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Mary I 1557 Lord Robert Dudley brought her the welcome tidings that Philip was at Calais, and on the 20th he was with her at Greenwich. Next day king and queen attended in state a mass in the palace chapel, and orders were issued for the ' Te Deum ' to be sung in every church in the country. On the 23rd a royal progress through the city followed, with the customary decorations and street mobs. By way of compliment to king and queen, the Earl of Sussex, lord deputy of Ireland, induced the Irish parliament at the same date to give the names of King's County and Queen's County to the districts of Leix and Offaly in Leinster, which had been seized by the crown in the winter of 1556-7 and converted into shires ; while the chief town in each district was newly christened Philipstown and Maryborough respectively. Mary's reign left no other permanent mark on Irish history. On 20 March Mary was present at the reinterment of Edward the Confessor's body in Westminster Abbey.

It was not love for Mary that had brought Philip on his second visit to England. Since his departure his father had resigned to him his thrones in the Netherlands and in Spain, and he had renewed the old feud of his house with France. To draw England into his continental quarrel was his immediate purpose. Mary proved compliant, despite the protests of her more prudent ministers, who urged the poverty of the treasury. The outbreak in April of the rebellion of Thomas Stafford, who issued a proclamation designating himself protector of the realm, facilitated Philip's policy. The rebels, it was declared, were in the pay of France. As soon as they were captured, Mary in May issued a proclamation, complaining of ill-usage received by her at the hands of the French king. On 7 June war was declared, and ten days later the Earl of Pembroke left with eight thousand men to join Philip's army in the Low Countries. Philip was satisfied, and in July he prepared to journey to the scene of action. On 2 July he stood godfather to the son of the fourth Duke of Norfolk, afterwards Earl of Arundel [see Howard, Philtp]. On the 3rd king and queen slept at Sittingbourne, and next day Philip left Dover for the Low Countries. The queen never saw him again. Philip and his friend the Prince of Savoy won, with his Eng- lish allies, the battle of St. Quentin (10 Aug.) and Mary sent from Richmond on the 14th an affectionate letter of congratulation to Charles V. She signed herself, 'Vostre tres humble fille, seur, cousine et perpetuelle allyee' (Documentos Inéditos, iii. 537-8).

Pole, with characteristic caution, was not in favour of the war. He had in 1555 negotiated, with Mary's approval, the truce of Vaucelles between the emperor and the French king, and he had urged the pope, when a new breach between Spain and France was imminent, to offer his mediation. But his efforts were resented at Rome. The new pope, Paul IV, a Neapolitan, was no friend of Philip. Nor was he satisfied that Pole had exerted himself to the full in bringing the English people under the dominion of the papacy. Ignorant of the real situation, Paul fancied that a stronger hand than Pole's might effect more, and it might be practicable to reduce Philip's influence over Mary by appointing a new legate more entirely devoted to papal interests, and less under the queen's sway. William Peto, a Friar Observant of Salisbury, was accordingly made a cardinal, and entrusted with legatine authority in England. Pole was summoned to Rome (July 1557). The crisis was a difficult one for the queen, and with many misgivings she threw over the pope. She declared that the new legate would menace the liberties of her people, and ordered all the ports to be closed against him. Pole was directed to remain at his post. On 15 July 1557 Mary dined with him at Lambeth (Machyn, p. 143). In September the pope practically acknowledged his defeat.

Meanwhile the foreign outlook grew more threatening. The Scots had declared war in support of the French in the autumn of 1557, and in the winter the French were marching on Calais. The queen was spurred into unusual activity. Her financial position had become desperate, and she had resorted to many petty and impolitic economies. She had leased the Scilly Isles to a private person, and had sought to reduce the expenses of her foreign office by recalling her envoy, Peter des Vannes, from Venice, and by entrusting English interests there to the care of Philip's Spanish ambassador, Francisco de Vargas. Now, with equal unwisdom, she demanded forced loans under the privy seal (Acts of the Privy Council, 1556-8, pp. 277-304). On 2 Jan. she distributed an appeal to noblemen for reinforcements to be sent to the French coast (Green, iii. 318-19). Three days later Calais surrendered to the Duke of Guise. The arrival of the news plunged Mary into deep despair. Philip offered to aid in the town's recovery, and Mary begged her council to spare no effort to restore to her 'the chief jewel of our realm.' But her council pleaded the expense, and nothing was done. In March Philip sent Count de Feria to strengthen her resolution. 'The queen,' Feria wrote to his master, i does all she can, her will is good and her heart stout, but


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Mary I everything else is wrong' (For. Cal. 10 March 1558).

On 10 Dec. 1557 Mary had addressed a letter to the sheriffs of the counties, bidding them return to a new parliament representatives who were residents in the constituencies and 'men given to good order, Catholic, and discreet' (, iii. 315). On 20 Jan. she opened the parliament, after attending mass in Westminster Abbey (, p. 163). Hostility to the queen's policy at home and abroad found frequent expression during the debates, and after the grant of a subsidy the houses were dissolved (7 March). Easter was spent at Greenwich (, p. 168), and on 30 April, although her health had improved under the prevailing excitement, she made her will; once again she believed that she was with child. In May she expected another visit from Philip, but he did not come (, iii. 319).

A little later she was at Richmond, suffering from intermittent fever, and she soon removed to St. James's Palace in the hope of benefitting by a change of climate. On 17 June 1558 she urged anew the need of defending the realm against 'our ancient enemies, the French and Scots' (ib. pp. 320-321). In August she was suffering from low fever and dropsy: she was better in September, but was much distressed by the news of the death of Charles V, and in October the disorder returned while she was still at St. James's Palace. On 28 Oct. she recognised her danger and added a codicil to her will. A few days later Philip, who had been informed of her condition, sent once again the Count de Feria to her with a message and a ring. He recognised the futility of pressing his own claims to her crown, and had already desired her, on Mary Stuart's marriage with the dauphin (24 April 1558), to take steps for the recognition of Elizabeth as her successor. Mary's last days were chiefly occupied in securing the observance of Elizabeth's title. She sent her her jewels, with directions to pay her debts and to maintain the true religion. On 5 Nov. parliament met once more, and it considered a bill—the first of its kind—for restricting the liberty of the press; but the queen's illness suspended the proceedings. On 10 Nov. the latest heretics were burnt at Canterbury, nearly bringing the total number of the martyrs to three hundred, and on 12 Nov. a woman was set in the pillory for falsely circulating a report that the queen was dead (, p. 178). Pole lay on his deathbed at Lambeth at the same time, and hourly messages passed between him and Mary. On 16 Nov. she was composed and cheerful. Early next morning she received extreme unction, and desired that mass should be celebrated in her room. At the elevation of the host she raised her eyes, and as she bowed her head at the benediction, breathed her last (17 Nov.: cf., pp. 71–2). Before noon Elizabeth was proclaimed queen. Pole died next day (18 Nov.)

Mary's death—at the age of forty-two years and nine months—was probably due to a malignant new growth, the sequel of a long-continued functional disorder of the ovary. Of the functional disorder—called by Mary and her sister 'her old guest'—the chief symptom was amenorrhea (note kindly supplied by Dr. Norman Moore). Mental worry aggravated her ailments; for years she had rarely been free from headache and palpitations of the heart (Venetian Cal. 1553–4, p. 532). But Holinshed states that when Mrs. Rise, a lady-in-waiting, suggested Philip's absence as the sole cause of her sorrow in her last illness, the queen replied, 'Not only that, but when I am dead and opened you shall find Calais lying upon my heart' (Chron. iii. 1100; the story reached Holinshed through Mrs. Rise). Mary's body was embalmed, and on 10 Dec. she lay in state in the chapel of St. James's Palace. At her special request she was dressed as a member of a religious order, and not, as was customary, in robes of state. On the 13th the coffin was conveyed in public procession to Westminster Abbey, and on the 14th was buried on the north side of Henry VII's Chapel with full catholic rites. The sermon was preached by John White, bishop of Winchester, who proclaimed Mary as a king's daughter, a king's sister, and a king's wife, and eulogised her clemency and private virtues. A solemn requiem, in memory both of her and of Charles V, was sung by Philip's order in the cathedral of Brussels on the same day. No monument was erected to her memory, but James I ordered two small black tablets to be placed above her grave and that of Elizabeth bearing the inscription, 'Regno consortes et urna hic obdormimus Elizabetha et Maria sorores in spe resurrectionis.'

By her will, dated 30 April, Mary named Philip and Pole her chief executors. To the former she left a diamond given her by his father, and a diamond, collar of gold, and ruby set in a gold ring, which he had himself given her. To Pole she left 1,000l. She directed her mother's body to be brought from Peterborough and buried beside herself. To the religious houses of Sheen and Sion she left 500l. each and lands to the annual value of 100l.; to the Observant Friars of Greenwich 500l., and to those at

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456 the ruling principle of Henry's conduct; but it was justice without mercy. Ever ready to welcome evidence of innocence, he forgave guilt only among the poor and the uneducated; and for State offences there was but one punishment. A disposition naturally severe had been stiffened by the trials of the last years into harsher rigidity; and familiarity with executions, as with deaths in action, diminishes alike the pain of witnessing and of inflicting them. Loyalty was honoured and rewarded; the traitor, though his crime was consecrated by the most devoted sense of duty; was dismissed without a pang of compunction to carry his appeal before another tribunal.


