text:
Journal of William Maclay/Second Session of the First Congress/Salaries and Pensions

3
May 3d, Monday. — There really was a considerable deal of business done in the Senate this day, and would have been much more had it not been for an appeal that was made to the Chair for information respecting the salary necessary for an ambassador. Full one half of our time was taken up in two speeches on the subject of etiquette and expense attending and necessary to constitute the very essence of an ambassador. The lowest farthing should be three thousand pounds sterling, besides a year's salary at setting out. Much of what he Adams] said bore the air of the traveler; in fact, I did not believe him, and, of course, voted in the face of all his information. A commitment of the bill was called for, and I was, contrary to my expectations, put on it. Another short bill was committed, which I really suspect is a base job, calculated to make a nest for an individual. The spirit of the last session really was to make offices for men, to provide for individuals without regarding the public or sparing expense. I fear this spirit is not yet laid.

For some time past the Philadelphians had been proposing a weekly dinner. Our former meetings sank into disuse, but they are now very urgent, and this day we began the business. Judge Wilson, being a Pennsylvanian, was, of course, invited. We soon relaxed into conviviality, and, indeed, something more. We expected something political would be proposed by Fitzsimons, and out it came: "Gentlemen, it is expected of us that we should fix the Governor of Pennsylvania." I introduced some trivial remarks of the weather, etc., and the thing was checked for a time. Scott, General Heister, and General Muhlenberg went away. It was now broached seriously by Fitzsimons. Morris made a public declaration that he was fully sensible of the honor done him in the present appointment, but if the chair of the Governor fell to him he would discharge it with impartiality, etc.; that he considered the present Governor as a very improper man, and hoped they would create opposition to him. The Speaker declared himself in terms of a similar nature. The result was this, that their friends should determine and that their utmost should be united to keep out Mifflin. Mr. Morris, by way of finishing the business, addressed himself to the Speaker. "May you or I be Governor." There is a prospect of Tench Coxe succeeding Duer in the assistancy of the Treasury. His character was spoken of with great asperity by Fitzsimons, Morris, and Wilson. Clymer rather supported him.

We got on the subject of the finances of Pennsylvania. Fitzsimons asserted that our State had drawn between two and three millions of dollars from the Continental Treasury, and that we had not more than four millions substantiated against the Union. I hinted to him that from anything I had seen we had not drawn more than about a million from the Continental. Treasury, that Nicholson had rendered accounts to the amount of ten millions, and had stated an unliquidated charge of five millions; but, I added, let the account be fairly settled, and if we are really in debt let us pay it. We sat too long and drank too much; but we seemed happy, and parted in good humor.

4
May 4th, Tuesday. — I felt in some degree the effects of the bad wine I had drunk, for I had a headache. Dressed, however, for the levee. I had a card yesterday to dine with the President of the United States on Thursday. The pet, if he had any on him, has gone off

A great deal of business was done this day in the Senate in the way of passing and reading bills, but no debate of any consequence. Elsworth manifested some strong traits of obstinacy.

Went to the levee, made my bows, walked about, turned about, and came out.

5
May 5th, Wednesday. — A great deal of business was done in the Senate, but no debate was entered on. The Rhode Island committee reported. The amount of it was to put that State in a kind of commercial coventry, to prevent all intercourse with them by the way of trade. I think the whole business premature. We adjourned early.

I went to call on R. H. Lee and Mr. Langdon, both of whom are sick. Mr. Hazard, whom I met in the street, told me Mr. Langdon could not be seen. I called on Lee. Found him better. I now addressed myself to suit the merits of a bill, referred to myself and others, for the allowance of fortyfive dollars per month to a Colonel Ely, which, by attending to his accounts in the office of the commissioner for army accounts, I find to be a most groundless and unjust charge. A petition of his was referred to the Secretary of War, and the Secretary of War reported in his favor — the great Pin on which so much hung.

The assumption of the State debts having failed, every other thing that can be thought of will be brought forward to increase the volume of the national debt. We already rejected in the Senate a bill which appeared to me of mischievous consequences touching the communication and half pay and pensions of officers. It is renewed and sent up to us. Baron Steuben is supported in a demand of near six hundred guineas a year. In fact, to overwhelm us with debt is the endeavor of every creature in office, for fear, as there is likely to be no war, that if there should be no debt to be provided for there would be no business for the general government with all their train of officers. Henry, of Maryland, expressed himself in words full up to the foregoing ideas to me a few days ago, but I spoiled his communications by expressing a wish of the sooner the better. It is remarkable to me at least that he has since that time left his usual seat, which used to be near, and commonly rambles from one empty seat to another on the opposite side of the House. The Secretaries have had a clear majority in the House of Representatives on every question save the adoption of State debts. They carried this at first, but some publications reminded the gentlemen that there was an election approaching.

