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 His Majesty the King of Italy, Count Constantine Nigra, &c., his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Her Britannic Majesty ;

His Majesty the Emperor of all the Russias, Arthur Baron Mohrenheim, &c., his Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to her Britannic Majesty ;

His Majesty the Emperor of the Ottomans, Constantine Musurus Pasha, &c., his Ambassador and Plenipotentiary to Her Britannic Majesty ;

Who, after exchanging their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed on the following Articles : —

I. The jurisdiction of the European Commission of the Danube is extended from Galatz to Ibraila.

II. The powers of the European Commission are prolonged for a period of twenty-one years, dating from the 20th April, 1883.

At the expiration of the said period, the powers of the Commission shall continue in force by tacit prolongation ('tacite réconduction') for successive terms of three years, unless one of the High Contracting Parties should notify, one year before the expiration of one of these terms of three years, the intention of proposing modifications in the constitution or in the powers of the Commission.

III. The European Commission shall exercise no effective control over those portions of the Kilia branch of which both banks belong to one of the Riverain States of that branch.

IV. With regard to that portion of the Kilia branch which flows between Russian and Roumanian territory, and in order to insure uniformity in the management of the Lower Danube, the regulations in force on the Sulina branch shall be applied under the superintendence of the Russian and Roumanian Delegates of the European Commission.

V. In case Russia or Roumania should undertake works in the Kilia branch, either in the part which divides their respective territories, or that which flows exclusively within the territories of either of them, the competent authority shall communicate the plans of these works to the European Commission with the sole view of establishing that they do


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 not interfere in any way with the navigable state of the other branches.

The works which have already been carried out at the Tchatal of Ismaïl, remain at the charge and under the control of the European Commission of the Danube.

Should there be a difference of opinion between the Russian or Roumanian authorities and the European Commission respecting the plans of works to be undertaken in the Kilia branch, or a difference of opinion in that Commission respecting any extension that it might be advisable to make in the works at the Tchatal of Ismaïl, the case shall be submitted directly to the Powers.

VI. It is understood that there shall be no restriction upon the right of Russia to levy tolls intended to cover the expenses of the works undertaken by her.

Nevertheless, with the view of providing a safeguard for the reciprocal interests of the navigation of the Sulina branch and on the Kilia branch, the Russian Government shall put the Governments represented in the European Commission in possession of the Regulations respecting the tolls which they may think it advisable to introduce, so as to insure an understanding on the subject.

VII. The regulations for navigation, river police, and superintendence drawn up on the 2nd June, 1882, by the European Commission, assisted by the Delegates of Servia and Bulgaria, are adopted in the form annexed to the present Treaty, and declared applicable to that part of the Danube which is situated between the Iron Gates and Ibraïla.

VIII. All the Treaties, Conventions, Acts, and arrangements relating to the Danube and its mouths are maintained in all such of their provisions as are not abrogated or modified by the preceding stipulations.

IX. The present Treaty shall he ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at London within the space of six months, or sooner if possible.

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6 the invisible Church of, it is clearly inadmissible. For as a matter of reason, what can be the use of such strong and repeated exhortations to an union, whose only external sign is a profession of charitable indifference to all diversities of religious opinion, and whose principal bond of union, is a secret internal feeling, as to which no one can exactly judge his neighbour. And yet in the New Testament, directions are given concerning such divisions, as respecting a thing, of which every Christian can judge. And further, as a matter of fact, the Church or body, in which unity is preserved, is spoken of as a visible body. Vid. Matth. xvi. 18; xviii. 17. 1 Tim. iii. 15. 1 Cor. xii. Eph. iv. 4–12.

(2.) Obedience to superiors is enjoined. This command seems to me, to give a double sanction to the legitimately appointed authorities of the Church. First, An authority indirectly, in as much as duty to the State requires of us obedience to all those who have the sanction of its authority for their dignities, provided always, obedience to them does not involve some sacrifice of principle, so as to be against our consciences. Hence, since the time that Church and State have been united, it becomes the duty of a good subject to pay reverence and obedience to the appointed ministers of religion, upon civil as well as upon religious grounds. Secondly, An authority directly, because obedience to spiritual superiors is separately enjoined. E.g. "Likewise ye younger, submit yourselves to the elder," 1 Pet. v. 5.:—(you will see from the first and second verses, that the elders mean spiritual superiors, who are set over you.) And again, "Submit yourselves unto such, and to every one, that helpeth with us, and laboureth." 1 Cor. xvi. 16. "Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit yourselves, for they watch for your souls, as they that must give account." (Heb. xiii. 17.)

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8 receive him not into your house, nor bid him God speed." (2 John x.)

"These are they who separate themselves, sensual, having not the Spirit." (Jude 19.)

"I beseech you, brethren, mark them which cause divisions and offences, contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned, and avoid them." (Rom. xvi. 17.)

"If any man teach otherwise, and consent not to wholesome words, even to the words of our, and to the doctrine which is according to godliness: he is proud, knowing nothing, but doting about questions and strifes of words, whereof cometh envy, strife, railing, evil-surmisings, perverse disputings of men of corrupt minds and destitute of the truth, supposing that gain is godliness, from such withdraw thyself." (1 Tim. vi. 3–5.)

2ndly. Consider the manner they are represented in, who cause disunion in the Church. The terms are, indeed, so harsh to modern (so called) liberal notions, that one feels sure of incurring the reproach of being a bigot for venturing thus to apply what we read in Scripture; and the general view respecting these passages probably is, that the time of their application is quite gone by, and that they have long since become a dead letter. And yet, reflect these terms are not used of persons, who were infidels, or heathens, or of those who corrupted the main doctrines of Christianity. St. Paul blames the Corinthians, because they expressed a preference for one teacher above another, and though they all taught the same thing, still he says of such a difference, "that there are contentions among you," and speaks of it as an evidence of their "carnal mind." (1 Cor. iii. 3.)

3rdly. There are many passages in the Epistles, in which the

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Rh Again, "We beseech you, brethren, to know them which labour among you, and are over you in the, and admonish you, and to esteem them very highly in love for their work's sake." (1 Thess. v. 12, 13.)

(3.) It is also a command to Christians, not to give a brother cause of sorrow and offence. Now any separation must do that. The question therefore is, whether the grounds for it are such as to compel us, from regard to our own souls, and even out of Christian charity to him, to separate from communion with the body to which he belongs, that we may thereby make him acquainted with the danger there is to his eternal salvation in remaining in a body, from which we feel obliged, for conscience sake, to come out. If we do not think we endanger our salvation by continuing in the Church, we are not justified for mere matters of opinion, and things, which we do not hold to be essentials of religion, to cast a reproach upon the body, from which we remove as from a thing unclean, and to give pain, doubts, and cause of dissensions, by thus withdrawing.

I proceed next to some direct arguments in support of the assertion, that separation, as such, and when not on account of some fundamental doctrine, is a sin.

1st. Hear what Scripture tells us should be our conduct towards those who cause divisions, and then consider, whether such persons are brought before us as exercising a proper liberty of choice.

"We command you in the name of our, that ye withdraw yourselves from every brother, that walketh disorderly and not after the tradition which ye have received of us." (2 Thess. iii. 6.)

"If there come any unto you, and bring not this doctrine,

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64 they receive him, and commanded one of their servants to furnish him with lodging in the castle and with all necessary sustenance. This servant, annoyed at the trouble he was put to, and displeased with his master's benevolence, assigned to this seeming beggar a miserable hole under some stone steps, where he threw to him, as to a dog, a sorry pittance of food. The saint, instead of suffering himself to be vexed thereat, first of all thanked God sincerely for it in his heart, and not only bore with patient meekness all this, which he might easily have altered, but, with incredible and superhuman fortitude, endured to witness the lasting grief of his parents and his wife for his absence. For he heard his much-loved parents and his beautiful spouse invoke his name a hundred times a day, and pray for his return, and he saw them waste their days in sorrow for his supposed absence." At this passage of her narrative our good hostess could not refrain her tears; while her two daughters, who during the story had crept close to her side, kept looking steadily up in their mother's face. "But," she continued, "great was the reward which the Almighty bestowed on his constancy, giving him, at his death, the greatest possible proofs of his favour in the eyes of the faithful. For after living several years in this state, daily frequenting the service of God with the most fervent zeal, he at last fell sick, without any particular heed being given to his condition by any one. One morning shortly after this, while the Pope was himself celebrating high mass, in the presence of the emperor and all the nobles, suddenly all the bells in the whole city of Rome began to toll, as if for the passing knell of some distinguished personage. Whilst every one was full of amazement, it was revealed to the Pope that this marvel was in honour of the death of the holiest person in the whole city, who had but just died in the house of the noble patrician. The father of Alexis, being


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 can't wait for you till then—I've got to have you!"

She thrust him away, roughly this time. "You will have me only as your wife. I have told you that before."

His hands fell helplessly to his sides. Petulantly, resentfully, he complained, "If you really mean that, why don't you stop making a fool of me? Why do you meet me here by the lake each night, playing with me as a cat does with a mouse?"

She looked at him silently for a moment; then quietly, "Because I hope you will not always be a mouse. If you are as mad about me as you say, you will not let a woman you hate stand between us much longer.'

"What can I do? Divorce is out of the question."

"Of course—then her money would be taken from you."

He was annoyed. "I'm not thinking only of money!"

She leaned close to him, "I'm not thinking only of divorce."

He stared at her for a long moment, and her cold, unwavering eyes returned his gaze. His eyes fell and she began to talk rapidly in her low, compelling voice.

HE pathetic little cough rasped out again. At the sound, the man in the stern dipped his paddle more deeply into the faint shimmer of the scum-covered water.