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Mary I 200l.; to the convent of Black Friars at St. Bartholomew's, four hundred marks; to the nuns of Langley, 200l.; to the abbot and convent of Westminster, 200l.; for the relief of poor scholars at Oxford and Cambridge, 500l.; to the Savoy Hospital lands to the annual value of 600l.; for the foundation of a hospital for poor, old, and invalid soldiers land to the annual value of 400l.; and to her poor servants, 2,000l. In the codicil of 28 Oct. she desired her successor to carry out her bequests, and adjured Philip to maintain peace and amity with England. But neither request proved of any avail, and the provisions of her will were not carried out.

Soon after Mary's death Philip ceased to identify himself with England. In a vague hope that he might yet secure the succession, he at first made an offer to marry Elizabeth, by whom he had always been personally attracted; but he finally replied to her temporising reception of his advances by signing a peace with France, which secured her in the possession of Calais, and by marrying the French king's daughter Isabella (24 June 1559). At the end of the year he left the Netherlands for Spain, and remained there till his death. His third wife died in 1568, leaving him two daughters, and in 1570 he married his niece, Anne of Austria, by whom he was father of his successor, Philip III. Meanwhile his relations with England became openly hostile, and Elizabeth's enemies throughout Europe regarded him as their champion. The revolt of his subjects in the Netherlands excited the sympathy of Englishmen, whose fleets made repeated attacks on his possessions in South America. Philip intrigued with Mary Queen of Scots while Elizabeth's prisoner, and in 1588, after much delay, he formally, embarked on war with England, sending forth the Spanish Armada with ruinous results to his prestige. In 1590 his former subjects sacked Cadiz. He died at the Escurial, which he had built in accordance with a vow made on the field of St. Quentin, in September 1598. His religious feeling, always strong, degenerated in his later years into the least attractive form of bigotry.

Mary inherited a high spirit and strong will from both parents, and the early attempts of the enemies of her mother to detach her from her faith only riveted her to it the more closely. Mary's devotion to the catholic religion—the religion of her mother—was the central feature of her life and character. Filial piety forbade, in her view, any wavering in her adherence to the pope, who had identified himself with her mother's cause. Similar sentiments underlay her regard for her cousin Charles V, on whose advice she relied in the chief crises of her life. Only half an Englishwoman, she did not recognise the imprudence of identifying herself with her Spanish kinsmen, and to her blindness in that regard must be attributed her marriage—the great error of her life. That step outraged the national sentiment, and thus gave a colouring of patriotism to the protestant resistance which rendered the success of her religious policy impossible. She never stooped to conciliate popular opinion, and rarely deviated from a course that she had once adopted; but her obvious reluctance to seriously entertain Philip's proposal to marry Elizabeth to Philibert of Savoy indicates that before her death she realised that the country would not tolerate another queen wedded to a foreign prince. A prayer-book said to be hers, now in MS. Sloane 1583, is stained with tears and much handling at the pages which contain the prayers for the unity of the holy catholic church and for the safe delivery of a woman in childbed (f. 15). The fact is an instructive commentary on Mary's last years. In her domestic policy Mary showed much regard for legal form, although in her later financial measures she violated the spirit of it. She practically obtained parliamentary sanction for every step she toot to effect the restoration of Catholicism; she refused to support the Savoy marriage scheme on the ground that parliament was averse to it, and she bade her judges administer the laws without fear or favour. In January 1554, when she appointed Morgan chief justice of the common pleas, she addressed him thus: 'I charge you, sir, to minister the law and justice indifferently without respect of person; and notwithstanding the old error among you which will not admit any witness to speak or other matter be heard in favour of the adversary (the crown being party), it is my pleasure that whatever can be brought in favour of the subject may be admitted and heard. You are to sit there not as advocates for me, but as indifferent judges between me and my people' (State Trials, i. 72).

Although illness undoubtedly soured Mary's temper, and she was always capable of fits of passion, she treated her servants kindly, was gentle towards children, and was, in accordance with the dictates of her religion, very charitable to the poor. Her ladies-in-waiting were enthusiastic in their devotion to her (cf., Life of Jane Dormer). Her zeal for education was no less conspicuous than in the case of her brother and sister. She left money in her will to poor students at Oxford and Cambridge, and during her reign she founded


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Mary I grammar schools at Walsall, Clitheroe, and Leominster (all in 1554), and at Boston and Ripon (in 1555) (cf. Report of Schools Inquiry Commission) 1868, i. App. iv. 47). Fully sensible of the need of maintaining a dignified court, she spent much on pageantry and dress, and delighted in adorning herself with jewellery (Cal. Venetian, 1534–54, p. 533), while she encouraged foreign trade and was the first English sovereign to receive a Russian ambassador. She improved the music in the royal chapel, and was always devoted to the art. Roger Ascham [q. v.], despite his protestantism, she took into her service.

The ferocity with which Mary's personal character has been assailed by protestant writers must be ascribed to religious zeal. According to Foxe, Speed, Strype, and Rapin, she was cruel and vindictive, and delighted in the shedding of innocent blood, thus rendering 'her reign more bloody' than that of Diocletian or Richard III. Even Hume, Hallam, and Mr. Froude have largely accepted the verdict of their biassed predecessors. Camden, Fuller, and Godwin, with greater justice, admit that she was pious, merciful by nature, and munificent in charity. The policy of burning protestants, on which the adverse judgment mainly depends, was not lightly adopted. Mary had resolved to bring her people back to the old religion, and it was only when all other means seemed to be failing her that she had recourse to persecution, in the efficacy of which, as an ultimate resort, she had been educated to believe.

Mary had less dignity of bearing than Elizabeth (, Poesie, p. 248), but she was a good horsewoman, and practised riding assiduously, on the recommendation of her physicians. She spoke with effect in public. The reports of her beauty in her early years are hardly confirmed by her portraits, which give her either a vacant or a sour-tempered expression; but there is abundant evidence that her contemporaries thought her appearance attractive. Her complexion was good, but one of Philip's attendants declared she had no eyebrows. In middle life illness told on her, and gave her an aspect of age which her years did not warrant. Michiel, the Venetian ambassador, wrote of her in 1557 thus: 'She is of low stature, but has no deformity in any part of her person. She is thin and delicate. . . Her features are well formed, and. . . her looks are of a grave and sedate cast. Her eyes are so piercing as to command not only respect but awe from those on whom she casts them; yet she is very near-sighted, being unable to read, or do anything else without placing her eyes quite close to the object. Her voice is deep-toned and rather masculine, so that when she speaks she is heard some distance off.'

Portraits of Mary are numerous. In her youth Holbein painted her several times. His best example is at Burghley House, and is engraved by Lodge. A sketch by Holbein at Windsor has been engraved by Bartolozzi. The portrait painted by Sir Antonio More and sent to Philip before marriage is in the Prado Gallery at Madrid. An engraving by Vasquez is very rare. A picture containing whole-length portraits of Mary and Philip, also by More, is at Woburn Abbey, and is dated 1558. She also figures in a group of family portraits, including her father, Catherine Parr, and her sister and brother—now at Hampton Court. Two contemporary prints by Hogenberg were published in 1555; one, bearing her motto, 'Veritas Temporis Filia,' displays a very malignant expression. The second is more pleasing. [The Life by Miss Strickland gives a good deal of information, but its dates are confusing. It is at present the sole biography of any fulness. The Introduction by Sir Frederic Madden to the Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary (1831) supplies much good material for her early years. But the chief sources, the Letters and Papers of Henry VIII (ed. Brewer and Gairdner), the Domestic State Paper' (1547–58), and the three series (Foreign, Spanish, and Venetian) of the Calendars of State Papers, which give the despatches of the Imperial and Venetian ambassadors, with the prefaces of the editors, Father Stevenson, Rawdon Browne, and Major Martin A. S. Hume, largely supplement or supercede all that was written before their publication. The despatches of Michiel (the Venetian ambassador) from 1554 to 1557 have been published in the original Italian by Paul Friedmann, with a valuable preface in French (Venice, 1869). Michiel's depatches, like those of Badoaro, Venetian ambassador to Charles V, are also largely used in Rosso's very rare Historia delle cose occorse nel regno Inghilterra. . . dopo la morte di Odoardo VI, Venice, 1558 (Bodl. Libr.) Les Ambassades de Messieurs de Noailles en Angleterre, ed. Abbé de Vertot, Leyden, 1763, 6 vols., are invaluable for the French relations. Tytler's History of Edward VI and Queen Mary prints in English many of Renard's letters; others appear in the Papiers d'État de Cardinal Granvelle, published in Les Documents Inédits sur l'Histoire de France. Rawdon Browne's Four Years at the Court of Henry VIII, Brewer's Reign of Henry VIII, Friedmann's Anne Boleyn, and Froude's Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, all mainly based on the official correspondence of ambassadors, give many particulars of Mary's youth down to her mother's death. The Literary Remains of Edward VI (ed. Nichols for Roxburghe Club), the Chronicle