6
May 6th. — Little was done in the Senate this day. Two bills came up from the House of Representatives. Agreed to. The Rhode Island committee requested that they might have back their report to amend it. This was complied with. Their amendment amounted to an adjournment, and I joined the committee on the bill for the salaries of ministers plenipotentiary, chargé d'affaires, etc. I bore my most pointed testimony against all this kind of gentry; declared I wished no political connection whatever with any other country whatever. Our commercial intercourse could be well regulated by consuls, who would cost us nothing. All my discourse availed nothing. The whole committee agreed with me that they were unnecessary. Why, then, appoint any or make provision for the appointment of any, for so sure as we make a nest for one the President will be plagued till he fills it? We agreed to the bill as it stood, but I proposed twice to strike out all about ministers plenipotentiary.

Went to dine with the President agreeably to invitation. He seemed in more good humor than I ever saw him, though he was so deaf that I believe he heard little of the conversation. We had ladies, Mrs. Smith, Mrs. Page, and Mrs. White. Their husbands all with them.

7
May 7th, Friday. — The ailment called the influenza rages to a great degree all over the city. I feel a dryness and sourness of my throat, and a pain and heaviness in my head and flying pains all over my body, so that I had better be as attentive as possible to my health.

No business of consequence done in the Senate. The members began to straggle about after the minutes were read. I called on the committee who had Ely's bill. We sent for Ely, and heard a peck of stuff from him, too flimsy to impose even on children. He may have rendered service to the sick. on Long Island, but it appears that his own emolument was his object, and he has had this pretty completely answered already by a generous settlement with the State of Connecticut.

On my return into the Senate chamber one member of it only remained, sitting in a state of ennui. I have remarked him for some weeks past, and he really affords a striking proof of the inconveniency of being fashionable. He set up in a coach about a month ago, and of course must have it come for him to the Hall. But behold how he gets hobbled: the stated hour for the Senate to break up is three, but it often happens that the Senate adjourns a little after twelve, and here a healthy man must sit two or three hours for his coach to take him three or four hundred yards. This is highly embarrassing, and some excuse must be found for his staying for the carriage, and he is now lame and stays alone till the carriage comes for him. Thus Folly often fixes her friends.

Tench Coxe came this day to town in order (as he said) to enter on the assistancy of the Treasury. He was deeply affected with the literary itch, the cacoethes scribendi. He has persevering industry in an eminent degree. These are the qualities that have recommended him to this appointment. Hamilton sees that the campaign will open against him in the field of publication, and he is providing himself with gladiators of the quill, not only for defense but attack.

8
May 8th. — I felt myself rather indisposed, and stayed at home all this day. Drew a report on the affair of Colonel Ely. Read and lounged away the day.

9
May 9th, Sunday. — This day I employed, as usual, in writing to my family. I spend my time but miserably in absence from them. I will, however, endeavor to make out of this lesson. Colonel Hartley returned to town this day. What a strange piece of pomposity this thing is grown! He is, if possible, more affected and disgusting than ever. He called to see us, but took the Speaker twice out and kept him out with him almost the whole of the time he was on his visit. The State [Pennsylvania] has really a poor bargain of him, and if she can dispose of him at the October sales [elections] she need not care at how low a rate.

10
May 10th, Monday. — Attended the Hall at ten o'clock to hear Colonel Ely's witnesses. He failed in proving the points he had alleged in his favor. We spent some time while the Senate was engaged in business. When we came in we found them on the Rhode Island resolves. The committee had been called on to give reasons on which they founded their resolutions. Elsworth spoke with great deliberation, often and long, and yet I was not convinced by him. I saw I must, if I followed my judgment, vote against both resolutions. It was, therefore, incumbent on me to give some reasons for my vote. I observed that the business was under deliberation in Rhode Island; that the resolves carried on the face of them a punishment for rejection, on the supposition that they would ruin our revenue. Let us first establish the feet against them that an intercourse with them had injured our revenue before we punish them with a prohibition of all intercourse. This resolution I considered premature.

