her chapel, in order to exhibit their numbers. ‘You have now seen,’ she afterwards said to Conn, ‘what has come of the proclamation’ (Conn's Despatches, Addit. MSS. 15390–1).

Conn describes her at this time as ‘so full of incredible innocence that in the presence of strangers she is as modest as a girl.’ ‘Father Philip avers,’ Conn continues, ‘that she is without sin, except of omission. … In respect to the faith or sins of the flesh she is never tempted. When she confesses or communicates she is so absorbed as to astonish the confessor and everybody. In her bedroom no one may enter but women, with whom she sometimes retires and indulges in innocent amusements. She sometimes suffers from melancholy, and then she likes silence. When she is in trouble she turns with heart and soul to God. She has little care for the future, trusting altogether in the king. Consequently it is of more importance to gain the ministers of state, of whom she may be the patroness if she likes’ (Conn to Barberini, 13–23 Aug. 1636, Record Office Transcripts).

Such was Henrietta Maria, light-hearted, joyous, and innocent, but apparently incapable of sustained application when her husband's troubles began. In October 1638 she had the pleasure of once more seeing her mother, who arrived in England as a fugitive. In 1639, when there was a difficulty in raising money for the impending war with the Scots, she urged the catholics to contribute towards it, and obtained from them a grant of 20,000l. A further suggestion made by her, that the ladies of England should make a present to the king, was less successful. After Charles had left London for the borders, Henrietta Maria was with some difficulty prevented from following him to the camp, where she hoped to prevent him from exposing himself to danger. After the first bishops' war was at an end, the queen was again active in court intrigues, hoping to obtain promotion for her friends irrespective of their qualifications for office. She pleaded unsuccessfully for the appointment of Leicester to a vacant secretaryship of state, and afterwards (early in 1640) more successfully for Vane, who was appointed at her instance, in opposition to the strongly expressed opinion of Strafford. When the Short parliament was about to meet she was naturally anxious lest it should insist on a renewal of the persecution of the catholics, and especially on the removal of Rossetti, who had lately succeeded Conn as the papal agent at her court. Charles, however, told her that he would tell parliament that her marriage treaty secured her right to hold correspondence with Rome. ‘This,’ she said to Rossetti, ‘is not true; but the king will take this pretext to silence any one who meddles with the matter’ (Rossetti to Barberini, 27 Dec.–6 Jan. 1639–40, Record Office Transcripts). The queen, however, was not altogether relieved, and applied to Strafford for help. As her danger increased she discovered that it was possible that Strafford, whom she had hitherto regarded as an enemy, because he refused her unreasonable requests, might be of some use to her. In April 1640 she declared openly that she considered him the most capable and faithful of her husband's servants (Montreuil to Belliévre, 30 April–10 May 1640, Bibl. Nat. Fr. 15995, fol. 81).

After the dissolution of the Short parliament Henrietta Maria was fully impressed with the gravity of her own and her husband's situation, but though she had been fifteen years in England, she had even less knowledge than Charles of the character and prejudices of Englishmen. She now began, doubtless with her husband's full consent, that long course of intrigues for foreign aid which did more than anything else to bring the king to the block. On 15 May Windebank asked Rossetti to write to the pope for money and men for Charles, and it is hardly possible to doubt that this was done in consequence of orders from both Charles and the queen (the question is discussed in, Hist. of England, 1603–1642, ix. 135, n. 1). Before the end of July she learnt that the pope would do nothing unless Charles would change his religion, in which case six or eight thousand soldiers would be sent (Barberini to Rossetti, 20–30 June; Rossetti to Barberini, 31 July–10 May, Record Office Transcripts).

When the Long parliament met in November 1640 Henrietta Maria seconded her husband's entreaties to Strafford, on whose vigorous support she now counted, to come to London. She was herself in the utmost danger, as, though the parliamentary leaders knew nothing of her appeal to Rome for help, they knew that the court had been the centre of the machinery of conversion, which they regarded as more dangerous than it really was. She on her part treated the members of the puritan opposition as actuated only by factious and personal motives. Before the end of November 1640 she again urged the pope to send her money, specifying


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H intercession of those whom she counted as martyrs. Charles heard this in an exaggerated form, and on 31 July–10 Aug. drove all the queen's French attendants from the palace and shipped them off to France in the course of a few days. Their places were filled by English. Louis XIII complained of this breach of the marriage treaty, but sent Bassompierre over to find some compromise; and an arrangement would probably have been come to if war had not broken out between France and England on other grounds. The absence of the French attendants no doubt contributed to remove some causes of friction; but it was not till after Buckingham's murder, in 1628, that all causes of mutual dispute were removed. The reconciliation then effected was the beginning of an affection which lasted as long as they both lived.

On 13 May 1629 Henrietta Maria gave birth prematurely to her first child, a boy, who died after two hours. Her eldest surviving child, afterwards Charles II, was born on 29 May 1630. She subsequently became the mother of Mary, afterwards princess of Orange, on 4 Nov. 1631; of James, afterwards James II, on 14 Oct. 1633; of Elizabeth on 28 Jan. 1636; of Henry, afterwards duke of Gloucester, on 8 July 1640; and of Henrietta, afterwards duchess of Orleans, on 16 June 1644 (all are separately noticed). For some time after her reconciliation with her husband it was impossible to induce her to take any part in politics. She was fond of pleasure and extravagant; and though she bore ill-will to the lord treasurer, Weston, it was not on account of his political conduct, but solely on account of the difficulty she found in extracting money from him. In 1629 the French ambassador, Châteauneuf, attempted in vain to use her influence to gain his ends (Châteauneuf's Despatches, Arch. des Aff. Etrangères, Angleterre, xliii.). Châteauneuf found that the queen was allowed all freedom in her religion; but though Charles consented to his proposal to establish eight Capuchins in her household, he refused to allow a bishop to be introduced to preside over them, lest he should meddle in other matters. The arrival of the Capuchins was accordingly postponed to a later period. In 1630, however, she broke her rule about abstaining from politics, so far as to be rude to the Spanish ambassador Coloma, who came to England to negotiate a peace. In 1631 she quarrelled with Châteauneuf's successor, Fontenay-Mareuil, and Charles refused to support her. She had, in fact, been drawn by Châteauneuf to sympathise with the intrigues against Richelieu, in which her mother was implicated. She did not, however, give much more than her sympathy in the matter.

The queen gathered around her court the lighter elements of Charles's society. Edmund Waller sang her praises, and the empty-headed Earl of Holland, who as Viscount Kensington had carried to Paris the proposal for her marriage, was a favoured visitor in her drawing-room. In 1632 Walter Montague wrote ‘The Shepherd's Pastoral,’ in which she was to act on the king's birthday; and it was her part in the rehearsal of this which called out from Prynne the well-known attack on ‘women actors’ which cost him his ears. On 2 Feb. 1634 she welcomed the members of the Inns of Court when they came to Whitehall to present a masque as a protest against Prynne's condemnation of the stage, and she afterwards danced with some of the masquers. That her own life was thoroughly pure we have the testimony of her confessor (Conn to Barberini, Add. MS. 15389, fol. 196); but she was frivolous, and without any appreciation of real merit, and frequently used her influence with her husband to obtain favours for courtiers unworthy of consideration. It was the facility with which Charles complied with her desires that brought her into collision with Wentworth, who found himself hampered by her interference.

Such aid as Henrietta Maria gave to the French ambassadors was too fitful to be of much use, and for some time her interferences on behalf of the English Roman catholics were of little more avail. She kept her chapel at Somerset House open to all who chose to use it, and the Capuchin priests, who had at last been sent to officiate in it, were zealous in the work of proselytism. Through the queen's influence Gregorio Panzani, who arrived in England on 12 Dec. 1634 on a special mission from Rome, was informally received by Secretary Windebank. She took her eldest son to mass; but Panzani complained that she could not be brought to attend steadily even to the business of supporting her church. It was finally resolved that Panzani should be succeeded by George Conn [q. v.] In February 1636, however, the king took alarm, at least so far as to forbid his wife to take her eldest boy to mass. In August she accompanied the king to Oxford, where Conn, who had lately arrived, was present with Panzani. Conn gradually acquired considerable influence over her, at least so far as to bring her to support his efforts at conversion. At this time she was brought into collision with Laud, who urged the king to throw obstacles in the way of Conn's activity in converting the court ladies by putting the laws against the catholics in force. After


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Henrietta Maria multitude of panegyrics in prose and verse penned in sorrow for her untimely death led Rochester to declare that ‘never was any one so regretted since dying was the fashion.’ Henrietta left two daughters: the elder, Marie Louise, became the queen of Charles II of Spain; the younger, Marie, was married to Victor Amadeus II of Savoy. In the year following Henrietta's death Philippe married her second cousin, Elizabeth Charlotte, daughter of Charles Louis, elector palatine, eldest son of the queen of Bohemia.

