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The Civil Service and the Patronage/Chapter 09

more effective for party warfare the patronage became, the more bitter grew the struggle for its control, and the more persistently did the contestants resort to the constitution for support. That the administration of the civil service was an executive function could scarcely be denied; but the constitution left open the question how this power was to be divided between the two branches of the executive, the president and the Senate. Instances of constant minor friction, occasioned by the rejection of nominations, have been given; and the comprehensive plans of 1826 and 1836 for limiting the president, while due primarily to partisan opposition, illustrate the continued jealousy of the Senate. Nor, in spite of the defeat of these proposals, had the president's prerogative remained entirely unscathed. Madison regarded the Four Years' Law of 1820 as an unconstitutional encroachment: if Congress could limit the term to four years, it could make it one day, and tenure would be at the pleasure of Congress and not of the president. As a matter of fact, however, the result of the limited term had been to increase the power of the executive, and to all intents and purposes Lincoln found his legal relation to the civil service little different from that of Washington.

The immense expansion of presidential power during the Civil War naturally tended to heighten the Senate's distrust, and under this stress it put its views more effectually upon record than during the eighty years preceding. The first act creating the national banking system in 1862 gave the

of the currency a term of five years, during which he could be removed only by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. How far this was an intentional reversal of the practice urged by Madison in the famous debate of 1789 and accepted since that time, it is impossible to say; but evidently the significance of the change was not realized by the majority in Congress, for in the amendatory bank bill of 1864 the provision was modified, and the president was merely called upon to state to the Senate the causes of the removal. In 1863, again, a clause was added to the military appropriation bill forbidding the payment of money to men appointed during the recess of the Senate “to fill a vacancy in any existing office, which vacancy existed while the Senate was in session and is by law required to be filled by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, until such appointee shall have been confirmed by the Senate.” In the light of these provisions, it seems not improbable that the clause of the act of 1864 requiring the president to submit reasons for the removal of consular clerks was inserted rather from a desire to limit the power of the former than to protect the latter, particularly as it was not part of the original bill of 1856. This manifest jealousy of the overgrown power of the president suggests that, even if Lincoln had lived, a contest would have been inevitable; but where there would have been discussion, mutual concessions, and final agreement under Lincoln, there was war under Andrew Johnson.

The inauguration of the new president in 1865 seemed fairly

propitious. As a result of Lincoln's wise decision to make no changes at the beginning of his second term, the administrative machine had settled down with the prospect of running on quietly for four years. Johnson seemed prepared to follow out Lincoln's policy. The calm was, however, delusive. It is unnecessary even to enumerate the causes that brought about the divergence of the president and a majority of the Republicans in Congress; for our purpose it is sufficient to note that, at a time when the relations between the two branches of the executive were particularly strained, the man who became president was utterly devoid of tact, opinionated and somewhat obstinate, a good fighter but a poor leader.

When it became evident that a struggle for supremacy was to ensue, Johnson began to strengthen his position. Three resignations allowed him to reconstruct his cabinet to his satisfaction, except that Stanton remained in the war department. A. W. Randall, the new postmaster-general, became the organizer of the president's forces; and through the year 1866 various conventions were held in which the presidential programme was enunciated. The most important was that at Philadelphia, in August, where an address was adopted which was intended to appeal to all the elements opposed to the congressional scheme of reconstruction, and which invoked the watch-word “Union,” so potent before 1860. The statement that this convention was composed almost wholly of office-holders and office-seekers does not seem quite justified: no greater proportion of its members is found in the Blue Books of 1867 and 1869 than is usual in such conventions; but after adjournment many individuals and whole delegations visited the president, and doubtless the patronage was one of the topics discussed at these conferences. Shortly afterward, the laying of the corner-stone of the Douglas monument in Chicago gave Johnson the opportunity to “swing round the circle.” In his speeches during this journey he freely declared his intention of not allowing his enemies to enjoy government positions, epitomizing

his views at St. Louis in the vigorous assertion that he would “kick 'em out” of office.

The president intended then to use the patronage in his struggle with Congress, and he found it an apt and powerful instrument. Fear of removal might be counted on to keep some Republicans loyal to their official chief, while the Democrats, who constituted the bulk of his supporters, would be especially pleased to get back to the pastures from which they had been driven five years previous. Moreover, no president except Lincoln had had such numerous rewards to distribute. The most important additions to the list of presidential officers were the 364 internal revenue collectors and assessors; but the subordinate service was swelled in almost every department. Although the army was immediately reduced, its reorganization necessitated the appointment of about two thousand officers for the regular establishment.

The actual proscription began shortly after the Philadelphia convention, when the postmaster-general, Randall, is said to have sent out a “bread and butter” circular, demanding that office-holders support the policy there outlined. Resignations and removals were daily noted in the press from this time on. Owing to the chaotic conditions of Johnson's presidency, it is impossible to get a clear idea of the amount of change. The executive journal of the Senate records 903 removals; but some senators accused the president of sending in many nominations without stating that the cause of the vacancy was removal, and sometimes from the same place two or three removals were made. Moreover, the proscription continued throughout the administration, and the initial sweep was not particularly severe; an official report gave the total number of removals during 1866 at only 466 out of a possible 2934. There were great local differences: of twelve internal revenue officers in

Wisconsin, ten were changed; in Ohio, nearly all; in Indiana, only about one-half; and in California, only one. Removals could not, of course, be made very rapidly at first, as time was necessary to discover who were the friends and who the enemies of the president. The intention, however, was clear.

It was natural that this sweep, although not so extensive as several that had gone before, should arouse more bitterness than any other; and the anger of the Republicans was seven times heated by the appointment of some hated Copperheads to take the place of the martyrs who had been decapitated. The fact that the important military appointments in the South were made with discretion could not serve to mitigate their wrath; and, arrogant in the strength of their majorities in Congress, they were not content to sit idly by and allow the president to go on in this course unchecked; it would be dangerous to permit him to build up a party of his own, and the Republicans felt bound in honor to protect such of their friends as were still in office.

The position of the president was, however, firmly based on long-established constitutional interpretations, while the part that congressmen played in allotting appointments rested on custom alone; probably no one had ever realized how independent the former really was in theory, for practice had always been based on mutual concession. Never before had a strong, determined president faced two houses of Congress opposed to him in so momentous a crisis; and for the first time the question of their respective constitutional powers over the patronage became one of widespread interest. In order to make the succeeding events intelligible, it is necessary to discuss briefly the constitutional provisions on this subject, and the questions that were left open.

Two clauses of the constitution relate to the president's authority on this subject: —

“He shall nominate, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law. But Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper in the president alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments.

“The president shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session.”

Both these provisions were incomplete. The first contained no mention of removals, an omission which the first Congress, under the lead of Madison, interpreted as meaning that the power of removal was one of the general executive functions belonging to the president ex officio. This construction was maintained to the time of Johnson, but not without severe criticism from those who believed that the power of appointment carried with it that of removal, and that consequently the consent of the Senate was necessary for both alike. This opinion was most conspicuously put forward in the great debate of 1836; but it was held both before and after, and was supported by many distinguished thinkers on constitutional law, by a statement of Hamilton in the Federalist, by a closely analogous decision of the Supreme Court, and, on the testimony of Justice McLean, by the opinion of Chief-justice Marshall and the court when he was at its head. It might, then, fairly be considered a moot point in 1866, although seventy-seven years of practice should have counted heavily in favor of the established interpretation.

The significance of the other clause depends upon the meaning of the word “happen.” The alternatives were most clearly set forth by Reverdy Johnson, who described the sentence as involving an ellipsis, it being possible to make it read

either “happen to exist” or “happen to occur.” If “occur” were taken, the provision obviously referred merely to cases in which the vacancy was one newly arising during the recess for which the appointment was to be made. As an actual fact, the official practice had been to take the other interpretation, and this had the support of a number of attorneys-general.

The deductions from the “happen to exist” reading were far-reaching. If the president issued a commission to a man for a certain post, the appointee would under any circumstances be secure therein until the end of the next session of Congress; but unless the president had sent in his name to the Senate and that body had confirmed it, his tenure would cease at that date. There was, however, no reason why the president should not at once reappoint him, for, when his commission expired, a vacancy happened “to exist.” There was no easily assignable legal reason, therefore, why the president might not neglect to send in the name at all, and with a little trouble completely obviate the necessity of consulting the Senate. This extreme possibility was a theoretical rather than a practical danger, for not even Johnson showed an inclination to push his power to such an extreme; but it furnished a good argument for alarmist orators.

The Republican counter attack was first directed against the president's control of the army and navy. In July, 1866, a statute provided that no officer in the military or naval service should “in time of peace be dismissed from service except upon and in pursuance of the sentence of a court-martial.” In the first session of the thirty-ninth Congress, a bill was introduced into the House for the purpose of reversing the current interpretations of the constitutional clauses and of establishing those favorable to the Senate. It did not, however, become a law. On the first day of the next session, Mr. Williams of Oregon asked leave to bring into the Senate a similar bill, denominated a bill “to regulate the tenure of offices.” It was read twice,

and two days later referred to the joint select committee on retrenchment.

The bill, which became the Tenure-of-Office Act of 1867 as reported by Mr. Edmunds from this committee, was designed emphatically to assert the share of the Senate in the removing power. The first clause provided that all officers except members of the cabinet, duly appointed with the advice and consent of the Senate, should be entitled to hold their offices until a successor had in like manner been appointed. The second contained a provision that, for causes which should seem to him to be sufficient, the president might suspend any officer and appoint a temporary successor; such cases should be reported to the Senate within twenty days after the meeting of Congress next following; if the Senate agreed that the causes warranted removal, the office was to be vacant, and a nomination could be made; if not, the old incumbent was to resume his functions. The third clause represented an attempt to define the word “happen” by the addition of the words “by death, resignation, expiration of terms of office, or other lawful cause”; that is, the president was not to have power to fill vacancies caused by removal; if the Senate should not, in its next session, confirm a successor to the officer who died or resigned or lost his office by the expiration of his commission, the office was to remain in abeyance, and its functions were to be performed by whatever officer could lawfully execute them in case of accidental vacancy. The fourth section provided that the act should not be construed to extend the term of any officer which was already limited by law.