The other, for the demand of twenty-seven thousand dollars, I considered as equally so. Let the accounts be settled, and Rhode Island has a right to be charged with and has a right to pay her proportion of the price of independence. By the present resolutions the attack comes visibly from us. She is furnished with an apology, and will stand justified to all the world if we should enter into any foreign engagements.

This was a day of company at our mess. The strangers were Captain Barry, Colonel Moylan, and Mr. Tenet Coxe, now succeeded to the assistancy of the Treasury. I could not help thinking of last Monday, as he sat in one of the seats, whence censure had been thrown on him a week ago. I was too sick to enjoy the company. I could eat but little and drink nothing.

11
May 11th. — The morning, or part of it, spent on the troublesome affair of Colonel Ely. The Rhode Island resolutions were taken up. I was twice up against these resolutions. They admitted on all hands that Rhode Island was independent, and did not deny that the measures now taken were meant to force her into an adoption of the Constitution of the United States; and founded their arguments in our strength and her weakness. I could not help telling them plainly that this was playing the tyrant to all intents and purposes. I was twice up; said a good deal, but it answered no purpose whatever.

12
May 12th. — This day, as chairman of the committee on Colonel Ely's bill, I handed in a report which was dead against Colonel Ely. The report stated that Colonel Ely had submitted his case to the Legislature in Connecticut; that they had made him what they considered as ample allowance. We had the whole fire of New England on us for this step, but we supported the attack, and finally carried. the business hollow. I would now remark, if I had not done it before, that there is very little candor in New England men. Mr. Morris was in most of the time, and showed a disposition to make away from my side of the question. Surely, I had better keep myself to myself with regard to him. Wingate, though of the committee, behaved dirty on one point; at least I thought so at the time. It is vain to be wasting paper with this subject. Dr. Johnson certainly gave a most improper certificate on this subject, and one part of it was not true, viz., that the reason Colonel Ely had not an allowance in the old Congress was this, not having nine States when there were eleven at the time alluded to. I can not keep some other strange opinions out of my head about him and the report, which can not be found now by Alden, his son-in-law. The money saved by rejecting this bill [is] $2,025, or thereabout.

This day exhibited a grotesque scene in the streets of New York. Being the old 1st of May, the Sons of St. Tammany had a grand parade through the town in Indian dresses. Delivered a talk at one of their meeting-houses, and went away to dinner. There seems to be some kind of scheme laid of erecting some kind of order or society under this denomination, but it does not seem well digested as yet. The expense of the dresses must have been considerable, and the money laid out on clothing might have dressed a number of their ragged beggars. But the weather is now warm.

Joseph Thomas is the name of the man who has the statistics at large — an unsalable book. It is found we may occasionally want such a one. It is true that heretofore we used to be supplied with this book when we wanted it from Jay's or some other library, but it was soon found to be convenient (for the Yorkers) that we should take everything off their hands, that they can not otherwise dispose of, even to their insolvent debts.

13
May 13th. — This day was remarkably busy with me, and some singular occurrences happened. As chairman of the committee on the Baron Steuben's bill, I had called on the Commissioner of Army Accounts. He had furnished me with all [the information] in his power. Finding that a resolve had passed the old Congress on the 27th of September, 1785, giving him [Baron Steuben] seven thousand dollars in full, I called on Mr. Nousee, the register, for the receipts given by the baron for this sun, which were indorsed on the warrants or warrant given for it. I had first transacted some business of my own. Mr. Nousee was extremely polite and attentive; took the note or memorandum which I gave him, assured me my request should be complied with, asked when I would have the papers; followed me to the head of the stairs. As I came down-stairs I told him I wished for them this day. He said I should have them.

This was ten o'clock. I received between eleven and twelve, at the Hall, a few lines from Mr. Nousee, stating the resolves of Congress: that three warrants had passed for the payments — one four thousand, the other for two, and the last for one thousand dollars; that the warrants themselves were deposited at the bank for the Secretary among the papers of the late Treasurer until a settlement could take place. I thought there was evasion on the face of this business, but I concluded that, if Mr. Hillegas had lodged his papers at the bank, the key and the care of them must be with some person; and off I went to the bank. I received for answer that some books, papers, or property of that kind, were lodged at the bank by Mr. Hamilton, who had the keys and the care of them.

