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Page:Old Melbourne Memories.djvu/11

reminiscences of the early days of Melbourne—a city which, as a family, we helped to found—awakened, when first published in the columns of the Australasian, an amount of general interest most gratifying to the writer.

It is hoped that, in their present more convenient form, they may secure and retain the approbation of the public.

I should feel bound to apologise for the mention of names in full were I not conscious that I have written no line calculated to offend; nor have I, for one moment, failed in sincere goodwill towards every comrade of that joyous time.

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Page:Old Melbourne Memories.djvu/13

 {| class="work_TOC _valign"

 * - class="c2span"
 * colspan=2 |CHAPTER I
 * |||page
 * A.D. 1840||1
 * - class="c2span"
 * colspan=2 |CHAPTER II
 * The Far West||10
 * - class="c2span"
 * colspan=2 |CHAPTER III
 * The Death of Violet||23
 * - class="c2span"
 * colspan=2 |CHAPTER IV
 * Dunmore||33
 * - class="c2span"
 * colspan=2 |CHAPTER V
 * Squattlesea Mere||41
 * - class="c2span"
 * colspan=2 |CHAPTER VI
 * The Eumeralla War||51
 * }
 * Squattlesea Mere||41
 * - class="c2span"
 * colspan=2 |CHAPTER VI
 * The Eumeralla War||51
 * }
 * The Eumeralla War||51
 * }

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text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 60.djvu/474

468 Index to Volume LX. PAGE West, William (fl, 1568-1594). . .346 West, William, first (or tenth) Baron De La Warr (1519 ?-1595). See under West, Sir Thomas, eighth Baron West and ninth Baron De La Warr. West, William (1770-1854). . . .346 West, William (1796 ?-1888). See under West, Mrs. Westall, Eichard (1765-1836). . . .347 Westall, William (1781-1850). . . .348 Westbury, first Baron. See Bethell, Richard (1800-1873). Westcote, Barons. See Lyttelton, William Henry, first Baron (1724-1808) ; Lyttelton, William Henry, third Baron (1782-1837) ; Lyttelton, George William, fourth Baron (1817-1876). Westcote, Thomas (fl. 1624-1636). . .350 Westcott, George Blagdon (1745?-1798). 350 Western, Charles Callis, Baron Western (1767-1844) 351 Westfaling or Westphaling, Herbert (1532 ?- ) 352 Westfield, Thomas (1573-1644). . .353 Westgarth, William (1815-1889). . .354 Westmacott, Sir Richard (1775-1856). . 355 Westmacott, Richard (1799-1872). . .356 Westmacott, Thomas (d. 1798). See under Westmacott, Sir Richard. Westmeath, Earls of. See Nugent, Sir Richard, first Earl (1583-1642); Nugent, Richard, second Earl (d. 1684) ; Nugent, Thomas, fourth Earl (1656-1752); Nugent, John, fifth Earl (1672-1754). Westminster, Marquises of. See Grosvenor, Robert, first Marquis (1767-1845); Gros- venor, Richard, second Marquis (1795-1869). Westminster, Matthew 357 Westmoreland, Barons of. See Clifford, Roger de, fifth Baron (1333-1389) ; Clifford, Thomas de, sixth Baron (d. 1391 ?) ; Clifford, Henry de Clifford, tenth Baron (1455-1523) ; Clif- ford, Henry de Clifford, eleventh Baron (1493-1542); Clifford, Henry de, twelfth Baron (d. 1570). Westmorland, Earls of. See Neville, Ralph, first earl of first creation (1364-1425) ; Ralph, fourth Earl (1499-1550); Charles, sixth Earl (1543-1601); Fane, Mildmay, second Earl of second creation (d. 1665) ; Fane, John, seventh Earl (1682?-1762) ; Fane, John, tenth Earl (1759-1841) ; Fane, John, eleventh Earl (1784-1859). Westmorland, Countess of. See Fane, Pris- cilla Anne (1793-1879). Weston, Edward (1566-1635). . . .358 Weston, Edward (1703-1770). . . .358 Weston, Elizabeth Jane (1582-1612). . 359 Weston, Sir Francis (1511 P-1536). . .860 Weston, Hugh (1505 ?-1558). . . .361 Weston, Jerome, second Earl of Portland (1605-1663) 362 Weston, Sir Richard (1466 9-1542). . .363 Weston, Richard (d. 1572). See under Weston, Richard, first Earl of Portland. Weston, Richard, first Earl of Portland (1577-1635) 864 Weston, Sir Richard (1579 ?-1652). See under Weston, Richard, first Earl of Portland. Weston, Sir Richard (1591-1652). . .367 Weston, Richard (1620-1681) .... 869 Weston, Richard (1733-1806). . . .369

PAGE . 370 . 371 . 372 . 874 . 375 377 Weston, Robert (1515 ?-1578) Weston, Stephen (1665-1742) Weston, Stephen (1747-1830) Weston, Thomas (d. 1643 ?) Weston, Thomas (1737-1776) Weston, Sir William (d. 1540) Weston, William (1550?-1615), also known as Edmonds and Hunt 378 Westphal, Sir George Augustus (1785-1875). 380 Westphal, Philip (1782-1880). . . .380 Westphaling, Herbert (1532 ?-1602). See Westfaling. Westwood, John Obadiah (1805-1893). . 381 Wetenhall, Edward (1636-1713). . .382 Wetham, Robert (d. 1738). See Witham. Wetherall, Sir Edward Robert (d. 1869). See under Wetherall, Sir George Augustus. Wetherall, Sir Frederick Augustus (1754- ) 383 Wetherall, Sir George Augustus (1788-1868). 384 Wetherell, Sir Charles (1770-1846). . .385 Wetherell, Nathaniel Thomas (1800-1875). 387 Wetherset, Richard (fl. 1350). . . .387 Wethershed, Richard of (d. 1231). See Grant, Richard. Wetwang, Sir John (d. 1684). . . .388 Wewitzer, Miss (fl. 1772-1789). See under Wewitzer, Ralph. Wewitzer, Ralph (1748-1825). . . .388 Wey or Way, William (1407 ?-1476). . 890 Weyland, John (1774-1854). . . .390 Weyland, Thomas de (fl. 1272-1290). . 391 Weymouth, Viscounts. See Thynne, Sir Thomas, first Viscount (1640-1714) ; Thynne, Thomas, third Viscount (1734-1796). Weymouth or Waymouth, George (fl. 1607). 393 Whaley or Whalley, Thomas (1766-1800). 893 Whalley. See also Whaley. Whalley, Edward (d. 1675?). . . .394 Whalley, George Hammond (1813-1878). 396 Whalley, John (1658-1724). . . .397 Whalley, Peter (1722-1791). . . .898 Whalley, Richard (1499 ?-1583). . .399 Whalley, Thomas Sedgwick (1746-1828). 400 Wharncliffe, first Baron. See Stuart- Wortley- Mackenzie, James Archibald (1776-1845). Wharton, Anne (1632 ?-1685). . . .401 Wharton, Edward Ross (1844-1896). . 402 Wharton, Sir George (1617-1681). . .402 Wharton, George (1688-1739). See under Wharton, Thomas (1614-1673). Wharton, Henry (1664-1695). . . .404 Wharton, Henry Thornton (1846-1895). See under Wharton, Edward Ross. Wharton, John (fl. 1575-1578). . .407 Wharton, Philip, fourth Baron Wharton (1613-1696) 407 Wharton, Philip, Duke of Wharton (1698- ) 410 Wharton, Philip (1834-1860), pseudonym of John Cockburn Thomson. See under Thom- son, Henry William (Byerley) (1822-1867). Wharton, Thomas, first Baron Wharton (1495?-1568) 413 Wharton, Thomas, second Baron (1520-1572). See under Wharton, Thomas, first Baron Wharton. Wharton, Thomas (1614-1673). . .416 Wharton, Thomas, first Marquis of Wharton (1648-1715) 418 Whately, Richard (1787-1863). . .423 Whately, Thomas (d. 1772). . . .429


text:
User:Dcshank

My maintained talk page is on the English Wiki. I will duplicate here ASAP.