There was no doubt that this bill, at any rate in its main provisions, would pass both houses of Congress; yet the debate was long and acrimonious, and requires review. The primary constitutional question as to the exercise of the removing power, which was involved in the first section, was discussed with great learning by Reverdy Johnson and Williams of Oregon. The same champions led the discussion of the second and third clauses of the bill in a debate which was more animated and less

hackneyed. Johnson defended the existing practice, and showed the inconvenience that would arise if the president could fill only vacancies “occurring,” and not all those “existing,” during the recess; and Hendricks illustrated this point by showing that the bill establishing the Freedmen's Bureau was passed early enough to prevent the vacancies which it created from occurring in the recess of the Senate, but too late to be filled before the Senate adjourned. He disapproved of the recommissioning of men rejected by the Senate, and was inclined to believe it unconstitutional; but he did not explain how the contingency was to be avoided. Williams based his constitutional interpretation on two leading ideas: “One is that this filling up is to be temporary; and the other that it is to be exercised within a given time. . . . I understand this clause as to vacancies. . . to be intended simply to bridge over that space of time which may intervene between different sessions of the Senate.”

The debate naturally wandered from constitutional questions to those of expediency. Williams of Pennsylvania said of the bill in the House, “It proposes to improve the rare advantage of the dissociation between the party in power here and the President of its own choice, for the correction of a great evil, by a surrender and dedication of the spoil which that party may be supposed to have won, upon the public altar, and for the nation's benefit through all coming time.” It would have been somewhat difficult to explain the precise nature of this sacrifice, but the idea that an exceptional occasion was to be used for permanent gain was a common one in the Republican press.

It was Senator Sumner, in fact, who was the first to admit the real cause of the proposed act. “At last,” said he, “the country is opening its eyes to the actual condition of things. Already it sees that Andrew Johnson, who came to supreme power by a bloody accident, has become the successor of Jefferson Davis in the spirit by which he is governed and in the mischief he is inflicting on his country. . . . He is a usurper, who promising to be a Moses, has become a Pharaoh. Do you ask

for evidence? It is found in public acts which are beyond question. It is already written in the history of our country. And now in the maintainance of his usurpation he has employed the power of removal from office. Some, who would not become the partisans of his tyranny he has, according to his own language, ‘kicked out.’ Others are left, but silenced by this menace. . . . Wherever any vacancy occurs, whether in the loyal or the rebel States, it is filled by the partisans of his usurpation. Other vacancies are created to provide for these partisans. I need not add that just in proportion as we sanction such nominations or fail to arrest them, according to the measure of our power, we become parties to his usurpation.” Up to this time the debate had been conducted with decorum, but from now on speeches became more and more violent and partisan.

Amendments were offered from time to time. Some were merely with intent to clarify and improve the bill, as that of Sherman, which added an enforcement clause. He pointed out that the bill passed in Lincoln's time, against the payment of salaries to officers appointed in certain defined ways, had not been observed; and, at his suggestion, very heavy penalties were created for those paying or receiving salaries for services rendered contrary to the Tenure-of-Office Bill. A more important amendment was that introduced by Mr. Van Winkle, fixing a definite term of four years for all presidential offices not heretofore limited by law. This roused Mr. Johnson, who remembered the issues of the almost forgotten past. “I do not know,” said he, “that any statute ever passed has created more trouble and done more mischief than that fixing a short term of office for these several appointees.” His protest did not strike a responsive chord, and the amendment seems to have failed merely because the managers were unwilling to encumber the bill with miscellaneous matter.

Sumner, who, throughout the debate acted as chief toreador in baiting the presidential bull, skilfully escaping by just the

breadth of a hair from being caught in a breach of senatorial privilege, proposed to make the appointment of all officers receiving over one thousand dollars annual salary subject to the confirmation of the Senate. This led to a fierce onslaught of radical oratory. Sumner acknowledged that it would increase the labors of the Senate; but he would not have them shirk their duty, and the duty of the hour was “protection to the loyal and patriotic citizen. . . . You may ask,” he added, “protection against whom? I answer plainly, protection against the President of the United States. . . . There was no such duty on our fathers. . . because there was no President of the United States who had become the enemy of his country.” Nevertheless, Fessenden and Edmunds succeeded in convincing the majority that the Senate's time could be more profitably spent than in protecting the night watchmen of New York and Boston.

By far the most important amendment, however, was that introduced by Mr. Howe when the bill was first brought in by the committee, by which it was proposed to strike out the clause excepting the cabinet officers. This, like Mr. Sumner's amendment, received its support from the Republican radicals, who entirely reprobated the theory of Edmunds and Reverdy Johnson that these officers should be the confidential advisers of the president. So little conception was shown of the nature of our government, that Mr. Howe compared the relations of the heads of departments and the president to those between the king and the ministers in England. The more moderate Republicans, voting with the Democrats, defeated the proposition in the Senate. In the House it was again put forward, and was more ably supported; the report of Mr. Jenckes, setting forth the patronage which the various secretaries dispensed, was used with much effect; and this, combined with the desire to protect Stanton in his place at the head of the war department, secured the passage of the amendment, though by a narrow majority. A conference committee was then appointed to adjust the differences between the Senate and the House, and a compromise was agreed upon, to the effect that the heads of

departments should hold for the term of the president by whom they were appointed, and one month thereafter, subject to removal by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. The bill with this amendment was vetoed by the president, was passed over his veto, and became a law on March 2, 1867.

The debate as a whole is disappointing, because so little desire was shown to improve the opportunity presented to accomplish a real reform. Few senators seemed to sympathize with Mr. Howe's statement that he found no special fault with the doctrine, “which,” he added, “I believe has been preached only for thirty or forty years, that to the victor belong the spoils; but the victory which entitles a man or a party to the spoils is a victory which is achieved by the assent of the American people; it is not a victory which is attained by desertion.” Yet, although few of the Republicans defended the existing system, and although they occasionally mentioned reform as a desirable object, the only senator whose remarks indicated intelligent consideration of it was Mr. Doolittle, who called attention to the success of British-American administration of Indian affairs, and drew lessons therefrom. Some senators were, of course, conversant with Mr. Jenckes's reform bill; but they seem to have been little influenced by its principles. The only object in mind, other than the immediate one of restraining Andrew Johnson, was the assertion of the dignity of the Senate and the general lessening of executive powers. Reverdy Johnson, whose speeches and discussions were by far the ablest throughout the debate, called attention to the fact that power might be abused by the Senate as well as by the president; but this argument did not appeal to the senators in general. The Tenure-of-Office Bill of 1867 marked the first definite success that the Senate had obtained in its contest with the president for the control of the patronage; it was a partisan measure, directed against a particular president.

The attitude of the president toward the new act was a question of the utmost interest. He had vetoed it in an able message,

in which he claimed that it was unconstitutional; and, now that it had been passed over his veto, the question remained whether he would accept the restrictions imposed or would disregard the action of Congress. On March 7 a long list of nominations was sent to the Senate, among which was one that might have precipitated the crisis if either side had so desired. A certain man was nominated in place of another “to be removed”; the name was referred to a committee, but was withdrawn by the president before a report had been made. Soon after a man was nominated in the place of another “to be removed for inefficiency,” and the Senate evinced its satisfaction with the cause expressed by confirming the nomination. Still, the president could not be said to have committed himself to the policy of always stating a cause.

In December, 1867, the judiciary committee reported a series of resolutions intended to regulate the activity of the Senate under the new law. It was provided that the president and Senate could remove an officer by the nomination and confirmation of a successor; that, in case an officer were suspended, the Senate might consent to his removal by confirming the nomination of another to his position, without specifically approving or disapproving the cause of suspension; and that cases of suspension be referred to the committee most interested in the offices involved.

While the Senate was thus carefully avoiding the issue, but was exercising liberally its undoubted power of rejecting nominations, the president was preparing to force the question into the courts. He struck directly at Stanton, the foremost of the men whom the law was designed to protect, asking for his resignation on May 5, 1867, and, on his refusal to resign, suspending him one week later. Johnson, in his notification to Stanton,

made no reference to the Tenure-of-Office Act, but gave as his authority the power vested in him as “president by the Constitution and laws of the United States.” Stanton protested that no legal cause of removal, or of suspension, was given; but he yielded, and Grant consented to act in his place. On December 12, 1867, Johnson, strictly in accord with the provisions of the new law, but still with no reference to it, reported the suspension to the Senate. His plan seems to have been that, if the Senate refused to concur in removing Stanton, Grant should refuse to give up his office, and Stanton would thus be forced to appeal to the courts. This plan was submitted to the commander-in-chief, who approved of it provisionally, but after an examination of the law refused to perform his part of it. Consequently Grant remained at his post until January 13, 1868, when the Senate formally refused to agree to the removal of Stanton; whereupon Grant wrote to the latter that, by virtue of the Tenure-of-Office Act, the suspension was at an end, and that he was ready to hand over the office.

On February 21, Johnson announced to the Senate that he had removed Stanton and appointed General Lorenzo Thomas in his place “ad interim.” This was the first definite announcement on his part that he did not recognize the validity of the law passed nearly a year before, and the House at once proceeded to impeach him. It does not fall within the purpose of this work to follow the progress of that trial. The chief point of dispute rested on the interpretation of that ambiguous clause which was the result of the compromise between the Senate and the House on the question whether the provisions of the bill should or should not apply to cabinet officers; and the defence held that Stanton had not been appointed by Johnson, that the latter was serving a term of his own, not a remnant of the term of Lincoln, and that consequently the removal was not in violation of the law. This position was held by just enough Republican senators to prevent the accusers of the president from securing the two-thirds majority necessary for conviction in an

impeachment trial, and, to the disgust of most of the Republicans, the outcome was an acquittal.