I should have minuted that, as I left the Hall in Wall Street, I passed the Baron; he on one side and on the other. I wished to make him a bow, as usual, but such an aspect he wore! nay, if he had brought all the gloom of the Black Forest from Germany he could not have carried a more somber countenance. Just as I came out of the bank-door I met Hamilton, and told him what I wanted. He refused me in pretty stiff terms; he could not answer for it, to open any gentlemen's papers, I told him I would take unexceptional characters with me — the Speaker of the Representatives. The papers I wanted belonged to the public and to no private gentleman whatever, nor would it do for him to refuse information to a committee of Congress. He then said if there was a vote of a committee for it he would get the papers. I told him any member of Congress had a right to any papers in any office whatever; that as chairman of the committee I had promised to procure what papers were necessary. I deemed this necessary, and of course called for it. He begged for half' an hour to consider of it, and he would write me a note on the subject.

I parted with him, telling him I should expect to hear from him in half an hour. He said I should. This was before twelve; the Senate adjourned at one. I sat half an hour longer waiting for my note, but it came not. I went directly to the Treasury. The warrant to draw my indents was delivered to me with all the pomp of official ceremony. I told young Kuhn that I had further business with the Secretary [Hamilton]; that he had promised me a note, which was not come to my hands. He returned to me, and desired me to walk into the inner room, or rather to enter the entry into a room in the other end of the house. I did so, and after being admitted into the sanctum sanctorum I told his Holiness [Hamilton] that he had been good enough to promise me a note which was not come to my hands. He got up, went out, and left me alone for a considerable time. Crone in with young Kuhn with him.

But now a new scene opened. Before he went out he said the papers I wanted were here. I said, "What, here in the office?" He said yes. He now asked Kuhn, before me, "Do you know of rely box, desk, or any place where Mr. Hilligas kept the warrants?" The young man said yes, the desk in the other room had them in it; he added, "If I had them, there was no receipt on them, only 'received the contents.'" Hamilton said the desk was locked and bound around with tape, and Mr. Hilligas had the key in Philadelphia. I expressed great surprise that Mr. Hilligas should lock public papers belonging to the Treasury in his private desk. Hamilton affected to believe I must [have] some censure on his conduct. I repeated what I said, and declared I thought it very strange of Mr. Hilligas to do so, and concluded, "I suppose, then, I must write to Mr. Hilligas for to send over the key before I could see the papers." He said I could not get them otherwise; and by way, I believe, of getting me out of the room, told me to come and see the desk. I walked into the room of the Assistant Secretary, and he there showed me the desk as he said contained the warrants.

I need make no comment on all this. I think I have his history complete. A schoolboy should be whipped for such pitiful evasions.

I went to see Mr. Meredith, but he was out. Fell in with Mr. Fitzsimons. He talked familiarly with me. I am tired of minuting any more for this day, but I must note part of Mr. Fitzsimons' discourse. These Southern people have a matter much at heart, and it is in my power to oblige them. They fear settlement; they can not bear it; they have been negligent of their accounts, and the Eastern people have kept exact accounts of everything (perhaps, and more than everything added.) This moment Hartley, fine as a lord, met us and broke off our discourse. Some trifling chat engaged us for a few moments, and Hartley parted from us. I waited for him [Fitzsimons] to take up the discourse again, but he did not.

We were approaching the Hall, where I knew we would part. I began: "They will want you to support them on the discrimination of tonnage, too, against the New England men; but as they are the people who keep us here, by joining the New England and York votes, I have no objection to see them whipped with their own rod." He seemed to enjoy this thought and laughed heartily, but the Hall was at bald and the old subject lost.

14
May 14th. — The business of most importance agitated this day was the Rhode Island bill, which must have had a first reading yesterday when I was out. I contented myself with giving my negative to every particle of it. I knew I could gain no proselytes, and that, as the bill could not be justified on the principles of freedom, law, the Constitution, or any other mode whatever, argument could only end in anger. Mr. Morris was one of the warmest men for it, although he knows well that the only views of the Yorkers are to get two Senators more into the House on whose votes they can reckon on the question of residence. But he must think the getting [of] Rhode Island is superior to all other considerations. The yeas and nays were called, and now, after the question was taken, there seemed to be a disposition for argument, and some very remarkable expressions were used. Izard said, "If gentlemen will show us how we can accomplish our end by any means less arbitrary and tyrannical, I will agree with them."