title: User:Dcshank


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 60.djvu/472

466 Index to Volume LX. Weathershed or Wethershed, Richard of (d. 1231). See Grant, Richard. Weaver, John (d. 1685) 90 Weaver, John (1673-1760). . . .91 Weaver, Robert (1773-1852). . . .9-2 Weaver, Thomas (1616-1663). . . .93 Weaver, Thomas (1773-1855). . . .94 Webb. See also Webbe. Webb, Mrs. (d. 1793). . . . .94 Webb, Benjamin (1819-1885) .... Webb, Daniel (1719 ?-1798) .... Webb, Francis (1735-1815) .... Webb, Francis Cornelius (1826-1873). Webb, George (1581-1642) .... Webb or Webbe, John (1611-1672). Webb, Sir John (1772-1852) .... Webb, John (1776-1869) Webb, John Richmond (1667 ?-1724) Webb, Jonas (1796-1862) .... Webb, Matthew (1848-1883) .... Webb, Philip Barker (1793-1854). Webb, Philip Carteret (1700-1770). Webb, Thomas William (1807-1885) Webbe. See also Webb. Webbe, Edward (fl. 1590) .... Webbe, Joseph (fl. 1612-1626] Webbe, Samuel (1740-1816) .... Webbe, Samuel, the younger (1770 P-1843) . Webbe, William (fl. 1568-1591) . Webber, John (1750 ?-1793) .... Weber, Henry William (1783-1818) Weber, Otto (1832-1888) Webster, Alexander (1707-1784) >. Webster, Mrs. Augusta (1837-1894) Webster, Benjamin Nottingham (1797-1882) . Webster, James (1658?-1720). See under Webster, Alexander. Webster, John (1580 ?-1625 ?). Webster, John (1610-1682) .... Webster, Thomas (1773-1844) . Webster, Thomas (1810-1875) .... Webster, Thomas (1800-1886) .... Webster, William (1689-1758) .... Weckherlin, Georg Rudolph (1584-1653) Weddell, James (1787-1834) .... Weddell, John (1583-1642) .... Wedderburn, Alexander (1581-1650?). See under Wedderburn, David. Wedderburn, Sir Alexander (1610-1676) . . 1S2 Wedderburn, Alexander, first Baron Lough- borough and first Earl of Rosslyn (1788- 1805) 132 Wedderburn, David (1580-1646) . . .134 Wedderburn, James (1495 ?-1553) . . .130 Wedderburn, James (1585-1639) . . .137 Wedderburn, John (1500 ?-1556). See under Wedderburn, James (1495 ?-1553). Wedderburn, Sir John (1599-1679) . . .138 Wedderburn, Sir John (1704-1746) . . . 138 Wedderburn, Sir Peter (1616 ?-1679) . . 139 Wedderburn, Robert (1510 ?-1557?). See under Wedderburn, James (1495 ?-1553). Wedderburn, William (1582 ?-1660). See under Wedderburn, David. Wedge, John Holder (1792-1872) . . .139 Wedgwood, Hensleigh (1803-1891) . . .140 Wedgwood, Josiah (1730-1795) . . .140 Wedgwood, Thomas (1771-1805) . . . 146 Weedall, Henry (1788-1859) . . . .147 Weekes, Henry (1807-1877) .... 148 Weelkes, Thomas (fl. 1600) .... 148 Weemse, John (1579 ?-1636). See Wemyss. 96 98 98 99 '
 * -; j

| i  ' : '  | 110 i 111 111 .  !  !  j 116 125 126 120 127 127 128 12!) 130 Weever, John (1576-1632) Weguelin, Thomas Matthias (d. 1828) . Wehnert, Edward Henry (1813-1868) . Weir, Thomas (1600 ?-1670) .... Weir, William (1802-1858) .... Weiss, Willoughby Hunter (1820-1867) . Weist-Hill, Thomas Henry (1828-1891) . Welby, Henry (d. 1636) Welch or Welsh, John (1570 ?-1622) Welch, Joseph (d. 1805) Welchman, Edward (1665-1739) Weld, Charles Richard (1813-1869) Weld, Sir Frederick Aloysius (1823-1891) Weld, Isaac (1774-1856) Weld, Joseph (1777-1863). See under Weld, Thomas. Weld, Welde, or Wells, Thomas (1590 ?-1662) 160 Weld, Thomas (1773-1837) . . . .161 Weldoii, Sir Anthony (d. 1649 ?)

PAGE . 149 . 150 . 151 . 151 . 152 . 152 . 153 . 153 . 154 . 155 . 156 . 156 . 157 . 158 See under Weldon, Anthony (fl. 1650). Weldon, Sir Anthony. Weldon, John (1676-1736). . . .163 Weldon, Michael (fl. 1645). See under Weldon, Sir Anthony. Weldon, Ralph (fl. 1650). See under Weldon, Sir Anthony. Weldon, Ralph (1674-1713). . . .164 Weldon, Walter (1832-1885). . . .164 Wellbeloved, Charles (1769-1858). . .165 Welles. See also Wells. Welles or Welle, Adam de, Baron (d. 1311). 167 Welles, John, first Viscount Welles (d. 1499^. See under Welles, Lionel, Leo, or Lyon de, sixth Baron Welles. Welles, Lionel, Leo, or Lyon de, sixth Baron Welles (1405 ?-1461) 168 Welles, Richard, seventh Baron Welles (1431-1470). See under Welles, Lionel, Leo, or Lyon de, sixth Baron Welles. Welles, Thomas (1598-1660) . . . .169 Wellesley, Arthur, first Duke of Wellington (1769-1852) 170 Wellesley or Wesley, Garrett, first Viscount Wellesley of Dangaii and first Earl of Mornington (1735-1781) . . . .204 Wellesley, Gerald Valerian (1809-1882). See under Wellesley, Henry, Baron Cowley. Wellesley, Henry, Baron Cowley (1773-1847) . 205 Wellesley, Henry (1791-1866) . . . .206 Wellesley, Henry Richard Charles, first Earl Cowley (1804-1884) 207 Wellesley or Wesley, Richard Colley, first Baron Mornington in the peerage of Ire- land (1690 ?-1758) ... .210 Wellesley, Richard Colley, Marquis Wellesley (1760-1842) 211 Wellesley, William Pole Tylney Long-, fourth Earl of Mornington and second Baron Maryborough (1788-1857). See under Wellesley-Pole, William, third Earl of Mornington in the peerage of Ireland and first Baron Maryborough of the United Kingdom. Wellesley-Pole, William, third Earl of Morn- ington in the peerage of Ireland and first Baron Maryborough of the United King- dom (1763-1845) 223 Wells. See also Welles. Wells, Charles Jeremiah (1799 ?-1879). . 225 Wells, Edward (1667-1727). . . .227 Wells, Henry Lake (1850-1898). . . 228 Wells, Hugh of (d. 1235). See Hugh.


text: Ælfric's Lives of Saints/03bas

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User talk:Dcshank

Important rules for effective communication:

title: User talk:Dcshank


text: Ælfric's Lives of Saints/04iul

title: Ælfric's Lives of Saints/04iul


text: Ælfric's Lives of Saints/05seb

title: Ælfric's Lives of Saints/05seb


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Page:Our Philadelphia (Pennell, 1914).djvu/18

xii


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xiv


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Page:The Mediaeval Mind Vol 1.djvu/260

Empire of Charlemagne could not last. Two obvious causes, among others, were enough to prevent it. No single government (save when temporarily energized by some extraordinary ruler) could control such enormous and widely separated regions, which included much of the present Germany and Austria, the greater part of Italy, France, and the Low Countries. Large portions of this Empire were almost trackless, and nowhere were there good roads and means of transportation. Then, as the second cause, within these diverse and ununited lands dwelt or moved many peoples differing from each other in blood and language, in conditions of life and degrees of civilization or barbarism. No power existed that could either hold them in subjection or make them into proper constituents of an Empire.

There were other, more particular, causes of dissolution: the Frankish custom of partitioning the realm brought war

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Rh


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Page:Harry Hopkins to Grace Tully - NARA - 194896.jpg

 THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON

HARRY L. HOPKINS


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Rh in the most ludicrous demonstrations of politeness towards every body on the street whose attention was drawn to his slightly obese figure, set off by the curiously antiquated costume which he affected.

San Francisco has still another speciality, in the shape of "Norton I, By the Grace of God and the Will of the people, Emperor of the United States, Protector of Mexico, and Sovereign Lord of the Guano Islands," as he styles himself in all his proclamations. You may see him to-day, dressed in a soiled and greasy uniform, cocked hat and feather, carrying a heavy cavalry sword and a huge knotty cane up and down Montgomery street, or peering curiously into the shop windows, examining every work of art, with a critical and appreciative eye.

The cares of state weigh heavily upon Norton the First, and in his advanced age he is becoming subject to certain slight ebulitions of wrath, on the slightest provocation. He daily sends off communications to the different crowned heads of Europe and Asia, commanding them to do this thing or that thing, immediately. His telegraphic dispatches would—and generally do—fill an ordinary waste-basket every week in the year, and the number of proclamations which he sends to the different newspaper offices, with command to publish at once, on penalty of instant death and confiscation of property, is beyond computation. He was a wealthy speculator in breadstuff's, in the early days of San Francisco, and probably receives more or less assistance from his old and more fortunate acquaintances, and possibly also, from a secret order of which he was once a member; but the full secret of his living and maintaining his royal state, is a mystery to most people.


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378 When Maximilian arrived in Mexico, he received communication after communication from the Emperor Norton I., signed by His Majesty in person, and adorned with seals of the size of a small cheese, giving him much good advice, and offering many suggestions as to the method of conducting the affairs of the new Empire, which it was evidently supposed would receive due consideration, as coming from an old hand and successful operator in the business of Imperialism. These documents received much attention at first, and for a long time bothered the head of the son of the House of Hapsburg-Lorraine, and all his ministers, exceedingly.

One day, Uncle Freddy mentioned to a friend, in confidence, that he had written to Queen Victoria on some subject, and the treacherous friend at once related the circumstance to the Emperor, adding that he—Uncle Freddy—had denounced the Emperor as a humbug and a swindle. From that moment the Emperor Norton First, and Washington the Second, were mortal enemies, and every day added fuel to the flame of their animosity.

Washington opened a curiosity shop on Clay street, and the Emperor went up there and smashed it, and all its contents, into a cocked-hat. Washington appealed to the police, and was told, that the Emperor being the source of all power, no writ would hold against him. Then Washington met a Chinese woman of the better class on the street, gorgeously arrayed, and as she looked at him with curiosity, bowed to her. This incident was reported to the Emperor, with the addition that the young female Mongolion was a Chinese princess, sent over to America to be married to His Majesty, in order to bring about an alliance offensive and defensive


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Rh between the two Empires, and that Uncle Freddy was endeavoring to get her prejudiced against royalty, and in favor of himself.