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 of Queen Jane and Queen Mary (Camden Soc.) the long report of Giacomo Soranzo, dated 18 Aug. 1554 (in Venetian Cal. 1534–54, pp. 532–64), and Tytler's History of Edward VI and Queen Mary are useful for the period before and immediately after her accession. Lingard's History supplies on the whole the best account of her reign; Froude's History is less judicial and supplies a very imperfect biography. Foxe, a biassed witness, supplies many documents, and Strype's Memorials and Ecclesiastical Annals are valuable on church matters; but the best account of the religious changes in the reign is in Dixon's Church History, vol. iv. Girolamo Pollini's Historia Ecclesiastica della Rivoluzion d'Inghilterra, Rome, 1594, is of doubtful value. Forneron's Histoire de Philippe II (4 vols.) is the latest biography of Mary's husband. It is fuller than Prescott, and corrects, often with too much bitterness, the elaborate eulogy of Cabrera. A useful bibliography, by Forneron, of the authorities for his reign is in Appendix A to vol. i. For other Spanish original authorities see the index (1891) to the 100 vols, of Documentos Ineditos para la Historia de Espana, ed. Ferdinand Navarette and others, 1842 sq. In vol. i. 561 sq. is the Viaje de Felipe II, which was re-edited by Señor Gayangos in 1877, with a full bibliography of the numerous works published in Europe in all languages on the subject of Philip's arrival in England; Major Martin A. S. Hume has given a summary of the chief Spanish tracts in Engl. Hist. Rev. vii. (1892) pp. 253 sq. Archdeacon Churton's Spanish Account of the Marian Persecution is in Brit. Mag. 1839–40. The Accession of Queen Mary, being the Contemporary Narrative of Antonio de Guaras, a Spanish Merchant, Resident in London, ed. R. Garnett, LL.D., 1892, is very useful. The published Acts of the Privy Council (ed. J. R. Dasent) reach the year 1558, but do not by any means cover all the subjects dealt with by the council. See also Mrs. Green's Letters of Illustrious Ladies; the Parliamentary History of England; the Chronicles of Hall, Fabyan, Holinshed, and Stow; Machyn's Diary; Wriothesley's Chronicle (Camden Society); Hawkins's Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain, ed. Grueber and Franks, i. 69 sq.; Wiesener's Early Years of Elizabeth (transl. by Yonge); Clifford's Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria, ed. Stevenson, 1887. Aubrey de Vere and Tennyson have both made Mary the heroine of a tragedy called after her. Philip II is a leading character in both Otway's and Schiller's Don Carlos.]

MARY II (1662–1694), queen of England, Scotland, and Ireland, eldest child of James, duke of York [q. v.], and his first duchess, Anne Hyde [q. v.], was born at St. James's Palace 30 April 1662. Her birth, by reason of her sex, 'pleased nobody ' (, Diary, i. 442), and lost such significance as it possessed by the birth, fifteen months later,of her eldest brother. When she was two years of age, Pepys (ib. ill. 44) saw the Duke of York playing with her 'like an ordinary private father;' and he saw her again, when close upon six, 'a little child in hanging sleeves, dance most finely, so as almost to ravish one; her ears were so good' (ib. vi. 43). Her early days were partly spent in the house of her grandfather Clarendon at Twickenham; but she and the duke's other children were afterwards established at Richmond Palace, under the care of their governess, Lady Frances Villiers, whose daughters, together with Anne Trelawney and Sarah Jennings, were among the play-fellows of the young princesses. The Duke of York was constrained to have his daughters brought up as protestants by the fear of their being taken away from him altogether (Life of James II, i. 503). A kind of general superintendence seems to have been exercised over their education by Morley, bishop of Winchester, who had enjoyed the chancellor Clarendon's confidence, and had considerable influence over the appointments in the Duke of York's household (, Life of Ken, i. 128). The religious training of Mary and Anne was, however, mainly in the hands of Compton, bishop of London, who laid the foundation of Mary's sturdy protestant sentiment, and to whom she always remained warmly attached (, iii. 111–12). In the later years of her childhood Dr. Lake, afterwards archdeacon and prebendary of Exeter, and Dr. Doughty were among her chaplains (Lake, pp. 8, 24; cf., p. 74). Her French tutor was Peter de Laine, who highly commends her abilities (, x. 247); in drawing she was instructed by the dwarfs, Richard Gibson [q. v.] and his wife. Gibson afterwards accompanied her to Holland. From a French dancing-master she learnt an accomplishment which in 1688 she described as formerly 'one of her prettiest pleasures' (ap., p. 5), and which in December 1674 she exhibited before the court, when she with much applause took the part of Calisto in Crowne's masque of that name. Dryden complimented the princesses in an epilogue; the masque was printed in 1675, and was dedicated to her.

The disposal of Mary's hand soon became an interesting political question. After the death of her youngest brother Edgar, duke of Cambridge (1671), she had once more become heiress-presumptive to the crown, and her father had no children by his second marriage till the birth of a daughter in 1675. It was obvious that the choice of a husband for her must prove either another link in the policy of subservience to France or a check


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Mary II upon that policy. As early as 1672 the scheme of a marriage between William, then in his twenty-third year, and Mary seems to have been discussed in Holland and known in France (, p. 75 and note). After the termination of the Dutch war which began in that year, the plan was revived (1674), as yet, however, without being countenanced by the English court. For since 1673 French diplomacy had begun to flatter the Duke of York with hopes of the dauphin's hand for his eldest daughter ; and as William was disliked by both the duke and Charles II, they declined to negotiate with him on the subject of a marriage, at all events till peace should have been concluded between the United Provinces and France (, i. 148. 158, 178 seqq.; and cf. ib. p. 159; Jones's Secret History of Whitehall). In 1675, however, the Dutch marriage scheme was taken up by Danby and his colleagues as part of their policy for pacifying parliament and public feeling (Life of James II, i. 500-502) ; and Charles II sanctioned the despatch of a special mission to Holland. The Prince of Orange, however, in his turn gave a cold reception to the overtures of the English envoys, who promised him the hand of the Princess Mary if he would agree to the general peace for which conferences were then opening ; nor was it till the autumn of 1677 that, taxing the negotiation into his own hands, he paid a visit to the English court. Though Mary was still so young — she had only in this year been confirmed by Bishop Compton — her father, who had at first refused his consent, yielded to the king's command (ib. i. 503;, Original Papers, i. 82). William probably thought there was no time to be lost; for in addition to the French designs there seems to have been talk of a Swedish suit ( ap., ii. 75). The peace of Nimeguen was still unsigned; and both in Holland and in England, where William was personally unpopular, it was feared that he might betray the interests of the alliance against France, without gaining the hand of the English princess. Barillon was assured by the Duke of York that no resolution concerning her marriage should be taken without the advice of Louis XIV, and the Austrian ambassador was perplexed by an inquiry whether the young king Charles II of Spain might be regarded as a possible suitor. But on 18 Oct. William, with the consent of the king, asked the duke for his daughter's hand, and on the 21st the duke, after excusing himself as best he could to Barillon, signified his approval of the match, which was announced by Charles to a privy council held on the following day as a proof of his care for 'religion' (Life of James II, i. 509). The publication of the announcement, though generally well received in England and celebrated by bonfires, seems to have aroused some suspicions that William had been caught in the toils of the royal policy ; but it was not till after the marriage articles had been promptly drawn up by Danby within three days that the prince entered into negotiations concerning the peace. The only hindrance to the speedy conclusion of the marriage was the delay caused by the ordering of the wedding dresses at Paris, a step which gave so much offence in the city that it was resolved to order no public festivities.

On the afternoon of 21 Oct. Mary was at St. James's Palace informed by her father of his assent to the match, ' whereupon she wept all that afternoon and the following day' (, p. 5). Divers complimentary audiences followed (ib. pp. 5, 24) ; and on 4 Nov. the wedding was solemnised by Bishop Compton in the bride's apartments. Waller composed the epithalamium (Works, ed. R. Bell. 1854, p. 200) : the jocosity was supplied by King Charles ; and there seems to have been no lack of loyal demonstrations in London (ib. p. 6). But the news of the engagement had excited great wrath in Louis XIV, who stopped the pension which he was paying to Charles II (, i. 181 seqq.) On the day after the wedding William, through Bentinck, presented his bride with a morgengabe of jewels, valued at 40,000l. (Lake). But the bitter experiences of her married life were not long in beginning. On 7 Nov. the Duchess of York gave birth to a son, and though he only survived for ten days, it was not an event likely to put Wiliiam in good humour. About the same time the Princess Anne was laid up with small-pox, and Mary could not be induced by her husband to leave the infected palace of St. James's, where she sought comfort from her chaplain, Dr. Lake (Diary, p. 9). Contrary winds delayed the departure of the prince and princess, and in the interval William, who was absorbed in the peace negotiations, took little notice of his bride. There was a discrepancy of twelve years between their ages, he was in feeble health and taciturn, and the prospect of leaving England seemed full of wretchedness to her in her solitude.