When we came to the clause for demanding twenty-five thousand dollars, Mr. Morris said, "This is the most arbitrary of the whole of it." The nays were Butler, Elmer, Gunn, Henry, Maclay, Walker, Wyngate — seven. Yeas: Bassett, Carrol, Dalton, Elsworth, Johnson, Izard, King, Langdon, Morris, Strong, Schnuyler, Read — twelve.

This day, to my great joy, a statement of the Pennsylvania accounts came forward — $10,642,403.43 specie and $47,010,138 Continental money, liquidated and charged against the United States by our State, and delivered to Mr. White, the general agent, and receipt taken for it in due time, besides an unliquidated claim of five millions specie. I understood this to be the state of our accounts at the beginning of the session; and so it seems to be considered by all of us; for Mr. Morris, Mr. Clymer, and Fitzsimons used to harangue on this subject, and cry up that so large an annual interest would be due to Pennsylvania that she would draw money from the continent to pay her whole civil list, make her roads, build her bridges, and open her canal. I knew that Hamilton was fool enough, at one time, to think that he could make the State governments dependent on the General Government for every shilling. I used to oppose all this dream of folly, but all at once the State debts must be assumed. It was demonstrable that this measure would defeat all settlement.

Now the very gentlemen who had promised us such revenues from the Union cried out: "Burn the books"; "No settlement"; "Pennsylvania is in debt; she had drawn from the continent between two and three millions of good dollars and had not substantiated but between four and five millions against the Union" A mutilated account of but about this sum was actually exhibited and handed about by Clymer and Fitzsimons, and an attack begun on the Comptroller about the same time, as if to annihilate his reputation, and turn him out of all employment; as if it had been foreseen that he was the only one who could detect this management or obtain justice for the State.

15
15th May, Saturday. — Devoted this day, although I was sick, to the matter of removing to Philadelphia. Mr. Morris entertained me with a long detail of the difficulties he met with in the settlement of his accounts. I believe the clamors against him make the officers inspect everything with a jealous eye.

I really acted rather improperly in ranging about so much this day in my bad state of health. Should the effects of my influenza. increase, and I fall a victim to my zeal for serving the city of Philadelphia, my character would only suffer ridicule, and my dear family the loss of their head. I will, however, do what I think my duty.

Called to see the President. Every eye full of tears. His life despaired of. Dr. MacKnight told me he would trifle neither with his own character nor the public expectation; his danger was imminent, and every reason to expect that the event of his disorder would be unfortunate.

16
May 16th, Sunday. — I called on Mr. Morris to advise with him in some points the little scheme we laid. Did not succeed in bringing in Lee, of Virginia to make our motion. Mr. Morris proposed to me to call on him and walk out of town and catch a dinner. We did so, and the day was lost. I had written to my family in the forenoon.. I considered the day as lost. Not a sentiment nor an expression that touched the heart or warmed the bosom with philanthropic feelings or vibrated on the strings of domestic joy. We dined at one Brannon's, where there were a greenhouse and some elegant improvements, but all was a mere flutter.

17
May 17th, Monday. — I was engaged this morning getting documents and papers respecting the bill for the granting the Baron Steuben seven thousand dollars and an annuity of two thousand dollars. I really never saw so villainous an attempt to rob the public as the system which has been brought forward by the Secretary of the Treasury. The baron's whole accounts have been settled on a liberal scale indeed. An office was created, in addition to his rank as a major-general, for which he had additional pay and emoluments. Seven thousand dollars over and above were granted to him. All these payments he has received. A mountain has been tortured to put money into his hands. The Secretary [Hamilton] has, however, framed a system which has as the basis of it the allowing him of five hundred and eighty guineas a year over and above all his emoluments, both as a major-general and inspector-general of the army, and interest calculated up to a compound ratio on all the balances. And, after all, he is not able to raise a balance of more than about seven thousand for the baron. But all this without the shadow of proof of the baron ever having had any such office or salaries. However, if he had ever been possessed of them, he could not have held them and served us at the same time, and, since he chose our service and our pay, we are obliged to him, but we have no right to pay him for what he did not hold.