This last straw broke the Imperial Camel's back, and Norton the First, at once issued a peremptory order to General McDowell, for the arrest and execution of Uncle Freddy, adding, that if the order was disregarded as others had been, he would go out, sword in hand, and put down the rebellion summarily. The wags who had been carrying on the joke, seeing that matters had come to a dangerous pass, and bloodshed was not unlikely to follow, consulted together, and determined to induce Uncle Freddy to emigrate, at once, to New York. On the way down the coast, the steamer on which Uncle Freddy was a passenger, touched at Acapulco, and the venerable representative of the Father of His Country, asked Señor Mancillas, now of the Mexican Congress, who was also a passenger, to introduce him to General Juan Alvarez, then in command of the port of Acapulco, and Governor of the State of Guerrero. Mancillas thoughtlessly complied, and the old fellow at once made himself extremely familiar with the authorities on shore.

When the time for the steamer to depart arrived, Mancillas went to pay his respects and bid good-bye to General Alvarez, and was not a little surprised to find Uncle Freddy installed in the house in all the pomp of the Father of His Country, indeed, and a guest of national importance. He had informed the gallant old Republican General, that he had rendered distinguished service to Mexico during the war of 1846-7, which he had opposed with all his might, and final success. The General of course told him that he was welcome to the


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380 country, and that the house and everything in the house was his own. If he could make up his mind to spend the remainder of his days in so poor a country as Mexico, and so poor a city as Acapulco, he would feel only too happy, to have him for a guest for the rest of his life.

Uncle Freddy took a look at the premises, rather liked the way everything was arranged and proceeded to dine sumptuously. When Señor Mancillas, at his last call, reminded him that the steamer's gun had been fired, and it was time to go off in the boat, he stretched his legs comfortably in the cool verandah, and informed him that he had determined to accept the hospitable invitation which had been extended to him, make that his home, and consider himself the guest of General Alvarez and the Mexican Republic, for the remainder of his days. Mancillas argued and expostulated in vain; Uncle Freddy had struck too good a thing, and he meant to enjoy it.

At last, in a fit of very desperation, Mancillas sent a party to invite the healthy old shade of the father of his country outside the door, and then seize him, and hurry him down to the boat and off to the steamer by main strength.

When General Alvarez heard of the "outrage" he was in a great passion, and could only be appeased by hearing the whole story, and learning that the kidnaping had been done by the order of Señor Mancillas, in order to relieve him—the General—of the presence of a lunatic, whom he had thoughtlessly introduced into the house, and who proposed to take the General at his word, and stay there for life.

Uncle Freddy was borne away from the shores of Mexico sorely against his will, and when last seen, on


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Rh Broadway, New York, was still bitterly bewailing the lost opportunity, like the man who being asked to "excuse" a lady to whom he had popped the question, excused her, and as he informed his friends, regretted having done so, to the end of his existence.

Many strangers are inclined to look upon the profuse offers of hospitality on the part of the Spanish American people, as utterly insincere, and made with an expectation in advance that they would never be accepted. This view of the case is, however, far too broad and sweeping. As a rule, the people of Mexico are truly hospitable in the broadest acceptation of the term, and strangers are welcomed and entertained with pleasure; but it is, of course, expected that they will use reason, and show some sense of delicacy; and a mere arbitrary translation of the expressions used would be unjust, as putting language into the mouth of the host or hostess which they never intended to use.

It is quite the fashion for foreigners of all classes, to denounce the Mexicans as a set of thieves and scoundrels, false, treacherous, cowardly, unreliable, and without a single redeeming characteristic. I will not claim for the Mexicans that they are a nation of angels and saints; they have their virtues and their faults like all other nations. But that they are more dishonest, or more given to disgraceful peculation and swindling than many of the foreigners with whom they have had to deal, I cannot believe. There are some most notable exceptions among the foreign-born residents of Mexico, but it is nevertheless the fact, that far too many of them bore but an indifferent character in their own country, came to Mexico to get rich "by hook or by crook," and have no scruples worth mentioning as to how they make


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382 the money so that they make it and get away with it. I have heard a thousand stories illustrative of the practices of foreigners of this class in Mexico; a couple will be sufficient to convey a fair idea of the conduct of those who are accustomed to denounce the Mexicans, in the most unmeasured terms, for alleged dishonesty and unreliability.

During the French intervention, a large European importing house, doing business in Western Mexico, landed a large invoice of goods at Manzanillo, which port was then in possession of the Republicans. The city to which they desired to send the goods for sale, was in the possession of the Imperialists, and they must deal with both parties in order to have them passed through the lines of the opposing forces. They accordingly proposed to the Republican authorities to pay the duties, contingently. As they represented that, the Imperialists would in all probability let the goods go through, but there was no certainty of their doing so, they proposed to give the Republic drafts on themselves, payable on the receipt of the acknowledgment that they had been passed. The Republicans being sorely in want of funds consented, and gave receipts to be exhibited to the Imperialists as evidence that the goods had already paid duty.

The goods went through all right, and were disposed of at swinging profits within the Imperialist lines, the Imperialist collector being convinced that a heavy duty had already been paid, and that it would be wrong to exact a second under the circumstances. Then, when the drafts were presented for payment, the drawers replied: "Oh! but you are not representative of the Government of Mexico! The Governments of Europe


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Rh have acknowledged the Empire as the only legitimate Government in Mexico, and it will be necessary for you to have these drafts presented by the imperial authorities; we cannot recognize them in any other hands." The Mexican authorities were fairly outwitted, and both parties swindled out of the entire duties.

A friend of the house which perpetrated this neat little piece of thieving—for it is nothing less—told the story to me as an illustration of the shrewdness and business ability of the head of the concern, and really seemed to think it a very creditable transaction on the part of the importers, who pocketed a small fortune by the operation.

Another transaction, the parties to which were men occupying prominent positions in politics, took place at the City of Mexico. A revolutionary party was driven out of the capital by the legitimate authorities. As they—the revolutionists—were hurrying away, a gentleman of wealth, who was complicated and found it necessary or desirable to leave with them, in order to save his magnificent private residence from occupation and confiscation by the Government, made a lease of it at a nominal rent to the French minister, who immediately took possession. The owner soon made his peace with the Government, and according to the previous arrangement returned and demanded the restoration of his property. He was put off and refused on one pretext or another, until a new French minister came out to replace the first, and the property was then turned over to him, against the indignant and emphatic protest of the hapless owner. The new minister held the property until turned out of it by a decision of the last court of appeal, and then, when the owner was restored to the


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384, he found that every article of furniture, all the rich and costly plate, etc., etc., was gone, and that in fact, only the four walls of the once magnificently furnished house remained. The plate was taken to the United States, and a part of it, at least, was sold at auction at Washington, and is now in the possession of a friend of mine who purchased it in good faith, little dreaming that men so high in office and authority could be guilty of having stolen it outright.

I suppress the names and dates for obvious reasons, in both cases, but the facts, especially in regard to the last transaction, are so well known in Mexico that any person can verify them who cares to do so. Such transactions are bad enough in all conscience, but they are not worthy of being mentioned in connection with such frauds as the "Jecker Claim," which was backed up—cooked up I ought to say perhaps—by the minister of a first-class European power, and in the hands of a cunning imperial schemer, served as one of the principal pretexts for the invasion of Mexico, and the attempt to establish a hostile Empire on our borders.

I ought to say on behalf of the women of Mexico, that all foreigners, even those who denounce the men in the most unjust and unmeasured terms, unite in praising their constancy, faithfulness and devotion. They are not only as wives and mothers devoted to their husbands and children, but they are ever ready to assist in every possible manner, the afflicted. The suffering of every nationality, even those who have come among them as enemies, always find them ready to sympathize, aid, and comfort to the utmost of their ability. From highest to lowest this is the rule. You have only to tell a Mexican woman that your life is in danger and


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 undefined June 17, 1941. FOR FORMER NAVAL PERSON

Army is studying possible ferry from Natal with with idea that African landing places might be three in number -- Bathurst, Freetown and Liberia. I see no reason for any United States lease, but if the plan works out we would deliver the planes either in Natal or on African coast. Also, we would undertake the building of any necessary servicing facilities. I feel there should be three possible landing places because of proximity of Bathurst to Dakar. When your Air Vice Marshal arrives our people will immediately confer with him. I find a feeling here that up to recently there has been a good deal of delay in delivery between Takarabi and lower Egypt, chiefly through difficulty in servicing the small hopping stones on the way across the Continent. Please let me know how you regard the working out of this problem.

I have distinct feeling in my bones that things are looking up with you and with us. After freezing the German and Italian assets on Saturday, I closed the German Consulates and Agencies yesterday, and the reaction here is, I should say, 90% favorable.


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Rh that you throw yourself upon her protection, and you may be sure that she will risk her own life, honor, everything in fact, to protect you.

In this fact is found the ready explanation of the escape of so many revolutionists after their defeat by the Government. The most detested wretch on the earth can appeal to the women of Mexico for food and shelter, and it will be given him. To refuse either, would be in the eyes of a Mexican woman, an unpardonable sin against God and humanity, and thus it is that men like Marguez, who have committed murders and other crimes without number, almost invariably escape justice, and succeed in reaching a foreign shore. A prisoner sentenced for a long term, applied to me to say a good word for him to the authorities, and a Mexican lady, who accompanied me at the moment, urged me to comply.