Her portrait was drawn and engraved by Claude Mellan, of which a copy by Van der Werff was engraved by J. Audran for Larrey's ‘History.’ Another engraved portrait of her, by Peter Williamson, is dated 1661; a third was executed by Nicolas de Larmessin. In the National Portrait Gallery there is a portrait by Mignard, engraved by Cooper in ‘Monarchy Revived.’ Another by the same artist is in the possession of the Duke of Grafton. Granger mentions a portrait at Dunham, Cheshire, the seat of the Earl of Stamford, by Largillière; another at Amesbury, Wiltshire; and a third, by Petitot at Strawberry Hill, Middlesex (Biog. Hist. of England, 2nd edit., pp. 180–1). The Earl of Hume possesses a portrait by Largillière, and the Earl of Crawford one by Sir P. Lely. There are two portraits at Versailles; one at St. Cloud, by H. Rigaud, was burnt in 1870 (Cat. Stuart Exhibition, 1849;, Cat. National Portrait Gallery). Platt and Turner severally engraved the picture in the possession of Earl Poulett.

HENRIETTA MARIA (1609–1669), queen consort of Charles I, king of Great Britain and Ireland, the youngest daughter of Henry IV of France and of his second wife, Mary de Medicis, was born at the Louvre on 15–25 Nov. 1609. As early as 1620, when the French court was anxious to draw England away from the Spanish alliance, a proposal to marry her to Charles, prince of Wales, was made by a French agent to James I, and the offer was repeated to Sir Edward Herbert, James's ambassador at Paris. The child, hearing her religion talked of as likely to raise difficulties, said that ‘a wife ought to have no will but that of her husband’ (Herbert's Despatch, 14 Aug. 1620, in Harl. MS. 1581, fol. 15; Memoirs, p. 25). The proposal was allowed to drop, and when Charles saw her on his way through Paris on his journey to Madrid in 1623, either his thoughts were too full of the infanta, or Henrietta Maria, a child of thirteen, was too young to attract his attention. It was not till 1624, when the Spanish match had been discarded, that there was any serious thought of a French marriage in England.

On 15–25 Feb. 1624 Viscount Kensington arrived at Paris to sound the disposition of Louis XIII and his mother. He described the princess, then in her fifteenth year, as ‘a lovely, sweet young creature,’ who welcomed him with smiles. The proposed match was acceptable to the French court, and in May the Earl of Carlisle was sent to join Kensington in making arrangements for the marriage. There were many political and other difficulties to be got over, but on 12–22 Dec. the marriage treaty was sworn to at Cambridge. On 1–11 May 1625 the marriage itself was celebrated at Paris, the Duke of Chevreuse acting as proxy for the bridegroom, who was now, by his father's death, Charles I.

Henrietta Maria landed at Dover on 12–22 June, and first saw her husband on the following day. The early part of her married life was unhappy. She was only in her sixteenth year, and she had heard from her mother that her marriage was to bring relief to the English catholics, as Charles had engaged in a document, signed together with the marriage treaty, to dispense with the penal laws from which they suffered. Charles, however, in his desire to conciliate his first parliament, broke his word. Naturally the young bride felt herself cheated, and her dissatisfaction seems to have been increased by her numerous French attendants, male and female, who were almost her sole companions, and whom Charles had, by the marriage articles, bound himself to keep about her. In August, when the young couple were at Titchfield, Charles urged his wife in vain to allow him to add English ladies to her household. Early in 1626 she was supported by her brother in refusing to be crowned by a protestant bishop. Charles seems to have been eager to bring the queen into close relations with Buckingham and his family, a design which she heartily resented, and Buckingham, on the other hand, used all his influence with Charles against her; and it is even said that he reminded her on one occasion that former queens had lost their heads.

In June 1626 there was a fresh quarrel about the arrangements relating to the queen's jointure, and on 26 June–6 July, after a day spent in devotion, Henrietta Maria, walking in Hyde Park, approached Tyburn, where so many catholics had been executed, and uttered some kind of prayer, probably for the


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 short duration, for a shot striking a defective part penetrated the shield and wounded one of the bearers badly. As soon as those stationed in front of the hut saw the occurrence they made a simultaneous rush but were met by a steady fire: every shot told, and they were obliged to fall back carrying with them several wounded comrades.

At this stage of the proceedings three mounted troopers, constituting the body-guard of a stout gentleman who was observed making himself very active in the background, joined in the fray, and for a time they engaged the particular attention of the enemy. The gentleman proved to be no other than Mr. Robberson, the hero of the "Big Ann." He had been dispatched to aid in the capture of the bushrangers, and quite unintentionally he had arrived upon the scene of action, but like a good general he did his utmost to keep out of harm's way and under the friendly shelter of a grove of trees, issued orders which no one thought of obeying but the three unfortunate convict troopers who had been placed under him.

Whilst the shield was being overhauled and strengthened, and preparations were making for a second attack under its friendly cover, one of the troopers was sent by Mr. Robberson with an order that the unwieldy machine was to be placed at his service, so that he might shift his position in safety nearer to the centre of operations. A general laugh announced the delivery of the message, and Dodge, after learning who the important gentleman was from whom the command emanated, sent the bearer of it back with a polite intimation that the shield was at Mr. Robberson's service, and that he was quite at liberty to come for it. The irate magistrate was almost

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594 Yet, when the signs of summer thicken,

And the ice breaks, and the birch-buds quicken,

Yearly you turn from our side, and sicken—

Sicken again for the shouts and the slaughters.

You steal away to the lapping waters,

And look at your ship in her winter-quarters.

You forget our mirth, and talk at the tables,

The kine in the shed and the horse in the stables—

To pitch her sides and go over her cables.

Then you drive out where the storm-clouds swallow,

And the sound of your oar-blades, falling hollow,

Is all we have left through the months to follow.

Ah, what is Woman that you forsake her,

And the hearth-fire and the home-acre,

To go with the old grey Widow-maker?

THE THOUSANDTH MAN

NE man in a thousand, Solomon says,

Will stick more close than a brother.

And it's worth while seeking him half your days

If you find him before the other.

Nine hundred and ninety-nine depend

On what the world sees in you,

But the Thousandth Man will stand your friend

With the whole round world agin you.

'Tis neither promise nor prayer nor show

Will settle the finding for 'ee.

Nine hundred and ninety-nine of 'em go

By your looks, or your acts, or your glory.


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Rh beside himself when he found the contempt with which his authority was treated, and he so far forgot his natural cowardice that under the protection of his guards' horses he prepared, by a circuitous route, to demand in person the respect due to his rank. One horse was shot down in performing this service, and Mr. Robberson arrived among the picturesque group of combatants quite out of breath and in a high state of excitement, if not in absolute terror. As soon as he recovered himself, he singled out Dodge, of whom he had some previous knowledge, and addressing him by name he required to know who had dared to send such an insulting answer to his demand.

"I sent the reply," said Dodge; "but I see no great daring in the act. To be plain with you, squire, you are out of place here: go home."

"I shall represent your conduct, sir, to the authorities. It is unsafe to give men like you licences for land. You are a rebel, sir, and quite unfit to be engaged in a service of this kind. I hereby take upon myself the command. Now, men, advance and capture those villains in the hut."