The baron's papers kept us of the committee until after three o'clock, and, this being club day, I went to dine with the Pennsylvania mess. We sat down to dinner half after three. Eating stopped our months until about four, and from that to near nine I never heard such a scene of bestial badney kept up in my life. Mr. Morris is certainly the greatest blackguard in that way I ever heard open a mouth. But let me shut out the remembrance of it forever.

18
May 18th. — No debate of any consequence arose this day until the Rhode Island bill, which had been recommitted, was reported. Mr. Lee opposed it in a long and sensible speech. Butler blustered away, but in a loose and desultory manner. King, Elsworth, Strong, and Izard spouted out for it. It was long before there was a slack. As this was to be the last reading, and as the yeas and nays would, in my opinion, be called, I took what I thought was new ground. The bill had been assigned to various motives, self-defense, self-preservation, self-interest, etc. I began with observing that the Convention of Rhode Island met in a week; that the design of this bill was evidently to impress the people of Rhode Island with terror. It was an application to their fears, hoping to obtain from them an adoption of the Constitution, a thing despaired of from their own free-will or their judgment. It was meant to be used in the same way that a robber does a dagger or a highwayman a pistol, and to obtain the end desired by putting the party in fear; that where independence was the property of both sides, no end whatever could justify the use of such means in the aggressors. I therefore was against the bill in every point of view, etc. The debate was long. I was up a second time, but to no avail. The question was put at about three o'clock and carried. The yeas and nays were called and stood nearly as before, with the addition of Mr. Lee in the negative.

I labored hard to arrange our affairs for bringing on our question of removing to Philadelphia, and can not help remarking that the Philadelphians seemed the slackest of any people concerned in the business. I appointed, warned, or I know not what well to call it, a meeting of the delegation at Clymer and Fitzsimons' lodgings. Mr. Morris and the Speaker were all that met. The Philadelphians really threw cold water on the business. Mr. Morris twice proposed that it should be the new Congress that was to meet in March next that should assemble in Philadelphia. Once he got on the subject of Trenton. Here he and I rather clipped. I proposed that we should all be busy in the motoring among the members. I engaged to call on Gunn, Langdon, and Bassett, and set them to work on others. The form of the resolution was agreed to, but it all seemed up-hill or like a cold drag with the Philadelphians. I hope one day to be independent of them, but this is a matter I must consult them in now.

19
May 19th. — I ran this morning like a foot-boy from post to pillar — now to Gunn, then to Langdon, Bassett, etc. Langdon refused to bring forward our motion, and I then called on Bassett. He excused himself. With much ado I got them to keep the motion, which I put into their hands. Neither of them would make the motion. Mr. Morris did not come near the Senate chamber until after twelve o'clock. I called him out. He said it must be omitted this day. I found I need not oppose him, and we came into the Senate chamber. Langdon soon after came and told us that Dalton objected to going to Philadelphia until March next, and that we must alter the resolution. Mr. Morris and Dalton went together, and Mr. Morris returned and told me he had agreed with Dalton that it should be the first of March next. Thus it is that all our measures are broken in upon, and, after all the pains I have taken, this business will end in smoke.

The most villainous and abandoned speculation took place last winter from the Treasury. Some resolutions have passed the House of Representatives, and are come up to us. King and Dr. Johnson and Strong, with many others, opposed these resolutions. In an abandoned and shameless manner this engaged the House [Senate] to three o'clock. They were committed, and the House adjourned.

General Heister and Mr. Buckley called on us this evening. We talked over the affair of the day. Mr. Wynkoop came in, and a kind of an agreement was made that the Pennsylvanians should meet to-morrow at Clymer's.

20
May 20th. — I could not attend at Clymer's this morning. I, however, saw the Speaker at the Hall. Some strange manoeuvres have taken place. Jackson, of the President's family, has been with both Morris and Langdon. Morris is set right, and Dalton will agree with us, but new mischief has happened. Dr. Elmer has crossed to the Jerseys; Patterson is not yet come; Few and Gunn are both absent, so that two States are this day unrepresented. I offered to make the motion. Mr. Morris, however, now makes a point of doing it; but the thinness of the Senate seems a good reason for putting it off for this day. I can not account for Jackson having meddled in this business, or his knowing anything of it by any other means than through Buckley. However, we have got the errors of yesterday corrected. Mr. Morris was called out, and came in with a most joyous countenance. "I was called out by Boudinot," said he, "to make proposals to me from the New England men in favor of Trenton." I immediately told him [Morris]: "You can not possibly make any bargain by which you will not lose as much as you can gain." A bargain with the Eastern people is to lose Maryland, Virginia, and all southward. A Southern bargain will, on the contrary, lose all the Eastern interest. We must be able to declare upon honor that we have no bargain.