"But he is a rascal and an enemy of your family!" I said.

"Oh Señor, that is true, but he is sick and in prison, pobrecito!" was the only reply.

She is a better Christian than I.

The Mexican servants in the City of Mexico are a peculiar class. They earn but a fraction of what we in the United States would call a salary—say from three to fifteen dollars per month, five or six dollars being a fair average. They often remain several years in a family, and many of them, in fact, are born, raised, and die in the same house, and in the family of their first master. With foreigners, they are generally a little less reliable than when serving native masters, probably, because they are less closely watched, and their employers, being less familiar with their habits and peculiarities, are less able to protect themselves from their


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386. They will generally leave a very valuable article or large sum of money untouched, but small articles of finery and small coins are very likely to get lost, if left around loose in their reach.

With us, it is the custom to pay the largest salaries to those of our employes who have the responsibility of handling the most money, but a lady in Mexico told me with charming naivette, that the rule was just the contrary there, as those who handled the most money had the least need of a salary. It is so common a thing for the cook or purveyor for a family to make a small percentage off the purchases, that it is looked upon as quite a matter of course, and nothing is thought of it.

One day Mr. Fitch, in passing along the street in Mexico, saw a pair of patent-leather gaiters, which being highly ornamented, pleased his fancy, and he forthwith ordered a pair built to fit him. When the servant brought them home, I asked him how much they cost. He answered promptly:

"Five dollars and a half!"

I said—as I could with impunity, since Mr. Fitch did not understand Spanish:

"You ought to add fifty cents for yourself!"

"I have done so, Señor!" said the fellow promptly, smiling knowingly, as if he understood the situation at once.

But you should have added a dollar instead of fifty cents; the padre is delighted with the boots and would stand it!"

The fellow, without a moment's hesitation, turned to Mr. Fitch and told him the bill was six dollars. The money was paid, and as he received it and turned to go, he dropped five dollars into his pantaloons pocket, and


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Rh transferred one-half-dollar of the balance to his jacket pocket, and with the most amiable and knowing air imaginable, held the other fifty cent piece out in his open hand for me to take, as he passed me in the doorway. He meant to do business on the square, and come to a fair divide. From what I had said, he took me for the financial man of the party, and supposed, of course, that I was—pardon the Californianism—"on the make" as well as himself. My natural and unconquerable modesty, coupled with the fact that I wore a uniform which I felt bound to honor while in a foreign land, induced me to refuse the money, and whisper to him to keep it as a present. He kept it!

The servants furnished to Mr. Seward's party by the Mexican Government during our stay in Mexico, certainly would compare favorably with any I have ever seen, being attentive and efficient, and at least, as honest as they will average anywhere. From one side of the continent to the other, our clothing and other articles of baggage were at their mercy, and we lost nothing whatever. In fact, we found it impossible to lose some things which we would gladly have left behind us.

At one point on our journey, some inconsiderate friend presented Mr. Seward with a huge petrifaction from some stone quarry. This proved a perfect fossil elephant, and after the shins of the entire party had suffered fearfully, it was left behind us—by accident of course—at Puebla. The next day we were congratulating ourselves on the loss, when Pedro, one of the servants who had accompanied us across the continent, came smiling up to the coach door, with the monstrosity carefully done up in a rag—he had carried it this way the entire distance, and was proudly conscious of


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388 having, in so doing, deserved well of his country and mankind in general. He was duly thanked, of course, and we kicked it about from one side of the coach to the other, with many a secret blessing on the donor and the faithful servant who had returned it.

At Palmar, I placed it under my bed, and congratulated myself on having seen the last of it, as the coach rolled away next morning. Vain delusion! At Orizaba, next day, I went into the dilligence office to transact some business, when the agent said to me:

"Señor, you lost something at Palmar, but give yourself no uneasiness; it will be down here to night by the dilligence. They are honest people and would not take anything from you."

"Was it money that they found?" I asked, affecting a carelessness I was far from feeling.

"O no, Señor: a big rock; very curious indeed, and doubtless very valuable."

My heart was too full for words, and I could only bow my thanks and shake his hand in silence.

On leaving Orizaba I tried it on and failed more ignobly, for it was picked up and placed upon my hatbox, which it smashed down at once; and so in spite of every effort I could make, it clung to me like the nightmare, and turned up in due time at Vera Cruz.

But in that ancient city I was master of the situation. I occupied a room at a hotel, pending the arrival of Mr. Seward from Orizaba,—having gone down to the coast in advance of the remainder of the party from that point—and had no one to watch my actions, with a view of doing me a service on every occasion in spite of myself. I took it one night, carefully wrapped up in paper, and carrying it down to the city front, climbed


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Rh upon some railroad material and hurled it over the wall into the shallow water outside.

I got back to the hotel unobserved, but going down to the mole next day, I observed a party of fishermen and idlers gathered about something which they had picked up and brought there in a boat; it was that accursed petrifaction again. I bought it from the happy finder for twenty-five cents, and carried it to where some men were overhauling a lot of goods in boxes. From them I borrowed a hatchet, and pretending to be deeply curious as to what was inside, proceeded with the wise look of a regular "rock-sharp," to smash it into a thousand pieces. I found no gold inside it, and in well simulated disappointment gathered up the pieces, and threw them, one after another, as far as I could send them, out into the deep water, taking good care that no two pieces, of any size, fell near together. I have not seen any of it since, thank Heaven!

The men servants are generally better posted than the female servants in the matter of foreigners. One female servant in the family of a friend who was going to the United States on a visit, was horrified at the thought of the fate that awaited her beloved mistress.

"Oh Señora for the love of God and the holy saints, don't go among those Yankees! They will eat you; they will certainly eat you!" was her constant cry when she saw the final preparations for departure being made. They left her in tears and despair, fully convinced that her dear mistress would be devoured as soon as she put her foot on American soil. She told her mistress that when the army of Gen. Scott entered Mexico, she fled to the mountains with her husband, and staid there until they left the country.


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390 They never talk back, after the manner of the Italian servants in America, but reply to every epithet with a fresh offer of service.

"You d—d drunken loafer!" thundered a master to his servant who was endeavoring to back an unusually heavy load of pulque.

"Si Señor, at your service!" was the polite and prompt reply, as the mozo lifted his hat and bowed like an India rubber man.

It takes about four servants in Mexico, to do the work of one in the United States, and as you board them, the cost of labor for a family is considerable, after all. If you pay a servant his or her wages in advance, or day by day, the chances are, that you can keep them almost any length of time; but let them get a few dollars due them, and they are almost certain to come to you, and say:

"Please Señor or Señora, I want to have my wages settled up on Saturday, as I am going to the village where my family reside, to rest a few weeks. When I have had a good rest I will come back if you want me!"

The idea of allowing money to accumulate on their hands is exceedingly against their fancy, and they make it a point to get rid of it as soon as they lay their hands upon it. I thought before this trip, that servants in the United States were the worst in the world, but heard just as much complaint about them in Mexico as in California. In all fairness I must say, that I think the Mexican servant system better, or at least, less troublesome than ours.

The census takers in the United States sometimes complain of the annoyances and indignities which they


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Rh are made to suffer; but they have a glorious time compared with their fellow-laborers in Mexico. It is said that the actual population of the country can only be approximated, it being impossible to get at the number of able-bodied men in any given town. The intelligent and educated families will answer at all times, correctly; but among the lower classes from which the army is mainly recruited, it is next to impossible to get correct returns. The appearance of a man with a book, or roll of paper and pencil, is the signal for all the men capable of doing military duty to skedaddle in double-quick time, and the women, fearing that it is a preliminary arrangement for a conscription, persistently declare that there is not an able-bodied man on the premises.


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HE Mexican army is to-day, stronger in actual numbers than that of the United States, and in spite of the prevailing stringency in the treasury, tolerably well paid, and in a good state of discipline and efficiency. The army absorbs half the annual revenue of the Republic, but as it must not only garrison the towns and maintain peace, but do guard duty, patrol the road, fight pronunciados and bandidos, escort travelers, and specie and imported goods trains, and do a variety of other work not often required of an army in other countries, it would seem impossible, in the present condition of the country, to reduce its numbers. I doubt if it can be done safely for years to come.

The men are generally stout, compact, muscular, and active—though less in stature than American soldiers—very enduring, and capable of marching rapidly and on the smallest amount of food. They are, nearly all, of the dark, bronze hue, which indicates pure, or nearly pure Indian blood, but the commissioned officers are usually of lighter complexion. They are well drilled, mostly armed with American muskets or breech-loaders, and march with great precision. There are three battalions constantly on duty at and around the Palacio Nacional, and others are in various parts of the city.


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Rh One of these is the "Invalid Corps," composed of maimed veterans who are still able to do guard duty. This corps was founded by Maximilian, and on the capture of the city by General Diaz, after the fall of Queretero, they fought more savagely than any others, against their old comrades, the republicans. Nevertheless, the corps was not disbanded by Juarez, and in case of the attempt being made to carry the city by pronunciados, or foreign invaders, they would probably fight as stoutly on the side of the Republic, as they then did against it.

The students in the Military College—who are soon to return to their old quarters at Chapultepec—are nearly all, mere boys; but they are determined republicans, and during the French invasion, more than once, fought with the most desperate valor against the invaders.