The crucial vote was taken on May 26, and Stanton at once tendered his resignation to the president. The latter had already, on April 23, sent in the nomination of General Schofield as secretary of war, “in place of E. M. Stanton, removed.” The Republican majority could not overlook this assertion of the president's right to remove, nor could they, now that they lacked the two-thirds vote, profitably continue the contest; they, therefore, on May 28, confirmed the appointment, but expressed their opinion that the secretary of war had not been “legally removed,” but had voluntarily relinquished his post.

All efforts to bring the matter to a determination had now failed. In December, 1868, the president recognized the law sufficiently to recommend its repeal; but practically until the end of his term the president administered the civil service under one interpretation of the constitution and the Senate under another. Technically the president fared the best, for the Senate had to recognize his nominations if it wished to take any share whatever in the appointments, and in practice it often assented to a nomination in which the last occupant was mentioned as “removed” or “to be removed.” In fact, the executive journal does not read differently from the journals of previous administrations. The Senate's power of rejection, however, was not in question, and consequently it could throw out nominations to its heart's content, and the obstinate pertinacity of the two branches of the appointing power led to many prolonged contests.

Congress indulged, too, in many petty annoyances. Already, in 1867, it had cut down the contingent fund for the state

from $60,000 to $30,000, and now it proposed to limit the number of special agents who could be appointed by the several departments. Sumner, who realized the needs of the state department, vigorously opposed this action; Seward furnished him with a letter showing how moderately the power had been used during the existing administration, and the bill failed. The irritation was carried so far that the Senate's confirmation of the nomination of Reverdy Johnson as minister to England could be referred to as an act of gracious courtesy.

The battle was over. Both sides had spent their ammunition, and the administration went out amid desultory firing along the outposts.

It was generally considered that the Tenure-of-Office Act was passed as an emergency measure, and would be repealed as soon as the Republicans elected a president of their own faith. President Grant, in his first annual message, earnestly recommended its repeal. Already in April, 1869, however, the new Congress had expressed its approval of the act by amending it. The first two sections were so remodelled as to allow suspension at the discretion of the president, for he was no longer required to report to the Senate “the evidence and reasons” for his acts; and cabinet members were placed on the same footing as other officers. On the other hand, in order to prevent the president from keeping in office men commissioned during the recess, he was ordered to nominate persons for all vacancies within thirty days after the commencement of each session, and, in case of rejection, to send in another name as soon as possible. The enforcement clauses were retained. The House had desired a total repeal, but the Senate had stiffly refused to yield what it had gained, and its subsequent action showed that it had no intention to yield up a power which it had so long desired.

The executive journal reflects this increased interest in appointments, and the tenacity with which the Senate maintained its position.

In March, 1869, Senator Edmunds introduced a resolution to the effect that “the term of office of all officers affected by the act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices is limited by that act upon the pleasure of the President of the United States in the appointment of others to said offices by and with the advice and consent of the Senate,” and that “the President of the United States may rightfully, under and in the spirit of existing laws, nominate to the Senate persons for office according to his discretion and independent of any question respecting the conduct or capacity of any incumbent.” This failed of approval, as did also a resolution of contrary intent offered by Senator Trumbull the following December, “That in case of a nomination sent to the Senate in place of an officer suspended by the President, it is the duty of the committee having the nomination in charge to inquire into the propriety of the change proposed.” December 17, 1869, a resolution was proposed “that in the consideration of nominations and other subjects submitted to it [the Senate] by the President,. . . it is its right to be furnished with all papers and documents relating to such matter belonging to the files of the Executive branch of the Government or any Department thereof.” This resolution also failed, and for it was substituted a respectful request for information in the particular case then under discussion.

As no fixed rules were adopted, the practice of the Senate varied. Usually, nominations in the place of officers suspended were confirmed without comment. Sometimes there was investigation, and occasionally evidence was printed for the use of the Senate. Often this was in answer to a protest on the part of the officer suspended. The result was nearly always an ultimate approval of the action of the president. So regular was this action that in 1886 Senator Hoar said that no suspended officer had ever been reappointed. This is not quite correct: December 6, 1869, President Grant sent in a list of officers of

the Indian department “suspended during the recess of the Senate, pursuant to the provisions of the second section of ‘An act to amend an act regulating the tenure of certain civil offices,’ approved, April 5, 1869,” and requesting the Senate to consent to their removal. In the case of seven, consent was refused, and when they had served out their terms one of these seven was nominated for reappointment and was confirmed. There was constant pressure to make public the results of these investigations, and often the injunction of secrecy was removed. The main motive for this was that it was found impossible to preserve absolute secrecy, and that as a result garbled reports got abroad. In 1871 it was voted that the executive journal be printed to the end of the fortieth Congress (1869), and in 1901 it was published to the end of the fifty-first (1891). In 1885 it was voted that nominations and confirmations be daily printed in the Record.

There was constant friction between the Senate and the successive presidents over minor questions of form. In December, 1870, the Senate felt it necessary to declare that the president could restore a suspended officer without consulting it. In 1873 it returned as not “regular” the nomination of Richard Busteed to a judicial position, “to take effect on the resignation of David C. Humphreys”; and in 1874 it returned other nominations, “it being the judgment of the Senate that commissions ought not to antedate the time of actual appointment.” A very annoying practice of the Senate was to request the return of its resolutions confirming or rejecting nominations, in order that it might reconsider them. December 19, 1872, the chair ruled that such motion was out of order, as the Senate had completed its function, and could not reopen the question without the initiative of the president. The latter, however, usually complied with such requests, or sent a

stating that the commissions had been signed, and were therefore beyond his power of recall. In some cases Grant ignored the requests, and the officers in question continued to serve.

Under Hayes the Senate was more aggressive than under Grant, and December 11, 1877, resolved “that the President be respectfully requested to inform the Senate, with a view to the transaction of its executive business, whether in any of the instances of nominations hitherto sent to the Senate, stated to be for appointment in place of officers removed, such removals had been made at the time of sending such nominations to the Senate.” The president was able to reply, January 14, 1878, “that in the instances referred to removals had not been made at the time the nominations were sent to the Senate. The form used for such nominations was one found to have been in existence and heretofore used in some of the departments, and was intended to inform the Senate that if the nominations proposed were approved it would operate to remove an incumbent whose name was indicated.” Such nominations were nearly always approved by the Senate simply by the confirmation of successors to the persons removed.

In addition to this constant manifestation of interest and assertion of minor rights, the Senate used vigorously throughout this period its power of rejecting nominations. Under Grant there were 58 contested cases, of which 9 resulted in rejection; under Hayes 92 contests, 51 being decided against the president; in Garfield's short administration there were 7 contests with 2 rejections; 37 of Arthur's nominations were contested, 8 successfully; Cleveland suffered 8 defeats in 30 contests. The Senate had always possessed the power of rejection, and had at times used it freely, but never before so continuously in the case of nominations by presidents with whom the majority were on friendly terms. To be sure, some

of these rejections reflect special hostility to Grant and Hayes; but on the whole they were scattered pretty evenly, and indicate a fixed policy of aggression rather than a temporary expedient. In the same way, the Senate had presumably always had the power to ask for information concerning nominations, but it had never before exercised it so freely. Particularly it interested itself in ascertaining whether appointments were divided evenly among the several states. A characteristic resolution is that of April 8, 1878, “That the annexed messages be respectfully returned to the President with the request that the Senate be informed of the residence of the nominee, where that fact is omitted, and whether the nomination is to remove an incumbent where that statement is omitted.”

These are outward and visible signs of the inward political growth of a new power of the Senate — the attempt of the senators by combination to make the president a mere clerk to transmit to the Senate as a constitutional body nominations handed to him unofficially by the individual senators. A crisis was brought about in the spring of 1881, when President Garfield attempted to reward some of his New York supporters at the expense of the friends of Senator Conkling. The latter protested; the other senator, Platt, joined him, as did Vice-president Arthur, Postmaster-general James, and sixty out of eighty-one Republican assemblymen of New York. Garfield persisted in sending the most offensive of the nominations — that of Mr. Robertson to be collector — to the Senate, whereupon Conkling and Platt resigned. In a letter to Governor Cornell they stated the facts, and added that they were forced to choose between “plain and sworn duty” and “disloyalty to the administration which they had helped to bring in.” The letter continued, “Although party service may be fairly considered in making selections of public officers, it can hardly be maintained that the Senate is bound to remove, without cause, incumbents, merely to make places for those whom any individual, even the President or a member of the Cabinet, wishes to repay for being recreant to others and serviceable to him.”

This action on the part of the New York senators must be regarded as an attempt to enforce the doctrine that not only could the Senate control appointments, but that the senators should severally control those for their respective states — a doctrine which may be considered as the high-water mark of the Senate's claims. Fortunately, the New York legislature did not support this theory, and Conkling and Platt were defeated for reëlection. Nor can the subsequent election of the latter be regarded as in any way a vindication of the principle here set forth; it was due rather to changed circumstances, and to his own great skill. The Senate itself rejected the doctrine put forward by unanimously confirming Robertson.

The notoriety of this incident did much to promote interest in the repeal of the Tenure-of-Office Act. This had been urged by Grant and Hayes, and a bill for the purpose had been passed in the House of Representatives. In April, 1884, President Arthur asked the Senate to consent to the removal of a certain officer, whereupon Senator Hoar proposed a resolution, “That in the judgment of the Senate it is within the constitutional power of the President to remove the officer named in his message if, in his judgment, the public interests require.” This was too radical a departure, and Senator Edmunds's resolution, that “in view of the foregoing message the Senate advise and consent to the removal,” was passed; but Senator Hoar succeeded in affixing to it the clause, “and that the Senate does not hereby express an opinion as to the constitutional relations of the President and the Senate in the matter of removal from office.”