He was a little hurt and said, "Leave that all to me." "No, sir, I will make no bargain! If it is but suspected that we have a bargain, we are ruined." I was called out and took the opportunity of calling out Mr. Fitzsimons, and told him of Boudinot's being in treaty with Mr. Morris, and begged him to counteract everything of this kind. He promised that he would.

The Senate got into a long debate on the resolves relating to arrears due to the Virginia and North Carolina lines of the army in 1782 — '83, which have been made the subject of an abandoned speculation. The report had an addition of Elsworth's, calculated as much as possible to favor the speculation. It was debated to three o'clock, and adjourned.

Elsworth is really a man of ability, and it is truly surprising to me the pains that he will display to varnish over villainy and to give roguery effect without avowed license. I can see him warping over in the case of the baron [Steuben's extra pension case] to get a sum of money on his account, or rather only in his name, which would sink immediately into the jaws of Hamilton and his' crew.

21
May 21st. — And now again Elmer is absent, and Patterson is not returned; and Mr. Morris thinks the motion had not best be made until they return, so one day more is lost.

I spent a good deal of time on the affair of the Baron Steuben, got the report agreed to, and now the debate of the day came on respecting the resolutions, or rather the amendment offered to the last one. The amendment was supported by King, Elsworth, Dr. Johnson, Izard; and others. Lee answered them. Toward the end of all the debate I rose and explained the reason of the resolves, that they regarded the sums due, the places in which the payments were to be made, and what kind of transfers were to be considered as valid. All this was directory to our own officer, and had nothing to do with the proceedings of courts. Soldiers had entered into contracts, the resolves before the Chair defaced writings or tore the seals from obligations, and the law was open. The directions were, moreover, in conformity with the laws of North Carolina, one of the States whose citizens were concerned; that the present amendment was a modification of the resolution to protect the interest of the late speculation. The reason offered for it was that probably some innocent person might suffer. I did not believe this was possible. I would cheerfully agree that it was better ten guilty should escape than one innocent suffer, but no innocent man was privy to this business. The soldiers knew nothing of the matter. The speculators know, and they only know, in whose hands the lists were lodged, for the soldiers, having received their final settlements since the service was performed, concluded that nothing more could remain due, etc. The question was put and the amendment lost — ten for, twelve against. The question was now put on the third resolution and carried — thirteen and nine. King, however, and a number of gentlemen called for the yeas and nays. Yeas: Bassett, Butler, Carrol, Few, Gunn, Hawkins, Johnson, Henry, Lee, Maclay, Read, Walker, Wyngate. Nays: Dalton, Elsworth, Johnston, Izard, King, Langdon, Morris, Strong, Schuyler.

Now a new whim came into their heads, and they would have the yeas and nays on the former question. They were told that it was out of order. However, they had them, and now Mr. Butler voted for the amendment, lest he should lose his interest at the Treasury, and of course we were tied, eleven and eleven. But for once, in my opinion, our Vice-President voted right, and gave it against the amendment.

22
May 22d. — Being Saturday, and no Congress, I got a horse and rode out. Came home about noon, prodigiously tired, indeed. The little exercise I have taken for the last three or four months makes me almost sink under it. I went to bed and slept about an hour, and rose much refreshed.

In the evening a large number of gentlemen called at our house. My barber had disappointed me in the morning. I was rather in déshabille, but came down-stairs. Although I am not in the least given to dress, yet I found that I was on this occasion below par; and to know that any point about one is deranged or improperly adjusted, imparts an awkward air to one. It is on this account, more than any other, that a propriety of dress should be attended to. To suspect that your company believes anything wrong about you distresses a modest man. Of the company was Mr. Fitzsimons. He took me by the hand and said:

"To-morrow, at nine o'clock, I wish to meet you and the Speaker."

23
May 23d. — It was near ten when I was called down on the coming of Fitzsimons. He had been some time with the Speaker. We had considerable loose talk on the subject of the removal of Congress. But Fitzsimons, after some time, declared that was not the business on which he came. It was to settle something as to the government of Pennsylvania. Who should be run for the Chair of it at the next election? He spoke of the dignity of the Speaker's present place, and the certainty of his continuance in it. It was evident that he wished the Speaker to decline. The Speaker said, "Very well, I will give you an answer to-morrow morning."