After a struggling, breathless moment, the coughing spell abated and its victim spoke:

"It's wonderful to be on the lake with you again, Roger—it's been so long since we've been in the canoe together." She laughed happily. "I feel as though we were beginning a second honeymoon."

Roger Benton glanced briefly at his frail wife, grunted, and returned his attention to the paddle. In the silence that followed the throbbing hum of the Indian chant slid steadily over the water—a brooding monotone of endless cadence.

Finally Bernice spoke again.

"How solemn the chant sounds tonight: Like the hymn it really is—a prayer for the dying."

"For the—dying?" His voice held a sharp, uncertain quality.

"Yes. This is Indian Summer, you know—the Moon of Falling Leaves, of dying things. That song is a tribute to fading nature. Rather beautiful, don't you think?"

The paddle trailed unheeded, as he repeated abstractedly: "The Moon of Falling Leaves—of dying things."

She leaned forward a little, her dark eyes searching his face anxiously. "Roger—you act so strangely tonight. Aren't you well, dear?"

He straightened, recovered himself. "I'm quite all right." He resumed his jerky, erratic stroke, as she reached to place a small hand tenderly on his knee.

"I know how unhappy you are here. But I'll be well again soon, and we'll go back to the city." She laughed self-consciously, "I would like to return here for just one day each year, though—to renew my offering to the Spirits of the Lake. I've taken their protection very seriously, you see."

The muscles of his jaw working spasmodically under the tanned skin, and he opened his mouth as though to speak.

Quickly, placatingly, she forestalled him.

"Please don't be annoyed, dear, it's such a pretty legend."

He turned his head abruptly away; as though in anger or to avoid her eyes. His strokes grew faster, clumsier; stabbing angry slashes that sent the frail craft forward in plunging leaps. The woman, a little fearfully, looked behind her to see where this mad race was heading. Then she spoke again, with patently assumed unconcern:

"Roger, sharp rocks are just


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Rh ways, dispositions, and practices of false teachers are described, concerning which the learned differ much, and determine differently the sort of opinions condemned in them. Allowing, however, what weight is fair to this circumstance, yet after all look at them attentively with a view of finding whether they will give you any light for the guidance of your conduct in this matter; and, while you consider them, bear the following remarks in mind:—

1. That which is condemned in these persons is either their professing false doctrine, or their making disorder, disturbance, and disunion in the Church. If you think any of them apply to the second, then such passages apply to my argument here, because they go to prove, that making a separation and disputes in the Church is wrong.

2. You will learn from some of them that a person may think himself quite sincere in leaving the Church, and, yet his own heart may have deceived him, though it cannot deceive, who will call him to account hereafter. 2 Tim. iii. 13. 2 Thess. ii. 11.

3. You will see that heresy and schism are placed along with bad passions, and bad actions, and vicious dispositions, as if in some way connected with them, and as if we may therefore be called to give account for these opinions, just as much as for those actions, and passions, and dispositions of mind. 1 Tim. vi. 3. 20.; i. 3, 4. 2 Tim. iv. 3.; iii. 13. Gal. i. 9. 2 Pet. ii. 18. 10.; iii. 16. Tit. i. 10.; iii. 10, 11. 2 Cor. xi. 13. 15. Acts xx. 29. Matt. vii. 15. 2 Thess. iii. 6. 11. ix. Eph. iv. 14. Jude xvi. Phil. i. 15, 16.

4thly. Consider the case of Korah in the Old Testament. He was a priest of the second order, and, with other Levites, withdrew his obedience from the High Priest. There was no matter of doctrine or worship in dispute between them and Aaron, nor any other dispute than that of Church government. And yet how terrible was his punishment. In his case we cannot evade the application to the Gospel times, because St. Jude makes it for us, speaking of those who "perish in the gainsaying of Core. Jude 11.

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Rh, thought at once of the beggar. He went home, and found him beneath the stairs, quite dead. In his folded hands the saintly man clutched a paper, which his old father sought in vain to take from him. He returned to the church, and told all this to the emperor and the Pope, who thereupon, with their courtiers and clergy, set off to visit the corpse of the saint. When they reached the spot, the holy father took the paper without difficulty out of the hands of the dead man, and handed it to the emperor, who thereupon caused it to be read aloud by his chancellor. The paper contained the history of the saint. Then you should have seen the grief of his parents and wife, which now became excessive,—to think that they had had near to them a son and husband so dear, for whom there was nothing too good that they would not have done; and then, too, to know how ill he had been treated! They fell upon his corpse and wept so bitterly, that there was not one of the bystanders who could refrain from tears. Moreover, among the multitude of the people who gradually flocked to the spot, there were many sick, who were brought to the body, and by its touch were made whole."

When she had finished her story, she affirmed over and over again, as she dried her eyes, that she had never heard a more touching history; and I, too, was seized with so great a desire to weep, that I had the greatest difficulty to hide and suppress it. After dinner I looked out the legend itself in "Father Cochem," and found that the good dame had dropped none of the purely human traits of the story, while she had clean forgotten all the tasteless remarks of this writer.

We keep going continually to the window, watching the weather, and are at present very near offering a prayer to the wind and clouds. Long evenings and universal stillness are the elements in which writing thrives right merrily; and I am convinced, that if, for


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 the Indians call the "Spirits Talons'." She continued, as though to herself, "They say the Road to the Villages of the Happy Dead leads over such rocks as those—rocks with a knife-like edge, upon which only the Good can keep their footing; the Bad fall off into an abyss of eternal torment."

His hysterical snarl brought her rudely to a stop.

"Stop talking that filthy savage rot! It can't frighten me!"

Her eyes grew wide in amazement. His voice rose in a crazy yell:

"I'm not afraid of 'spirits'! They can't hurt me—and men will say it was an accident! An accident!"

Madly he continued, repeating again and again, "An accident!"

Her hands mounted in futile gesture to her throat and she began to cough; gasping, terror laden words tumbling out between the spasms.

"You're making for the rocks on purpose—you know I can't swim—you mean to drown me—Roger—don't—Turn back—turn back—"

His voice and stroke beat on. "Accident—accident—"

The blood drained from her face, she clawed frantically at the gunwales—tried terribly to scream.

With a rending crash, the canoe splintered to matchwood on the razor-edged rocks.

Roger Benton swam to shore and fell, sobbing, to the ground. From far away, the savage chant in honor of the Moon of Falling Leaves—of dying things—still rose and fell. But he didn't hear it now. The sound of a canoe ripping upon sharp rocks was repeating over and over inside his mind. He was hearing again the horrible, choking struggles of a drowning woman. He was hearing again the words she'd cried before the waters closed about her—words that would reverberate within his brain forever:

"Oh, God—great gitche Manitou—Spirits of the Lake—" she'd prayed, "—punish—punish—punish—"

P THE rough path from the water's edge toiled the grim little cortege Roger Benton had been dreading for a week. He watched the two approaching Indians and their grisly burden from his bedroom window, then steeled his nerves for the inevitable knock upon his door. When it came, he almost screeched his answer.

The voice of Nahma, the old squaw who Bernice had engaged as housekeeper, replied, "Men of my tribe—they find Missis."

He quavered. "I'll be down."

How he managed to descend the stairs to the living room, he didn't know, nor how he forced his rebellious eyes to focus themselves on the horror before him. But he did manage, somehow.

His gaze took in the sodden divan, on which they'd placed her, huge spots of lake water darkening the upholstery; the dripping figure with gaping mouth and wide eyes staring out of a pulpy mask the weeds and moss that trailed from the streaming hair to the rug below.

And, in a corner of his chaotic mind a thought intruded that some element was missing from the scene. He searched for it vaguely.

It was the brisk little county coroner who, later that day, found it for him.

Wagging his head sympathetically as he prepared to leave after completion of his professional duties, "Folks round here were mighty shocked when they heard 'bout your accident on th' lake an' Mrs. Benton's drownin'. 'Course, we haven't known your wife long; but everyone who met her thought she was a mighty fine lady—th' Injuns especially." He paused, and looked thoughtfully at the floor. "Funny thing 'bout the slime, ain't it?"


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10 5thly. When the Jews fell into wickedness and idolatry, priests as well as people, and sent prophets to reprove them, yet none of these holy prophets did separate from communion with the wicked priests, and set up another priesthood in opposition to them. They did not think it lawful, how holy soever they were, to intrude themselves into the priesthood, as they had not been lawfully called and appointed.

These two cases go very strongly to prove that there is a duty to submit ourselves, for conscience sake, to the established order and manner in the Church, so long as the Church enjoins nothing which plainly contradicts the revealed will of, and to perform which would therefore do violence to our sense of right.

6thly. Consider, further, the ground upon which our Saviour ordered the authority of the Scribes and Pharisees to be respected, viz. because they sat in Moses' seat, (Matt, xxiii. 2.;) i.e. because they were the lawfully appointed and regularly ordained ministers of the established religion. Moreover, throughout the Acts of the Apostles, where we are to look for the use and gradual formation of a system of Church government, in proportion as the converts become more numerous, and more widely scattered in different countries, we may trace a principle of union and of subordination throughout the various Churches and Assemblies of believers. Care too was taken for the continuance of this union and this subordination, both in the manner of appointing teachers then, and in providing for their similar appointment for the time to come: and this manner of providing a due supply of fit persons for the ministry has been observed not only during the age of the Apostles, and their immediate successors, but it may be said through the first fifteen centuries after the establishment of Christianity.

7thly. Turn to the solemn prayers of our in the 17th chapter of St. John. "Holy Father, keep through thine own name, those whom thou hast given to me, that they may be one

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12 "Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth, shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever ye shall loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven." (Matt. xviii. 18.)

"Whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them; and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained." (John xx. 23.)

"Lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world." (Matt. xxviii. 20.)

9thly. hath appointed the Church as the only way unto eternal life. We read at the first, that the added daily to the Church such as should be saved; and what was then done daily, hath been done since continually. never appointed two ways to heaven; nor did he build a Church to save some, and make another institution for other men's salvation. "There is no other name under heaven given unto men, whereby we must be saved, but the name of ," and that is no otherwise given under heaven, than in the Church.

Here, then, I finish my series of arguments. Not that there are not many others, which might be brought forward, to show that Dissent is wrong; but I prefer confining my remarks at those which have something in common with one another. The principles upon which all the reasonings here given are in some sort founded, are. 1. the Christian duty of obedience; 2. of preserving unity; 3. of avoiding, in all cases where we can with a safe conscience, any giving occasion of offence, or pain, or perplexity, to our Christian brethren:—in other words, the duty of having an eye always to, i.e. brotherly love, in our way of performing our duties, especially those about the limits of which we are not quite sure.

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Rh as we are; and, again, in the same prayer, "neither pray I for these alone, but for them also, which shall believe on Me through their word, that they all may be one, as thou, Father, art in Me and I in Thee, that they also may be one in Us." … Would it not be in direct opposition to the spirit and letter of this prayer to justify every individual Christian in claiming the right of withdrawing himself from communion with the Church upon every slight difference of opinion? As if Christianity required of us no surrender whatever of the private judgment, and as if it were never right for a Christian silently to acquiesce in existing usages, or new ordinances, in things indifferent, when commanded by lawful authority, unless he was convinced of the benefit and propriety of them, which would, in fact, be to make every individual Christian a law unto himself in all things; or, to adapt our language to the day, as if it were never required to assent in religious matters in the same way as in civil matters, i.e. without being convinced of the advisableness or benefit of the thing enjoined, but merely because, on the one hand, lawful authority orders it, and, on the other, we see no danger to our souls in obeying it.

8thly. hath given an authority to the Church, and therefore there is but one thing which can justify us in going against its authority, and that is, a firm conviction, that by doing what the Church orders, we should transgress some still more evident ard higher command of ; as, e.g. whence the Church of Rome pronounced it lawful to take away the lives of excommunicated princes. And is not separating from the Church transgressing its authority?

If any one ask, where is this authority spoken of in Scripture, let him consider the following texts.

"He that heareth you, heareth me; and he that despiseth you, despiseth me, and he that despiseth me, despiseth Him that sent me." (Luke x. 16.)

"If he neglect to hear the Church, let him be unto thee as an heathen man and a publican." (Matt, xviii. 17.)

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Rh The sum of the matter as here set before you is this. If a man's separation from the Church be upon grounds which he really believes to be of vital importance, I have nothing to do with him. He acts from conscientious motives, and cannot remain in communion with a Church, which teaches what he holds to be false doctrines. "To his own master he standeth or falleth;" and it is not for me to judge how he has come to this conclusion. I can, however, fully understand, that so long as he holds such an opinion about our Church, he cannot have any thing to do with it, but must come out from it. But if I see a man attending the Church occasionally, as if he thought there was no positive harm in what is taught there, then I say, that man has not done rightly in becoming a Dissenter, because I gather from Scripture that it is a duty to submit to established authorities in religious matters, just as in political and civil matters, so long as there is no vital and essential difference between his own articles of faith, and those which the established Church maintains. He ought to submit in all things indifferent for conscience' sake. And his only sound and sufficient defence for separating from the Church, is a belief, that he cannot be saved in it on account of its holding false doctrine. If he cannot say this, he has no sufficient reason for thus "rending body," by removing himself out of the Church, and for giving an example to others to set up some new sect for themselves upon any trifling ground of difference.

I will add only one more remark in conclusion, which is this. You read in the New Testament of great and important promises made to the Church, whatever that Church be: you read also of many very strong and sharp rebukes given to those, who caused dissensions and disputes in the Church, during the time of the Apostles; you read also of the heavy condemnation, which will come upon those who have been partakers in these sins; and also you know the warnings of our and of the apostles, that in the latter days, the danger and subtilty of these errors and heresies would increase, so as to deceive (if it were possible) even the elect; and, lastly, you know, that even though persons think they are conscientiously obliged to make a schism, still they may be condemned for this very false conviction of their

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14 deceitful hearts. Now, since all this is the case, would it not be prudent for a simple man, who thinks of becoming a Dissenter, to consider seriously where he is most likely to come within the terms of these promises, and where he is least likely to be liable to the threats and denunciations above alluded to? Would it not be well to reason with himself somewhat on this wise: "The Church may not mean the Church, as some people understand it, who suppose that Dissenters are left out of it; but still as I never heard any one say, that the Dissenters were the only true Church, and that the established Church was shut out of the promises, because she was no part of the true Church, surely I am more safe, more likely to come in for a share of these blessings, if, while in other things I strive to do my duty without troubling myself to decide things, which in truth are too hard for me, I continue a member of the established Church. By so doing, I follow the example of my forefathers, of my country, of holy martyrs before me, and rest my faith on the authority of those, who are, by virtue of their office, successors of the Apostles; whereas, in the other case, I must, on my own judgment, set aside all this weight of authority, and do that, which is as much as to say, that till within the last three hundred years the whole world has been in darkness, and that I can see clearer than all those great, and good, and pious, and learned persons, who have lived and died before me in this faith." Surely it is the safer course to remain stedfastly in the Church, without halting between two opinions; there is more chance of your being right there.

P.S. In order that you may know whom you ought to look upon as your proper spiritual guides and governors, I lay before you the description given of them by the famous Dr. Isaac Barrow. "Those, I say, then, who constantly do profess and teach that sound and wholesome doctrine, which was delivered by our and his apostles in word and writing, was received by their disciples in the primitive Churches, was transmitted and

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Rh confirmed by general tradition, was sealed by the blood of the blessed martyrs, and propagated by the labours of the holy fathers; the which also manifestly recommendeth and promoteth true reverence and piety towards, justice and charity towards men, order and quiet in human societies, purity and sobriety in each man's private conversation.

"Those who celebrate the true worship of, and administer the holy mysteries of our religion, in a serious, grave, and decent manner, purely and without any notorious corruption, either by hurtful error, or superstitious foppery, or irreverent rudeness, to the advancement of honour, and edification of the participants in virtue and piety.

"Those who derive their authority by a continued succession from the apostles, who are called unto and constituted in their office in a regular and peaceable way, agreeable to the institution of, and the constant practice of his Church, according to rules approved in the best and purest ages; who are prepared to the exercise of their functions by the best education, that ordinarily can be provided under sober discipline, in the schools of the prophets; who thence, by competent endowments of mind and useful furniture of good learning, acquired by painful study, become qualified to guide and instruct the people; who, after previous examination of their abilities, and probable testimonies concerning their manners (with regard to the qualifications of incorrupt doctrine and sober conversation, prescribed by the apostles), are adjudged fit for the office; who, also, in a pious, grave, solemn manner, with invocation of blessing, by laying on of the hands of the presbytery, are admitted thereunto.

"Those whose practice in guiding and governing the people of, is not managed by arbitrary, uncertain, fickle, private fancies or humours, but regulated by standing laws; framed (according to general directions extant in holy Scripture) by pious and wise persons, with mature advice, in accommodation to the seasons and circumstances of things, for common edification, order, and peace.

"Those, who, by virtue of their good principles, in their dispositions and demeanour appear sober, orderly, peaceable, yielding meek submission to government, tendering the Church's peace,

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16 upholding the communion of the saints, abstaining from all schismatical, turbulent, and factious practices.

"Those, also, who are acknowledged by the laws of our country, an obligation to obey whom is part of that human constitution unto which we are in all things (not evidently repugnant to law) indispensably bound to submit; whom our Sovereign,  vicegerent, and the nursing father of his Church among us, (unto whom in all things high respect, in all lawful things entire obedience, is due) doth command and encourage us to obey.

"Those, I say, to whom this character plainly doth agree, we may reasonably be assured, that they are our true guides and governors whom we are obliged to follow and obey; for what better assurance can we in reason desire? what more proper marks can be assigned to discern them by? what methods of constituting such needful officers can be settled more answerable to their design and use? how can it be evil or unsafe to follow guides authorized by such warrants, conformed to such patterns, endowed with such dispositions, acting by such principles and rules? Can we mistake or miscarry, by complying with the great body of Church through all ages, and particularly with those great lights of the primitive Church, who, by the excellency of their knowledge, and the integrity of their virtue, have so illustrated our holy religion?" (Barrow, Serm. LVI. p. 284–287. vol. iii.)

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66 a few months only, I could contrive, or were obliged, to stay at a spot like this, all my unfinished dramas would of necessity be completed one after another.

We have already had several people before us, and questioned them with regard to the pass over the Furca; but even here we have been unable to gain any precise information, although the mountain is only two or three leagues distant. We must, however, rest contented; and we shall set ourselves at break of day to reconnoitre, and see how destiny will decide for us. However, in general, I may be disposed to take things as they go, it would, I must confess, be highly annoying to me if we should be forced to retrace our steps again. If we are fortunate, we shall be by to-morrow evening at Realp or St. Gothard, and by noon the next day among the Capuchins, at the summit of the mountain. If things go unfortunately, we have two roads open for a retreat,—back through the whole of Valais, and by the well-known road over Berne to Lucerne; or back to Brieg, and then by a wide détour to St. Gothard. I think in this short letter I have told you three times. But in fact it is a matter of great importance to us. The issue will decide which was in the right,—our courage, which gave us a confidence that we must succeed, or the prudence of certain persons who were very earnest in trying to dissuade us from attempting this route. This much, at any rate, is certain, that both prudence and courage must own chance to be over them both. And now that we have once more examined the weather, and found the air to be cold, the sky bright, and without any signs of a tendency to snow, we shall go calmly to bed.