Senator Hoar did not lose interest in the matter, and did not let others lose it. He was assisted by the agitation in favor of civil service reform and by a vigorously worded message of President Cleveland in 1886. December 14, 1885, he introduced a bill to repeal the Tenure-of-Office Law, which was referred to the judiciary committee; but it is significant that in the House a

corresponding bill was given to the committee on the reform of the civil service. The debate in the House was unimportant, and the bill passed by a vote of 172 to 67. In the Senate the discussion was more keen. Hoar, in his introductory remarks, said that he did not suppose there were ten men in the Senate who objected to the repeal. The next day, however, Senator Edmunds vigorously defended the original act. He ably reviewed the constitutional arguments, and dwelt at some length on the danger of giving the patronage into the hands of the president alone; he dwelt upon the removals then being so rapidly made by the existing administration, and on the necessity of some regulation to restrain the president; the repeal of the Tenure-of-Office Act, he declared, would be a step backward in civil service reform, by facilitating removals. Hoar replied in a speech longer than his first, in which he maintained the unconstitutionality of the act of 1867, pointed out (incorrectly) that no suspended officer had ever been reappointed, that in all encounters with the executive the Senate had been worsted, and that the prestige of the latter could not fail to suffer from the attempt to control the president. He added, that the first step in civil service reform was to impose the responsibility of it on the president.

The repealing bill finally passed the Senate by a vote of 32 to 22; perhaps the speech of Senator Edmunds had given the question a partisan cast, for the negative vote was composed of Republicans, while Hoar and Ingalls were the only prominent members of that party to vote in the affirmative. As the Senate bill was not amended in the House, it was forwarded to the president as soon as passed by the latter body, and on the same day he approved it. Thus the original interpretation of Madison was allowed to revive, and responsibility was once more

concentrated. Yet, while the Senate resumed the legal position it had held previous to 1867, the history of the intervening years could not be forgotten; its prestige was too firmly fixed to depend on a single act, and the senators unofficially and by “courtesy” have continued to this day the main dispensers of the patronage.


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294 We three set off, the gossip leaning on her toes, tripping between us. She was much gratified by Lettie’s information concerning the proposals for the new home. We left her in a glow of congratulatory smiles on the highway. But the clouds had upreared, and stretched in two great arms, reaching overhead. The little spinster hurried along, but the black hands of the clouds kept pace and clutched her. A sudden gust of wind shuddered in the trees, and rushed upon her cloak, blowing its bugles.

An icy raindrop smote into her cheek. She hurried on, praying fervently for her bonnet’s sake that she might reach Widow Harriman’s cottage before the burst came. But the thunder crashed in her ear, and a host of hailstones flew at her. In despair and anguish she fled from under the ash trees; she reached the widow’s garden gate, when out leapt the lightning full at her. “Put me in the stair-hole!” she cried. “Where is the stair-hole?”

Glancing wildly round, she saw a ghost. It was the reflection of the sainted spinster, Hilda Slaighter, in the widow’s mirror; a reflection with a bonnet fallen backwards, and to it attached a thick rope of grey-brown hair. The author of the ghost instinctively twisted to look at the back of her head. She saw some ends of grey hair, and fled into the open stair-hole as into a grave.

We had gone back home till the storm was over, and then, restless, afraid of the arrival of George, we set out again into the wet evening. It was fine and chilly, and already a mist was rising from Nethermere, veiling the farther shore, where the trees rose loftily, suggesting groves beyond the Nile. The

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Éastre

 * Coates, Florence Earle (1912), "Éastre" in The Unconquered Air, and Other Poems (1912).
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "Éastre" in Poems I.

title: Éastre


text:
Page:The White Peacock, Lawrence, 1911.djvu/303

Rh birds were singing riotously. The fresh green hedge glistened vividly and glowed again with intense green. Looking at the water, I perceived a delicate flush from the west hiding along it. The mist licked and wreathed up the shores; from the hidden white distance came the mournful cry of water fowl. We went slowly along behind a heavy cart, which clanked and rattled under the dripping trees, with the hoofs of the horse moving with broad thuds in front. We passed over black patches where the ash flowers were beaten down, and under great massed clouds of green sycamore. At the sudden curve of the road, near the foot of the hill, I stopped to break off a spray of larch, where the soft cones were heavy as raspberries, and gay like flowers with petals. The shaken bough spattered a heavy shower on my face, of drops so cold that they seemed to sink into my blood and chill it.

“Hark!” said Lettie, as I was drying my face. There was the quick patter of a motor-car coming downhill. The heavy cart was drawn across the road to rest, and the driver hurried to turn the horse back. It moved with painful slowness, and we stood in the road in suspense. Suddenly, before we knew it, the car was dropping down on us, coming at us in a curve, having rounded the horse and cart. Lettie stood faced with terror. Leslie saw her, and swung round the wheels on the sharp, curving hillside; looking only to see that he should miss her. The car slid sideways; the mud crackled under the wheels, and the machine went crashing into Nethermere. It caught the edge of the old stone wall with a smash. Then for a few moments I think I was


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296 blind. When I saw again, Leslie was lying across the broken hedge, his head hanging down the bank, his face covered with blood; the car rested strangely on the brink of the water, crumpled as if it had sunk down to rest.

Lettie, with hands shuddering, was wiping the blood from his eyes with a piece of her underskirt. In a moment she said:

“He is not dead—let us take him home—let us take him quickly.”

I ran and took the wicket gate off its hinges, and laid him on that. His legs trailed down, but we carried him thus, she at the feet, I at the head. She made me stop and put him down. I thought the weight was too much for her, but it was not that.

“I can’t bear to see his hand hanging, knocking against the bushes and things.”

It was not many yards to the house. A maid-servant saw us, came running out, and went running back, like the frightened lapwing from the wounded cat.

We waited until the doctor came. There was a deep graze down the side of the head—serious, but not dangerous; there was a cut across the cheek-bone that would leave a scar; and the collar-bone was broken. I stayed until he had recovered consciousness. “Lettie,” he wanted Lettie, so she had to remain at Highclose all night. I went home to tell my mother.

When I went to bed I looked across at the lighted windows of Highclose, and the lights trailed mistily towards me across the water. The cedar stood dark guard against the house; bright the windows were,


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Rh like the stars, and, like the stars, covering their torment in brightness. The sky was glittering with sharp lights—they are too far off to take trouble for us, so little, little almost to nothingness. All the great hollow vastness roars overhead, and the stars are only sparks that whirl and spin in the restless space. The earth must listen to us; she covers her face with a thin veil of mist, and is sad; she soaks up our blood tenderly, in the darkness, grieving, and in the light she soothes and reassures us. Here on our earth is sympathy and hope, the heavens have nothing but distances.

A corn-crake talked to me across the valley, talked and talked endlessly, asking and answering in hoarse tones from the sleeping, mist-hidden meadows. The monotonous voice, that on past summer evenings had had pleasant notes of romance, now was intolerable to me. Its inflexible harshness and cacophany seemed like the voice of fate speaking out its tuneless perseverance in the night.

In the morning Lettie came home wan, sad-eyed, and self-reproachful. After a short time they came for her, as he wanted her again.

When in the evening I went to see George, he too was very despondent.

“It’s no good now,” said I. “You should have insisted and made your own destiny.”

“Yes—perhaps so,” he drawled, in his best reflective manner.

“I would have had her—she’d have been glad if you’d done as you wanted with her. She won’t leave him till he’s strong, and he’ll marry her before then. You should have had the courage to risk


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298 always too careful of yourself and your own poor feelings—you never could brace yourself up to a shower-bath of contempt and hard usage, so you’ve saved your feelings and lost—not much, I suppose—you couldn’t.”

“But——” he began, not looking up; and I laughed at him.

“Go on,” I said.

“Well—she was engaged to him——”

“Pah—you thought you were too good to be rejected.”

He was very pale, and when he was pale, the tan on his skin looked sickly. He regarded me with his dark eyes, which were now full of misery and a child’s big despair.

“And nothing else,” I completed, with which the little, exhausted gunboat of my anger wrecked and sank utterly. Yet no thoughts would spread sail on the sea of my pity: I was like water that heaves with yearning, and is still.

Leslie was very ill for some time. He had a slight brain fever, and was delirious, insisting that Lettie was leaving him. She stayed most of her days at Highclose.

One day in June he lay resting on a deck chair in the shade of the cedar, and she was sitting by him. It was a yellow, sultry day, when all the atmosphere seemed inert, and all things were languid.

“Don’t you think, dear,” she said, “it would be better for us not to marry?”

He lifted his head nervously from the cushions; his face was emblazoned with a livid red bar on a field of white, and he looked worn, wistful.


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Munson, James Eugene


text:
User:Rian85

Nama lengkap: Rianandra, Alumni Fisika, Universitas Sriwijaya, Palembang. Kelahiran Indralaya, Kabupaten Ogan Ilir. Sekarang berlokasi di Palembang, tepatnya di Indralaya, Kabupaten Ogan Ilir

title: User:Rian85


text:
Page:The White Peacock, Lawrence, 1911.djvu/307

Rh “Do you mean not yet?” he asked.

“Yes—and, perhaps,—perhaps never.”

“Ha,” he laughed, sinking down again. “I must he getting like myself again, if you begin to tease me.”

“But,” she said, struggling valiantly, “I’m not sure I ought to marry you.”

He laughed again, though a little apprehensively.

“Are you afraid I shall always be weak in my noddle?” he asked. “But you wait a month.”

“No, that doesn’t bother me——”

“Oh, doesn’t it!”