"Bravo!" cried Dodge; "hooray! You are the sort of fellow for this work: active (Mr. R. was grown more corpulent than ever), energetic, bustin with dignity, and choke full of spirit and pluck.—You are the sort:—now then, show us the nearest way to the door yonder," and Dodge jostled Mr. R. from the tree, behind which, however, he again quickly retreated.

"Now really, my men," Mr. R. appealed to those who were witnesses of the scene, "this is too bad; you allow a fellow, who is no better than a low degraded outlaw, who at this moment ought to be in a jail, to insult your sovereign as represented in my person." After delivering himself thus, amidst the

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156 smiles of his auditory, Mr. Robberson drew himself up to his full height (about five feet six inches), beating himself with one hand upon the breast whilst with the other he struck his hat fiercely over his brows as if he, the figurative sovereign, having had his crown recently shaken in some civil discord, was preparing to wear it at all hazards. Mr. Robberson's action, coupled with his words, had such a ludicrous effect, that the smiles of those surrounding him were lost in broad grins. These demonstrations produced anything but a soothing effect upon the excitable magistrate, who, looking round for some one on whom to vent his wrath, his eye fell on Dodge, and he forthwith fell foul of that supremely cool individual.

"This is all your doing, you Dodge: I know you. I shall remember you. You are the man that skulks from bailiffs; but I'll beat up your quarters yet. A troop of border police shall vindicate the majesty of the law before long, and rid the country of a pauper humbug."

Slinger began to grow indignant, but Dodge looked on as if it were an impossibility he could be the person alluded to: he however quietly said to a bystander, "See to the poor gentleman's head."

"Humph!" Slinger exclaimed: "a pauper, eh? Well, Mr. Robberson, it is not an uncommon thing to find men without a penny, worth their weight in gold; and others, with pockets overflowing, not worth a"

"Easy," Dodge said to Slinger, "I can fight my own battles. Let us drop this nonsense; we have our work before us: is every thing ready?" Every thing was ready. "Now, Mr. Robberson, who is going to transact this delicate piece of business, you or I?" The gentleman was silent: perhaps with indignation.

The shield was raised and tested, when it was pronounced

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Rh bullet proof, and was again moved out from behind the trees. This time both Hugh and Slinger accompanied Dodge; who, before starting on the doubtful service, offered the post of honor, as well as danger, to Mr. Robberson; who, however, declared that as the conduct of the affair had been taken out of his hands by force, he should decline interfering any further. A very judicious decision.

As Dodge was leaving, he offered his hand to Mr. Robberson, and exclaimed, "Come, shake it; it is far cleaner than it looks, and I don't care to leave you with any ill feeling." But Mr. Robberson was far too dignified a personage to regard Dodge's honest freedom with the respect it deserved, so he coolly turned his back upon him; whereupon a torch was again lighted, and amidst a round of cheers the advance was gallantly and rapidly made. The firing from the bushrangers almost ceased until the attacking party approached near the back of the hut. The lighted brand was then thrust under the dry bark of which the roof was constructed. As this daring exploit was being performed, repeated volleys were fired from the interstices of the slabs, and once the door was opened as if for the purpose of making a sally upon the gallant little band; the utter hopelessness, however, of such a proceeding became apparent, for those situated so as to command the front of the hut, and who were not unprepared for an emergency of the kind, poured in such a well-directed fire, that the door was quickly closed. A brisk breeze, which was laden with the sweet scent of the wattle and other bush flowers, and but ill accorded with the bloody work which now appeared imminent, aided the spread of the flames, in which one end of the hut became partially enveloped.

Those who made the successful assault had retreated about twenty yards, when an event occurred which bid fair to

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158 leave them completely exposed to their enemies. One of the cords was shot through with which the slabs of the shield were fastened, and it appeared more than probable that the whole fabric would fall to pieces; a sudden jerk, when lifted, would have been sufficient to ensure its complete destruction, and the bullets which now rattled upon it like hail, gave but too painful an illustration of the probable fate of those behind it, if deprived of its friendly shelter.

Mr. Robberson had all this time been ensconced in safety, but as there appeared a probability that the affair was growing to a climax, he occasionally ventured from his shelter for a moment to notice the turn events were taking. As the flames spread and the firing from the hut grew slack, he became proportionably valiant, and evinced a disposition to share in the conclusion of the fray, which was now evidently approaching. But an unerring eye was upon him, and a heart made callous by years of crime, misery, and degradation, was only intent in that hour of peril to consummate its deadly revenge, made doubly bitter by a sense that it was founded in wrong and injustice. Mr. Robberson had turned to give some instructions to one of his troopers, when he uttered a groan and fell forward upon his face, at the same moment a cry (it might have been of agony,) was heard to proceed from the hut and rang through the woods, mingling in the din and turmoil of the fight. The flames spread and crackled through the building, notwithstanding its defenders had succeeded in displacing parts of the roof. The capacious chimney, which carried off volumes of smoke, alone enabled them to hold their ground. To add to the confusion of the scene, the parched grass near had taken fire which spread with alarming rapidity, and many of the besiegers were forced to retreat before it. A clump of tea-tree scrub checked its progress, but only for a moment, for a breeze

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Rh sprung up and carried the flames crashing into its very centre; long shreds of bark hanging from the trees afforded fresh food for its insatiable appetite, and many monarchs of the forest, whose age might perhaps have been reckoned by centuries, were left stricken never to revive again, whilst those which had suffered from former conflagrations continued burning fiercely after the great body of flame had passed them.

All this time the shield and those it sheltered remained stationary, but Dodge declared he could restrain himself no longer, and bidding those who chose to follow him, he prepared to make a dash for the door. At this moment a man was seen through the smoke on the top of the hut throwing down the logs which it is the fashion of bushmen to lay upon all bark roofs to prevent the heat of the sun from warping them. Slinger was following close on Dodge's heels when this figure attracted their attention, and the gun of the old bushman was already at his shoulder, when Slinger griped him by the arm and exclaimed, "Come back, there's a good fellow; for God's sake, if it be not too late, save that unfortunate man."

"What is up?" Dodge exclaimed; "are you growing sentimental? He is past all saving, and it is only a question now whether he dies by lead or hemp. Believe me, that fellow is not going to be taken alive."

As if to make the surmise good, the person who was the subject of conversation was seen to stagger and seek support by grasping an angle of the chimney; a cloud of smoke hid him momentarily from view, and then he fell headlong to the ground. His fall was the signal for a general rush. There was no cheering this time, and although some shots were fired upon the attacking party and several fell, the result was no longer doubtful.

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160 The first who reached the door was Dodge, who grasping a piece of wood which had formed part of the shield, used it in the manner of a battering-ram, and so effectually that he found himself in the midst of the bushrangers in the burning hut before his friends could join him, laying about him with all his might, and roaring at the top of his voice, "You are all my prisoners." Two of his antagonists fell prostrate at his feet. A pistol was fired at him, but the ball striking the powder flask which he carried inside the breast of his flannel shirt, glanced off without injury. All this was only the work of a few moments, and when Hugh and Slinger entered they found him on his knees pummelling with his fists the poor wretch who had made the unsuccessful shot at him. The indignant bush-man appeared to have quite forgotten the presence of the other men, who were paralyzed at the loss of their leader, as he roared between his blows, "So you wont surrender, eh! and after I've taken you. I hope this will be a lesson to you."

The rest is soon told. The half stifled, but only partly subdued men, were dragged out of the building which they had defended with a bravery equalled only by the badness of their cause, and when they had been properly secured, every attention was paid to the wounded. Mr. Robberson was borne faint and speechless into the store house, and he was shortly followed by Bayley, who our readers will have recognised in the leader of the bushrangers, and whose hurts seemed very desperate.

Amongst those who had been engaged in the fray was a certain bush practitioner known as Doctor Bathey, whose acquirements were so extensive, or his vanity so egregious, that he was at all times prepared to attend cases arising amongst the settlers, their horses, cattle, or dogs; but his favorite practice was upon the human subject.

"Two very bad cases indeed," this personage remarked,

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Rh after he had felt the pulses of the wounded men; "very low—desperately low—in fact, infernally low."

"Can nothing be done for them?" Dodge, who knew Dr. Bathey well, inquired in a whisper.