One or more of the battalions stationed at the Palace, marched past our house on full dress parade every morning, and we could hear every footfall at exactly the same time, so that it seemed like the movement of a great machine. They have each a splendid band, and I noticed that they played something in compliment to Mr. Seward, nearly every time. One day they came down Alfaro street, playing

in as good style as I have ever heard it played in the United States, and I suppose had we stayed longer, we might have heard the

I saw only infantry and cavalry corps, but was told


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394 that they had artillery as well. The lance is no longer used, and the cavalry, for desultory warfare at least appears to be fully equal to our own.

The press of Mexico is yet in its infancy, and falls far short of holding its proper position in the community. Though nominally free, it is hampered in many ways. The name of the "responsible editor" and proprietor must be given in every edition. The Government of the Republic and the different State governments have subsidized organs, which publish the laws, speak authoritatively, and reflect the views only of the party, at the moment, in power. This discourages enterprise, and intensifies and embitters party feeling; the few opposition papers being driven to pursue the most violent course, as the only means of living at all. Such a thing as a newspaper sustained wholly, or to any considerable extent, by its advertising patronage is unknown. The entire circulation of all the daily and weekly papers in the Republic combined, is not equal to that of a single one of the second class dailies of New York.

In the City of Mexico there is something like progress displayed by the press, but it is very little, after all. The dailies are specially deficient in the matter of local news; an event of startling importance—as it would be regarded in the United States—occurring within two blocks of the office, may find its way into a paper within a week, or it may never be alluded to. The political editorials are often very bitter and abusive, but generally well-written and forcible, and the literary department is usually good. Each paper publishes a serial novel in a division at the bottom, so arranged that it can be cut off and bound in pages into a volume


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Rh, when the story is finished. The subscribers always cut these off the bottom of the paper, and save them for this purpose.

In the matter of foreign news, the press of Mexico is usually, very greatly behind the rest of the world, and a New York daily will spend—and by reason of its liberal patronage, is well able to spend—more in one day for telegraphic matter, than a Mexican daily will devote to the same purpose in a year.

There are many finely educated, literary men—men of extensive reading and rare accomplishment—in Mexico; and many books have been published at the capital, which would compare favorably with those from any country, on the same subject. Poetry is especially popular, and many volumes of purely native composition are to be found. The people of Mexico excel in music, and many of their native airs are of a high order of merit. "The Hymn of Zoragasa," in celebration of the victory of the Mexicans over the French at Puebla, on the "Cinco de Mayo" are equal to anything ever produced in the United States. Many of their love songs and patriotic ballads are very beautiful.

Probably the most complete and extensive printing establishment in Mexico is that of the "Siglo Diez y Nueve" owned by Cumplido & Son. The elder Cumplido was born in Guadalajara in 1811. At fifteen years of age he had read enough of the history of the United States to desire to see that country, and leaving home, he walked all the way to Mexico. There he worked until he obtained sufficient means to carry him to the United States. After mastering the printing trade in New York, he started back with a complete printing and engraving establishment. He


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396 off Vera Cruz to find the port blockaded by the French—in the winter of 1838—9— and the vessel put back towards New Orleans. On the way back the vessel was lost, and everything on board went to the bottom. The passengers were saved, and reached New Orleans, and an American war-vessel—the sloop Natchez—carried Señor Cumplido to Tampico, from which point he walked to Mexico in nine days.

Again he set to work to retrieve his fortunes, and in three years was enabled to start once more for New York. There he again fitted out an office, and returning to Mexico with ten printers, engravers, and lithographers, established the first daily newspaper in Mexico. He has gone through all the changes of fortune incident to public life in Mexico; has been exiled, had his property confiscated, etc., etc., but has every time, by his energy and resolution, placed himself again on his feet. He has visited the United States ten times, and his love of republican institutions has increased with each visit. He has published several very creditable volumes of polite literature, and still takes an active interest in the business of the office. His summer residence at the suburban village of San Angel, beyond Tacubuya, is a model of elegance, beauty and good taste, and he is counted as a man of independent wealth. His son still carries on the business which the father commenced, and "El Siglo XIX" is the oldest and most flourishing paper in Mexico. Its old editor, Francisco Zarco, who died while Mr. Seward was in Mexico, was the ablest journalist among the Reform party in the Republic. His place is now ably filled by Señor Antonio Mancillas, formerly publisher of "El Voz de Mejico" in California, and now member of Congress from Zacatecas.


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Rh The Congress and people of Mexico are now discussing schemes for inducing immigration from Europe and the United States. There are some fanatics who oppose all immigration, and in order to keep the country and all its institutions exclusively Mexican, are willing to see the present state of things continue indefinitely; but these are few in number, and not very influential. The mass of the educated and thinking men admit the necessity of great changes in the condition of the country, and look to a liberal immigration as one of the most important, and, in fact, indispensable measures for the regeneration of Mexico. It seems to be the prevailing impression that the general system of internal improvements which has been projected and is now being slowly carried out, will result in the end, in drawing into the country a great immigration.

In this I fear that Mexico will be in some measure disappointed. My reasons are these: First, the incessant revolutions and wars of fifty years have created the impression that there is no stability in the institutions of Mexico, no guarantees for the safety of life or property, and no security for the future; and even now, when we see a tolerably strong government and a state of comparative peace, people abroad cannot believe that either will last. Secondly, that the inducements to common labor, unbacked by capital, are so much stronger in the United States, where there is yet an unlimited extent of virgin soil, that the tide will almost inevitably turn that way. Wages for common labor in the United States range from one dollar and a half per day in the East, to two dollars and a half, or even four or five dollars in California. In Mexico the average is from twenty-five to fifty cents at the utmost, and there


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398 is a surplus of labor in the market even at these rates. Then the laboring classes of Mexico live in a manner which no other population—the Chinese, perhaps, alone excepted—would willingly endure, and they can afford to work for a mere fraction of what would support a European or American laborer's family. For these and other reasons, I think that there is no immediate prospect of a large industrial immigration to Mexico from any part of the world.

But, on the other hand, does she need it? I do not think so. Mexico has to-day a population of eight million, five hundred thousand people—and that, too, after fifty years of wars and incessant revolutions, which have forced into the army the bulk of the able-bodied men of the nation, depopulated the rural districts, and reduced the great mass of the community to the most abject poverty. Its population equals that of the United States in proportion to its present area; and as fecundity is one of the most marked features of the native population, it must be evident that a few years of peace would very largely increase it. With peace will—or would—come railways and manufactories, and an influx of foreigners with more or less capital to invest in all kinds of enterprises, which would build up the country, and rapidly develop its almost illimitable resources. These foreigners would employ the native laborers, who are admitted by all to be patient, enduring, and anxious to work if paid and decently treated. As the condition of the laborers improved, and the agricultural population, now landless, began to become land-owners on a small scale, wages would rise, and foreign laborers would find it to their interest to come here and settle. Mexico has rich mines, wonderfully


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Rh rich lands, and a climate which the world cannot excel; but she must have other inducements than these alone, to offer to immigration. The time is not far distant, if peace continues, when she will have such inducements; but at present she must "learn to labor and to wait."

Now this may look like a discouraging view of the conditions and prospects of the Republic, but I do not so regard it. There are enough of willing laborers now unemployed, or but partially employed in the country, to develop a large trade along the line of any railroad yet projected, and ten or twenty years of peace would immensely increase the available laboring population of the country, without any addition from immigration. If the Government can hold its own against factions and disorganizers, and the people can learn to restrain their natural impatience, and refuse to listen to the appeal of demagogues and unprincipled political charlatans, for that time, all will be well with Mexico, and she will then care little whether immigration comes, or stays away. Her institutions, and the patriotism of her people are now being tried to the utmost, and a year or two more will tell the story, and decide the fate of the country for good or ill, for centuries to come.

Despite the poverty of the Mexican Treasury, the depression of trade and manufacturing interests, and the frequent abortive attempts at revolution in the various States, the administration is quietly and steadily carrying out an extended system of internal improvements which, when completed, will prove of immense benefit to the country, and the grand effects of which are already felt to some extent. The railroad from the City of Vera Cruz is now a fixed fact one hundred and


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400 twenty miles—to Puebla—being completed at this end of the route, and fifty from Vera Cruz westward, leaving a gap of only about one hundred and twenty miles. The Tehuantepec Inter-Oceanic Railroad may be built, the Tuxpan and Manzanillo or San Blas Railroad grant will soon pass Congress, and other roads are projected. The Valley of Mexico is to be drained and rendered healthy by improvements already well advanced, and soon to be completed.

Among the many improvements going on, I may mention as particularly promising, the projected line of communication between the City of Mexico and the port of Tampico.

Under the special decree of the 25th of May, 1868, the Mexican Congress made an appropriation of three thousand dollars per month, to open a wagon-road between Ometuzco and the river Panuco. The object is to connect the City of Mexico and the port of Tampico by the most direct route, and at the same time, give protection to one of the richest and most interesting portions of the Sierra and Huasteca country. A Commission of Engineers, headed by John C. C. Hill, was appointed by the Government of Mexico on the 10th of June, 1868, to explore the country, in order to select the best route, with the understanding that the road must, under any circumstances, touch at Zacualtipan and Huejutla, and terminate at the most suitable point on the Panuco river, where navigation is at all seasons of the year practicable, by small steamboats down to the Gulf. The point selected, is Tanjuco, a small Indian town, conveniently situated on the east bank of the Panuco river, about fifty miles above Tampico.