“Silly boy—no, it’s myself.”

“I’m sure I’ve made no complaint about you.”

“Not likely—but I wish you’d let me go.”

“I’m a strong man to hold you, aren’t I? Look at my muscular paw!“—he held out his hands, frail and white with sickness.

“You know you hold me—and I want you to let me go. I don’t want to——”

“To what?”

“To get married at all—let me be, let me go.”

“What for?”

“Oh—for my sake.”

“You mean you don’t love me?”

“Love—love—I don’t know anything about it. But I can’t—we can’t be—don’t you see—oh, what do they say,—flesh of one flesh.”

“Why?” he whispered, like a child that is told some tale of mystery.

She looked at him, as he lay propped upon his elbow, turning towards hers his white face of fear and perplexity, like a child that cannot understand,


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300 and is afraid, and wants to cry. Then slowly tears gathered full in her eyes, and she wept from pity and despair.

This excited him terribly. He got up from his chair, and the cushions fell on to the grass:

“What’s the matter, what’s the matter!—Oh, Lettie,—is it me?—don’t you want me now?—is that it?—tell me, tell me now, tell me,”—he grasped her wrists, and tried to pull her hands from her face. The tears were running down his cheeks. She felt him trembling, and the sound of his voice alarmed her from herself. She hastily smeared the tears from her eyes, got up, and put her arms round him. He hid his head on her shoulder and sobbed, while she bent over him, and so they cried out their cries, till they were ashamed, looking round to see if anyone were near. Then she hurried about, picking up the cushions, making him lie down, and arranging him comfortably, so that she might be busy. He was querulous, like a sick, indulged child. He would have her arm under his shoulders, and her face near his.

“Well,” he said, smiling faintly again after a time. “You are naughty to give us such rough times—is it for the pleasure of making up, bad little Schnucke—aren’t you?”

She kept close to him, and he did not see the wince and quiver of her lips.

“I wish I was strong again—couldn’t we go boating—or ride on horseback—and you’d have to behave then. Do you think I shall be strong in a month? Stronger than you?”

“I hope so,” she said.


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Rh “Why, I don’t believe you do, I believe you like me like this—so that you can lay me down and smooth me—don’t you, quiet girl?”

“When you’re good.”

“Ah, well, in a month I shall be strong, and we’ll be married and go to Switzerland—do you hear, Schnucke—you won’t be able to be naughty any more then. Oh—do you want to go away from me again?”

“No—only my arm is dead,” she drew it from beneath him, standing up, swinging it, smiling because it hurt her.

“Oh, my darling—what a shame! oh, I am a brute, a kiddish brute. I wish I was strong again, Lettie, and didn’t do these things.”

“You boy—it’s nothing.” She smiled at him again.


text: Eight Harvard Poets/Threnody (Mitchell)

title: Eight Harvard Poets/Threnody (Mitchell)


text:
Art (Coates)

 * Coates, Florence Earle (1893), "Art" in The Century Magazine (June 1893).
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1898), "Art" in Poems.
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "Art" in Poems II.

title: Art (Coates)


text: Eight Harvard Poets/Helen

title: Eight Harvard Poets/Helen


text:
Helen

 * Helen, a play by Euripides. Multiple English translations exist.
 * Helen (1834), by Maria Edgeworth, a novel.
 * "Helen", a poem by R. S. Mitchell

title: Helen


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Murat, Napoléon Achille


text:
A Maid's Defence

 * Coates, Florence Earle (1898), "A Maid's Defense" in Poems.
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "A Maid's Defence" in Poems I.

title: A Maid's Defence


text:
Page:HouseSparrowHomeAbroad.djvu/19

Rh sing. Ornithologists are not agreed as to which of the numerous Oscine families should occupy the head of the series; but Dr. Coues inclines to the opinion that some member of this family with the possession of nine primaries—as the finches or tanagers—will eventually assume the leading place. The Turdidæ, or Thrushes, in accordance with usage, occupy this position.

The Fringillidæ are the most extensive group in ornithology, representing, in round numbers, 500 current species in about 100 genera. This family represents more particularly what used to be designated "conirostral" birds. The bill of these birds approaches nearest to the ideal cone, and unites great strength with delicacy of touch.

The cone is sometimes nearly expressed, but frequently turgid and conoidal; convex in most directions, and so constructed as to become concave in some of its outlines. The nostrils are usually exposed, but in many northern genera the base of the bill is furnished with a ruff and two tufts of antrorse feathers, which more or less conceal the opening; the cutting edges of bill are slightly notched, but otherwise plain; a few inconspicuous bristles about rictus; ordinarily, somewhat lacking; in some, highly developed. The wings are composed of nine developed primaries, variable in size; the tail is variable, but always composed of twelve rectrices; feet scutellate in front, and covered on side with an undivided plate, which produces a sharp ridge posteriorly.

The most tangible character of this group is the angulation of the commissure; this character runs in a

title: Page:HouseSparrowHomeAbroad.djvu/19


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Gellius, Aulus

GEL'LIUS,. A Latin author of the second century A.D. Little is known of his life. He is supposed to have been born at Rome, where, at all events, he studied rhetoric. Subsequently he proceeded to Athens to undergo a discipline in philosophy. On his return to Rome he entered upon a legal career, without, however, abandoning his literary pursuits. Gellius's well-known work, The Attic Nights (Noctes Atticæ), begun during the long nights of winter in a country house near Athens, and completed during the latter years of his life, is a collection of miscellaneous matter on language, antiquities, history, and literature, in twenty books, of which the eighth is wanting. It contains many extracts from Greek and Latin authors no longer extant. The work is destitute of any plan or arrangement, is disfigured by archaisms, and derives its value mainly from being a repository of curious knowledge. The editio princeps appeared at Rome in 1469; the earliest critical edition is that

of Gronovius (Leyden, 1706); the most important edition is that of Hertz (Berlin, 1883-85); there is also a smaller edition by the same author (Berlin, 1886); and a volume of selections, with notes and vocabulary, by Nall (London, 1888). There is an English translation by Beloe (London, 1795).


text:
Author:Robert Stewart Mitchell

Works

 * Eight Harvard Poets (1917)
 * Horatio Seymour of New York
 * Official guide to Harvard University
 * The founding of Massachusetts, a selection from the sources of the history of the settlement, 1628-1631
 * New letters of Abigail Adams, 1788-1801
 * Lincoln and "the devil's advocate."
 * Handbook of the publications and photostats, 1792-1935
 * Georgine Holmes Thomas, 1848-1940

title: Author:Robert Stewart Mitchell


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Gelnhausen

GELNHAUSEN, gĕln'hou-zen. An ancient town in the Prussian Province of Hesse-Nassau, situated on the River Kinzig, 27 miles northeast of Frankfort. It is surrounded by walls, and its most interesting buildings are the Church of Saint Mary, built in Transition style in the thirteenth century, and recently restored; the Rathaus; and a building dating from the time of Frederick I., and supposed to be a guild house. On a small islet in the Kinzig lie some well-preserved parts of an Imperial palace erected by Frederick I. in the twelfth century. The town has also a monument to Philip Reis, the alleged inventor of the telephone and a native of Gelnhausen. The town once had the rank of an Imperial city, and was the temporary residence of several emperors. Population, in 1900, 4589.


text:
Page:The Pathfinder of the Seas.djvu/78

 48 alone responsible for the accuracy of the work as nothing had been published until it had passed his supervision and approval.

A very ambitious work which Maury began during the year 1845 was a catalogue of the stars. The aim was to cover every point of space in the visible heavens with telescopes, get the position of every star, cluster, and nebula, and record both magnitude and color, with the angle of position and the distance of binary stars together with descriptions and drawings of all clusters and nebula. No astronomical work on such an extensive scale had ever before been executed or even attempted, though the value and importance of it were manifold and difficult of full estimation. Maury wrote that it was his intention to make a contribution to astronomy that would be worthy of the nation and the age, and to so execute the undertaking that future astronomers would value it so highly as to say that such a star was not visible in the heavens at the date of the Washington Catalogue because it is not recorded therein.

An interesting example of the extremely practical value of such a catalogue came up in connection with Leverrier's discovery of the planet Neptune. In the autumn of 1846, after the discovery of this planet, Maury ordered one of his observers to trace its path backwards to see if some astronomer had observed it and entered it as a fixed star. On February 1, 1847, the observer, Sears Cook Walker, gave a list of fourteen stars from Lalande's catalogue in his "Histoire Celeste", where Neptune should have been approximately in May, 1795. Professor Hubbard was then directed by Maury to examine with the equatorial, and he found on the night of February 4 that the suspected star was missing.

title: Page:The Pathfinder of the Seas.djvu/78


text: Speech on Partial Suffrage (Kentucky Constitutional Convention, December 12, 1890)


text:
User:Khairunissa saad

Khairunissa adalah mahasiswa di universitas negeri tertua di Medan yaitu Universitas Sumatera Utara (USU) jurusan Ilmu Perpustakaan dan Informasi (Library Science and Information) yang berlokasi di Medan,Indonesia. Statusnya mahasiswa aktif sejak tahun 2010. Menjadi member di Wikipedia sejak tanggal 10 Juli 2012. Saat ini Khairunissa sedang berkontribusi dalam kompetisi Kamus bahasa Sunda-Inggris.

title: User:Khairunissa saad


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Gelon

GE'LON (Lat., from Gk. Γέλον). Tyrant of Gela and Syracuse. He was the son of Dinomenes, and a native of Gela. His family was one of the oldest and most distinguished in the place. Gelon himself first figures in history as general of horse in the army of Hippocrates, Tyrant of Gela. On the death of the latter he contrived to obtain the supreme power, B.C. 491, and about B.C. 485 made himself master of Syracuse also, to which he transferred the seat of his government, and which he rendered the first Greek city in Sicily. All the inhabitants of Camarina, more than half of those of Gela, and many from other neighboring towns, he brought to Syracuse. His influence soon extended itself over a great part of the island. At the time of the invasion of Xerxes, Gelon refused to come to the aid of the Greeks, ostensibly because they would not make him commander-in-chief. He soon after came into collision with the Carthaginians, but defeated them in a decisive battle at Himera, in B.C. 480 — on the same day, it is said, on which the battle of Salamis was fought. He thereafter ruled in peace. He is praised as a merciful and wise ruler, who was beloved by his people and hailed as their deliverer and sovereign. After his death, about B.C. 478, he was honored as a hero. His brother Hiero succeeded him.


text:
Page:The Pathfinder of the Seas.djvu/79

 Rh It was concluded, therefore, that Lalande had observed and recorded Neptune as a fixed star on the nights of May 8 and 10, 1795. This discovery enabled astronomers to compute the new planet's orbit from observations extending over a period of fifty years.