On the morning of 19 Nov. the prince and princess took boat from Whitehall, in the company of the entire royal family, but unfavourable weather obliged them to make a détour by Canterbury, where they remained from 23 to 26 Nov. On the 28th they at last set sail from Margate (Lake, pp. 9-12 ; cf.


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 DICTIONARY OF NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY SECOND SUPPLEMENT

NEIL, ROBERT ALEXANDER (1862–1901), classical and Oriental scholar, the second son of Robert Neil, minister of the quoad sacra parish of Glengaim near Ballater, Aberdeenshire, by his wife Mary Reid, was born at Glengaim Manse on 26 Dec. 1852. Both parents were sprung from Aberdeenshire famihes which had produced many clergymen and medical men. Robert, who was always interested in books, was educated under Mr. Coutts, the master of the local school, but was taught classics by his father. In 1866, while still under fourteen, he entered Aberdeen University, having obtained a small scholarship at the annual bursary competition. At the end of the session he was first prizeman in the class of Prof. (Sir) William Geddes [q. v. Suppl. I]. In 1870 he graduated at Aberdeen with first-class honours in classics, the Greek prize being divided between him and Mr. A. Shewan, now well known as an Homeric scholar. The following winter Neil acted as an assistant in the university library and next year studied anatomy and chemistry with the intention of graduating in the medical faculty. He soon changed his mind and was elected a classical scholar of Peterhouse, Cambridge. Meantime he had been reading omnivorously; but his early training, in which classical composition had played but a small part, handicapped him for the Cambridge course. Under the tuition, however, of Dr. J. S. Reid, of Dr. Verrall for a short time, and later of Richard Shilleto [q. v.], he made such rapid progress that in 1875 against strong competition he won the Craven scholarship and in 1876 graduated as second classic. Soon after he was elected a fellow of Pembroke College, where till his death twenty-five years later he was a classical lecturer, though his public lectures were given for many years at his old college, Peterhouse. Soon after taking his degree he published 'Notes on Liddell and Scott' in the 'Journal of Philology' (viii. 200 seq.); but his teaching work left him little leisure for writing, which his caution and fastidious taste made a somewhat laborious task, while his wide range of literary interests rendered reading more congenial. Almost immediately after his degree Neil began to read Sanskrit with Prof. Edward Byles Cowell [q. v. Suppl. II]. For the rest of his life Neil spent one or two afternoons a week in term time working with Cowell. In the earlier years they read parts of the 'Rig Veda,' of Indian drama, grammar, and philosophy, but gradually turned their attention more and more to Buddhist literature. In 1886, under their joint names, appeared an edition of the 'Divyavadana,' a Buddhist work in Sanskrit. The edition was founded on the collation of a number of MSS. which were supplied to the editors from various libraries, including those of Paris and St. Petersburg. After the publication of this work Neil, though still reading the 'Veda' with Cowell, took up seriously the study of Pali, and formed one of the little band of scholars who under Cowell's superintendence translated the 'Jataka,' or Birth Stories, into English (6 volumes, Cambridge University Press,


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 He was one of the original members of the Brasenose Club, Manchester, and wrote two volumes of reminiscences of that resort of literary and artistic bohemians. From 1901 to 1903 he was president of the Manchester Society of Architects, and did much to encourage the foundation of a chair of architecture at Manchester University. He was elected F.S.A. in 1894. An expert student of heraldry, he made a fine collection of books on that subject which was acquired by the John Rylands library.

Dying at Manchester on 5 July 1908, he was buried at Flixton church near that city. He married on 10 August 1870 Sarah, daughter of William Marshall of Westmoreland, and had one son and three daughters.

Besides several pamphlets and lectures, he wrote: 1. 'A Booke about Olde Manchester and Salford,' 1887. 2. 'A Chronicle of the Brasenose Club, Manchester,' 2 vols. 1892-1900. 3. 'An Architect's Experiences, Professional, Artistic, and Theatrical,' 1897 (with portraits). 4. 'The Art of the Victorian Stage,' 1907.

 DAUBENEY, HENRY CHARLES BARNSTON (1810–1903), general, born at Ripon, Yorkshire, on 19 Dec. 1810, was eldest son of lieut.-general Henry Daubeney, K. H., by his first cousin, Elizabeth, daughter of Charles Daubeny [q. v.], archdeacon of Sarum. Educated at Sandhurst, he entered the army as ensign of the 55th foot (later 2nd battalion Border regiment) in 1829. He served in that corps for thirty years until he attained the rank of colonel. In the Coorg campaign, in South India (1832-4), he served with his regiment with the northern column under Colonel Waugh; he was present at the assault and capture of the stockade of Kissenhully, and at the attack on that of Soamwarpettah. There he was in charge of one of the two guns attached to the column, and by his perseverance saved it from capture during the retreat. The British losses amounted to three officers and forty-five men killed and 118 men wounded, but the Rajah of Coorg, who was opposing the British advance, was defeated and deposed on 5 April 1834. Daubeney served with his regiment during the Chinese war of 1841-2, and as a captain commanded the light company at the repulse of the enemy's night attack at Chinhae, and at the storm and capture of Chapou (18 May 1842). He was on the staff as major of brigade to Sir James Schoedde at Woosung, Shanghai, and Chin-Kiang, and was twice mentioned in despatches. He received the medal, was promoted brevet major on 23 Dec. 1842, and was made C.B. on 24 Dec. 1842. Becoming major (25 Nov. 1845) he went through the Crimean campaign of 1854. On 26 Oct. 1854 he helped to repulse the sortie of the Russians from Sevastopol. At Inkerman, on 5 Nov. 1854, Daubeney, at the head of thirty men of his regiment, executed a flank charge; without firing a shot he forced his way through the attacking Russian column, and by this manœuvre compelled the enemy's battalions to fall back in confusion. He was commended in despatches and was gazetted to a substantive lieut.-colonelcy on 12 Dec. 1854 for his services at Inkerman, but he declined a promotion which would have removed him from the seat of war and placed him on half pay, while his regiment was serving in the field. General Sir John Pennefather recommended him for the Victoria Cross, but being a regimental field officer he was held to be ineligible according to existing rules. He received next year the reward for distinguished service, the medal with three clasps, the legion of honour, and the fourth class of the order of the Medjidie. From 1858 to 1869 he was inspector of army clothing. Promoted major-general on 6 March 1868 and lieut.-general on 1 Oct. 1877, he was nominated K.C.B. on 30 May 1871, was appointed colonel of his regiment on 3 Feb. 1879, became general on 4 March 1880, and was promoted G.C.B. on 24 March 1884.

On his retirement from active service in 1880 Daubeney resided at Osterley Lodge, Spring Grove, Isleworth, where he died on 17 Jan. 1903. He was thrice married: (1) in 1840, to Amelia (d. 1857), only child of Samuel Davy Liptrap of Southampton, by whom he had two sons; (2) in 1859 to Henrietta Anne (d. 1876), only daughter of Charles Jacomb of Upper Clapton, Middlesex; and (3) in 1878 to Eliza, second daughter of Charles Carpenter of Brunswick Square, Brighton.

 DAVENPORT-HILL, ROSAMOND (1825–1902), educational administrator. [See .]


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 American Medical Association at their fifty-ninth annual session. In 1907-8 he was president of the Neurological Society, and on its amalgamation with the Royal Society of Medicine he became the first president of the corresponding section, and died in office. For ten years he was hon. secretary to the Association for the Advancement of Medicine by Research.

He died from sudden cardiac failure, on 5 Dec. 1908, at his residence in Wimpole Street. He married on 7 Feb. 1882 Blanche Adine daughter of Dr. Thomas Robinson Loulain, who with a son and daughter survive him. He was buried at Hampstead cemetery.

An enlarged photograph hangs in the committee-room of the medical board of the National Hospital, Queen Square, Bloomsbury.

Becvor ranks amongst the great authorities on the anatomy and diseases of the nervous system. He possessed great intellectual power, energy and industry, and was unsurpassed in accuracy of observation. As a recorder of facts he was conscientious and precise. Yet he was so imbued with scientific caution, that he often hesitated to publish his own observations when they seemed at variance with tradition and accepted teaching.