, Nov. 12, 1779.

Six o'clock in the morning.

We are quite ready, and all is packed up in order to set out hence with the break of day. We have before


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 * John McCrae (1872–1918), Canadian poet, author, physician, and soldier
 * John McCrae (1875–1960), Scottish chemist

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was blessed with the best of mothers, a kind, loving woman, who could still be firm when the occasion demanded it, and who did all she could to bring him up a sober, upright, God-fearing, Christian man. We have seen how he attended Sunday School regularly and how he was rarely absent from the McKinley pew in church. When between fifteen and sixteen years of age he joined the Methodist Church, and in this faith he remained to the day of his death. But, as becomes a great statesman, he was broad in his views, and in later life numbered among his friends people of all religious beliefs.

It was a great day for William McKinley when he graduated from the Union School of Poland. He had studied hard to acquit


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20 himself well, and if he was not at the head of the class he was very close to it, and he was one of the youngest of the boys and girls at that. It had been decided by his father and his mother, after a long conference, to send him to Allegheny College, Meadville, Pennsylvania, and when the youth was examined for admission it was found he had done so well that he was placed in the junior class, thus cutting off a year and more of the regular course.

In those days Allegheny College, which now boasts of Hulings Hall, Wilcox Hall, and other fine structures, consisted of but two buildings worth mentioning—Bentley Hall and Ruter Hall. The first of these, a neat building of brick, located on a hill north of the town, was built in 1820, and the second, also of brick, was built in 1855. Close to the college were a series of rocks and a deep ravine, and not far away was the Cussewago and French Creek, where the students used to boat and bathe to their hearts' content. The college campus embraced sixteen acres, only a small portion of which was cleared.

To this institute of learning went William


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Rh McKinley, accompanied by two boy companions. The young students were all earnest fellows, and each was determined to pass through college with the highest possible honors. This was especially true of McKinley; for he knew what sacrifices his parents and his sisters had made to place him there, and he felt that it was his sacred duty to make the most of his opportunity.

"I'm going to do my best, mother," he said. "I know what you expect of me, and I'll try not to disappoint you."

"I know you will do your best, William," she answered. "But remember, your health is not of the best, and you must take care of yourself, or you will break down."

"Oh, I am going to take more outdoor exercise after this, mother. That will make me strong again, I am sure."

So spoke the young student, and he kept his word, taking a long walk every morning before settling; down to his studies. This habit of an early morning walk remained with him even while in the White House, and he was frequently seen "taking his constitutional" long before many other officials were astir.


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22 But "all work and no play" will not do for anybody, and the mental strain to which McKinley subjected himself soon began to tell upon him. His cheeks grew pale and thin, and he occasionally complained of violent headaches and pains in the chest. When he came home on a few days' vacation, both his mother and his sisters were greatly alarmed.

"He has been studying too hard," said Annie McKinley. "He needs a rest. If he doesn't get it, he will surely break down."

She knew William better than did any of the other brothers and sisters, and the mother agreed that she was right, and that, for the present at least, the young student must give up his studies. So, much against his will, William McKinley bade adieu to Allegheny College, where he had been for less than a year. When he left, he fully expected to return in a short while, but this was not to be.

A vacation of a few months around home did wonders for the youth, and at the end of that time he announced that he felt as well as ever. In the meantime, however,


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Rh hard times had come upon the country, wages went down, and many were thrown out of employment entirely. The McKinley family suffered with the rest, and Mr. McKinley, with his large family, had often all he could do to make both ends meet, even though he still kept his position as the manager of the iron works.

"I think it is about time that I earned something," said William McKinley, one day. "Father, Annie, and the others are working, and I feel that I ought to work, too."

"But where will you get an opening?" asked Mrs. McKinley. "You know how hard times are."

"They tell me they want a teacher over at the Kerr district school. Perhaps I can get that position."

"They don't pay very much over there, do they?"

"They pay twenty-five dollars per month and board the teacher around, mother. It's not much, but it's better than nothing."

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24 had mentioned. It is said his sister, the teacher, and Miss Blakelee helped him, and soon he was installed as the new teacher at the district school, which was about two and a half miles from his home in Poland.

At this time he was but little more than seventeen years of age, and he had pupils under him who were almost if not quite as old. Some of the pupils were rough country lads, who dearly loved to "cut up" and "git the new teacher in a snarl," and on more than one occasion the young schoolmaster had to lay down the law with all the force of his eloquence and the strength of his hands.

As before mentioned, the teacher was expected to "board around," but for the greater part of the time McKinley used to trudge from his home to the school in the morning:, and back again in the afternoon when school was dismissed. As a teacher he continued his studies, and on his long walks always had his books with him. Along the route to school were several comfortable nooks, and at these he would stop to rest and to read, filling his mind


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Rh with that knowledge which in after life was of such great benefit to him.

In those days the fires of the great Civil War, which was to bring so much trouble to our glorious country, were already smouldering and had been smouldering for years. The great question was that of state sovereignty, or state rights, brought on over the question of which states should own slaves and which should not. Briefly explained, the people of the North held that no new states admitted to the Union should possess slaves, while the people of the South held that such new states had a right to do as they pleased concerning the slave question. Each side was fully convinced that it was in the right, and each was prepared to fight to the bitter end in the upholding of its principles.

As said before, William McKinley had been in the habit of listening to public speakers, and now he listened more attentively than ever, for he was anxious to learn all the details of the magnificent struggle which was so soon to unroll itself before the eyes of the world. But like thousands of others, he did not believe it possible that


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26 the South would secede from the Union and set up a Confederacy of its own. Washington had fought for this Union and so had hundreds of other famous men, and he could not bear to think of the states being divided and of their making war upon each other.

The crisis was reached on Tuesday, November 6, 1860, when Abraham Lincoln was elected President of the United States. He was bitterly opposed by the South, and his election took from that section of our country the power it had before held in national affairs. As the telegraph flashed the news everywhere there was intense excitement, for all felt that the South must either submit to the contentions of the North or go into open rebellion.

Deeming herself fully justified in her course of action, South Carolina took the lead in seceding from the Union, on December 20, and called upon her sister states of the South to do likewise and aid in forming one great slave-holding Confederacy. Other states were not long in coming to the front, and early in the year 1861 the Southern Confederacy was formed, with


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Rh Jefferson Davis as President and A. H. Stephens as Vice President. As soon as this deed was consummated, the Confederates took it upon themselves to seize all government property within reach.


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Rh game; the use of spruce and birchbark for vessels and canoes; basketry of split spruce root (watap) for cooking with hot stones, noted by early observers; the toboggan; in summer the use of babiche; the short-handled stone adze; iron pyrites instead of the firedrill and fungus for touchwood; the use of the cache; and, above all, dependence upon the caribou; a tendency toward the simplest kind of social grouping; prominence of shamanism and weakness of ritualism. These seem to be the most characteristic traits of the Déné as a whole, and, while neither numerous nor complex, are still quite distinctive.

In discussing this area, some writers have commented upon the relative poverty of distinctive traits and the preponderance of borrowed, or intrusive ones. For example, the double lean-to is peculiarly their own, though used slightly in parts of the Plateau area; but among the southwestern Déné we frequently find houses, like those of the simshian, among the Babine and northern Carrier; while the Sekanais and southern Carrier use the underground houses of the Salish; and among the Chipewyan, Beaver, and most of the eastern group, the skin or bark-covered tipi of the Cree is common. Similar differences have been noted in costume and such social traits as clans and property distinctions, in the west. Pemmican, a specialty of the eastern Indians, was made by the eastern Déné. According to Hearne some of the eastern Déné painted their shields with Plains-like devices, and in the northwestern group we find some sleds of Eskimo pattern. Such borrowing of traits from other areas is, however, not peculiar to the Déné, and while it may be more prevalent among them, it should be noted that our best available data are from tribes marginal to the area. It is just in the geographical center of this area that good data so far fail us. Therefore, the inference is that there is a distinct type of Déné culture, and that their lack of individuality has been over-estimated.

7. Eastern Woodland Area. We come now to the so-called Eastern Woodland area, the characterization of which is difficult. As just noted, its northern border extends to the Arctic,

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244 process, but we may suspect that the causes underlying gradation lie outside of consciously directed activities.

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Rh definite curved contours. These boundaries, in fact, are merely diagrammatic, serving to indicate the loci of the points where culture stands half way between that of the contiguous centers. While it may be difficult to empirically locate these points, our analysis of the several areas demonstrates the correctness of the interpretation and makes the approximate location of such points practical. Yet the important thing is not the precise location of these boundaries, but the determination of the centers by analytic methods.

It will be recalled that we have taken a new point of regard for this chapter, for whereas, in the others we singled out culture-trait complexes and sought their distributions, we now isolate social units in order to compare their individual cultures as wholes. What precedes is merely introductory to what is to follow. Already our experience with the social group as a unit in the social complex, leads us to suspect that the mere social unit has little distinctive value as a culture unit. Thus, if we turn to one of these centers, select the social unit appearing to have the most typical culture, and then move outward, we find the culture changes from one social unit to the next, not abrupt, but gradual or transitional.