"A great deal might if I had my instruments; but really, when one considers that they both must die, perhaps it is as well I am without them." Dodge thought so too. "You see — What's his name? the magistrate, is as good as dead already, and as for the other fellow, my professional skill would be thrown away upon him, for what I saved, the law would spoil; therefore," he concluded, "my opinion is that they had better die quietly and comfortably.—Ten and sixpence if you please."

"And six! nothing less?" Dodge inquired with a very serious expression of face.

"Ten and six if you please. My scale of fees for advice is moderate.—Dog, two shillings; cattle, five ditto; horse, seven and six; man—noble man, ten and six."

"Knock off the sixpence," Dodge said, coaxingly.

Impossible, my dear sir: you asked for my opinion; I gave it you.—Ten and sixpence if you please."

"Exchange is no robbery," Dodge replied: I'll pay you in your own coin." So drawing himself up with a look of great importance, and gently tapping the side of his nose with his finger, he beckoned Dr. Bathey to his side, and still whispering said, "In case you should ever come across me when I'm sick—now pay attention to what I say—don't attempt your tinkering upon me, or I'll be the death of you. That's my advice, for which I charge you nothing. My opinion is, that you are a humbug, an opinion cheap at ten and six, and so our account is squared;" so saying he took Bathey by the hand and with a quiet sniggle told him in confidence, that he hadn't as much as seen a half sov. for the last two years, but that if he would meet

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162 him at his lawyer's and press his claim, some arrangement should be made. The conversation which had been carried on half in joke and half in earnest was terminated by Bathey, who declared that the colony presented no encouragement for men of liberal education.

After the greater number of those recently engaged in the struggle had departed with their prisoners, the few who remained, amongst whom were Dodge and his two friends, prepared to spend the night in their present quarters, and to render such assistance to the wounded as circumstances permitted.

It was good to see the delicate attentions rendered to the sufferers by the old bushman. His every word and action assorted but indifferently with the usual bluntness of his manner, and showed clearly enough that the rust of bush habits and associations had not materially affected his naturally humane and generous heart.

As night set in there was something truly solemn in the surrounding scene. The silence which prevailed was only broken occasionally by the moans of the sufferers, made doubly touching to the watchers by the knowledge that no efficient medical aid could possibly reach them for many hours. At intervals the crash of falling trees in the distance was heard, which had been ignited by the late fire, and their glowing embers dotted the country round for many miles. A line of light spread along the distant horizon and showed that the fire was still unsubdued.

Neither Mr. Robberson nor Bayley had spoken since they had been brought into the hut, excepting to ask for water, which they drank eagerly. Whilst Slinger was administering some to the bushranger, Bayley fixed his eyes upon him earnestly, and seizing his hand retained it for some time, and then motioned him to stoop that he might speak to him. "I hoped to have

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Rh suppressed the name of his antagonist, and only signified to the senate and people his intention of regulating the eastern provinces. In private he spoke of Niger, his old friend and intended successor, with the most affectionate regard, and highly applauded his generous design of revenging the murder of Pertinax. To punish the vile usurper of the throne was the duty of every Roman general. To persevere in arms, and to resist a lawful emperor, acknowledged by the senate, would alone render him criminal. The sons of Niger had fallen into his hands among the children of the provincial governors, detained at Rome as pledges for the loyalty of their parents. As long as the power of Niger inspired terror, or even respect, they were educated with the most tender care, with the children of Severus himself; but they were soon involved in their father's ruin, and removed, first by exile, and afterwards by death, from the eye of public compassion.

Whilst Severus was engaged in his eastern war, he had reason to apprehend that the governor of Britain might pass the sea and the Alps, occupy the vacant seat of empire, and oppose his return with the authority of the senate and the forces of the West. The ambiguous conduct of Albinus, in not assuming the Imperial title, left room for negotiation. Forgetting at once his professions of patriotism and the jealousy of sovereign power, he accepted the precarious rank of Cæsar, as a reward for his fatal neutrality. Till the first contest was decided, Severus treated the man whom he had doomed to destruction with every mark of esteem and regard. Even in the letter in which he announced his victory over Niger he styles Albinus the brother of his soul and empire, sends him the affectionate salutations of his wife Julia, and his young family, and entreats him to preserve the armies and the republic faithful to their common interest. The messengers charged with this letter were instructed to accost the Cæsar with respect, to desire a private audience, and to plunge their daggers into his heart. The


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Works indicated with an asterisk have been examined with some thoroughness for motifs. Those marked with ☉ have been indexed according to the present work and have references only to motif-numbers. Books infrequently cited are not listed here.

AA n.s. = American Anthropologist, new series. Washington, 1899 ff.

AA o.s. = American Anthropologist, old series. 11 vols. Washington, 1888—1898.

*Aarne, Antti. Vergleichende Märchenforschungen (MSFO XXV). Helsingfors, 1907.

Africa. London, 1928 ff.

Alarcon, J. de Canedo, and Ricardo Pittini. El Chaco Paraguayo y sus tribos. Turin, 1924.

*Alexander N. Am. = Alexander, H. B. North American Mythology (The Mythology of all Races X). Boston, 1916.
 * Lat. Am. = Latin American Mythology (The Mythology of all Races XI). Boston, 1920.

*Alphabet = Banks, M. M. An Alphabet of Tales, an English 15th century translation of the Alphabetum Narrationum of Etienne de Besançon (EETS Nos. 126, 127). 2 vols. London, 1904—05.

*Ananikian, Mardiros H. Armenian Mythology (The Mythology of all Races VII). Boston, 1925.

*Anderson, W. Nordasiatische Flutsagen (Acta et Commentationes Universitatis Dorpatensis B IV iii [1923]).

Andree, R. Die Flutsagen. Braunschweig, 1891. Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche. Stuttgart, 1878. Neue Folge, Leipzig, 1889.

*Andrejev, A. N. Ukazatel' Skazočnik Sjuzhetov po Systeme Aarne (Gosud. russ. geogr. obščestvo, otd. etnogr. skazočnaya komissiya). Leningrad, 1929.

Anesaki, Masaharu. Japanese Mythology (The Mythology of all Races VIII). Boston, 1928.

Anssaga Bogsveigis (FAS II 324 ff.).

*Arfert, P. Das Motiv von der unterschobenen Braut. Rostock, 1897.

Argonautica of Apollonius Rhodius (ed. G. W. Mooney). London, 1912.

Arnason, Jón. Íslenzkar þjoðsögur og æfintyri. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1862—64.

Arv. (Tidskrift for Nordisk Folkminnesforskning). Uppsala, 1944 ff.

ASB = Altnordische Saga-Bibliothek (ed. G. Cederschiöld and E. Mogk). 18 vols. Halle a. S., 1892—1929.

Asbjørnson, P. Chr. and Moe, J. Norske Folkeeventyr. 3d edition. Kristiania, 1896.

Asmundarsaga Kappabana (FAS II 460 ff.).

Auning, R. Ueber den lettischen Drachenmythus (Magazin der lettischlitterärischen Gesellschaft XIX 1—128). Mitau, 1891.

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Statute Law Revision Act 1958

An Act to revise the statute law by repealing enactments which have ceased to be in force or have become unnecessary and re-enacting a provision of certain Acts which are otherwise spent. [23rd July, 1958]

BE it enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:-

Repeal of obsolete, &c., Acts.

1. The Acts specified in the First Schedule to this Act (being Acts which are obsolete or spent or have been superseded by other enactments) are hereby repealed.

Repeal of obsolete, &c., provisions concerning the Crown Estate and public buildings.

2. The Acts specified in the first and second columns of the Second Schedule to this Act (which to the extent specified in the third column of that Schedule are obsolete or spent, or have become unnecessary) are hereby repealed to that extent.

Repeal of provisions as to plea of general issue in civil proceedings.

3. The Acts specified in the first and second columns of the Third Schedule to this Act shall cease to have effect in so far as they entitle persons to plead the general issue in civil proceedings and are accordingly hereby repealed to the extent specified in the third column of that Schedule.

Re-enactment of provision of Government War Obligations Acts, 1914 to 1919, as to payment of certain pensions, and repeal of remaining provisions thereof.