 BEIT, ALFRED (1853–1906), financier and benefactor, born at Hamburg on 15 Feb. 1853, was eldest son of Siegfried and Laura Beit. The father was a merchant belonging to a well-known Hamburg family, Jewish by race, Lutheran by religion. 'I was one of the poor Beits of Hamburg,' the son once said, implying that another branch was better off than his own. Beit was educated privately, and at seventeen entered the Hamburg office of a firm of South African merchants, D. Lippert & Co., his kinsmen. With a view to qualifying to act as a representative of the branch of this firm, just extended from Port Elizabeth to Kimberley at the diamond mining centre in Griqualand West, Cape Colony, Beit spent 1874 at Amsterdam, where he obtained a knowledge of the diamond trade at first hand. Early in September 1875 he sailed for Cape Town, and proceeding to Kimberley by waggon was one of Lippert's representatives there until 1878, when he revisited Hamburg. His Amsterdam training enabled him to see that Cape diamonds, so far from deserving their current repute of being an inferior product, were generally as good as any in the world, and were being sold in Africa at a price far below their worth in Europe. Accordingly borrowing 2000l. from his father by way of capital, he returned to Kimberley in the same year, and set up under his own name as a diamond merchant. Foreseeing the growth of Kimberley, he is said to have invested most of his capital in purchasing ground on which he put up a number of corrugated iron offices. For twelve of these the rent ultimately received by him was estimated at 1800l. a month, and later he is believed to have sold the ground for 260,000l.

In 1882 he became associated in the diamond business at Kimberley with J. Porges and Julius Wernher. The latter, who was created a baronet in 1905, was a young Hessian who, having fought in the Franco-German war, had come out to South Africa as a qualified architect and surveyor. In 1884 Porges and Wernher returned to England and constituted the London firm of J. Porges & Co. dealing in diamonds and diamond shares, and after 1888 in gold mines as well. Beit was sole representative of this firm at Kimberley until July 1888, when he made London his headquarters, although his subsequent visits to Africa were frequent. On 1 Jan. 1890 the firm of Wernher, Beit & Co. replaced J. Porges & Co., in the same line of business.

When settled at Kimberley, Beit made the acquaintance of Cecil John Rhodes [q. v. Suppl. II], and while close business relations followed he felt the full force of Rhodes's personality. Yielding to its fascination, he became his intimate friend, accepting his ideas and aspirations with enthusiasm. He soon joined Rhodes on the board of the original De Beers Diamond Company (founded in 1880) and played an important part in Rhodes's great scheme of the amalgamation of the chief diamond mines of Kimberley as De Beers Consolidated Mines. The scheme took effect in 1888 after Beit had advanced to Rhodes without security a sum of 250,000l. Under Rhodes's influence, Beit, who had become a naturalised British subject, thoroughly assimilated, despite his foreign birth, the patriotic spirit of British imperialism, and was in politics as all else a strenuous supporter of Rhodes. His association with Rhodes became the chief interest of his life. The two men rendered each other the best kind of mutual assistance. Without Beit, Rhodes was puzzled, or at least wearied, with the details of business. Without Rhodes, Beit might have


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 assistant physician to the Liverpool Infirmary for Children. In 1878 he removed to Manchester to become honorary physician to the Manchester Hospital for Diseases of Children (known as Pendlebury Hospital). From 1880 to 1882 he was evening lecturer on animal physiology in the Owens College, and from 1880 till death lecturer on diseases of children, first in the Owens College and then in the Victoria University. He became a member in 1883 and a fellow in 1890 of the Royal College of Physicians. An active member of the medical societies of Manchester, he promoted the transformation of the microscopical section of the Medical Society into the Pathological Society (1885), of which he was the first president (1885-6). He also was president of the Medical Society and of the Medico-Ethical Association. In 1902, when the British Medical Association visited Manchester, he was president of the section on children's diseases.

Ashby, who rapidly acquired a very large practice as consultant on children's diseases, zealously devoted himself to the welfare of poor children. He was honorary consulting physician of the schools in and near Manchester for the crippled and deaf and dumb. When the Manchester education committee undertook the education of the feeble- minded children, he helped and reported on the work unofficially for two years (1902), and was special medical adviser to the committee from 1904. In 1904 he gave important evidence before the departmental committee on physical deterioration appointed by the lord president of the council. Of especial value was the medical advice and guidance which Ashby gave Miss Mary Dendy, who successfully founded in 1898 the Lancashire and Cheshire society for the permanent care of the feeble-minded; the object being not only to educate such persons but to take care of them throughout their lives, so as to prevent them transmitting their disability. Schools were opened, and a colony which was established at Sandlebridge in Cheshire (1902) provided in 1911 accommodation for 268 residents. A royal commission on the care and control of the feeble-minded, before which Ashby gave evidence of importance in 1905, was largely an outcome of Ashby's support of Miss Dendy's experiments. In 1905 on Ashby's advice the Manchester education committee inaugurated a residential school for cripple children at Swinton, the only one of its kind under municipal administration. Ashby enjoyed a world-wide reputation as an expert on diseases of children, and his wards at Pendlebury were visited by physicians from the Continent and America. In later life he closely studied the psychology of the child, and began a book on the subject which he did not live to complete. In 1905 he delivered the Wightman lecture on 'Some neuroses of early life.'

He died on 6 July 1908 at his residence, Didsbury, Manchester, and was cremated at the Manchester crematorium, his ashes being buried in St. James, Birch, churchyard. He married in 1879 Helen, daughter of the Rev. Francis Edward Tuke of Borden, Kent, and left two sons, one of whom entered the medical profession, and one daughter.

A memorial scholarship was founded by Ashby's friends in the Victoria University of Manchester, to be awarded triennially for the encouragement of the study of diseases of children. A tablet placed by the family at Pendlebury Hospital commemorates his services to the institution.

Apart from papers on diseases of children Ashby wrote with Mr. George Arthur Wright: 'Diseases of Children, Medical and Surgical' (1899; 5th ed. 1905), a standard text-book. His other books were: 'Notes on Physiology' (1878; 8th ed. 1910, edited by Ashby's son, Hugh) and 'Health in the Nursery' (1898; 3rd ed. 1908).

 ASHER, ALEXANDER (1835–1905), solicitor-general for Scotland, born at Inveravon, Banffshire, in 1835, was son of William Asher, parish minister of Inverness. After education at Elgin Academy and at King's College, Aberdeen, he entered Edinburgh University, where he was a member of the Speculative Society (president 1863–5), but did not graduate. Passing to the Scottish baron 10 Dec. 1861, he gradually acquired a large practice, and became one of the most distinguished counsel of his day, his only rival being John Blair Balfour, first Baron Kinross [q. v. Suppl. II]. He took a leading part in numerous cases which attracted public attention, and he represented the United Free Church in litigation which ended in 1904 with the defeat of that body. A strong liberal in politics, he was appointed in 1870, during the Gladstone ministry of 1868–74, advocate-depute. At the general election of 1880 Asher was unsuccessful as liberal candidate for the Universities of


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 speeches in parliament were models of lucid exposition. He spoke, as he wrote, easily, fluently, and with an orderly evolution of his topics. He made no use of rhetorical ornament, but he seldom wearied his hearers, and never confused them by any slovenliness of preparation or obscurity of expression.

He proved his versatility by publishing, besides the works mentioned, 'What to do and how to do it' (1884), a manual of the laws affecting the housing and sanitation of London; 'The Coming of the Kilogram' (1898, 2nd edit. 1900), a defence of the metric system; and 'English Socialism of To-day' (1908, 3 edits.).

ARTHUR, WILLIAM (1819–1901), Wesleyan divine, born at Glendun, co. Antrim, on 3 Feb. 1819, was son of James Arthur, whose ancestors belonged to the counties of Limerick and Clare, by his wife Margaret Kennedy, who was of Scottish and Ulster descent. Shortly after his birth his father removed to Westport, co. Mayo. Brought up as an Episcopalian, he became a Wesleyan methodist, and began to preach at the age of sixteen, when, coming to England, he entered Hoxton academy for the training of Wesleyan ministers. Resolving to engage in mission work, he sailed for India on 15 April 1839, under the auspices of the Wesleyan Missionary Society. In India he laboured at Gubbi, about eighty miles north-west of Bangalore; but his health gave way, and he returned to England in 1841. In 1842 he was stationed at Wesley's chapel, City Road, London. From 1846 to 1848 he laboured in France, first at Boulogne and then in Paris. In 1849 and 1850 his ministry was in London, at Hinde Street and Great Queen Street. From 1851 to 1868 he was one of the secretaries of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, and he was an honorary secretary 1888-91. From 1868 to 1871 he was principal of the Methodist College, Belfast.

Meanwhile he was elected a member of the legal hundred in 1856, and was president of the Wesleyan Conference in 1866. In 1888 he settled at Cannes, where he preached occasionally in the Presbyterian church. He died at Cannes on 9 March 1901. He married on 18 June 1850 Elizabeth Ellis Ogle of Leeds, who bore him six daughters.

Arthur rendered good services to his church in its foreign mission work, in its educational enterprise, and in its home mission. To him was due its Metropolitan Chapel Building Fund in 1862, and he sympathised with [q. v. Suppl. II] in his 'Forward movement,' especially in modifying the three-years' system of pastorate. His portrait by Gooch is in possession of his daughter, Miss Arthur.