These facts suggest that progress with our problem will be accelerated if we recognize that the social units are one kind of phenomena and culture complexes another. We are no doubt somewhat confused because our own culture is largely coincident with political grouping and nationalism, and so is characterized by territorial uniformity. This uniformity is due to national standardizations of culture. If we look at the natives of the New World as a whole, it appears that only when a close political organization develops, as among the Maya, Nahua and Inca, do we find a tendency toward territorial uniformity in culture. It thus appears that in their original states, culture and political organization are independent phenomena, but that when the latter reaches a certain status, it seizes upon culture and standardizes it. On the other hand, it is by no means clear what causes led to the curious gradations of culture in regions occupied by many small political units. Standardization is a deliberate conscious

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Rh of the Amazon we frequently find the lip plug in contrast to the north, though it has a close analogy in Guiana. Again, on the south, urn burial is frequent, on the north, grave burial. Coca chewing and tobacco drinking are found in the west, tobacco smoking in the east, pipes in Brazil, and cigars in Guiana. Also, in eastern Brazil we have the pellet bow and the palisaded village. These, however, do not negate the unity of Amazon culture.

Consistent with the wide distribution of these traits is the fact that we have in reality an area of canoe culture. Constant river travel made diffusion easy and sufficiently accounts for the wide range of certain stocks, for the low Amazon Basin is a dense tropical forest through which the rivers are the only roads open to man. Consequently, we have a well-developed canoe complex. Temporary canoes are formed by scraping out the soft interior of a palm trunk and expanding the sides by a brace, and true bark boats are sometimes made by stripping the bark from a large tree, precisely as the Iroquois and some other North American tribes do, in contrast to the fine birch-covered canoe of their Algonkin neighbors. But the real boat is the wooden dug-out. As to the absolute universality of the canoe in the Amazon Basin, there is some difference of opinion, but since it is found wherever we have good data, we may expect that it is a common trait of all.

While more data will certainly bring out greater tribal differences, yet it appears that an unusual degree of uniformity is found from the mouth of the Orinoco down through the entire Amazon basin. As we have noted, the only lines of movement are the rivers, and since these are gathered into one great system, we may expect culture traits to travel far. Colonel Church has shown how certain stocks have moved westward in the open country along the southern rim, detached groups starting down the tributaries of the Amazon here and there, to be dispersed far and wide over its great expanse. One can scarcely escape the conviction that the peopling of the interior was relatively late in consequence of which the culture at the center is quite like that upon the edges of the basin. On the other hand, the apparent remark

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 Andrews. Forman, the successful candidate, being unable to obtain possession agreed ultimately to a compromise, by which Hepburn, besides retaining the rents already collected, should receive those of the church and lands of Kirkliston, Linlithgowshire, belonging to the archbishopric. It was also arranged that Hepburn's brother James should be made bishop of Moray, and his nephew prior of Coldingham. On the return of Albany to Scotland, Hepburn, who according to Buchanan was both profoundly covetous and implacably revengeful, insinuated himself into his confidence, and used his influence to poison his mind against Angus, who had supported Gavin Douglas and Home when they took up arms in behalf of Forman. The ultimate result was that Angus had to flee to France, and Home, convicted of a treasonable attempt against the governor, was beheaded [see under, fourth , and , sixth ]. Whatever Hepburn's faults of character, he administered the affairs of the monastery with energy and skill. Hector Boethius states that he greatly decorated and otherwise improved the monastic building, and also adorned the cathedral at great expense. Towards the close of his life he surrounded the priory and St. Leonard's College with a wall, a considerable portion of which, known as the abbey wall, is still standing, and at various parts bears his arms and initials, with the motto ‘Ad vitam.’ He also commenced the library of St. Leonard's College, and his name is to be seen on some of the books still preserved. He died in 1522. His monument stands in St. Leonard's Chapel, but is so worn and defaced that no inscription is now visible.

HEPBURN, JOHN (1598?–1636), Scottish soldier of fortune, was the second son of George Hepburn of Athelstaneford, a small property near Haddington, held feudally of his kinsmen, the Hepburns of Waughton. He is probably the John Hepburn who matriculated at St. Leonard's College, St. Andrews, in 1615. At the end of that year he visited Paris and Poitiers with his schoolfellow, Robert Monro. In 1620, although a catholic, he joined the Scottish force under Sir Andrew Gray which was fighting for the elector palatine in Bohemia. In 1622 he fought with distinction under Mansfeldt at the defence of Bergen-op-Zoom in July, and at the battle of Fleurus 30 Aug. When Mansfeldt's army was disbanded next year, Hepburn led the Scottish companies to take service in Sweden, where his high military qualities won the favour of Gustavus, who in 1625 made him colonel of one of his Scottish regiments (of which the Royal Scots regiment in the British line, the old 1st foot, is the direct representative). Hepburn's regiment was engaged in the invasion of Polish Prussia, and especially in the defence of Mewe in 1625; next year it took part in the operations round Danzig under Sir Alexander Leslie [see, first ], in 1627 it formed part of the army which invaded Prussia and Hungary, and in 1628 was in Poland. Hepburn in 1630 relieved his countryman Monro, who was besieged at Rügenwalde, and became governor of that town. In March 1631 Gustavus formed the four Scotch regiments into the Scots (or Green) brigade, giving the command to Hepburn. The latter, assisting in the siege of Frankfort-on-the-Oder, blew up one of the town gates, and was leading his men into the place when he received a shot ‘above the knee that he was lame of before,’ but he had his wound dressed and resumed his command. He took part in the capture of Landsberg, by which Pomerania was cleared of the imperialists, and the battle of Leipzig, 7 Sept. 1631, was decided by the charge of his brigade; later on in the same year he was present at the storming of Marienburg and Oppenheim, and at the surrender of Mentz, December 1631, where he remained with Gustavus till the following March, and then marched to Frankfort-on-the-Main, capturing Donauwörth on his way, and being publicly thanked by Gustavus. He was next quartered at Munich, his brigade being the first to enter the town, and acting as bodyguard to Gustavus. In June he joined the Swedish camp near Nuremberg. He there took offence at some supposed slight, the nature of which is not known, and sheathing his sword he said to the king, ‘Now, sire, I shall never draw it more in your behalf.’ He did not leave, however, until after the battle of 24 Aug. 1632, giving his counsel though refusing to take part in it. The Scottish officers accompanied him a mile on the road, and there was an affecting parting. After a visit to Scotland Sir John—whether he was ever knighted by Charles I is uncertain, but the ‘Swedish Intelligencer’ 1630 styles him ‘Sir John Hebron’—offered his services to France. They were eagerly accepted, and on 18 March 1633 he took leave of Louis XIII at Chantilly, before starting for Scotland to raise two thousand men. In August he arrived at Boulogne with his recruits, ‘good soldiers, mostly gentlemen.’ The remnant of the Scots


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240 tobacco, cigar fashion; the signal drum is absent. The house is similar in form but smaller, the tendency being to form villages; yet as we go in from the coast the transition to the large community house is rapid.

On the south of the Amazon we find the higher culture among the Tupi of the Brazilian coast. The new traits are: smoking tobacco in stone pipes, palisaded villages, fine stone tools, urn burial; but otherwise the culture compares concisely with that of the Arawak and Carib of Guiana. A few small stocks have similar culture, but on the interior plateaus were the Tapuya (the Botocudo, etc.), who stand somewhat apart from their neighbors. All reports considered, these tribes are of low culture and notorious cannibals. They were non-agricultural, did not work stone and made little pretense of weaving. These negative traits and a few positive ones tend to group these people with the Patagonians. If it is true that the Tupi tribes pushed out from the interior and dispossessed the Tapuya, we may consider the earlier existence of a Brazilian extension to the great hunting areas in Argentina and Patagonia. This is made probable on geographical grounds as reference to the forestry map will suggest. Anyway, it is clear that by culture the Tupi belong with the tribes of the Amazon, while the Tapuya belong elsewhere. With the latter eliminated, we have great uniformity of culture throughout. Yet the Tapuya share certain traits with the South Amazons, particularly the large lip plug and, as may be expected, a number of their neighbors in the Matto Grosso show simpler forms of Amazon culture.

Turning again to the Amazon area, including the Tupi, we have remarkable uniformity in the following from north to south and east to west: agriculture; canoes; hammocks; pottery; blowgun; a thatched post-supported house with gables; sword clubs; leg and arm binding; certain types of feather-work; human bone flutes; calabash rattles; use of honey and wax; cannibalism; certain kinds of dance masks; couvade; ceremonial whipping of boys, and women barred from ceremonials. This is truly a formidable list. There are a few traits with partial distribution; thus, on the south side

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 have the rule and governance of the Duke of Ross, the king's brother. In connection with an arrangement of the kingdom into districts to be governed by earls and barons, he was appointed guardian of the west and middle marches. On 5 Nov. he was made steward of Kirkcudbright, and obtained the custody of Shrieve Castle (ib. 1799). On 29 May of the following year he and his brother John [q. v.], prior of St. Andrews, received also letters of a lease of the lordship of Orkney and Shetland, and of the keeping of the castle of Kirkwall, the earl on the same date receiving the office of justiciary and bailiary of the lordship. He thus became the equal of the greatest nobles of the kingdom. The grants bestowed on him during the king's minority were specially excepted from revocation when the king came of age. On the resignation, 6 March 1491–2, of George Douglas, son of the Earl of Angus [see, fourth Earl of Angus], the lands and lordship of Liddesdale with the camp and fortalice of the Hermitage were bestowed on Bothwell, who at the same time resigned the lordship of Bothwell and other lands, and those on 14 July were given to Angus in exchange for Kilmarnock. At a parliament held on 18 May 1491 Bothwell with the Bishop and Dean of Glasgow were sent to negotiate an alliance with France, and to discover a fitting bride for the young king in Spain or elsewhere. They returned, however, in November following (Accounts of Lord High Treasurer, i. 183) without having initiated any marriage treaty. He took part in several other embassies, and was present at the creation of Prince Henry (afterwards Henry VIII) as Duke of York in 1494 (Letters and State Papers, reign of Henry VII, i. 403). On 8 Oct. 1500–1 he was appointed one of the commissioners to contract a marriage between the king and the Princess Margaret, eldest daughter of Henry VII of England, and also to negotiate a perpetual peace (Cal. Documents relating to Scotland, vol. iv., entry 1675–6). The treaty was signed on 24 Jan. 1501–2. He was present at the marriage of the king and the princess by proxy at Richmond on 27 Jan. of the following year, and at the entrance of the princess into Edinburgh in August he bore the sword. He died at Edinburgh on 17 Oct. 1508 (, Hist. of Scotland, p. 79;, Annals, i. 231). By his wife, Lady Janet Douglas, only daughter of James, first earl of Morton, he had three sons and three daughters. The sons were Adam, second earl of Bothwell, John, bishop of Brechin, and Patrick Hepburn of Bolton, died 1576. The last is wrongly confounded in Douglas's and other peerages with Patrick Hepburn, bishop of Moray [q. v.] The daughters were: Janet, married to George, fourth lord Seton; Mary, to Archibald, earl of Angus [see, sixth ]; and Margaret, to Henry, lord Sinclair.