The work on this catalogue was carried forward industriously for several years, but the results were not ready to be published in the volume of observations for the year 1846 because of the continual drafts on the personnel of the Observatory for sea duty, which made it impossible for the computers to keep pace with the observers. Eventually, Maury was compelled to abandon the hope of ever finishing a complete catalogue of the stars, as at first planned. The observations continued to be made, however, and by January of 1855 the number of stars which had been so observed reached the grand total of 100,000; but these results were not published until 1873, long after Maury's superintendency had come to a close. Maury would never have undertaken such an ambitious work, if he had realized the Herculean labor involved in the cataloguing of all the stars down to the 10th magnitude in all the heavens from 45° south to the North Pole, a colossal undertaking that was entirely beyond the capacity of any one observatory to accomplish in a generation.

The appearance of the second volume of astronomical observations was delayed because of the inroads made on Maury's staff by the demands of the Mexican War. Then when the work was on the point of being published it was destroyed by a fire which burned the printing office. So the volume did not appear until the year 1851; and as the years went by publications fell further and further behind the observations. There is no

title: Page:The Pathfinder of the Seas.djvu/79


text:
Page:The Pathfinder of the Seas.djvu/80

 50 doubt but that Maury was greatly handicapped by the assignment of officers to the Observatory for irregular periods, and by the reduction of the number of his mathematicians as time went by. There was, besides, the hydrographical work of his office which made constantly increasing demands on him and his staff. When he was forced by this lack in personnel to make a choice between the more complete development of astronomical observations on the one hand, and hydrographical and meteorological research on the other, he wisely chose the latter as of more immediate and practical value to the United States, and indeed to the entire world.

title: Page:The Pathfinder of the Seas.djvu/80


text:
User:Sari Monica

Sari Monica is an ordinary girl that always dream to make her trip to travel around the world. She was born on 13th October 1995. She's a christian and belong to Jesus Christ. She just want to live free and happier. Meet new people that could really understand and accept her as herself. Her favorite idols are Avril Lavigne, 2NE1, Jesse McCartney, and YUI.

title: User:Sari Monica


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Gelsemium

GELSEMIUM (Neo-Lat,, from It. gelsomino, jasmine, from Ar. yasmin, from Pers. yāsmīn, jasmine). A drug consisting of the rhizome and rootlets of Gelsemium sempervirens, a climbing shrub of the natural order Loganiaceæ, having a milky juice, opposite lanceolate, shining leaves, and axillary clusters of from one to five large, funnel-shaped, very fragrant yellow flowers. The fruit is composed of two separable jointed follicles, containing numerous flat-winged seeds. The stem often runs under ground for a considerable distance. The plant is a native of the United States, growing on rich clay soil by the side of streams near the coast, from Virginia to Florida and Texas. In the United States it is commonly known as the wild, yellow, or Carolina jessamine, although in no way related to the true jessamines, which belong to the Oleaceæ. The medicinal properties of the root were discovered by accident, the infusion having been administered

instead of that of some other root, with the result of curing the fever for which it was taken. It contains an alkaloid, gelsemine, and gelseminic acid. The physiological action of the drug has been carefully examined. It appears that it has a paralyzing action on the motor centres, affecting successively the third, fifth, and sixth nerves. Its fatal action is due, according to Bartholow, to its causing paralysis of the respiratory muscles, and thus producing death by asphyxia. Wood believes the action is upon the respiratory centre. In large doses it produces alarming symptoms, which have terminated fatally. These appear to vary in different cases, but the more prominent are pain in the forehead and in the eyeballs, giddiness, a feeling of muscular fatigue, lightness in the tongue, slurred pronunciation, labored respiration, ptosis, wide dilatation of the pupils, and impossibility of keeping an erect posture. The mind in most cases remains clear until shortly before death. The earliest and most prominent symptoms of a fatal or dangerous dose is the drooping of the eyelids, which indicates the immediate administration of stimulants; for when the paralysis of the tongue, which ensues, extends to the epiglottis, deglutition becomes impossible, and, unless the sufferer be placed in a forward position, the epiglottis is apt to flap back and close the windpipe. The antidotes which have been found most efficient are carbonate of ammonia, brandy, aromatic spirits of ammonia, and morphine. Gelsemium is used chiefly in the treatment of facial and other neuralgias, particularly the so-called trigeminal neuralgia, which involves branches of the fifth nerve. It has proved valuable in some cases of malarial fever, and is occasionally used as a cardiac depressant and in spasmodic affections, but is inferior for this purpose to other remedies.


text:
Page:A dictionary of the Sunda language of Java.djvu/513

 492 Téng'ah pĕuting, midnight.

Téng'ah poi, mid-day, noon.

Teng'ahan, towards the middle. Do it at the middle.

Téng'ahkĕn, to divide in two equal parts.

Téng'ang'ni, noon, mid-day. Téng'ah, middle. Ang'ni is apparently the day, but is not Sunda. Clough, page 216, gives Gnani, a wise or learned man, a sage, but particularly one skilled in astronomy and the powers of the planetary system over the affairs and destiny of man. An astrologer. And thus Téng'ah-gnani or Téng'ang'ni, would be the astronomer's, or rather astrologer's middle (of day).

Téng'éng, speaking with a harsh, shrill voice. A peculiarity in the voice of some men, which makes them speak as if squeaking.

Tĕng'ĕr, a mark or sign placed upon anything, by which to recognize it again.

Tĕng'ĕran, to put a mark on anything, by which it may be known again.

Ténggék, to gaze, to keep looking at.

Ténggék cha-ah, the flood-gazer, -name of a small tree growing by riversides. Nauclea Orientalis.

Tĕnggĕlkĕn, to hit, to strike. Di tĕnggĕlkĕn ka téng'áh imah, he directed the stroke to the middle of the house. Di tĕnggĕlkĕn ka na kakiping pedati, he made it hit the pedaty-wheel.

Ténggor, to strike without intention. Inadvertently hit.

Tĕng'i, rancid, rank, ill-flavoured, — as rancid butter.

Téngkas, to kick lightly with the hind foot.

Téng'os, to cut the end of bambu or wood with a slope.

Téngténg, to carry under the arm, with the hand down towards the thigh. To carry by placing between the body and the arm. To carry as a tiger would do, partly held up with one paw.

Téngténg, a kind of cake made of kĕtan rice, which is whole and not ground down to flour. It is mixed with a little Java sugar and packed in small square blocks, in a wrapper of plantain-leaves which have been dried.

Ténjo, to look from afar, to discry. To survey from a distance. To have a distant prospect.

Ténjo, name of a forest-tree, which gives a gum like Gum Copal. This gum is used instead of Benjamin, when propitiating the Guriangs or mountain-spirits.

Ténong, a round basket made of split bambu, generally 5 or 6 inches thick, and flat both below and above, and from about half a foot to a foot in diameter. These baskets are generally painted red and black, and are used by women for holding sewing materials.

Tép, the idiomatic expression of the sensation of pain, as of being bit by some small insect, or cut slightly hy a knife. Tép bai ku tataman, he felt the bite of a tatamanant; and the tataman-ants began to bite him. Ari ngarasa tép tĕulĕui gĕgĕro-an bai as soon as he felt the knife, he immediately set a bellowing.


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lothair II.


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336 Palabuan, an anchoring place; a bay. See Labuh. Palabuan Ratu or Wynkoops Bay, on the south coast of Java, at westend of Preanger Regencies.

Palagi, customary, usual, in ordinary routine. Palagi na di ala, it is the usual custom to take it. Lain palagi, unusual, unheard of; litterally — otherwise than usual.

Palahlar, name of a tree, Dipterocarpus trinervis. Has much ropy gum.

Palai, desiring, longing for.

Palajang, a plant growing wild, and sometimes planted in gardens. It resembles a variety of Plantain, and has red flowers. Seldom grows above 8 or 10 feet high. Musa Coccinea.

Palal, of unpleasant taste; harsh to the palate.

Palamporan, an enclosure into which Paddy is collected to dry after cutting, viz. that part which has been levied as the tax of the landlord. The word is derived from Lampor, which in the Malay of Bencoolen, see Dictionary, means a stack or rick of corn. Lampor alone is not used in Sunda.

Palanchasan, conclusion, end, having come to a termination of work, or anything in hand.

Palanchu, a long stake driven into the ground for any purpose, as a support to a fence or the like.

Palang, a cross beam, a horizontal bar of wood. Anything laid athwart. In Malay occurs — Alang, cross beams in building; and in Javanese it means across — athwart. The Malay name for the long tall grass of the plains alang-alang is probably derived from its barring the way, being entangled and bad to get through. This grass is called in Sunda Eǔrih.

Palangan, indisposed, unwel. Anything which interferes with what we propose doing. Měurěun datang lamun to aya palangan, I shall undoubtedly come if there is not something to prevent me.