4.-(1) There shall be paid out of moneys provided by Parliament or, if those moneys are insufficient, there shall be charged on and paid out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom, such sums as are required for the purpose of fulfilling any obligations incurred before the fifteenth day of August, nineteen hundred and nineteen, by the Government of His late Majesty King George the Fifth in connection with the 1914-1918 war in respect of payments for compensation in respect of persons killed or injured on any merchant ship or fishing vessel.

(2) The Government War Obligations Acts, 1914 to 1919 (whose provisions are spent with the exception of that re-enacted by the foregoing subsection) are hereby repealed.

Saving for powers of Parliament of Northern Ireland.

5. In so far as this Act relates to a matter with respect to which the Parliament of Northern Ireland has power to make laws it shall, for the purposes of section six of the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, be deemed to have been passed before the appointed day within the meaning of that section.

Short title.

6. This Act may be cited as the Statute Law Revision Act, 1958.

SCHEDULES

FIRST SCHEDULE

OBSOLETE, &C., ACTS REPEALED

SECOND SCHEDULE

OBSOLETE, &C., PROVISIONS CONCERNING THE CROWN ESTATE AN PUBLIC BUILDINGS REPEALED

Crown Estate Provisions

Public Buildings Provisions

THIRD SCHEDULE

ACTS REPEALED SO FAR AS ENTITLING PERSONS TO PLEAD GENERAL ISSUE IN CIVIL PROCEEDINGS

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38 Azov, R. F. and D. C. Phillott. "Some Arab Folktales from Hazramut." Journal and Proceedings, Asiatic Society of Bengal (n. s.), II, 399—439; III, 645—680.

Babrius = Babrii Fabulae Aesopeae (ed. O. Crusius). Lipsiae, 1897.

Baldus, Herbert. Ensaios de Etnologia Brasileira. São Paulo, 1937.

Balys, Jonas. *Ghosts and Men, Lithuanian Folk Legends about the Dead (Sub-title: A Treasury of Lithuanian Folklore I). Bloomington, Indiana, 1951.
 * Lithuanian Historical Legends. Chicago, 1949.
 * Motif-Index of Lithuanian Narrative Folklore. Tautosakos Darbai Vol. II, Publication of the Lithuanian Folklore Archives. Kaunas, 1936.
 * Lithuanian Folk Legends. Publication of the Lithuanian Folklore Archives I. Kaunas, 1940.

Balzac, Honoré de. Contes drolatiques. Paris (many editions).

BAM = Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History (New York).

Baring-Gould, S. Curious Myths of the Middle Ages. 2 vols. London, 1868.

*Barker, W. H. and Sinclair, C. West African Folk-tales. London, 1917.

Barrett, W. E. H. A'Kikuyu Fairy Tales (Man XII, XIII).

Barroso, Gustavo. Mythes, Contes et Legendes des Indiens: Folklore Bresilien. Paris, 1930.

Barto, Philip Stephan. Tannhäuser and the Mountain of Venus. New York, 1916.

Basden, G. T. Among the Ibos of Nigeria. London, 1921.

☉Basile, G. The Pentamerone (trans. and edited by Benedetto Croce and N. M. Penzer). 2 vols. London, 1932.

Baskerville, Rosetta Gage. King of the Snakes and other Folklore: Stories from Uganda. London, 1922.

Basset, René. Contes populaires d'Afrique. Paris, 1903.
 * Mille et un contes, récits et légendes arabes. 3 vols. Paris, 1925—27.

*Bateman, G. W. Zanzibar Tales. Chicago, 1901.

☉Baughman, Ernest Warren. A Comparative Study of the Folktales of England and North America. (Indiana University dissertation.) Ann Arbor, Michigan. Microfilm Service. 1954.

BBAE = Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

Beal = Bealoideas: Journal of the Folklore of Ireland Society.

Beauvois, E. L'autre vie dans la mythologie scandinave (Reprint from Muséon). Paris, 1883.

Bebel. See Wesselski.

Beckwith, Martha. Hawaiian Mythology. New Haven, 1940.

*Bédier, Joseph. Les Fabliaux. 2d edition. Paris, 1893.

Bender, C. J. Die Volksdichtung der Wakweli. ZsES Beiheft IV (1922), 38 ff.

Benedict, Ruth. Zuñi Mythology. 2 vols. New York, 1935. (All references are to Volume II.)

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118 conspiracy was discovered, and the too credulous Albinus at length passed over to the continent, and prepared for an unequal contest with his rival, who rushed upon him at the head of a veteran and victorious army.

The military labours of Severus seem inadequate to the importance of his conquests. Two engagements, the one near the Hellespont, the other in the narrow defiles of Cilicia, decided the fate of his Syrian competitor; and the troops of Europe asserted their usual ascendant over the effeminate natives of Asia. The battle of Lyons, where one hundred and fifty thousand Romans were engaged, was equally fatal to Albinus. The valour of the British army maintained, indeed, a sharp and doubtful contest with the hardy discipline of the Illyrian legions. The fame and person of Severus appeared, during a few moments, irrecoverably lost, till that warlike prince rallied his fainting troops, and led them on to a decisive victory. The war was finished by that memorable day.

The civil wars of modern Europe have been distinguished, not only by the fierce animosity, but likewise by the obstinate perseverance, of the contending factions. They have generally been justified by some principle, or, at least, coloured by some pretext, of religion, freedom, or loyalty. The leaders were nobles of independent property and hereditary influence. The troops fought like men interested in the decision of the quarrel; and as military spirit and party zeal were strongly diffused throughout the whole community, a vanquished chief was immediately supplied with new adherents, eager to shed their blood in the same cause. But the Romans, after the fall of the republic, combated only for the choice of masters. Under the standard of a popular candidate for empire, a few enlisted from affection, some from fear, many from interest, none from principle. The legions, uninflamed by party zeal, were allured into civil war by liberal donatives, and still more liberal promises. A defeat, by disabling the chief from the performance of his engagements, dissolved the mercenary allegiance of his followers, and left them to consult their own safety by a timely desertion of an unsuccessful cause. It was of little moment to the provinces under whose name they were oppressed or governed;


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Coppin, Hon. George Selth


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Rh Béranger-Feraud, L. J. B. Recueil de Contes Populaires de Sénégambie. Paris, 1879.

Biblioteca Africana (D. A. Drexel ed.) Innsbruck, 1924—31.

*bin Gorion, M. J. Der Born Judas: Legenden, Märchen und Erzählungen. 6 vols. Leipzig, 1918 ff. (Vols. 1—4 cited are second edition, 5 and 6 are first edition).

Bladé, J. F. Contes populaires de Gascogne (Les Littératures Populaires, Nos. 19, 20, 21). 3 vols. Paris, 1886.

*Bleek, W. H. I. Reynard the Fox in South Africa or Hottentot Fables and Tales. London, 1864.

*Bleek, W. H. I., and Lloyd, L. C. Specimens of Bushman Folklore. London, 1911.

Blinkenberg, Chr. The Thunder Weapon in Religion and Folklore. Cambridge, 1911.

Bloomfield, Maurice, Studies in Honor of. New Haven, 1920.

BMB = Bishop Museum Bulletin.

Boas, Franz. Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Küste Amerikas. Berlin, 1895.

☉Boberg, Inger M. Motif-Index of Early Icelandic Literature (Biblioteca Arnamagnæana). København 1956.

Bødker, Laurits. Christen Nielssen, De Gamle Vijses Exempler oc Hoffsprock. København, 1951, 1953.

Boekenoogen, G. J. Een Schone ende Miraculeuse historie van den Ridder Metter Swane. Leiden, 1931.

Boje, Christian. Uber den altfranzosischen roman von Beuve de Hamtone (Beiheft zur Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie XIX). Halle a. S., 1909.

*Bolte, J. Jakob Freys Gartengesellschaft (Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, No. 209). Tübingen, 1896. See BP. See Fischer. See Pauli.
 * Martin Montanus Schwankbücher (Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, No. 217). Tübingen, 1899.
 * Valentin Schumanns Nachtbüchlein (Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, No. 197). Tübingen, 1893.
 * Georg Wickrams Werke (Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, Nos. 222, 223, 229, 230, 232, 236, 237, 241). 8 vols. Tübingen, 1901—08.