 HEPBURN, PATRICK, third (1512?–1556), was the only son of Adam, second earl of Bothwell, by his wife Agnes Stewart, married in 1511, natural daughter of James, earl of Buchan, uterine brother of James II. His father having died on the field of Flodden, 9 Sept. 1513, he was brought up under the protection of Patrick, master of Hailes, Patrick, prior of St. Andrews [q. v.], and James, bishop of Moray. On 20 April 1528 the young earl, along with the Master of Hailes, and other Hepburns, received remission for their treasonable assistance of Lord Home. Though Bothwell declined the hazardous honour of leading an army against the Earl of Angus [see {sc|Douglas, Archibald}}, sixth ], he nevertheless, on 28 Jan. 1528–9, after the flight of Angus into England, received a share of his forfeited estates, including the lordship of Tantallon (Reg. Mag. Sig. ii. entry 738). The same year he was arrested along with other border noblemen for protecting marauders on the borders, and after six months' confinement was released, on his friends entering into recognisances for 20,000l. to bring him back to durance when required. On 20 March 1529–30 he appeared before the king, and again undertook the defence of Liddesdale. Being, however, dissatisfied with the insecurity of his position in Scotland, he in December 1531 entered into communication with the Earl of Northumberland. On the 29th he and others had an interview during the night with Northumberland at Dilston, near Hexham, when Bothwell represented that he had been cruelly wronged by the Scottish king, and that he was credibly informed that the king, should he get him and his colleagues together in Edinburgh, intended to execute them all. To revenge himself on the Scottish king he desired to become the subject of the king of England, and to serve against Scotland with one thousand gentlemen and six thousand commoners (Earl of Northumberland to Henry VIII, 27 Dec. 1531, in Cal. State Papers, Henry VIII, v. 609). Northumberland described Bothwell in very flattering


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 terms, and recommended that his offer should be accepted. Nevertheless the negotiations do not appear to have gone further. About June or July 1533 Bothwell and James Beaton, archbishop of St. Andrews [q. v.], were shut up by the king in the castle of Edinburgh (Northumberland to Henry VIII, 26 July 1533, ib. vi. 895). No more extreme measures were taken, and his imprisonment was probably short. On 31 July 1538 he received a grant of various lands in the barony of Crichton, which belonged in conjunct fee to Robert, lord Maxwell, and his wife, Agnes Stewart, countess of Bothwell, and were in the king's hands by reason of non-entry (Reg. Mag. Sig. ii. entry 1814). In September of the same year he was compelled to resign the lordship of Liddesdale into the king's hands, and, according to Lindsay of Pitscottie, he and other gentlemen ‘were banished aff Scotland for certain crimes of lese majesty’ (Chronicles, ed. 1814, ii. 359). Bothwell is stated to have gone to Venice. He returned soon after the death of James V in 1542, and was present in the parliament 15 March 1542–3, when he successfully issued a summons of reduction of a pretended assignation of the lordship of Liddesdale and castle of Hermitage. When Sir Ralph Sadler arrived in Scotland on a special embassy, he found Bothwell in possession of Liddesdale. Sadler appears to have been specially directed by the king to secure Bothwell's support, but Bothwell was indisposed to the match between the infant Mary and Prince Edward of England, and was devoted to the French interest. Sadler describes him as ‘the most vain and insolent man of the world, full of folly, and here nothing to be esteemed.’ Bothwell joined the party opposed to the English interests who met at Perth to concert measures of resistance against the policy of the governor and the Douglases. A message for a compromise was sent to their opponents, but they obeyed the summons of a herald-at-arms sent to charge them to disperse on pain of treason. An alliance with England and a treaty of marriage between the Princess Mary and Prince Edward of England was agreed on at the ensuing parliament. Shortly afterwards Cardinal Beaton [see, (1494–1546)], who had for some time been under arrest, received his liberty on Bothwell and others becoming hostages for him (, Hist. Scotl., Bannatyne edit., p. 68), and at Beaton's instigation Bothwell and other catholic lords mustered their followers for the protection of their faith and the defence of the independence of the kingdom. Concentrating their forces with great rapidity they marched on Linlithgow, and brought the queen-dowager and the infant queen in triumph to Stirling.

Bothwell was one of those who assembled at Leith on 3 May 1544 to oppose the landing of the Earl of Hertford, but on account of the superior forces of the enemy he and his friends retired to Edinburgh. In June he signed the agreement to support the queen-dowager, Mary of Guise, as regent instead of the Earl of Arran [see, second and ]. He now appeared at court as the rival of the Earl of Lennox [see, fourth ] for the queen-dowager's hand. Both earls strove to excel in the magnificence of their retinue and in courtly games, but Bothwell found the expenditure greater than he could afford, and ultimately left the court (, Hist. i. 166;, Memoirs of Mary Queen of Scots, p. 6).

In order, doubtless, to play this part of suitor Bothwell had, previous to November 1543, been divorced from his wife, Agnes Sinclair, lady of Morham, whom he married about 1535. The lady's mother was Margaret Hepburn, probably third daughter of Patrick, first earl of Bothwell [q. v.] (grandfather of the third earl), though some have supposed her to have been the first earl's sister. The excuse for the divorce was doubtless some prohibited degree of consanguinity. This seems confirmed by the reported statement of the son James, fourth earl [q. v.], at the Craigmillar conference, that the divorce of his father and mother had not injured his title or estate. Shortly after his retirement from court a summons was issued against him for entering into a treasonable correspondence with the king of England against James V in 1542, for a treasonable understanding with the Earl of Hertford when he landed at Leith, and for imprisoning the Bute pursuivant; but on 12 Dec. he was assoilzied in parliament from the summons.

According to Knox, Bothwell in 1543 threatened the Earl of Arran, governor of the realm, with deposition for befriending the reformers (Works, i. 100). When George Wishart [q. v.] in 1546 went to Haddington to preach, the people of the town and neighbourhood were inhibited by Bothwell, as sheriff of East Lothian, from hearing him. Notwithstanding, about a hundred persons assembled, but the same night Ormiston House, where Wishart was staying, was surrounded by a small force under Bothwell, who obtained the custody of Wishart on the promise that he would save him from Cardinal Beaton. Knox states that the bribes


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220 and all the territory between the Eskimo above, and Lakes Superior and Huron below, and eastward to the St. Lawrence, is the home of a culture whose material traits are comparable to those of the preceding area. In brief, these traits are the taking of caribou in pens; the snaring of game; the considerable use of small game and fish; the use of berry food; the weaving of rabbitskins; the birch canoe; the toboggan; the conical skin or bark-covered shelter; the absence of basketry and pottery; use of bark and wooden utensils. The tribes most distinctly of this culture are the Ojibway north of the Lakes, including the Saulteaux, the Wood Cree, the Montagnais, and the Naskapi.

Taking the above as the northern group, we find the main body falls into three large divisions:

1. The Iroquoian tribes (Huron, Wyandot, Erie, Susquehanna, and the Five Nations) extending from north to south and thus dividing the Algonkin tribes.

2. The Central Algonkin, west of the Iroquois: some Ojibway, the Ottawa, Menomini, Sauk and Fox, Potawatomi, Peoria, Illinois, Kickapoo, Miami, Piankashaw, Shawnee, also the Siouan Winnebago.

3. The Eastern Algonkin: the Abnaki group, and the Micmac (not to be distinguished from the northern border group noted above save by their feeble cultivation of maize), the New England tribes, and the Delaware.

While the Iroquoian tribes seem to have been predominant, their culture, as a whole, suggests a southern origin, thus disqualifying them for places in the type group. The Eastern tribes are not well known, many of them being extinct, but they also seem to have been strongly influenced by the Iroquois and by southern culture. We must, therefore, turn to the Central group for the type. Even here the data are far from adequate; for the Peoria, Illinois, Miami, and Piankashaw have almost faded away. Little is known of the Kickapoo and Ottawa, and no serious studies of the Shawnee are available. The latter, however, seem to belong with the transitional tribes of the Eastern group, if not actually to the Southeastern area. Our discussion, therefore, must be based

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 of the cardinal and the persuasions and flatteries of the queen-dowager were too much for Bothwell's constancy (ib. p. 143); but it would appear from the ‘Register of the Privy Council’ that to induce him to deliver up Wishart threats had to be employed as well as promises. On 19 Jan. he bound himself to deliver up the reformer before the last day of the month, and meantime to answer for him under ‘all the highest pain and charge’ (Reg. P. C. Scotl. i. 20). Wishart was burnt as a heretic (1 March 1546–7).