Palangké, a litter, a sedan, a Palanquin. (Scr. Palyangka and Paryangka, originally a bed, bedstead.)

Palapah, the fronds or leaf stems of Palm trees. Palapah kalapa, cocoanut branches. Palapah Kawung, branches of the aren tree.

Palasta, done, accomplished, fulfilled. Gěus palasta, it is all done, or accomplished. (Kawi, according to Palastra, dead, died. Set. root Las, to be an artificer, to exercise an art. ! ? Pa, Polynesian Praefix).

Palatuk, a short stake or peg of wood driven into the ground, either as a mark or to tie an animal to.

Palawan, an opposer in any contest, as at games or in active exercises, such as in Ujungan or fighting with rattans. A champion. (Persian Pahlawan, a champion).

Palé, pomatum, or any unguent used for stiffening the mustachios. A little is carried by young dandies about the golok or gobang handles. Kumis di paléan, his mustachios were pointed with pomatum.


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lothair, king of France


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Maury's early years in the navy afforded the lad from the backwoods of Tennessee wonderful experiences, and excellent opportunities for supplementing the desultory education that he had received. To a young man of his intellectual capacity, these voyages to foreign lands during the most plastic years of his life were invaluable in the development of a mind capable of grappling later with questions and problems which concerned the entire world.

Luckily for the young officer, the very first ship to which he was attached, the Brandywine, was the vessel which had been chosen to convey Lafayette home to France after his memorable visit to the United States. This ship, named from Brandywine Creek, the scene of the battle in which Lafayette was wounded on September 11, 1777, had been launched on June 16 of the year 1825. In equipping her for this special service, the officers had been selected so as to represent as many different states as possible and, where it was practicable, they were to be descendants of persons who had distinguished themselves in the Revolution. This accounted for the large number of midshipmen ordered aboard her, twenty-six instead of the usual eight or ten for a vessel of that size. Maury was thus brought in touch with young officers from various sections of the country; and among the senior officers were Captain Charles Morris, who had made a name for himself in the War of 1812, and

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Rh Palédang, a maker of copper rice pots or Sé-éngs.

Palélé, in proper order; having made proper arrangements. Systematically. Not in confusion or unadvisedly.

Palémbang, name of an old native government on Sumatra opposite the island of Bangka, established by a Javanese colony in the 12th century. The name is derived from Lémbang, to wash ore or metals, such as gold dust.

Paléndéng, set on one side, disregraded, to walk on one side of. To follow the course of. Amusing oneself; unwilling to conform to. La ilah paléndéng, God being disregarded. The expression occurs in a Badui Jampé. Paléndéng chai, to follow the course of the river.

Palěngkung, twisted in a circle, curved, bent over.

Palér, not longing or wishing for women; an aversion to sexual intercourse.

Palias, may it be for from us. God forbid; ward off. Palias těuyn chelaka kitu, may such misfortunes be far from us. Hayang něda palias, would entreat that God should forbid. This word may be a derivative of Paliha, C. 374, a shield, a buckler, or from • Palisa which is of the same meaning C. 374.

Palias, name of a grass, with long narrow leaves; grows in moist cool situations.

Palid, carried away by water; swept away in a stream. A drift.

Palipisan, the temples of the head.

Palis, said of a light or candle which has been blown out by the wind. Driven or drifted away, as heavy black clouds which threatened to send down rain, but have now been drifted away by the wind.

Palisir, cloth or hangings about the upper part of a bed, often ornamented with Hanjéré and tinsel.

Palita, a lamp, an oil lamp, a candle, a light. Quere? Palita, C. 374, heat, burning.

Palobah, about, near to; Palobah tangkal kadu, near the Durian tree. Palobah imah batur, somewhere about my neighbour's house.

Palu, a hammer. Palu gědé, a big hammer, a sledge hammer. Palu, C. 374 a knot, a joint, the joint in a bambu &c. (Malay, Javan. idem).

Paluan, to strike with a hammer.

Palungpung, the Orchis parasite plant, with pretty white flowers, frequently found growing on cocoa nut trees.

Palupuh, bambu flooring, viz large kinds of bambus split open lengthways, till the whole piece can lie flat like a board. (Jav. Plupuh. Mal. Palūpuh idem).

Pamabokan, a Drunkard.

Pamainan, a toy, a plaything. Amusements, entertainments.

Pamaja, the chisel used for turnery work done at the lathe called Pamindo, in making spools.

Pamajikan, a husband or wife; literally the „good one”—or as we should say „the good man” „the good wife”. Probably derived from the Javanese Běchik, honourable,


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 Rh David Farragut, who was to become one of the very greatest American naval leaders.

On the 8th of September the Brandywine set sail from the mouth of the Potomac, where Lafayette had been received on board the ship. She passed down the Chesapeake through a brilliant rainbow which was apparently supported on the Virginia and Maryland shores, as if Nature had reserved to herself the honor of erecting the last of the numerous triumphal arches that had been dedicated to the great Frenchman during his extraordinary visit. As the ship made her way to sea, almost the last glimpse which Lafayette had of America was the bluffs of the York River where he had so materially aided the American cause at the Battle of Yorktown.

The voyage turned out to be not a very pleasant one, for the ship had hardly gotten under way when she began to leak and for a time it was thought that she would have to return to port. But as it was reported that the leak was under control, Lafayette advised the captain to continue the voyage, and when the planks of the vessel swelled from immersion in the water the leak gradually diminished. The weather, however, then became stormy, and during most of the passage the distinguished passenger suffered so severely from sea-sickness and gout that he was unable to join the officers at dinner or to visit the deck. They were thus deprived, much to their regret, from listening as much as they desired to the reminiscences of the great general's interesting and eventful life. There was another unpleasantness that affected the midshipmen in particular. This was caused by a steward who, in cleaning an officer's uniform, upset a bottle of turpentine, the contents of which ran into a barrel of sugar belonging to the midshipmen's mess.

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The Sorcery of Aphlar

HE council of twelve seated on the jewelled celestial dais ordered that Aphlar be cast from the gates of Bel-haz-en. He sat too much alone, they decreed, and brooded when toil should have been his lot. And in his obscure and hidden delvings he read all too frequently those papyri of Elder æons which reposed in the Guothic shrine and were to be consulted only for rare and special purposes.

The twilight city of Bel-haz-en had climbed backward in its knowledge. No longer did philosophers sit upon street corners speaking wise words to the populace, for stupid ignorance ruled within the crumbling and immemorially ancient walls. Where once the wisdom of the stars abounded, only feebleness and desolation now lay upon the place, spreading like a monstrous blight and sucking foul nurture from the stupid dwellers. And out of the waters of the Oll that meandered from the mountains of Azlakka to pass by the aged city, there rose often great clouds of pestilence that racked the people sorely, leaving them pale and near to dying. All this their loss of wisdom brought. And now the council had sent their last and greatest wise man from them.

Aphlar wandered to the mountains far above the city and built a cavern for protection from the summer heat and winter chill. There he read his scrolls in silence and told his mighty wisdom to the wind about the crags and to the swallows on the wing. All day he sat and watched below or drew queer drawings on small bits of stone and chanted to them, for he knew that someday men would seek the cave and slay him. The cunning of the twelve did not mislead him. Had not the last exiled wise man’s screams rent the night two moon-rounds before when people thought him safely gone? Had not his own eyes seen the priest’s sword-slashed form floating by in the poison waters? He knew no lion had killed old Azik, let the council say what they might. Does a lion slash with a sword and leave his prey uneaten?

Through many seasons Aphlar sat upon the mountain, gazing at the muddy Oll as it wound into the misty distance to the land where none ever ventured. He spoke his words of wisdom to the snails that worked in the ground by his feet. They seemed to understand, and waved their slimy feelers before they sank beneath the sand again. On moonlit nights he climbed the hill above his cave and made strange offerings to the moon-God Ale; and when the night-birds heard the sound they drew close and listened to the whispering. And when queer winged things flapped across the darkened sky and loomed up dimly against the moon Aphlar was content. Those which he had addressed had heeded his beckoning. His thoughts were always far away, and his prayers were offered to the pale fancies of dusk.

Then one day past noontide Aphlar rose from his earthen chair and strode down the rock mountainside. His eyes, heeding not the rotten, stone-walled city, held steadfast to the river. When he drew near its muddy brink he paused and looked up the bosom of the stream. A small object floated near the rushes, and this Aphlar rescued with tender and curious care. Then, wrapping the thing in the folds of his robe, he climbed up again to his cave in the hills. All day he sat and gazed upon the object; rummaging now and then in his musty chronicles, and muttering awful syllables as he drew faint figures on a piece of parchment.

That night the gibbous moon rose high, but Aphlar did not climb above his dwelling. Queer night-birds flew past the cavern’s mouth, chirped eerily, and fled away into the shadows.

Many days passed before the council sent their messengers of murder; but at last the time was thought ripe, and seven darkbrowed men stole away to the hills. Yet when that grim seven ventured within the cave they saw not the wise man Aphlar. Instead, small blades of grass were sprouting in his natural chair of earth. All about lay papyri dim and musty, with faint figures drawn upon them. The seven shuddered and left forthwith when they beheld these things, but as the last man tremblingly withdrew he saw a round and unknown thing lying on the ground. He picked it up, and his fellows drew close in curiosity; but they saw upon it only alien symbols which they could not read, yet which made them shrink and quaver without knowing why. Then he who had found it cast it quickly over the steep precipice beside him, but no sound came from the slope below whereon it should have fallen. And the thrower trembled, fearing many things that are not known but only whispered about. Then, when he told how the sphere he had held was without the weight a thing of stone should have; how it was like to have floated on air as the thistledown floats; he and the six with him slunk as one from the spot and swore it was a place accursed.