Arthur's chief influence was exercised through his writings. 'The Tongue of Fire' (1856; 18th ed. 1859) sets forth in glowing language and with great wealth of illustration the importance of spiritual power in life. Three books treat of Italy and the Papacy; 'Italy in Transition' (1860; 6th ed. 1877) describes a visit in 1859; 'The Modern Jove' (1873) reviews the collected speeches of Pope Pius IX; 'The Pope, the Kings and the People' (1877, 2 vols.) is a history of the papacy from the issue of the 'Syllabus' in 1864 to the Vatican Council of 1870; Arthur consulted the best authorities in Italian and German, and criticised adversely Manning's 'True Story of the Vatican Council' (1877).

Besides the books mentioned and numerous sermons, lectures and pamphlets, Arthur's works include:
 * 1) 'A Mission to the Mysore,' 1847.
 * 2) 'The Successful Merchant; a Life of Samuel Budgett,' 1852.
 * 3) 'The People's Day,' 1855; 11th ed. 1856; an appeal to Lord Stanley against the opening of Exhibitions on Sunday.
 * 4) 'Life of Gideon Ouseley, the Irish Evangelist,' 1876.

ASHBY, HENRY (1846–1908), physician, born at Carshalton, Surrey, on 8 March 1846, was the son of John and Charlotte Ashby, both members of the Society of Friends. Educated firstly at Ackworth School, near Pontefract, and from 1864 at the Flounder's Institute, Ackworth (belonging also to the Society of Friends), Ashby after some experience as a teacher entered Guy's Hospital. Winning the gold medal for clinical medicine, he was for two years assistant in the physiological laboratory and also resident obstetric and house physician. He was admitted M.R.C.S. in 1873 and graduated M.B. in 1874 and M.D. in 1878 with a gold medal in the University of London. In 1875 he was appointed demonstrator of anatomy and physiology in the Liverpool School of Medicine and


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 in South Africa by November, when he received and accepted Lord Salisbury's offer of the office of secretary of the ad- miralty. After drafting the report of the South African land commission he entered on his new duties. His chief, Lord Selborne, who had just succeeded George Joachim (afterwards Lord) Goschen [q. v. Suppl. II] as first lord of the admiralty, sat in the House of Lords. Arnold-Forster consequently represented the admiralty in the House of Commons, and exercised there more authority than usually belongs to a subordinate minister. At the admiralty he actively helped to carry out the drastic reforms which Lord Selborne initiated, mainly on the inspiration of Sir John (afterwards Lord) Fisher. He was prominent in formulating the administrative measures required by the new scheme of naval training ; he directed much administrative energy to the standardisation of dimensions and material in the navy, and to the higher organisation of defence with a view to the needful correlation of naval and military preparations of the kingdom and empire; he helped in the reconstruction of the committee of imperial defence.

In the autumn of 1903 secessions from the cabinet owing to Mr. Chamberlain's promulgation of the policy of tariff reform led to a reconstruction of Mr. Balfour's ministry [see, eighth , Suppl. II;, first ; Suppl. II]. Arnold-Forster, an ardent supporter of tariff reform, now entered the cabinet as secretary of state for war in succession to Mr. St. John Brodrick, now Viscount Midleton, who became secretary of state for India. He was thereupon admitted to the privy council. During his recent holidays a severe strain had permanently affected Arnold-Forster's heart, and he was thenceforth hampered by increasing debility, but he threw himself into the task of reorganising the war office and the military forces of the crown with indefatigable energy. The royal commission on the South African war had lately reported, and schemes of reform were rife. The government had already decided to appoint a small committee to advise on the reconstruction of the machinery of the war office. One of Arnold- Forster's first administrative acts was to appoint Viscount Esher, Sir John Fisher, and Sir George Sydenham Clarke as the sole members of this committee, whose report resulted in the constitution, on a new and established footing, of the committee of imperial defence, and in the reconstruction of the hierarchy of the war office more or less on the model of the board of admiralty. Other reforms were initiated by Arnold-Forster, but his definite views on problems of military organisation did not always find acceptance with colleagues, who were distracted by other political issues, and by the growing weakness of the government. Stiff in opinion, clear and incisive in expression, he was perhaps a little intolerant of the views of others equally entitled to be heard ; nevertheless he secured the acceptance of the lines on which in his judgment the general staff of the army ought to be organised. But many of his general schemes were frustrated by Mr. Balfour's resignation on 4 December 1905, and his measures were not adopted by his successor.

In 1906, owing to the distance of the constituency and his decline of physical strength, he retired from the representation of West Belfast, and was returned for Croydon. In the same year he published 'The Army in 1906: a Policy and a Vindication,' his own estimate of the needs of the army and an account of his administration. In opposition he was energetic in his criticism of the military policy of Viscount Haldane, his successor at the war office. His last literary effort was 'Military Needs and Military Policy' (1908), with an introduction by Field-marshal Earl Roberts, an attempt to expose the defects which he saw in the liberal war minister's schemes.

In 1907, after recovering from a grave attack of illness, he went with his wife and a son to Jamaica on the invitation of Sir Alfred Jones [q. v. Suppl. II] in order to attend a conference of the Imperial Cotton-Growing Association. During his stay there a terrible earthquake devastated Kingston, and destroyed Port Royal. Thenceforth his health steadily failed, although he continued his political work with exemplary fortitude. He died suddenly at his London residence in South Kensington on 12 March 1909, and was buried at Wroughton, Wiltshire, the parish in which his father-in-law lived. In 1884 Arnold-Forster married Mary, eldest daughter of Mervyn Herbert Nevil Story-Maskelyne [q. v. Suppl. II]. She survived him with four sons.

With the shadow of death long hanging over him, no man, as Mr. Balfour remarked after his death, was 'more absolutely absorbed in a great and unselfish desire to carry out his own public duty.' His


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 sister, Jane Martha, and her husband, William Edward Forster [q. v.], who had no children of their own. Perfect confid- ence and affection marked for life the rela- tions between foster-parents and adopted children.

From a private school at Exmouth kept by his kinsman, John Penrose, Hugh passed in 1869 to Rugby, then under the head- mastership of Frederick Temple ; but when Temple was succeeded by Dr. Hayman [q. v. Suppl. II] Forster removed the boy and placed him under a private tutor. On 24 Jan. 1874 he matriculated at University College, Oxford. There he graduated B.A. in 1877 with a first class in modern history. He only proceeded M.A, in 1900. At the time of leaving Oxford he with his brother and sisters formally assumed the name of Arnold-Forster.

Settling in London, Arnold-Forster read for the bar in the chambers of Mr. R. A. M'Call (now K.C.) and was called to Lincoln's Inn on 5 Nov. 1879. There was early promise of a lucrative practice, but on Forster's appointment as chief secretary for Ireland in the second Gladstone administration in 1880, Arnold-Forster, his adopted son, became his private secretary, and he shared Forster's labours, anxieties, and incessant perils through the next two years. During this period, too, he gave first proof of his literary aptitudes. In 1881 he published anonymously ' The Truth about the Land League,' a damaging collection of facts, speeches, and documents, which ran through many editions and helped to discredit the nationalist cause in Great Britain. Thenceforth Arnold- Forster wrote much on political and social questions in the press or in independent books.

In 1885 he became a member of the publishing firm of Cassell & Co., and devoted himself with characteristic thoroughness to its affairs, until he became absorbed in politics. For Cassell's he prepared many educational handbooks designed to propagate a wise patriotism. These works included ' Citizen Reader ' series (1886 and frequently re-issued), de- scribing for children the principles and purposes of English institutions ; ' The ' Laws of Every-day Life' (1889); 'This World of Ours,' lessons in geography (1891) ; 'Things New and Old' (1893, Eng- lish History readers in seven volumes) ; 'History of England ior Children' (1897); and ' Our Great City ' (1900). He was also largely concerned as a member of the firm of Cassell's in the preparation of 'The Universal Atlas,' which subsequently be came 'The Times Atlas.'

Meanwhile he was developing his political interests. In 1884, on the foundation of the Imperial Federation League with Forster for its president, he became it secretary, and thenceforward enthusiastically advocated a closer union of empire, actively supporting the efforts Mr. Joseph Chamberlain in that direction and ultimately accepting his policy of tariff reform and colonial preference. From boyhood he had devoted himself to the close study of naval affairs and of warships. His love of the sea was insatiable, and he spent many a holiday cruising in a Thames barge, which he fitted out in quite homely fashion. In 1884 he inspired the famous articles on ' The Truth about the Navy ' (published by Mr. Stead in the 'Pall Mall Gazette'), which led to a large increase in the navy estimates under the Gladstone government and to endeavours of later governments to place the navy on a footing of adequate efficiency. In a forecast of a modern naval battle entitled ' In a Conning Tower ' (1888, 8th edit. 1898) he showed a technical knowledge remarkable in a civilian.