After the surrender of the castle of St. Andrews in July 1547, Bothwell's name was discovered in a register of the names of Scottish noblemen and gentlemen who had secretly bound themselves to the service of England. Bothwell, on condition that he married the Duchess of Suffolk, aunt of Edward VI, agreed to surrender his castle of Hermitage and renounce allegiance to the Scottish government. He was sent to prison, but was released shortly after the battle of Pinkie on 10 Sept. 1548. On the 17th he waited on the Duke of Somerset, the invading general. He was then described as a ‘gentleman of a right cumly porte and stature, and heretofore of right honourable and just meaning and dealing towards the King's majesty’ (, Expedition, ed. Dalzell, p. 77). In August 1549 he signed a bond of fealty to the king of England; and an instrument, dated at Westminster 3 Sept. 1549, sets forth that King Edward had taken him under his protection, granting him a yearly rent of one thousand crowns and one hundred light horsemen for his protection, and, in case of his losing his lands in Scotland, guaranteeing him lands of similar value in England (Bannatyne Club Miscellany, iii. 410–11). On 3 May 1550 Bothwell was summoned before the Scottish council to answer the charge of high treason, but there is no record of further proceedings against him, and probably he had already fled to England. There he remained till 1553, when in November he was induced by the queen-dowager to return to Scotland (letter of Bothwell to the queen-dowager, printed in, Memoirs of James, Earl Bothwell). On 26 March following he received from the queen-dowager a remission for all his treasons. Soon after he joined the convention at Stirling, at which the agreement between the Duke of Châtelherault and the queen-dowager, by which the former resigned the regency, was ratified (, Illustrations, i. 195). He also signed the indemnity to the duke in the parliament which assembled at Edinburgh on 10 April. Shortly afterwards Bothwell was made by the queen-dowager her lieutenant on the borders. He is usually stated to have died in exile, but according to the ‘Diurnal of Occurrents’ (p. 67) his death took place at Dumfries in September 1556. Dumfries is also specified as the place of his death in the process for proving the consanguinity of his son with Lady Jane Gordon.

In Douglas's ‘Peerage’ his wife's name is given as Margaret Home of the family of Lord Home. She was, as above mentioned, Agnes Sinclair, daughter of Henry, lord Sinclair, and by her he had one son, James Hepburn, fourth earl of Bothwell [q. v.], and one daughter, Jane. The latter married, on 4 Jan. 1561–2, John Stewart, prior of Coldingham, a natural son of James V, by whom she had a son, Francis Stewart Hepburn [q. v.], fifth earl of Bothwell. Her first husband died in 1563, and in 1567 she married John Sinclair, master of Caithness, after whose death in 1577 she took for her third husband Archibald Douglas, parson of Glasgow (fl. 1568) [q. v.]

HEPBURN, PATRICK (d. 1573), bishop of Moray, may have been the natural son of Patrick, first earl of Bothwell [q. v.], but has been wrongly identified with Patrick, the third son by lawful wedlock, who is styled in several documents Patrick in Bolton, was for some time master of Hailes, and died in October 1576. The future bishop is stated to have been educated under his relative John Hepburn [q. v.], prior of St. Andrews, whom he succeeded in the priory in 1522. From 1524 to 1527 he held the office of secretary to James V of Scotland. He was one of those who passed sentence against Patrick Hamilton [q. v.] in February 1527 (, Hist. of the Church of Scotland, i. 80). The profligacy of Hepburn is the subject of ‘a merry bourd’ or jest, related with somewhat indecorous gusto by Knox (Works, i. 41), and the letters of legitimation made under the great seal for the children of Moray proves that the ‘bourd’ did not seriously malign him. He was advanced to the see of Moray in 1535, and at the same time received the abbey of Scone in perpetual commendam. His name first occurs as a member of the privy council at St. Andrews 2 Oct. 1546 (Reg. P. C. Scotl. i. 43). In 1553 he was a commissioner for settling the affairs


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 of the borders (ib. p. 150). According to Knox, it was to the counsel of Hepburn that the martyrdom of Walter Mylne in 1558 was solely due.

After the city of Perth had come into the possession of the lords of the congregation in 1559, they wrote to Hepburn that unless he would come and assist them ‘they could neither save nor spare his place’ (the palace of Scone). He expressed his willingness to come, but as ‘his answer was long of coming,’ the townsmen of Dundee, who had a special grudge against him for the execution of Mylne, proceeded, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Knox and Lord James Stuart, to sack and burn the church and palace of Scone (, i. 359–61). On the triumph of the Reformation he retained the rents of his benefice and the palace of Scone, but in December 1561, along with other prelates, offered a fourth of the benefices for the queen's service (Reg. P. C. Scotl. i. 193–4), on condition that they were guaranteed in the possession of the remainder. This offer was not accepted, but ultimately an arrangement was come to by which the prelates were allowed to retain two-thirds of their rents during their lifetime. The bishop was one of those who with Huntly sent special commissioners to France to advise the queen in returning to Scotland to land at Aberdeen in order to head a movement for the restoration of catholicism (, Hist. Scotl. p. 294). James Hepburn, fourth earl of Bothwell [q. v.], husband of Mary Stuart, was brought up by the bishop in Spynie Castle, and on 21 July 1567 the bishop was accused of having resetted him, after the earl's flight northwards, within his license of Spynie and other parts of Moray; and on this account he was deprived of his rents (Reg. P. C. Scotl. i. 531). In addition to this he was prosecuted as accessory to the murder of Darnley, but on 28 Nov. 1567 was acquitted (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1566–8, entry 567). On 1 June 1568 he appeared on summons before the privy council to answer for such things as should be laid to his charge, and he was commanded to remain within the bounds of Edinburgh (Reg. P. C. Scotl. i. 629). In an act of the council of 8 July 1569, in which he is styled ‘ane reverend father in God,’ he and the canons of the cathedral church of Elgin are enjoined, under the threat of being put to the horn, to fulfil their promise of paying a reasonable contribution for the repair of the cathedral (ib. p. 677). He died at Spynie Castle on 20 June 1573, and was buried in the choir of the cathedral. He had seven sons and two daughters, for whom legitimations were passed under the great seal.

HEPBURN, ROBERT (1690?–1712), miscellaneous writer, was born at Bearford, Haddingtonshire, in 1690 or 1691. Giving promise of unusual powers, he was sent to Holland to study civil law, and returned in 1711 to pursue his profession in Scotland. On his return he started a periodical, of two pages in double columns, entitled ‘The Tatler, by Donald MacStaff of the North.’ Lacking the geniality of Steele, of whom he thus proclaimed himself an imitator, Hepburn became too satirical and personal, and his ‘Tatler’ reached only thirty numbers. There is a specimen copy in the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, in a collection of miscellanies. Hepburn was admitted to the Faculty of Advocates in 1712, and died the same year.

Three posthumous works attest Hepburn's scholarship and literary faculty. In 1714 appeared at Edinburgh ‘Libellus singularis quo demonstratur quod Deus sit.’ This contains a preface and sixteen short Latin chapters, well and forcibly written, but embodying no novelty of argument. In 1715 was published ‘Dissertatio de Scriptis Pitcarnianis,’ characteristically dedicated to Addison—‘Illustrissimo viro Josepho Addisono Anglo Robertus Hepburnius Scotus S.’ Likewise, in 1715 at Edinburgh, appeared ‘A Discourse concerning a Man of Genius, by Mr. Hepburn; with a poem on the Young Company of Archers by Mr. Boyd.’ The discourse, displaying some power of observation and practical good sense, is in twenty-three brief sections, followed by the poem in heroic couplets.

 HERAPATH, JOHN (1790–1868), mathematician and journalist, born at Bristol on 30 May 1790, was the son of a maltster. After a scanty education he was placed in his father's business, but he managed to find time for study, his favourite subjects being mathematics and physics. In 1815 he married, and soon afterwards gave up business to open a mathematical academy at Knowle Hill, Bristol. He occasionally contributed to the ‘Annals of Philosophy.’ In 1818 he wrote on the ‘Law of Continuity’ (xi. 209), and in 1819 communicated ‘New Demonstrations of the Binomial Theorem’ (xiii. 364).


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 In 1820, having previously announced through a friend that he had determined the principle of gravitation (Phil. Mag. August 1819, p. 310), he offered to the Royal Society a paper entitled ‘A Mathematical Inquiry into the Causes, Laws, and Principal Phenomena of Heat, Gases, Gravitations, &c.’ It was refused. He thereupon published in the ‘Annals of Philosophy’ (new ser. i. 273, 340, 401) a letter to Davies Gilbert [q. v.], treasurer of the Royal Society, on the physical constitution of the universe. This formed a preface to the rejected paper, which was published in four subsequent numbers of the ‘Annals.’ A fierce controversy with the Royal Society followed. At the close of 1820 he settled as a mathematical tutor at Cranford, Middlesex. In 1821 he wrote on the ‘Theory of Evaporation’ in the ‘Annals of Philosophy’ for April and May. In 1822 his papers in that journal relate principally to his grievances against the Royal Society. His ‘Tables of Temperature and a Mathematical Development of the Causes and Laws of the Phenomena which have been adduced in support of the hypothesis of Calorific Capacity and Latent Heat’ (new ser. iii. 16) was controverted by Tredgold. He also wrote ‘Remarks on Dr. Thomson's Paper on the Influence of Humidity in modifying the Specific Gravity of Gases’ (new ser. iii. 419). He became acquainted with Brougham, who invited him to correct his mathematical works, induced him to write for the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge a treatise on the ‘Differential and Integral Calculus,’ and held out to him hopes of the appointment of professor of mathematics in the university of London. Herapath eventually declined to deliver the treatise, and a quarrel ensued. In 1832 he gave up teaching, and removed to Kensington.