But after they had gone a snail crawled slowly from a sandy crevice and slid intently over to where the blades of grass were growing. And when it reached the spot, two slimy feelers stretched forth and bent oddly downward, as if eager to watch forever the winding river.

title: The Sorcery of Aphlar


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Gelsenkirchen

GELSENKIRCHEN, gĕl'sen-kīrK'en. A thriving industrial town in the Prussian Province of Westphalia, five miles north of Essen (Map: Prussia, B 3). It has extensive iron-works, soap-factories, and flour and saw mills. Its rapid growth is due to the large coal deposits discovered in 1855 in the vicinity. Population, in 1852, 844; in 1890, 28,057; in 1900, 36,935. Gelsenkirchen was made a city in 1875.


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 12 As a consequence, during the remainder of the voyage they had to eat their desserts strongly flavored with turpentine.

At the close of the voyage, the midshipmen presented to Lafayette, as a mark of their personal friendship, a beautiful silver urn appropriately engraved with scenes of the Capitol at Washington, Lafayette's visit to the tomb of Washington, and the arrival of the Brandywine at Havre. At this French port, Lafayette disembarked, taking with him the flag of the American vessel as a souvenir of the voyage. From here Maury's ship proceeded to Cowes where she was caulked, and then sailed for the Mediterranean, Joining Commodore John Rodgers' squadron at Gibraltar on the 2nd of November. The ship was refitted here during the winter, and the following spring she returned to the United States, arriving at New York in May, 1826.

Such in brief outline was Maury's first cruise. Though none of his letters giving his impressions of these first months at sea have been preserved, yet it is not difficult to imagine with what eagerness and delight his active young mind observed the strange sights and assimilated the new experiences. Many years afterwards he wrote of how he secured a Spanish work on navigation in order that he might acquire a new language and a science at the same time. In this connection he related how he resorted to various artifices for study while on watch. "If I went below only for a moment or two," he wrote, "and could lay hands upon a dictionary or any book, I would note a sentence, or even a word, that I did not understand, and fix it in my memory to be reflected upon when I went on deck. I used to draw problems in spherical trigonometry with chalk on the

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The New International Encyclopædia/Gemara

GEMARA, ge-mä'rȧ (Aram., complement). That portion of the two Talmuds, the Babylonian and the Jerusalem, containing the annotations, discussions, and amplifications of the Mishna, or Talmudical law, by the schools of Babylon and Palestine. The Babylonian Gemara is far more complete than the Jerusalem, as well as more lucid, and is a more highly valued authority. It was not completed till about A.D. 800. The Jerusalem Gemara belongs to the middle of the fourth century A.D. See ; .


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338 trusty. The word is applied by labourers towards their employer, and frequently occurs in the sense of „Master.”

Pamakasan, name of a district in the middle of the island of Madura.

Pamaké, custom, habit, what is made use of. Pamaké orang kulon goréng, the habit of the people from the westward is bad.

Pamalěs, retaliation, retribution, requital. (Mal. Bâlas, to retribute, to requite, pembâlasan, retaliation, requital, Jav. Walěs en pamalěs, idem.)

Pamali, forbidden by some moral feeling of wrong. Prohibited as unlucky. An interdict, often superstitious, but respected for fear of incurring the displeasure of God or of some overruling power. The Chipamali, or river of Prohibition, in the district of Brebes, in the residency of Tagal, was of old, the boundary between the Sundaese and Javanese people, and their respective governments.

Pamalingan, a thief, a robber.

Paman, an uncle or aunt when younger than the parents of the person using the expression. A friendly term of respect addressed to any person even though no relation. See Uah, and Mama. Evidently compounded of ama father in some Polynesian languages. In Engano ama-ama is father. (Jav. id. An uncle, a younger brother of the father or mother. Mal. An uncle from the fathers side).

Pamanching, a fisherman; a man who takes fish with a hook.

Pamangsén, an inkstand.

Pamarat, what comes from the westward. Musim pamarat, the westmonsoon, the rainy season, from November till April. (Mal. Bărat, West. Jav. id. Wind, storm; the storms in this country coming usually from the westward).

Pamarat hérang, a fair west monsoon. When the wind blows steadily from the west-ward but is not accompanied by the usual rain it is called Pamarat hérang, which is very injurionsinjurious [sic] to young planted crops, especially paddy, which require plenty of rain and usually get it at the season, but now and then a year occurs when the rain fails and the stiff westerly wind does much harm.

Pamasangan, an assortment of sweetmeats set ont on a tray for a stranger or visiter. (From Pâsang, Jav. Mal. made ready, put in order. Masang'i, Jav. to make ready, to prepare).

Pamatang, a person who hunts deer on open plains by mounting on a horse and galloping up alongside of them, cuts them down with a sword or gobang. This is much practised in some parts of the Preanger Regencies bij order of the chiefs. The horse so ridden is also called kuda pamatang.

Pamatil, the rays or sharp bones in the fins of some fish, viz in the fins near the head. These serve as weapons of defencedefense [sic] teto [sic] some fish and sometimes inflict painful wounds, as is the case with the Lélé.

Pamatuk, the bill of a bird. (Jav. Patuk, idem. Matuk, to peck with the bill).

Pamautan, the last leaf which sets itself upon the Paddy straw before the grain makes


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 Rh shot, and put them in the racks where I could see them as I walked the deck. That with so much perseverance I should have failed in my prime object, I attribute to the want of books and proper teachers in the navy". It was this seriousness of purpose and industry that caused Maury soon to become well known among his shipmates for his scholarship, and the story is told that even on this first cruise a certain mathematical problem was passed from steerage to wardroom without solution until he solved it.

After making a short visit to his home in Tennessee, Maury set sail on June 10, 1826 from Norfolk on the frigate Macedonian to which he had been ordered for temporary duty. This ship was bound for Rio Janeiro where she arrived after a passage of sixty-two days. After cruising in Brazilian waters for awhile, the frigate went on down the coast to Montevideo. At this time a war was raging between Brazil and Argentina over Banda Oriental, or Uruguay, which had been a sort of political football between the two countries until 1821, when it was partly subdued by Brazil. In 1825, however, it rose against this empire, and after a long struggle of three years it succeeded in having its independence recognized by the treaty of Rio Janeiro, on August 27, 1828. This state of affairs constituted the principal reason why American ships of war were sent to those waters. Thus was Maury brought into touch with history in the making, and the letters which he wrote at this time show an alert interest in what he was observing and display as well an unusual ability in recording experiences and his impressions of the people.

His name was still carried on the muster and pay rolls of the Brandywine; but that ship did not depart for

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Rh its appearance. When being cut, the straw is snapped just below the insertion of this leaf, which is immediately stripped off the straw, and this is called di pautan, to strip off, to pull away.

Paméan, a place to keep rice in. A vessel in a native's house for holding rice.

Paméntahan, demand, request, what is asked for.

Paměuntasan, a ferry, a place at which to cross a river, or any water.

Paměupěuh, a stick to beat anything with. A bludgeon, a mallet.

Pamichěun, an outlet, an escape, an opening or place at which to throw something away, or be able to dispose of anything. The word most frequently means an outlet or escape for a canal, where surplus water can be discharged.

Pamidangan, the place where birds are in the habit of flying to. The place where wild animals stroll out to, to feed. A lounging place for human beings, a place to stroll about in. (Jav. Midang, to go to a place for pleasure, to amuse himself.)

Pamikat, something set by way of bait or allurement. (Jav. Pikat, a trap set to catch birds. Mikat, to catch birds).

Pamilih, choice, alternative. Po-ék pamilih, a choice in the dark, not knowing what to do; at your wit's end. (Jav. Pilih, choice, chusing. Milih, Mal. Pilih, Memilih, to chuse).

Pamindo, a small turning lathe for petty purposes, such as making the, spindles or spools on which thread is wound.

Pamipitan, the first few heads of paddy which are cut. See Pipit.

Pamondokan, a house of reception for travellers, or temporary sojourners. A place where a traveller spends the night. (From Pondok).

Pamor, the damasking on iron; the wavy lines which are brought out of iron by lying it to soak in a solution of Arsenic and which natives consider as so great an ornament. Any inherent good quality which is not every day evinced. Lamun raja di rurugan, mohal di bijil pamor na, if you attack the king, he is sure to show his pamor (or inherent power). (Jav. Pamor, mixed metal. Mal. Pâmur, the veins, or damasking of the blades of weapons).

Pamoras, a musketoon, a blunderbuss. A short thick gun, generally with a wide mouth.

Pampéngkěn, to fling from one; to fling away. To throw down with force. To fling away in a rage.

Pamujahan, a place of offering, or of adoration. The word is derived from Puja, with the usual pre- and suffix Pa and an. Puja C. 414, offering, sacrifice, worship, homage, adoration. These Pamujahans are very frequent amongst the mountains, being often found at their top, where some one of yore is supposed to be buried.

Pamuk, a great fighter, a valliant man. A man who in battle makes amuk.

Pamukti, a fall of good luck. Exceedingly lucky. Prosperity. See Bukti, which word it is, with the Polynesian preposition Pa.

Pamukulan, a place where some beating is going on. Indigo works.


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282

1. For Indra, O priests, press the soma, and add the water; [Indra] who shall hear the praiser's words and my call.

2. Unto whom enter the drops of soma-plant (ándhas) as birds a tree; thou exuberant one, drive away the demon-possessed scorners.

3. Press ye the soma for the soma-drinker, for the thunderbolt-bearing Indra; young, conqueror, lord [is] he, greatly praised.

1. Protect us, O Indra-and-Pūshan; let Aditi, let the Maruts protect; O child of the waters, ye seven rivers, protect; let Vishṇu protect us, also the heaven.

2. Let heaven-and-earth protect us in order to assistance (abhíṣṭi); let the pressing-stone protect, let Soma protect us from distress; let the fortunate goddess Sarasvatī protect us; let Agni protect us—the propitious protections that are his.

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