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Rh Ometuzco is one of the stations of the Vera Cruz Railroad, forty-two miles from the City of Mexico; therefore the wagon-road from Ometuzco to Tanjuco will only be about two hundred miles in length when finished. The works on this road were commenced on the 15th of October, 1868, and have been progressing ever since, notwithstanding the reduced resources of the Government. The work is divided into three main divisions: first, from Ometuzco to Zacualtipan; second, from Zacualtipan to Huejutla, and third, from Huejutla to Tanjuco. The works on the first division are pretty well advanced; the first section, comprising about thirty miles from Ometuzco to the City of Tulancingo, has been open to the public for the last eight months, and will soon be completed to Zacualtipan, ninety miles from Ometuzco.

If the resources of the Government will permit the work to progress as it has during the present year, through communication may be opened within two years, when this portion of the country, which contains so many undeveloped elements of wealth, and a population as large in proportion to its extent as any other part of the Republic, will commence a development, which, with peace, will exceed the brightest anticipations of the friends of the enterprise.

The projected line of railroad known as the "Tuxpan," which is to run—if built—from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific, is a most important enterprise. It will run through a beautiful and highly productive country, and the local trade ought to be sufficient to support it, in' its full length.

Benito Juarez has now been ten years in power in Mexico, and with such a premier as Lerdo de Tejada,


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402 he could hold his own for life, and reduce all the factious elements in the Republic to order, if he had a treasury even moderately well supplied, so as to enable him to pay the army regularly, and keep the civil employes of the government beyond the reach of want and constant temptation.

But there is the great trouble. Señor Don Matias Romero, the Minister of Hacienda, (i. e. Secretary of the Treasury,) is probably more obnoxious to the violent opposition faction in Congress than any other man in the cabinet, and Congress, with a stupid blindness to the good of the country, obstinately persists in defeating all his iniciatives, utterly crippling the Government, and paving the way for endless disorder, misery, and confusion, by depriving the treasury of all its sources of supply. Whether any improvement in the condition of things would result from a change of ministry is doubtful. Romero seems to have done all that any man can do, to repair the finances, and bring order out of disorder.

Meantime, the Government has on its hands any amount of work in putting down brigandage, and suppressing the pronunciamentos, which though thus far detached and disconnected, are constantly breaking out in all parts of the Republic. No sooner is one put down than another—generally originating in local causes but none the less dangerous on that account—breaks out at some distant locality. So long as the troops are paid they will support the Government, faithfully, and they have certainly shown great efficiency, and accomplished much within the past two years. But when the point is reached—if it ever is reached—that the administration cannot provide means to pay the troops, then


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Rh revolution will become, not only possible, but certain.

A few more general revolutions would render all hope of the establishment of a permanent government in Mexico, by the Mexicans themselves, out of the question, and the United States would be driven, against the will of our people, to consider, seriously, the question of intervention in some form, for the protection of the common interests of America against Europeans, and Republicanism against Monarchy. Try to disguise it as we may, the United States stand in the position of God-father to Mexico, and we are morally responsible for her future.

It is our interest not to absorb Mexico, nor to cripple her, but to aid her in establishing an independent and stable government, and developing her almost incalculable resources. We have territory enough, and need not covet the fair fields of Mexico. But there must be an end to violence and disorder some time, and if all our hopes should be blasted—God grant that they may not be—and Juarez is compelled to give way to a series of irresponsible military chiefs—who will follow each other in quick succession and each leave the country more impoverished and helpless—the end is inevitable, and we must prepare to look the question fairly in the face.

I know from personal observation—and am sorry to say it—that there is a large party among the educated and intelligent native-born population of Mexico, who look without a particle of confidence, or ray of hope, on the present and future, and regard absorption by the United States as the least of the evils which threaten them, and, in fact, something inevitable. The foreign


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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive III. C.

It has been charged that Ho Chi Minh was robbed at the conference table of what he had won on the battlefield, that the Geneva Accords were prejudicial in content and implementation to legitimate Viet Minh interests, and that, therefore, the subsequent actions of the Viet Minh are understandable in light of these disappointments. While it is fair to state that the immediate implications of the Accords did not reflect (even according to CIA reports) Viet Minh strength and control in Vietnam at the time of the conference, it is equally important and revealing to understand why. Viet Minh ambitions were thwarted, not so much by Western resistance or treachery, as by Sino–Soviet pressures on them to compromise. If the Viet Minh were to look for villains at the Geneva Conference, in honesty they would have to admit that their interests were compromised by their own communist allies, not the West.

Viet Minh ambitions were broad. The Viet Minh were not only interested in gaining rights to the three-quarters of Vietnam they claimed to have controlled, but in extending their authority throughout Indochina into Laos and Cambodia. Although their offshoots, the Pathet Lao and the Free Khmers, controlled little territory in Laos and Cambodia, the Viet Minh pressed for their full representation in these countries. Arguing that they spoke for all the Indochinese people, the Viet Minh wished to compel or persuade the French to leave the area and then to settle directly with the indigenous and weakened non-communists. They were pressing for a political settlement prior to a military armistice, or, in other words, they wanted to fight while talking. Their specific objectives were: partition at the 13th parallel, a deadline for complete French withdrawal from the North, and nation-wide elections to be held six months after an armistice (Tab 1).

The source of DRV disappointments with the Accords can be traced not so much to Western strength and unity or Western "treachery" as to efforts by the Soviet Union and Communist China to make the conference a success; that is, to bring stability to the area and a settlement to the fighting. Together and separately, Moscow and Peking pressed concessions on the Viet Minh. Invariably, the two principal communist delegates, Chou En-lai and Molotov, played major roles in breaking deadlocks with conciliatory initiatives. While the exact motives of the Soviet Union and Communist China must remain a matter of speculation, the most acceptable explanation for their behavior is that both sought to achieve their objectives in Southeast Asia without triggering U.S. intervention. "Peaceful co-existence" was the hallmark of their diplomacy. The Chinese, Rh

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 from th' doorpost of his bedroom wid his bathrobe girdle knotted around 'is neck an' about a mile o' tongue sthickin' out. Suicide? Sure, an' what else could it be wid a felly found sthrung up in a tight-locked flat like that?

"Then, widin a week there comes a call fer us to take it on th' lam up to th' house where Stanley Trivers lived. There he is, a-layin' on his bathroom floor wid a cut across 'is throat that ye could put yer foot into, a'most. In his pajammies he is, an' th' blood's run down an' spoilt 'em good an' proper. Suicide again? Well, maybe so an' maybe no, fer in all me time I've niver seen a suicidal cut across a felly's throat that was as deep where it wound up as where it stharted. They mostly gits remorse afore th' cut is ended, as ye know, an' th' pressure on th' knife gits less an' less; so th' cut's a whole lot shallower at th' end than 'twas at th' beginnin'. However, th' coroner says it's suicide, so suicide it is, as far as we're concerned. Anyhow, gintlemen, in both these cases th' dead men wuz locked in their houses, from th' inside, as wus plain by th' keys still bein' in th' locks.

"Now comes th' third one. 'Tis this Donald Atkins felly, over to th' Kensington Apartments. Sthretched on th' floor he is, wid a hole bored in 'is forehead an' th' blood a-runnin' over everything. He's on 'is back wid a pearl-stocked pistol in 'is hand. Suicide again, says Schultz, me partner, an' I'm not th' one ter say as how it ain't, all signs pointin' as they do, still" He paused and puffed at his cigar till its gray tip glowed with sullen rose.

Jules de Grandin tweaked a needle-sharp mustache tip. "Tell me, my sergeant," he commanded, "what is it you have withheld? Somewhere in the history of these cases is a factor you have not revealed, some denominator common to them all which makes your police instinct doubt your senses' evidence"

"How'd ye guess it, sor?" the big Irishman looked at him admiringly. "Ye've put yer finger right upon it, but" He stifled an embarrassed cough, then, turning slightly red: Tis th' perfume, sor, as makes me wonder."

"Perfume?" the little Frenchman echoed. "What in Satan's foul name"

"Well, sor, I ain't one o' them as sees a woman's skirts a-hidin' back of ivery crime, though you an' I both knows there's mighty few crimes committed that ain't concerned wid cash or women, savin' when they're done fer both. But these here cases have me worried. None o' these men wuz married, an', so far as I've found out, none o' them wuz kapin' steady company, yet—git this, sor; 'tis small, but maybe it's important—there wuz a smell o' perfume hangin' round each one of 'em, an' 'twas th' same in ivery case. No sooner had I got a look at this pore Eldridge felly hangin' like a joint o' beef from his own doorpost than me nose begins a-twitchin'. 'Wuz he a pansy, maybe?' I wonders when I smelt it first, for 'twas no shavin' lotion or toilet water, but a woman's heavy scent, strong an' swate an'—what's it that th' ads all say?—distinctive. Yis, sor, that's th' word fer it, distinctive. Not like anything I've smelt before, but kind o' like a mixin' up o' this here ether that they use ter put a man ter slape before they takes 'is leg off, an' kind o' like th' incense they use in church, an' maybe there wuz sumpin mixed wid it that wasn't perfume afther all, sumpin that smelt rank an' sickly-like, th' kind o' smell ye smell when they takes a floater from th' bay, sor.

"Well, I looks around ter see where it's a-comin' from, an' it's strongest in th' bedroom; but divil a sign o' any woman bein' there I find, 'ceptin' fer th' smell o' perfume.