Bósasaga (ed. O. L. Jiriczek). Strassburg, 1893.

Bourhill, E. J. and Drake, J. B. Fairy Tales from South Africa. London, 1908.

Bouveignes, Olivier de. Contes d'Afrique. Paris, 1927.

*BP = Bolte, J. and Polívka, G. Anmerkungen zu den Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm. 5 vols. Leipzig, 1913—31.

Broderius, John R. The Giant in Germanic Tradition (University of Chicago dissertation). Chicago, 1933.

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Rh they were driven by the impulsion of the present power, and as soon as that power yielded to a superior force, they hastened to implore the clemency of the conqueror, who, as he had an immense debt to discharge, was obliged to sacrifice the most guilty countries to the avarice of his soldiers. In the vast extent of the Roman empire there were few fortified cities capable of protecting a routed army; nor was there any person, or family, or order of men, whose natural interest, unsupported by the powers of government, was capable of restoring the cause of a sinking party.

Yet, in the contest between Niger and Severus, a single city deserves an honourable exception. As Byzantium was one of the greatest passages from Europe into Asia, it had been provided with a strong garrison, and a fleet of five hundred vessels was anchored in the harbour. The impetuosity of Severus disappointed this prudent scheme of defence; he left to his generals the siege of Byzantium, forced the less guarded passage of the Hellespont, and, impatient of a meaner enemy, pressed forward to encounter his rival. Byzantium, attacked by a numerous and increasing army, and afterwards by the whole naval power of the empire, sustained a siege of three years, and remained faithful to the name and memory of Niger. The citizens and soldiers (we know not from what cause) were animated with equal fury; several of the principal officers of Niger, who despaired of, or who disdained a pardon, had thrown themselves into this last refuge; the fortifications were esteemed impregnable, and, in the defence of the place, a celebrated engineer displayed all the mechanic powers known to the ancients. Byzantium, at length, surrendered to famine. The magistrates and soldiers were put to the sword, the walls demolished, the privileges suppressed, and the destined capital of the East subsisted only as an open village, subject to the insulting jurisdiction of Perinthus. The historian Dion, who had admired the flourishing, and lamented the desolate, state of Byzantium, accused the revenge of Severus for depriving the


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40 Brown, A. C. L. Iwain: a Study in the Origins of Arthurian Romance (Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature VIII). Boston, 1903.

Brown Collection = The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore. 5 vols. Durham, N. C, 1952—.

Bryan, William F. and Dempster, Germaine. Sources and Analogues of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. Chicago, 1941.

Bugge, Sophus. Norróne Skrifter af Sagnhistorisk Indhold. Christiania, 1864.

Burton, R. F. Arabian Nights: The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night. London, 1894. (SI, SII, etc. refers to Supplementary Volumes).

Book of the Sword. London, 1884.

Büttner, C. G. Lieder und Geschichten der Suaheli. Berlin, 1894.

Caldwell, J. R. Egar and Grime. Cambridge (Mass.), 1933.

*Callaway, H. Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus. Vol. I. Natal and London, 1868.

Campbell, J. F. Popular Tales of the West Highlands. 4 vols. 2d edition. London, 1890—93.

*Campbell, K. The Seven Sages of Rome. Boston, 1907.

Campbell-McKay = John G. McKay, More West Highland Tales, transcribed and translated from the original Gaelic manuscript of John Francis Campbell. Edinburgh and London, 1940.

Cappelle, H. van. Mythen en Sagen uit West Indië. Zutphen, 1926.

Cardim, Fernão. Tratado da terra e gente do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro, 1925.

*Carnoy, Albert J. Iranian Mythology (The Mythology of all Races VI). Boston, 1917.

Carrière = J. M. Carrière, Tales from the French Folk-Lore of Missouri. Evanston and Chicago, 1937.

Carrington, Hereward and Fodor, Nandor. Haunted People: Story of the Poltergeist down the Centuries. New York, 1951.

Casati, Gaetano. Ten Years in Equatoria and the Return with Emin Pasha (London, New York, 1891).

*Catalogus = Catalogus van Folklore in de Koninklijke Bibliotheek. 3 vols. 'sGravenhage, 1919—22.

CColl = Colorado College Publications, Language Series.

Les Cent Nouvelles Nouvelles. 2 vols. (ed. Pierre Champion). Paris, 1928.

Chantepie de la Saussaye. See Saussaye.

Charpentier, Jarl. Kleine Beiträge zur indoiranischen Mythologie (Uppsala Universitets Arsskrift). Uppsala, 1911.

*Chatelain, Heli. Folk-Tales of Angola (MAFLS I). Boston and New York, 1894.

*Chauvin, Victor. Bibliographie des ouvrages arabes. 12 vols. Liège, 1892—1922.

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120 Roman people of the strongest bulwark against the barbarians of Pontus and Asia. The truth of this observation was but too well justified in the succeeding age, when the Gothic fleets covered the Euxine, and passed through the undefended Bosphorus into the centre of the Mediterranean.

Both Niger and Albinus were discovered and put to death in their flight from the field of battle. Their fate excited neither surprise nor compassion. They had staked their lives against the chance of empire, and suffered what they would have inflicted; nor did Severus claim the arrogant superiority of suffering his rivals to live in a private station. But his unforgiving temper, stimulated by avarice, indulged a spirit of revenge, where there was no room for apprehension. The most considerable of the provincials, who, without any dislike to the fortunate candidate, had obeyed the governor under whose authority they were accidentally placed, were punished by death, exile, and especially by the confiscation of their estates. Many cities of the East were stript of their ancient honours, and obliged to pay, into the treasury of Severus, four times the amount of the sums contributed by them for the service of Niger.

Till the final decision of the war, the cruelty of Severus was, in some measure, restrained by the uncertainty of the event and his pretended reverence for the senate. The head of Albinus, accompanied with a menacing letter, announced to the Romans that he was resolved to spare none of the adherents of his unfortunate competitors. He was irritated by the just suspicion that he had never possessed the affections of the senate, and he concealed his old malevolence under the recent discovery of some treasonable correspondencies. Thirty-five senators, however, accused of having favoured the party of Albinus, he freely pardoned; and, by his subsequent behaviour, endeavoured to convince them that he had forgotten, as well as forgiven, their supposed offences. But, at the same time, he condemned forty-one other senators, whose names history has recorded;


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Rh *Chavannes, Edouard. Cinq cent contes et apologues extraits du Tripitaka chinois. 4 vols. Paris, 1910—34.

*Child, Francis James. The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. 5 vols in 10. Boston, 1882—98.

☉Childers, J. W. Motif-Index of the Cuentos of Juan Timoneda. Bloomington, Ind., 1947.

Christensen, Arthur, Dumme Folk (DF No. 50). København 1941. Molboernes vise Gerninger (DF No. 47). København, 1939.

*Christiansen, R. Th. Norske Eventyr (Norske Folkeminder II). Kristiania, 1921.

CI = Publications of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.

*Clark, Mrs. K. M. Maori Tales and Legends. London, 1896.

*Clodd, Edward. Tom-Tit-Tot. London, 1898.

*Clouston, W. A. The Book of Noodles. London, 1888. A Group of Eastern Romances and Stories. Glasgow, 1889.
 * Popular Tales and Fictions. 2 vols. Edinburgh, London, 1887.

CNAE = Contributions to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1877—93.

*Codrington, R. H. The Melanesians: studies in their Anthropology and Folklore. Oxford, 1891.

Cole, Fay Cooper. Traditions of the Tinguian. FM XIV. Chicago, 1915.

*Conzemius, E. Ethnographical survey of the Miskito and Sumu Indians of Honduras and Nicaragua. BBAE CVI, 1932.

Cook, A. B. Zeus: a study in ancient religion. 3 vols. Cambridge, 1914 ff.

Corpus Poeticum Boreale (edited by G. Vigfússon and F. Y. Powell). 2 vols. Oxford, 1883.

*Cosquin, E. Contes populaires de Lorraine. 2 vols. Paris, 1887.
 * Etudes folkloriques. Paris, 1922.
 * Les contes indiens et l'occident. Paris, 1922.