As early as 1881 Arnold-Forster declined an invitation to stand for parliament as liberal candidate for Oxford. In 1883 a similar invitation from Devonport led him to make several speeches in that constituency ; but before the election (of 1885) he followed Forster in dissent from the liberal policy, especially in Egypt, and he withdrew his candidature. He joined the newly formed liberal unionist party in 1886 on Gladstone's adoption of home rule^ and was defeated as a unionist candidate in June 1886 for Darlington, and again at a bye-election in 1888 for Dewsbury. At the general election of 1892 he was elected for West Belfast, and retained that seat until 1906. As a private member of parliament he addressed himself with somewhat uncompromising independence chiefly to naval, military j and imperial questions. Pamphlets on 'Our Home Army' (1892), 'Army Letters' (1898); and 'The War Office, the Army, and the Empire' (1900) gave him some reputation as a critic of military affairs. Interesting himself during the early stages of the Boer war in land settlement in South Africa, he pressed the subject on the attention of Mr. Chamberlain, then colonial secretary, who in August 1900 sent out a commission of inquiry with Arnold-Forster as chairman. Amid many interruptions and impediments he completed his task


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 John Henry Newman [q. v.]. When Thomas Arnold left the Roman catholic church, his son was sent to Rugby, where he lived for a year with the headmaster, Frederick Temple [q. v. Suppl. II], and then in September 1866 entered Charles Arnold's house. He matriculated on 14 Oct. 1871 at University College, Oxford, then under the mastership of G. G. Bradley [q. v. Suppl. II], and was elected to a scholarship in 1872. He took a second class both in honour moderations (in 1873) and in lit. hum. (in 1875). After graduating B.A. in 1876 Arnold settled at Oxford, combining literary work with private coaching.

In 1879 he won the Arnold prize with an essay on 'The Roman System of Provincial Administration to the Accession of Constantino the Great.' The work, which was published in 1879, was a thorough digest of the literary and epigraphic sources, and is the chief English authority. A new edition, revised from the author's notes by E. S. Shuckburgh [q. v. Suppl. II], appeared posthumously in 1906. In 1879 Arnold adopted the profession of a journalist, joining the staff of the 'Manchester Guardian' and settling at Manchester. As writer and sub-editor he devoted his versatile energy to the 'Manchester Guardian' for seventeen years. A Gladstonian liberal in politics, he fought with courage and consistency through the long home rule controversy of 1885-95. Subsequently, in 'German Ambitions as they affect Britain and the United States' (1903), a collection of letters originally contributed to the 'Spectator' under the signature 'Vigilans et Æquus,' Arnold proved his mastery of foreign contemporary literature and his ability to draw prudent deductions from it. But history, literature, and art continued to compete with politics for his interest. He helped to develop the literary section of the 'Manchester Guardian,' and he encouraged local artists, taking an active part in the establishment of the Manchester School of Art. His house at Manchester was the centre of an interesting political, literary, and artistic circle.

Arnold never ceased to devote his scanty leisure to Roman history. In 1886 he published a critical edition of the section on the Punic war in his grandfather's 'History of Rome'; and contributions between 1886 and 1895 to the 'English Historical Review' showed the strength of his interest in ancient history. As years went on Arnold grew fastidious over writing on his chosen subject; and though to the last he kept up with the latest research, eight chapters of an incomplete history of the early Roman empire, posthumously edited by E. Fiddes under the title of 'Studies in Roman Imperialism' (1906), are all that remain of his accumulated material. They bear witness to his width of knowledge, maturity of thought, and cautious temper.

Spinal disease compelled Arnold's retirement from the 'Manchester Guardian' in 1898, and next year he moved to London, where he was for a time still able to see friends and to write a little. Occasionally he travelled south. On his return from a visit to St. Jean-de-Luz he died at Carlyle Square, Chelsea, on 29 May 1904. He was buried at Little Shelford, near Cambridge. In 1877 Arnold married Henrietta, daughter of Charles Wale, J.P., of Little Shelford, and granddaughter of Archbishop Whately [q. v.]; she survived him without issue.

In addition to the publications already mentioned Arnold issued a scholarly edition of Keats (1884; new edit. 1907). He was a contributor to T. Humphry Ward's 'English Poets' (1880-2); and some penetrating dramatic reviews by him were published in 'The Manchester Stage, 1880-1900' (1900). He revised his father's edition of Dryden's 'Essay of Dramatic Poesy' in 1903.

 ARNOLD-FORSTER, HUGH OAKELEY (1855–1909), author and politician, born on 19 Aug. 1855 at Dawlish in Devonshire, was second son and third child in the family of two sons and two daughters of William Delafield Arnold [q. v.], sometime director of public instruction in the Punjab. His mother was Frances Anne, daughter of General John Anthony Hodgson. Thomas Arnold [q. v.], headmaster of Rugby, was his grandfather, and Matthew Arnold [q. v. Suppl. I] his uncle. His parents took him out to Kangra when he was four months old. There his mother died in 1858; next year the four children were sent home to England, and the father, who followed them, died at Gibraltar on 9 April 1859. The orphaned children were at once adopted by their father's eldest


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 AL-MAAMUN AND ZUBAYBAH.


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 The Three Hussars.


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1541.] The King, it was generally known, intended to go on progress in the approaching summer through the scenes of the great insurrection, and receive in person the apologies of his subjects. The Duke of Norfolk was on the Marches as lieutenant-general; and had received instructions to require from the Scottish sovereign the surrender of the refugee clergy who, four years previously, had escaped for shelter across the Border. These two facts, in combination with general fretfulness, may have formed the motives which induced a party of Yorkshire gentlemen to make another effort in the cause which had once promised so brilliantly among them. In April five priests and a few knights and squires rose in arms under Sir John Neville. They accomplished nothing. The movement was instantly suppressed; we do not learn that so much as a life was lost; but the rash agitators were taken, and sent to London and tried; and, on the 17th of May, Neville and nine others paid for their folly in the usual way. The name of the leader and the date of the commotion connects an event otherwise too obscure to be of interest, with the fate of a noble lady whose treatment weighs heavily on the reputation of the King.

The Countess of Salisbury had remained under sentence of death by attainder for more than a year in the Tower. Her companion, Lady Exeter, had received a pardon, but had gone into freedom alone. An


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458 bad been proclaimed by Act of Parliament, but the motber of Reginald Pole bad been exempted by name from the benefit of it. Nevertheless, it is unlikely that, after so long a delay, her punishment should have been suddenly resolved upon without provocation either from the Countess or from her friends. It may have been that Sir John Neville was acting under instructions from her. It may have been that he had unwisely desired, of his own accord, to strike a blow for the Church and for the head of his family. The impulses, the desires, the secret communications which were circulating below the surface of society have left few traces by which to follow them. At any rate, as the 'manlike' Margaret Plantagenet would have disclaimed and disdained indulgence on the plea of her sex, so the treason of women in the sixteenth century was no more considered to be entitled to immunity than their participation in grosser crimes is held so entitled in the nineteenth. The Countess had written a letter to her son of professed disapproval of his conduct, under the direction of the Government. She had corresponded with him secretly in a far different tone; and she had darkened the suspicions against her by a denial of all knowledge of the conspiracies of Lord Montague and Sir Geoffrey Pole, where her complicity had been proved. The last provocation which sealed her fate was perhaps an act of her own—perhaps it was the precipitate zeal of her friends—perhaps, like her brother the Earl of Warwick, she had committed only the fresh crime of continuing to be dangerous. Be it as


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1541.] it may, on the day on which Sir John Neville suffered at York, and others among the conspirators at Tyburn, the grey head of the Countess of Salisbury fell upon the scaffold on the fatal green within the Tower. To condemn is easy, instinctive, and possibly right; to understand is also right, but is not easy. A settled age can imperfectly comprehend an age of revolution, or realize the indifference with which men risk their own blood and shed the blood of others when battling for a great cause. Another execution followed, which was as generally compassionated as Lady Salisbury's was regarded with indifference. The contrast of popular feeling may represent how vast has been the change, in the last three hundred years, in the comparative estimate of crime. The offence of the aged Countess, even though it could be proved to have been deliberate constructive treason, would appear still


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460 too little to palliate, or even explain, her death. A murder, though unpremeditated, remains among the few acts to which modern sentiment refuses indulgence.