"So when we runs in on th' Trivers suicide, an' I smells th' same perfume


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404 creditors of Mexico, and many of the European-born residents, would hail with delight the annexation of Mexico, peaceably or forcibly, to the United States, as it would give them assurance of the ultimate liquidation of their claims, and the restoration of order to the country. But while Mexico might be benefitted—I have my doubts whether she would be immediately, to the extent people in the United States generally suppose—we should be compelled to increase very largely our standing army, add immensely to our debt, and add an unhomogeneous element—numbering more than eight millions of people—endowed with all the rights of citizenship, to the population of the United States of America. Can we afford to do this? Ought we to do it?

With all the drawbacks in Mexico, one cannot but admit that there has been substantial progress made since the Liberal Party, with Benito Juarez at its head, came into power. Notable things have been accomplished. 1st. The sequestration of the vast landed estate of the Church, and the destruction of its temporal power. 2d. The establishment of complete religious toleration and protection of all in the right to worship God according to their own consciences. 3d. The establishment of Public Schools and the inauguration of a system of free public instruction yet in its infancy, but destined to work the greatest benefit to future generations. 4th. The liberation and enfranchisement of all peons and the destruction of the last form of legalized slavery. 5th. The freedom of the press, not yet complete, but nearly so, and soon to be perfect.

Few nations have been able to do as much in so few years, and, that too, in the face of the most violent


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Rh from a bigoted and intolerant anti-progressive church party, and amidst domestic war, and a merciless and murderous foreign invasion, backed up by the strongest empire, and employing as tools and mercenaries, the scum of all Europe.

Shall not a nation which has fought so long and well for its independence, and accomplished so much in the face of such obstacles, have a helping hand from its more favored and prosperous neighbor if it needs it? Shall Mexico not be allowed the fullest grace, and most ample opportunity to conquer the elements of discord yet remaining within her borders, and advance to the place God intended her to occupy in the family of nations?


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N the 18th of December, the Seward party were, at last, in readiness for departure from the Capital, and at 10 o'clock, were all on board the special train, including Maximilian's—now President Juarez's—private car, which had been placed at Mr. Seward's disposal by Joseph H. Gibbs Esq., resident director of the Vera Cruz and Mexican Railway.

The house on Alfaro and Arco de San Agustine streets, had been crowded with friends until a late hour on the night previous, and our leave-takings were therefore mainly over. Only a few of the most intimate acquaintances of the different members of the party, accompanied us to the depot, to say "good-bye" again. A small detachment of the crack regiment of Mexico, the Zapadores, under command of a war-scarred veteran, Captain Ramirez, whose coat was covered with decorations for meritorious services, was sent along as an escort of honor, by the Government.

General Mejia, Minister of War, Señor Don Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, Minister of State, and Señor Don Matias Romero, Minister of Hacienda, accompanied the party to the first station out of the city. Some of the ladies of the families of Señor Romero and President Juarez, went along to the Ometusco station where we met the return train, and Colonel Geo. M. Green, and


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 again, I say that this is sumpin more than mere coincidence, but th' same thing happens there. Th' smell is strongest in th' bedroom, but there ain't any sign that he'd had company th' night before; so just ter make sure I takes th' casin's off th' pillows an' has th' boys at th' crime lab'ratory look at 'em. Divil a trace o' rouge or powder do they find.

"Both these other fellies kilt theirselves at night or early in th' mornin', so, o' course, their beds wuz all unmade, but when we hustle over ter th' Kensington Apartments ter see about this Misther Atkins, 'tis just past three o'clock. Th' doctor says that he's been dead a hour or more; yet when I goes into his bedroom th' covers is pushed down, like he's been slapin' there an' got up in a hurry, an" th' perfume's strong enough ter knock ye down, a'most. Th' boys at th' crime lab say there's not a trace o' powder on th' linen, an' by th' time I gits th' pillows to 'em th' perfume's faded out."

He looked at us with vaguely troubled eyes and ran his hand across his mouth. "'Tis meself that's goin' nuts about these suicides a-comin' one on top th' other, an' this perfume bobbin' up in every case!" he finished.

De Grandin pursed his lips. "You would know this so strange scent if you encountered it again?"

"Faith, sor, I'd know it in me slape!"

"And you have never met with it before?"

"Indade an' I had not, nayther before nor since, savin' in th' imayjate prisence o' them three dead corpses."

"One regrets it is so evanescent. Perhaps if I could smell it I might be able to identify it. I recall when I was serving with le sûreté we came upon a band of scoundrels making use of a strange Indian drug called by the Hindoos chhota maut, or little death. It was a subtle powder which made those inhaling it go mad, or fall into a coma simulating death if they inspired enough. Those naughty fellows mixed the drug with incense which they caused to be burned in their victims' rooms. Some went mad and some appeared to die. One of those who went insane committed suicide"

"Howly Mither, an' ye think we may be up against a gang like that, sor?"

"One cannot say, mon vieux. Had I a chance to sniff this scent, perhaps I could have told you. Its odor is not one that is soon forgotten. As it is"—he raised his shoulders in a shrug—"what can one do?"

"Will ye be afther holdin' yerself in readiness ter come a-runnin' if they's another o' these suicides, sor?" the big detective asked as he rose to say good-night. "I'd take it kindly if ye would."

"You may count on me, my friend. À bientôt," the little Frenchman answered with a smile.

storm had blown itself out earlier in the evening, but the streets were still bright with the filmy remnant of the sleety rain and the moon was awash in a breaking surf of wind-clouds. It was longer by the north road, but with the pavements slick as burnished glass I preferred to take no chances and had throttled down my engine almost to a walking pace as we climbed the gradient leading to North Bridge. De Grandin sank his chin into the fur of his upturned coat collar and nodded sleepily. The party at the Merrivales had been not at all amusing, and we were due at City Hospital at seven in the morning. "Ah, bah," he murmured drowsily, "we were a pair of fools, my friend; we forgot a thing of great importance when we left the house tonight."

"U'm?" I grunted. "What?"

"To stay there," he returned. "Had we but the sense le bon Dieu gives an


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 gosling, we should have—sapristi! Stop him, he is intent on self-destruction!"

At his shouted warning I looked toward the footwalk and descried a figure in a heavy ulster climbing up the guard rail. Shooting on my power, I jerked the car ahead, then cut the clutch and jammed the brakes down hard, swinging us against the curb abreast of the intending suicide. I kicked the door aside and raced around the engine-hood, but de Grandin disdained such delays and vaulted overside, half leaping, half sliding on the slippery pavement and cannoning full-tilt against the man who sought to climb the breast-high railing. "Parbleu, you shall not!" he exclaimed as he grasped the other's legs with outflung arms. "It is wet down there. Monsieur, and most abominably cold. Wait for summer if you care to practise diving!"

The man kicked viciously, but the little Frenchman hung on doggedly, and as the other loosed his hold upon the rail they both came crashing to the pavement where they rolled and thrashed like fighting dogs.

I hovered near the mêlée, intent on giving such assistance as I could, but my help was not required; for as I reached to snatch the stranger's collar, de Grandin gave a quick twist, arched his body upon neck and heels and with a blow as rapid as a striking snake's chopped his adversary on the Adam's apple with his stiffened hand. The result was instantaneous. The larger man collapsed as if he had been shot, and my little friend slipped out from underneath him, teeth flashing in an impish grin, small blue eyes agleam. "A knowledge of jiu-jutsu comes in handy now and then," he panted as he rearranged his clothing. "For a moment I had fears that he would take me with him to a watery bed."

"Well, what shall we do with him?" I asked. "He's out completely, and we can't afford to leave him here. Hell surely try to kill himself again if"

"Parbleu! Attendez, s'il vous plait!" he interrupted, "Le parfum—do you smell him?" He paused with back-thrown head, narrow nostrils quivering as he sniffed the moist, cold air.

There was no doubt of it. Faint and growing quickly fainter, but plainly noticeable, the aura of a scent hung in the atmosphere. It was an odd aroma, not wholly pleasant, yet distinctly fascinating, seeming to combine the heavy sweetness of patchouli with the bitterness of frankincense and the penetrating qualities of musk and civet; yet underlying it there was a faint and slightly sickening odor of corruption.

"Why, I never smelled" I began, but de Grandin waved aside my observation.

"Nor I," he nodded shortly, "but unless I am at fault this is the perfume which the good Costello told us of. Cannot you see, my friend? We have here our laboratory specimen, an uncompleted suicide with the redolence of this mysterious scent upon it. Help me lift him in the car, mon vieux; we have things to say to this one. We shall ask him, by example, why it was"

"Suppose that he won't talk?" I broke in.

"Ha, you suppose that! If your supposition proves correct and he is of the obstinacy, you shall see a beautiful example of the third degree. You shall see me turn him inside out as if he were a lady's glove. I shall creep into his mind, me. I shall—mordieu, before the night is done I damn think I shall have at least a partial answer to the good Costello's puzzle! Come, let us be of haste; en avant!"

his height the salvaged man did not weigh much, and we had no trouble getting him inside the car. In


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 fifteen minutes we were home, just as our rescued human flotsam showed signs of returning consciousness.

"Be careful," warned de Grandin as he helped the passenger alight, "If you behave we shall treat you with the kindness, but if you try the monkey's tricks I have in readiness a second portion of the dish I served you on the Pont du Nord.

"Here," he added as we led our captive to the study, "this is the medicine for those who feel at odds with life." He poured a gill of Scots into a tumbler and poised the siphon over it. "Will you have soda with your whisky," he inquired, "or do you like it unpolluted?"