On the formation of the Eastern Counties Railway Company Herapath became connected with the railway interest, and in 1836 succeeded as part proprietor and manager of the ‘Railway Magazine.’ Under his editorship a new series was commenced called ‘The Railway Magazine and Annals of Science,’ which continued to appear monthly from March 1836 to 1839, forming six octavo volumes. Herapath ultimately acquired the sole proprietorship. It is now published in quarto as a weekly paper entitled ‘Herapath's Railway and Commercial Journal.’ After resigning the active management of his paper to his son, Edwin John, Herapath once more devoted himself to mathematics, and published two volumes of ‘Mathematical Physics; or the Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy: with a Development of the Causes of Heat, Gaseous Elasticity, Gravitation,’ &c., 8vo, London, 1847. He contemplated issuing a third volume, but made little progress with it. He died on 24 Feb. 1868 at Catford Bridge, Lewisham, and was buried in Norwood cemetery. He was a first cousin of William Herapath [q. v.]

HERAPATH, WILLIAM (1796–1868), analytical chemist, was born at Bristol in 1796. His father was a maltster in St. Philip's parish, and after his death Herapath succeeded to the business. He soon gave it up in order to study chemistry. He was one of the founders of the Chemical Society of London, of which he was a fellow, and also of the Bristol Medical School, of which he became professor of chemistry and toxicology on its first opening in 1828. On 13 April 1835, at the trial of a woman named Burdock for poisoning by arsenic her lodger, Mrs. Clara Ann Smith, at Bristol, Herapath was examined for the prosecution, and gained considerable reputation by his analysis. He was consequently retained in many other important criminal and civil trials, and was frequently opposed to Professor Alfred Swaine Taylor, notably in the case of William Palmer of Rugeley in 1856, when he was a witness for the defence. He was severely handled by the attorney-general, Sir A. Cockburn, who denounced him as a ‘thoroughgoing partisan.’ In politics Herapath was once an ardent radical. At the time of the reform agitation of 1831 he was president of the Bristol Political Union, and exerted himself to quell the rioting of October 1831. On the passing of the Municipal Reform Act Herapath became a member of the town council, and ultimately a justice of the peace. His radicalism became cold, and he consequently lost his seat on the council. He died on 13 Feb. 1868. His eldest son, William Bird Herapath, M.D., F.R.S., a distinguished toxicologist, died on 12 Oct. of the same year. Herapath wrote ‘instructions’ for Clifton Cleve's ‘Hints on Domestic Sanitation,’ 12mo, London, 1848; and ‘A Few Words on the Bristol and Clifton Hot-wells. Together with an Analysis of the Spa,’ 12mo, Bristol (1854?), which was subsequently embodied in the ‘Handbook for Visitors to the Bristol and Clifton Hotwells,’ 12mo, Bristol (1865?).


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 HERAUD, JOHN ABRAHAM (1799–1887), poet and dramatist, was born in the parish of St. Andrew's, Holborn, on 5 July 1799. His father, James Abraham Heraud, of Huguenot descent, a law stationer, first in Carey Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields, and then at 25 Bell Yard, Temple Bar, died at Tottenham, Middlesex, on 6 May 1846, having married Jane, daughter of John and Elizabeth Hicks; she died 2 Aug. 1850. John Abraham, the son, was privately educated, and originally intended for business, but in 1818 began writing for the magazines. His knowledge of German, then a rare accomplishment, secured him a conspicuous position. He attached himself to the school of Schelling, and endeavoured to popularise the speculations of that philosopher in England. In 1820 he published his local poem ‘Tottenham,’ and in 1821 his ‘Legends of St. Loy.’ He was an author of varied erudition, and made two attempts at epic grandeur in his poems ‘The Descent into Hell,’ 1830, and ‘The Judgment of the Flood,’ 1834. He was in poetry what John Martin was in art, a worshipper of the vast, the remote, and the terrible. His ‘Descent’ and ‘Judgment’ are psychological curiosities, evincing much misplaced power. He had a large circle of acquaintances, including Coleridge, Southey, Wordsworth, and Lockhart. With the Carlyles he was very intimate, assisting them in their house-hunting, and it was partly on his recommendation that the house 5 Cheyne Row, Chelsea, was taken in 1834. He wrote for the ‘Quarterly’ and other reviews, and from 1830 to 1833 assisted in editing ‘Fraser's Magazine.’ He edited ‘The Sunbeam. A Journal devoted to Polite Literature,’ in 1838 and 1839; the ‘Monthly Magazine’ from 1839 to 1842; and subsequently the ‘Christian's Monthly Magazine.’ In 1843 he became a contributor to the ‘Athenæum,’ and afterwards served as its dramatic critic until his retirement in 1868.

Heraud was a keen critic of acting. His memory carried him back to John Kemble and Edmund Kean. He was himself the writer of several dramas. The tragedy of ‘Videna’ was acted at the Marylebone Theatre with success in 1854, and ‘Wife or No Wife’ and a version of M. Legouvé's ‘Medea’ were afterwards produced with equal favour. From 1849 to 1879 he was also the dramatic critic of the ‘Illustrated London News.’ Ultimately he was in receipt of a pension from that journal as well as from the ‘Athenæum.’ On 21 July 1873, on the nomination of Mr. W. E. Gladstone, he was appointed a brother of the Charterhouse, Charterhouse Square, London, where he died on 20 April 1887.

On 15 May 1823 he married, at Old Lambeth Church, Ann Elizabeth, daughter of Henry Baddams, and by her, who died at Islington on 21 Sept. 1867, had two children, Claudius William Heraud of Woodford, and Edith Heraud, an actress.

Heraud was the author of:
 * 1) ‘The Legend of St. Loy, with other Poems,’ 1820.
 * 2) ‘Tottenham,’ a poem, 1820.
 * 3) ‘The Descent into Hell,’ a poem, 1830; second edition, to which are added ‘Uriel,’ a fragment, and three odes.
 * 4) ‘A Philosophical Estimate of the Controversy respecting the Divine Humanity,’ 1831.
 * 5) ‘An Oration on the Death of S. T. Coleridge,’ 1834.
 * 6) ‘The Judgment of the Flood,’ a poem, 1834; new ed. 1857.
 * 7) ‘Substance of a Lecture on Poetic Genius as a Moral Power,’ 1837.
 * 8) ‘Voyages up the Mediterranean of William Robinson, with Memoirs,’ 1837, 12mo.
 * 9) ‘Expediency and Means of Elevating the Profession of the Educator,’ a prize essay, printed in the ‘Educator,’ 1839, pp. 133–260.
 * 10) ‘The Life and Times of G. Savonarola,’ 1843, 12mo.
 * 11) ‘Salvator, the Poor Man of Naples,’ a dramatic poem, privately printed, 1845, 12mo.
 * 12) ‘Videna, or the Mother's Tragedy. A Legend of Early Britain,’ 1854.
 * 13) ‘The British Empire,’ written in conjunction with Sir A. Alison and others, 1856.
 * 14) ‘Henry Butler's Theatrical Directory and Dramatic Almanack,’ ed. by J. A. Heraud, 1860, &c., 12mo.
 * 15) ‘Shakespeare, his Inner Life as intimated in his Works,’ 1865.
 * 16) ‘The Wreck of the London,’ a lyrical ballad, 1866.
 * 17) ‘The In-Gathering, Cimon and Pero, a Chain of Sonnets, Sebastopol,’ &c., 1870, 18mo.
 * 18) ‘The War of Ideas,’ a poem, &c., 1871.
 * 19) ‘Uxmal: an Antique Love Story. Macée de Léodepart: an Historical Romance,’ 1877, 16mo.
 * 20) ‘The Sibyl among the Tombs,’ 1886.

[[HERAULT, JOHN (1566–1626), judge in Jersey, born in 1566 in the parish of St. Saviour, Jersey, was son of Thomas Herault and Mabel Nicolle, his wife. He entered All Souls's College, Oxford, in October 1597, but never proceeded to a degree. In 1607 he was especially named in a patent addressed to the royal commissioners for examining and expediting the proceedings of the royal courts of the Channel islands, ‘in regard of his experience in the languages and customs of those


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, John (d.1522)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, John (1598?-1636)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, Patrick (d.1508)


text:
Page:Mike (Wodehouse).djvu/19

was a morning in the middle of April, and the Jackson family were consequently breakfasting in comparative silence. The cricket season had not begun, and except during the cricket season they were in the habit of devoting their powerful minds at breakfast almost exclusively to the task of victualling against the labours of the day. In May, June, July, and August the silence was broken. The three grown-up Jacksons played regularly in first-class cricket, and there was always keen competition among their brothers and sisters for the copy of the Sportsman which was to be found on the hall table with the letters. Whoever got it usually gloated over it in silence till urged wrathfully by the multitude to let them know what had happened; when it would appear that Joe had notched his seventh century, or that Reggie had been run out when he was just getting set, or, as sometimes occurred, that that ass Frank had dropped Fry or Hayward in the slips before he had scored, with the result that the spared expert had made a couple of hundred and was still going strong.

In such a case the criticisms of the family circle, particularly of the smaller Jackson sisters, were so breezy and unrestrained that Mrs. Jackson generally felt it necessary to apply the closure. Indeed, Marjory Jackson, aged fourteen, had on three several occasions been fined pudding at lunch for her caustic comments on the batting of her brother Reggie in important fixtures. Cricket was a tradition in the family, and the ladies, unable to their sorrow to play the game themselves, were resolved that it should not be their fault if the standard was not kept up.

title: Page:Mike (Wodehouse).djvu/19


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, Patrick (1512?-1556)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, Patrick (d.1573)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, Robert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Herapath, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Herapath, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Heraud, John Abraham


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Herault, John