Coster-Wijsman, L. N. Uilespiegel-Verhalen in Indonesië. Santpoort, 1929.

*Cowell, E. B. and others. The Jātaka or Stories of the Buddha's Former Births. 6 vols, and index. Cambridge, 1895—1913.

*Cox, Marian R. Cinderella (PFLS XXXI). London, 1893.

*Coyajee, J. C. Some Shahnameh Legends and their Chinese Parallels. JPASB XXIV (1928).

*Crane, T. F. Liber de Miraculis Sanctae Dei Genetricis Mariae. Ithaca (N.Y.) and London, 1926.
 * The Exempla of Jacques de Vitry (PFLS XXVI). London, 1890.

Crawley, Ernest. The Mystic Rose. London, 1902.

☉Cross = Tom Peete Cross. Motif-Index of Early Irish Literature. Bloomington, Indiana, 1952.

CU = Columbia University Contributions to Anthropology.

*Curtin, Jeremiah. Seneca Indian Myths. Boston, 1923.

*Cushing, Frank H. Zuñi Folk Tales. New York and London, 1901.

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42 *Dania. 10 vols. København, 1890—1903.

*Danske Studier. København, 1904 ff.

*Davenport, William. Marshallese Folklore Types (JAFL LXVI 219—237).

Dawkins, Richard M. Forty-five Stories from the Dodekanese. Cambridge (England), 1950. Modern Greek Folktales. Oxford, 1953.

Day, Lal Behary. Folk-Tales of Bengal. London, 1912.

*De Cock, Alfons. Studien en Essays over oude Volksvertelsels. Antwerp, 1919.
 * Volkssage, Volksgeloof en Volksgebruik. Antwerp, 1918.
 * Volksgeneeskunde in Vlaanderen. Gent, 1891.

De la Saussaye. See Saussaye.

Dennett, R. E. The Folk-lore of the Fjort (French Congo) (PFLS XLI). London, 1898.

Desparmet, J. Contes populaires sur les ogres, recueillis à Blida. 2 vols. Paris, 1909—10.

Deutschbein, M. Studien zur Sagengeschichte Englands. Göthen, 1906.

De Vries, Jan. "De Sage van het ingemetselde Kind". Nederlandsch Tijdschrift voor Volkskunde XXXII (1927) 1—13. Studiën over Faerösche Balladen. Haarlem, 1915.
 * Volksverhalen uit Oost Indië. 2 vols. Leiden, 1925, 1928.

*De Vries's list = De Vries, Jan. "Typen-Register der Indonesische Fabels en Sprookjes" (Volksverhalen uit Oost-Indië II 398 ff.)

DF = Danmarks Folkeminder. København, 1908—

*Dh — Dähnhardt, Oskar. Natursagen. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1909—12.

*Dickson, Arthur. Valentine and Orson, a study in late Medieval Romance. New York, 1929.

Dieterich, Albrecht. Mutter Erde: ein Versuch über Volksreligion. 2d ed. Berlin, 1913.

*Dixon, Roland B. Oceanic Mythology (The Mythology of all Races IX). Boston, 1916.

Dobie, J. Frank. Coronado's Children. Dallas (Texas), 1930.

Dunlop-Liebrecht = Dunlop, J. Geschichte der Prosadichtungen (tr. and revised by F. Liebrecht). Berlin, 1851.

*Dunlop-Wilson = Dunlop, J. History of Prose Fiction. New edition revised by H. Wilson. 2 vols. London, 1888.

Durkheim, Émile. Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse. Paris, 1912.

EETS = Early English Text Society Publications. London, 1864 ff.

Ebding, F. "Duala Märchen" (ZsES XVIII, 142—47).

Eberhard, Wolfram. Chinese Fairy Tales and Folk Tales. London, 1937.
 * Typen chinesischer Volksmarchen (FFC CCXX, 1937).
 * and Boratav, Pertev. Typen türkischen Volksmärchen. Weisbaden, 1953.

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text: Category:Freethought

title: Category:Freethought


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Rh their wives, children, and clients, attended them in death, and the noblest provincials of Spain and Gaul were involved in the same ruin. Such rigid justice, for so he termed it, was, in the opinion of Severus, the only conduct capable of ensuring peace to the people, or stability to the prince; and he condescended slightly to lament that, to be mild, it was necessary that he should first be cruel.

The true interest of an absolute monarch generally coincides with that of his people. Their numbers, their wealth, their order, and their security, are the best and only foundations of his real greatness; and, were he totally devoid of virtue, prudence might supply its place, and would dictate the same rule of conduct. Severus considered the Roman empire as his property, and had no sooner secured the possession, than he bestowed his care on the cultivation and improvement of so valuable an acquisition. Salutary laws, executed with inflexible firmness, soon corrected most of the abuses with which, since the death of Marcus, every part of the government had been infected. In the administration of justice, the judgments of the emperor were characterized by attention, discernment, and impartiality: and, whenever he deviated from the strict line of equity, it was generally in favour of the poor and oppressed; not so much indeed from any sense of humanity, as from the natural propensity of a despot to humble the pride of greatness, and to sink all his subjects to the same common level of absolute dependence. His expensive taste for building, magnificent shows, and, above all, a constant and liberal distribution of corn and provisions, were the surest means of captivating the affection of the Roman people. The misfortunes of civil discord were obliterated. The calm of peace and prosperity was once more experienced in the provinces, and many cities, restored by the munificence of Severus, assumed the title of his colonies, and attested by public monuments their gratitude and felicity. The fame of the Roman arms was revived by that


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Education of Feeble-minded or Mental Defectives

EDUCATION OF FEEBLE-MINDED OR MENTAL DEFECTIVES. In the classification of children of this type it is necessary to distinguish the mentally retarded or backward child from the feeble-minded or mentally defective child. There is a large percentage of the children in attendance upon school who are behind the grades in which children of their ages should be found in school work. There are legitimate reasons for many of these children being behind their proper grades. Some are foreigners and were not able to use the English language when they entered school. Others started in school late. There are those who have poor sight or defective hearing or who are suffering from some other physical defects as adenoids, poor health, etc., which interferes with the performance of their school work. When there is no apparent reason for a child being three years below his proper grade or when he fails to make progress after the removal of such physical defects as he may have had, the probabilities are that such child is feeble-minded. When the mental development of such child is so arrested as to render him unable to advance in his school work, he is regarded as feeble-minded or mentally defective. It is, therefore, a serious matter to classify a child as feeble-minded. Such classification places a stigma upon the child which may be unjust and from which he may never recover. The average classroom teacher or school principal should not, therefore, undertake to determine that a pupil is feeble-minded. The study of the mental development of children by persons scientifically trained for that purpose has resulted in the establishment of certain tests which are now quite generally accepted as the measure of a child's mentality. No child should, therefore, be classified as feeble-minded who has not been examined by an expert and found to be of such type. If any question of doubt exists the child should be given the benefit of that doubt. By the application of these tests it may be found that a child 12 years of age has the usual mental development of a child of four; or a man of 40 years of age may have the mind of a child eight years of age, etc. The feeble-minded are, therefore, classified as children of various ages. From these tests three general classes have been established. These are the idiot, the imbecile and the moron. The idiot is the lowest in the scale of

the imbecile is the next higher and the moron is the highest.

The importance of the subject of feeble-mindedness will be appreciated by considering the number of feeble-minded in the country. There has been no general census in Europe or in this country which reveals the exact number of feeble-minded adults or children. Various studies and surveys have been made, however, under government direction and by reliable organizations interested in the subject which show the number of feeble-minded persons within a given area and a specified population. From the information which has been obtained through these investigations and surveys, it is possible to make a fairly accurate estimate of the number of feeble-minded people and also the number of feeble-minded children in the country.