"Soda, please," the other answered sulkily, drained his glass in two huge gulps and held it out again.

"Eh bien," the Frenchman chuckled, "your troubles have not dulled your appetite, it seems. Drink, my friend, drink all you wish, for the evening is still young and we have many things to talk of, thou and I."

The visitor eyed him sullenly as he took a sip from his fresh glass. "I suppose you think you've done your Boy Scout's good deed for today?" he muttered.

"Mais oui, mais certainement," the Frenchman nodded vigorously. "We have saved you from irreparable wrong, my friend. Le bon Dieu did not put us here to"

"That's comic!" the other burst out with a cackling laugh. Le bon Dieu'—much use He has for me!"

De Grandin lowered his arching brows a little; the effect was a deceptively mild, thoughtful frown. "So-o," he murmured, "that is the way of it? You feel that you have been cast off, that"

"Why not? Didn't we—I—cast Him out? didn't I deny Him, take service with His enemies, mock at Him"

"Be not deceived, my friend"—the double lines between the Frenchman's narrow brows was etched a little deeper as he answered in an even voice—"God is not mocked. It is easier to spit against the hurricane than jeer at Him. Besides, He is most merciful, He is compassionate, and His patience transcends understanding. Wicked we may be, but if we offer true repentance"

"Even if you've committed the unpardonable sin?"

"Tiens, this péché irrémissible of which the theologians prate so learnedly, yet which none of them defines? You had a mother, one assumes; you may have sinned against her grievously, disappointed her high hopes in you, shown ingratitude as black as Satan's shadow, abused her trust or even done her bodily hurt. Yet if you went to her sincerely penitent and told her you were sorry, that you truly loved her and would sin no more, parbleu, she would forgive, you know it! Will the Heavenly Father be less merciful than earthly parents? Very well, then. Who can say that he has sinned past reconciliation?"

"I can; I did—we all did! We cast God out and embraced Satan" Something that was lurking horror seemed to take form in his eyes, giving them a stony, glazed appearance. It was as if a filmy curtain were drawn down across them, hiding everything within, mirroring only a swift-mounting terror.

"Ah?" de Grandin murmured thoughtfully. "Now we begin to make the progress." Abruptly he demanded:

"You knew Messieurs Eldridge, Trivers and Atkins?" He flung the words more like a challenging accusation than a query.

"Yes!"

"And they, too, thought they had sinned past redemption; they saw in suicide the last hope of escape; they were concerned with you in this iniquity?"


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Rh Señor Don Antonio Mancillas, Deputy to Congress from the State of Zacatecas, with his beautiful young wife, accompanied the party all the way to Puebla.

The railway from Mexico to Puebla—about one hundred and sixteen miles, English,—is a first class one in every respect, and a part of the route was made at the rate of forty-five miles per hour. In the "Chief of Traffic,"Mr. Geo. Gliddon, who has control of the running of all the trains, and accompanied the party, I recognized an old friend, whom I had known in the south before the late "little onpleasantness" sent one of us to the other side of the continent, and the other into the ranks of the rebel army. The engineers were also Americans, and know their business. The engine and cars were of American manufacture, though the road was built, and is owned and run by an English company.

The road runs out from the city in a north-eastern direction, past the famous old church of Guadaloupe, and along the shores of Lake Tezcoco; then makes a long detour, and runs south-eastwardly to Puebla, through an open valley country skirted by high mountains all the way. The distance by wagon-road is only twenty-four or twenty-seven Spanish leagues, but the railway, in order to avoid the heavy grades, takes the longer circuitous route. For the first fifty miles the country is comparatively dry and poor, and the road runs through an almost uninterrupted aloe or maguey field, that plant requiring no cultivation, and paying better than any other crop on such ground. Though the plant yields material for rope, cordage, cloth, thatch for houses, etc., etc., it is used, almost exclusively, for the manufacture of the mildly inebriating swill called pulque, which forms a staple drink of the lower classes


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408 of the people. When the blossom stalk starts out, it is cut off, and the center of the plant is hollowed out so as to form a deep cup. In this reservoir the sap collects, and once in twenty-four hours the Indians, with long calabashes, with holes in each end, go around to gather it. They thrust one end of the calabash into the sap, and applying the other to the mouth, suck the sweet fluid up until the calabash is filled, then let it run into the pig-skins, in which it is carried to market. A little of the old pulque, already fermented, is added to the fresh juice, and the skins being exposed in the sun for a few days the fluid is ready for drinking. None for me, thank you! We saw them gathering the sap all along the road. The amount of pulque consumed in Mexico is almost beyond belief.

"Wall stranger, what's a bar'l o' whiskey in a fam'ly o' eleven children, an' no cow?" was the indignant reply of the Wabash Valley Hoosier, to an inquirer after useless knowledge, named Fitch, some years since. The same idea prevails with regard to pulque, among the poorer Mexicans. Special trains are run over the road to carry pulque to the capital, and still, by far the greater portion is brought in upon the backs of men, mules and donkeys.

Some twenty or twenty-five miles from the city we passed the first pyramids, known as those of San Juan Tehuacan, which stand about a fourth of a mile from the railway, up towards the hills. There are two large ones, each apparently three hundred to four hundred feet in height, and well defined in their angles after the lapse of so many centuries. They were built from adobes, and then covered over with earth, and sodded, to protect them from the rains and sun. A zigzag path


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Rh leads up to the summit of the finest one, on which there is a cross. The fine old church of San Juan Tehuacan stands near the pyramids, and there are little villages and hamlets all around. There are several smaller pyramids in the plain, but they appear to have been only begun and never finished. It is said that the largest of the pyramids of Tehuacan was opened by orders of Maximilian, and found to contain abundant evidences of great antiquity and many Aztec relics, but nothing of much intrinsic value. Soon after passing the pyramids, we went through the great battle field of Otumba, where Cortez, with his regular Spanish soldiers, and Tlaxcalan allies fought, and, after the most desperate struggle, routed, one hundred thousand Mexicans. There is a current tradition, to the effect that Otumba owes its name to an exclamation of Cortez after the battle. As he looked at the piles of the dead on the field, and bitterly counted the thinned ranks of his army, he exclaimed:

"O tumba de mi soldados!" (O tomb of my soldiers!)

The story may be safely regarded as on a par, in point of reliability, with those which pretend to give the origin of the names of Ohio, Iowa, Alabama, etc. There are only adobe-walled hamlets, patches of corn, and wide fields of aloe plants, to-day, on the ground where the fate of Mexico was decided nearly three centuries and-a-half ago. Not even a monument marks the spot, and if there were no railway station there, the traveler would pass it without being aware that he was upon grandly historic ground.

At Ometusco, eighteen leagues from Mexico, we met the up-train bound for the capital, and took leave of the


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410 families of the President, Señor Romero, and Mr. Nelson. At Apam, half-way between Mexico and Puebla, we breakfasted as well as we could have done at any railroad station in the United States.

At this point the country begins to change. Between Mexico and Apam the country resembles Lower California to a considerable degree; but from Apam to Puebla it has more the appearance of the foot-hills of the Sierra Nevada, in the gold belt of California, though the red soil of the latter is lacking. The aloe fields now begin to give place to corn fields, and the country is productive, and densely populated.

We were now in the ancient State of Tlaxcala, in a plain situated among the grandest mountains of our continent. On one side Popocatapetl lifts his grand head, white with the snow of countless ages, and turbaned with white, fleecy vapors which cling, lovingly, around it, far into the deep, blue, cloudless sky. Next him stands his royal sister, "La Muger en Blanco" ("The woman in white,") and opposite stands the "Malinchi," named after Cortez's Indian mistress, a mighty mountain, but not snow-crowned, covered with deep green pine forests, up to within four or five thousand feet of its summit, and surrounded, with almost numberless villages, each with its white church, and rich, wide corn-fields.

The number of these hamlets, with large churches, is astonishing. It is said that there are no less than fifty-eight of them in the district known as the Malinchi, in the immediate vicinity of the mountain, and the entire country for hundreds of miles around is equally blessed. In spite of all this, the region has a villainous reputation as the favorite haunt of robbers and kidnappers.


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Rh and the population was supposed, by many, to be in that dissatisfied condition which would make it readily available for carrying out a pronunciamento, by any ambitious and unscrupulous chief who has the money or influence to fairly start it.

Right before us, standing out bold and clear, and sharp in all its outlines, against the sunlit sky of Mexico, white and cold and peerlessly beautiful, stood the monarch of the land of the Aztecs—Orizaba. I have looked at the picture in wonder and delight for hours, but yet can find no words with which to describe the scene, and the emotions which follow the realization of the dream of a life-time.

Twenty-one miles from Puebla, after passing the iron smelting works, we stopped a moment at the old Indian town of Santa Anna, the station at which passengers disembark for the old city of Tlaxcala, and then went on with accelerated speed over the descending grade to Puebla.

We entered this old city of wealth, fashion, bigotry and revolutions, at 5 o'clock, and the Governor and suite having met and congratulated Mr. Seward, the party went directly to the palace of the Bishop of Puebla, a structure almost as solid and massive as the pyramids, covering an entire block or square, and superbly furnished and decorated with gems of art. Each room is a house in itself, so grand are its proportions, and the palace is, altogether, equal to a small town. It faces the great cathedral of Puebla, the largest and richest religious edifice on the American continent, infinitely superior to even the great cathedral of Mexico, and, in fact, one of the wonders of the world.

After dinner I went out with some friends to walk