Lord Dacres of Hurstmonceaux, a young nobleman of high spirit and promise, not more than four-and-twenty years old, was tempted by his own folly, or that of his friends, to join a party to kill deer in the park of an unpopular neighbour. The excitement of a lawless adventure was probably the chief or only inducement for the expedition; but the party were seen by the foresters: a fray ensued in which one of the latter was mortally wounded, and died two days after. The bearings of the case were very simple. Deer- stealing, like cattle-stealing, was felony; and where the commission of one crime leads to another and a worse, the most lenient administration is usually severe. Had Lord Dacres been an ordinary offender, he would have been disposed of summarily. Both he and his friends happened to be general favourites. The privy council hesitated long before they resolved on a prosecution: and at last it is likely they were assisted to a resolution by the King. When the indictment was prepared, the peers by whom Lord Dacres was to be tried held a preliminary meeting to consult on the course which they would pursue. 'I found all the lords at the Star Chamber,' Sir William Paget wrote to Wriothesley, 'assembled for a conference touching the Lord Dacres's case. They had with them present the Chief Justice, with others of the King's learned council, and albeit I was excluded, yet they spake so loud, some of them, that I


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1541.] might hear them, notwithstanding two doors shut between us. Among the rest that could not agree to wilful murder, the Lord Cobham, as I took him by his voice, was very vehement and stiff.' They adjourned at last to the Court of King's Bench. The Lord Chancellor was appointed High Steward, and the prisoner was brought up to the bar. He pleaded 'not guilty;' he said that he had intended no harm; he was very sorry for the death of the forester, but it had been caused in an accidental scuffle; and 'surely,' said Paget, who was present, 'it was a pitiful sight to see such a young man brought by his own folly into so miserable a state.' But a verdict of acquittal, or any verdict short of murder, was impossible. The lords, therefore, as it seems they had determined among themselves, persuaded him to withdraw his plea, "and trust to the King's clemency. He consented: and they immediately repaired to the Court to intercede for his pardon. Eight persons in all were implicated Lord Dacres and seven companions. The young nobleman was the chief object of commiseration; but the King remained true to his principles of equal justice; the frequency of crimes of violence had required extraordinary measures of repression; and if a poor man was to be sent to the gallows for an act into which he might have been tempted by poverty, thoughtlessness could not be admitted as an adequate excuse because the offender was a peer. Four out of the eight were pardoned. For


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. I had not the deep-chest and wide shoulders they need who undertake that exhausting career. But I longed to try the experiment of independent opposition which I had urged on the Confederation, and to have the tragic story of the Irish tenantry told before the faces of their oppressors. We sought to strengthen our party by bringing into it a great Englishman, John Stuart Mill, whose opinions we largely shared, and failed only for reasons which he has specified in his memoirs. The first contest befell at New Ross, where I defeated Sir Thomas Redington, Under-Secretary to Lord Clarendon, and his active agent during my long contest with him, and who, although a Catholic, had continued to hold office under Lord john Russell while he passed the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. This election was one of the most interesting and significant incidents in my life. But I have described it in a former book, and I must not repeat the story here. A bird’s-eye view of the transaction, however, is indispensable to my memoir. New Ross asked a candidate from the League, and the Council sent me, accompanied by Father Tom O’Shea and S. H. Bindon, the secretary. The most influential member of the Election Committee was well understood to be Father Doyle, the senior curate of the town. We saw him immediately, and while sharing his evening meal he frankly told me that I had no~chance of success. The committee were nearly all Old Irelanders, and he was persuaded they would accept no Young Irelander. I induced him to call them together that I might face their objections.

Next morning the committee, which consisted of about two dozen persons, mustered eighteen or twenty, and Father Doyle, who was suffering from influenza, arrived, wrapped in a heavy cloak and muffler, to look on, he said, but not prepared to take part in the proceedings. Three or four members who would not consent to pay me the courtesy of listening to me came to the door and stared in for a minute or two as at some strange animal, and then took their departure. I had formed a resolution during a sleepless night to make that day a cardinal one in my life; it might be one of discomfiture and disaster; but at any rate it should be signal and decisive.


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462 Lord Dacres there was to the last some uncertainty. He was brought out to the scaffold, when an order arrived to stay the execution; probably to give time for a last appeal to Henry. But if it was so, the King was inexorable. Five hours later the sheriff was again directed to do his duty; and the full penalty was paid.

Neither crimes nor the punishment of crimes are grateful subjects. The nation, grown familiar with executions, ceased to be disturbed at spectacles which formed, after all, but a small portion of their daily excitements and interests. The historian, whose materials are composed, in so large part, of those exceptional occurrences which men single out for mention and record, sickens over these perpetual entries in the register of death. Yet, on the whole, Providence gives little good in this world, for which suffering, in large measure or small, is not exacted as payment, and the King and the country alike had reason to be on the whole well satisfied. A revolution, as beneficent as it was mighty, had been effected in a series of rapid and daring measures. The nation had reeled under the impulse, but the shock had spent its force. The Pope was a name of the past. The idle monks were working for their bread. The idle miracles had ceased to deceive. An English Bible was in every church, and the contents of it were fast passing into every English mind, bringing forward, inevitably as destiny, those further changes for which only


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1541.] time was needed. The rebellion which had raised its head had drooped into submission. Conspiracies had bled to death, and the Emperor had ceased to threaten; and even James of Scotland, swayed as he was by alternate influences, had learnt something from Henry's success. Kirkaldy of Grange, the Lord Treasurer, a true friend to the English alliance, for the moment had gained the ears of the fickle prince; not, of course, without advice from London, he determined to use the occasion of the northern progress to bring James again to agree to the meeting with his uncle; and, leaving no time for the purpose to cool, so to order his arrangements that the resolution should be acted upon as soon as it was made, and should be kept concealed from the party of the Church till it was too late for them to interpose.

Henry set out, on the 1st of July, in high spirits, for the north, accompanied by the Queen and council. He went by Ampthill into Lincolnshire, and passed purposely through that part of the country where the commotion had been greatest. On the border of Yorkshire he was met by 'two hundred gentlemen of the shire in coats of velvet, and four thousand tall yeomen well horsed.' Every man of the whole company had, doubtless, worn the pilgrim's badges, and had followed St Cuthbert's banner. They now presented themselves in an eager demonstration of loyalty, and made their submission on their knees. The clergy, whose guilt


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464 had been greater, hastened, with the Archbishop at their head, to show equally their repentance, with professions and presents. The King went forward, surrounded by expressions of good-will; and to make his presence welcomed as a reality as much as admired as a pageant, he sent out proclamations that 'whosoever among his subjects found himself grieved for lack of justice, should have free access to declare his complaints, and have right at the hand of his Majesty.' He visited Wressel Castle. He went to Hull to inspect the fortifications. At the end of August he was at Pomfret, and here evidence appeared of the Lord Treasurer's success at Edinburgh. 'One of the King of Scots' most secret councillors' arrived at the Court to arrange a meeting between the sovereigns before Henry's return to London. The utmost caution was observed; every person concerned in making arrangements was sworn to secrecy; and, 'although the matter was uncertain, the interview was thought not unlikely to take effect. Safe-conducts were prepared by the Lord Chancellor for the Scotch train, and were despatched in haste. The King proceeded to York; and at York, in the middle of September, James was expected to present himself. He was expected, and it may be supposed that he had really intended to come; but the proposal had been urged upon him without the privity of a statesman whose influence was a fascination. At the critical


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1541.] moment Cardinal Beton discovered the scheme, and in an instant all was changed.

The condition of Europe made the Scotch alliance more than ever necessary to France; and the Cardinal, having successfully interposed for the moment, set off to the French Court for instructions and help. A new phase of complications was about to open, and the opportunity of injury was not yet to be taken from him.

The intentions of France, and the connection of Scotland with them, will be related in their turn. For the present the story follows the King.

The principal object of the northern progress had failed. In October, Henry came back to Hampton Court to find a fresh domestic calamity preparing for him. Thirteen months had passed since his marriage with his present Queen. The connection had not been on the whole an unhappy one; and on the 1st of November, a few days after his return from Yorkshire, 'receiving his Maker, the King gave Him most hearty thanks for the good life he led and trusted to lead with her;' and, also, he desired the Bishop of Lincoln, his ghostly father, 'to make like prayers and to give like thanks with him.' 'The whole realm, in respect of the virtues and good behaviour which she showed outwardly, did her all honour accordingly.' Though other trials might pursue Henry till his death, he believed himself secure of the attachment and uprightness of Catherine Howard. The day after


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" tell me your tale, but you must be brief," said the commodore, after surveying the pair critically, to see if his order to fit them out properly had been obeyed.

The cabin table before him was piled high with charts, over which he and the other officers that had just left had been poring, and as Larry and Striker told their story, Commodore Dewey continued to examine the big sheets and make notes on a pad at hand. It was one of the Yankee "knacks" of the commander to be able to do Several things at the same time. Larry was at first afraid that he was not listening, but he soon found out his mistake, as the officer asked him several questions bearing on points he had omitted or not made sufficiently plain.

"You have both had a hard time of it, no doubt," said Commodore Dewey, when the recital was brought to a close. "I should like to aid you in

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Rh getting back to your ship if she has managed to reach Hong Kong, which seems doubtful, but I don't see what I can do unless we speak some vessel bound for that port. Do you know our mission in these waters?"

"Yes, commodore, we jest larned it," answered Striker, with a knowing nod of his lean head. "And, commodore, it's jest come into my mind to ask ye a favor," he went on, earnestly.

"Well?"

"Ye know how I stood in the rank o' gunners—leas'wise ye can soon find out by the record. Let me stay aboard this ship with ye an' help wipe them Spanish garlic-eaters off the face of the earth! Maybe ye ain't got no opening aboard now, but I reckon there will be openings enough after the fightin' begins."

At this earnest and original speech the commodore smiled. "You can stay if you wish, Striker, and I was going to offer you the chance, seeing that we are short a few men. I remember you were among the gunners, and it is such a position you shall fill, if you can arrange it with Captain Gridley. But what of you, my lad?" and the commander of the squadron turned to Larry.

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