The Royal Commission of Great Britain made surveys in several sections of England, Ireland and Scotland and gave the subject careful thought for four years. Its report was made in 1909 and showed that, on the basis of its study, 1 in every 217 persons in England was feeble-minded. Surgeons of the United States Public Health Service completed a survey of the feeble-minded school children in Porter County, Ind., in 1915, which showed that .955 per cent of all the children in that county were feeble-minded. The same authority made a survey of Newcastle County, Delaware, in 1916, which showed that 1.3 per cent of all the children examined were feeble-minded. A survey made by the Nassau County Association assisted by the National Committee for Mental Hygiene, the United States Public Health Service and the Rockefeller Foundation, in Nassau County, N. Y., in 1916, showed that on the basis of its study, 1 person in every 183 of that county was feeble-minded. The investigation by the Massachusetts Society for Mental Hygiene in that State in 1914 indicated that there was one feeble-minded person in every 278 of the population. The estimates made by such experts as W. E. Fernald, H. H. Goddard and E. R. Johnstone place the number of feeble-minded in the United States at 1 in every 250 persons. Applying these figures and the estimate of the Committee on Mental Hygiene and the New York Committee on Feeble- Mindedness to the population of the United States, we should have in this country about 400,000 feeble-minded persons and about 100,000 feeble-minded children. The presence of this large number of feeble-minded children in the country at large is a condition which demands that every effort possible be made to educate and train as many of these as may be possible in order that they may be self-supporting. It is estimated by Mr. George Hastings, secretary of the New York Committee on Feeble-Mindedness, that about “one-third of the feeble-minded break the law and nearly one-third of the law breakers are feeble-minded.”

About 1850 the States began to give consideration to the education of the feeble-minded child. State institutions were organized and the care and education of this type of child has received extended consideration since that time. Many State institutions and several private institutions have been established for the care, education and training of children of this type.

It is not feasible to undertake the education of

the classes of mental defectives known as idiots or imbeciles in the public school. These types of mental defectives must generally receive their training in institutions established in accordance with modern scientific standards for the education and care of such children. The children who are classified as morons may be segregated and educated in special classes provided for them in the public schools. Mentally defective children who come from homes which are able to give them proper care when they are not under the influence of the school and who may be trained to become either wholly or partially self-supporting may generally be afforded necessary educational facilities for their proper education in the public school system of the city or district in which they live. All mentally defective children who come from homes which cannot give them the protection and care which is essential to the best interests of society should be educated in institutions organized for this type of children. The tendency throughout the country is to utilize to the greatest extent possible the public school system for the education of this type of children.

There has been recent legislation upon this subject in the States of New Jersey and New York. In 1911 the legislature of New Jersey enacted a law making it the duty of the State board of education to ascertain the number of children in the public schools of the State who were three years or more below the normal grade. This law further provides that in each district in which there are 10 or more such children the board of education for that district shall establish such special classes as may be necessary for the education of these children. No class may contain more than 15 of such children. An important feature of the New Jersey law is the State aid which is accorded each district in the State which organizes one of these classes. The State authorizes an apportionment of $500 for each teacher employed in giving instruction to a class of children of this type. This State aid offers great encouragement to a community to organize such classes and enables a community to meet the expense of maintaining such classes without burdensome taxation. The commissioner of education for that State reported that, for the school year ending 31 July 1917, 162 classes had been organized. The establishment of these classes in New Jersey is compulsory. This appears to be the first State in the Union which has enacted a statute making it mandatory upon the local school authorities of an administrative unit to organize classes for children of this type. The training school for subnormals at Vineland, N. J., is one of the notable institutions of the country for this type of children.

The New York law enacted in 1917 is also a mandatory statute and is modeled somewhat after the New Jersey act. The commissioner of education is authorized to prescribe regulations to govern the taking of a census by the school authorities by each city and each school district. The local school authorities must take such census. The law further provides that each city and each union free school district shall establish such special classes as may be necessary to provide instruction adapted to the mental attainments of children who are three years or more below normal. This, of course, requires provision for all mentally

defective children as well as for the retarded children. No more than 15 pupils may be placed in one of these special classes. The school authorities of a city or district which has less than 10 children are required to provide for their instruction in another city or district which establishes classes or schools for such children. The financial aid given by the State is $300 for each class organized in a city or district.

The major work in a course of study for this type of children is industrial training. This type of child may be trained to become an efficient domestic worker and may be also trained to do very satisfactory work in agricultural lines. The institutions and the public schools which maintain courses for these children have demonstrated that large numbers of them may be trained to become self-supporting. To illustrate the type of course of instruction which is maintained for such children, I quote the following from the official report of the superintendent of the Rome Custodial Institution:

“Kindergarten; sense training; form, color, co-ordination and numbers; articulation and language; weaving; sewing, knitting and crocheting; sloyd; carpentry; painting; gardening; farming; domestic arts (dressmaking); music (vocal and instrumental); dancing; entertainment; Sunday School; chapel; farm colonies; domestic colonies; parole; discharge (or failure and permanent custody). ”

The institution located at Waverley, Mass., the one at Vineland, N. J., the Rome Custodial Institution, Rome, N. Y., and the State Normal School at Oswego, N. Y., maintain courses for the training of teachers for this type of school. Undoubtedly other institutions for this type of children also maintain such courses.


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Education in the Household Arts

EDUCATION IN THE HOUSEHOLD ARTS. See .


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Rh Egils saga einhenda ok Ásmundar Berserkjabana (in Lagerholm, Drei Lygisögur, Halle, 1927 pp. 1 ff.).

Ehrenreich, Paul. Die Mythen und Legenden der südamerikanischen Urvolker. Berlin, 1905.

*Einstein, C. Afrikanische Legenden. Berlin, 1925.

Eisler, R. Weltenmantel und Himmelszelt. 2 vols. München, 1910.

*Ellis (Yoruba) = Ellis, A. B. The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa. London, 1894.

*Ellis (Vai) = Ellis, G. W. Negro Culture in West Africa. New York, 1914.

Ellis, T. P. and Lloyd, J. The Mabinogion. 2 vols. Oxford, 1929.

☉Emeneau, M. B. Kota Texts. 4 vols. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1944—46.

''Encyc. Rel. Ethics'' = Hastings, J. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. 12 vols. New York, 1908—22.

Engert, Rolf. Die Sage vom Fliegenden Holländer (Meereskunde, Bd. XV, 7, Heft 173). Berlin, 1927.

Equilbecq, F. V. Contes indigènes de l'Ouest Africain Français. 3 vols. Paris, 1913—16.

Erminy Arismendi, Santos. Huellas Folkloricas. Caracas, 1954.

*Espinosa, Aurelio M. Cuentos populares españoles. 3 vols. 2d edition. Madrid, 1946—47.

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*Feilberg, H. F. Nissens Historie (DF No. 18). København, 1919. Festskrift til (Svenska Landsmål ock svenskt Folkliv). Stockholm, 1911.
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Rh empire, had received the just punishment of their treason; but the necessary, though dangerous, institution of guards was soon restored on a new model by Severus, and increased to four times the ancient number. Formerly these troops had been recruited in Italy; and, as the adjacent provinces gradually imbibed the softer manners of Rome, the levies were extended to Macedonia, Noricum and Spain. In the room of these elegant troops, better adapted to the pomp of courts than to the uses of war, it was established by Severus, that, from all the legions of the frontiers, the soldiers most distinguished for strength, valour, and fidelity, should be occasionally draughted, and promoted, as an honour and reward, into the more eligible service of the guards. By this new institution, the Italian youth were diverted from the exercise of arms, and the capital was terrified by the strange aspect and manners of a multitude of barbarians. But Severus flattered himself that the legions would consider these chosen Prætorians as the representatives of the whole military order; and that the present aid of fifty thousand men, superior in arms and appointments to any force that could be brought into the field against them, would for ever crush the hopes of rebellion, and secure the empire to himself and his posterity.

The command of these favoured and formidable troops soon became the first office of the empire. As the government degenerated into military despotism, the Prætorian præfect, who in his origin had been a simple captain of the guards, was placed, not only at the head of the army, but of the finances, and even of the law. In every department of administration, he represented the person, and exercised the authority, of the emperor. The first præfect who enjoyed and abused this immense power was Plautianus, the favourite minister of Severus. His reign lasted above ten years, till the marriage of his daughter with the eldest son of the emperor, which seemed to assure his fortune, proved the occasion of his ruin. The animosities of the palace, by irritating the ambition and


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Rh

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