Nothing remarkable happened this day. I wrote to my dear family, as usual.

24
May 24th. — I dressed and went early to work. Called on R. H. Lee, of Virginia, on Walker, and Dr. Elmer. After Senate met I reported the amendment on the Baron Steuben bill. It was the opinion of the committee that he should have an annuity of one thousand dollars. There never was so vile and barefaced a business as this. It is well known that all he would get would immediately sink into the hands of Hamilton. It lay, however, over for to-morrow. Some business came up from the Representatives.

And now Mr. Morris rose and made the long-expected motion in the following words: "Resolved, That Congress shall meet and hold their next session in the city of Philadelphia." Langdon seconded the motion. A dead pause ensued. Our Vice-President asked if we were ready for the question. General Schuyler got up and hoped not, as it was a matter of great importance to move the seat of government. He moved a postponement. Mr. Morris said, "If the gentleman will name to-morrow, he had no objection," and to-morrow was accordingly named for it. The Senate soon after adjourned, and now Izard, Butler, Dr. Johnson, Schuyler, and King flew about. The people they mostly attacked were Governor Johnston, Hawkins, and Gunn. I soon left them and came home.

But this was mess-day, and I went at half-past three and found the company already seated and file dinner almost eaten up. I could not stay long, as we had an appointment with Jefferson, the Secretary of State, at six o'clock. When I came to the Hall, Jefferson and the rest of the committee were there. Jefferson is a slender man; has rather the air of stiffness in his manner; his clothes seem too small for him; he sits in a lounging manner, on one hip commonly, and with one of his shoulders elevated much above the other; his face has a sunny aspect; his whole figure has a loose, shackling air. He had a rambling, vacant look, and nothing of that firm, collected deportment which I expected would dignify the presence of a secretary or minister. I looked for gravity, but a laxity of manner seemed shed about him. He spoke almost without ceasing. But even his discourse partook of his personal demeanor. It was loose and rambling, and yet he scattered information wherever he went, and some even brilliant sentiments sparkled from him. The information which he gave us respecting foreign ministers, etc., was all high-spiced. He had been long enough abroad to catch the tone of European folly. He gave us a sentiment which seemed rather to savor of quaintness: "It is better to take the highest of the lowest than the lowest of the highest." Translation: "It is better to appoint a chargé with a handsome salary than a minister plenipotentiary with a small one." He took his leave, and the committee agreed to strike out the specific sum to be given to any foreign appointment, leaving it to the President to account, and appropriated thirty thousand dollars generally for that purpose.

25
May 25th. — This day again I was engaged in the main business. Called on sundry of the members. The Yorkers are now busy in the scheme of bargaining with the Virginians, offering the permanent seat on the Potomac for the temporary one in New York. Butler is their chief agent in this business. Walker, a weak man, seems taken off by it. Patterson, however, is not yet come.

Baron Steuben's business was taken up. The committee were called on to give the reasons of their report. As I was chairman, I had to take the lead. I knew there was blame ready to fall on us. I, however, did not decline the business, but laid down the outlines in as strong colors as I thought consistent with truth: that those who came after me might not be bashful, and thus taking scope enough for them to act in. I thought I took many of the Senate with me; some I knew it was impossible. In fine, I thought demonstration was on our side; that the baron could demand nothing. Izard is certainly a bad man in grain. He drew conclusions that were obviously wrong, indeed, to his own party. Even Butler disowned his reasons; but he was for doing the same tiring without a reason. Elsworth got up and spoke exceedingly well for more than an hour. He was severe in some of his strictures, but I was pleased to hear him. The debate lasted until past three o'clock, and an adjournment took place without any question. One object of the delay was to put off our question on the residence.

26
May 26th, Wednesday. — This day may be considered by me as an unlucky one. Last night I rested but poorly, owing, I believe, to a rheumatic fever. My short slumbers were much interrupted by fanciful appearances of warriors passing by in flights or gliding along. I really have no faith in dreams, but, ever since I was plagued with this kind of fabling during my distress on board the sloop Swallow, I can not help considering such illusions as unfortunate.

The baron's [Steuben] bill, as it was called, was taken up. Perversion of reason, perversion of principle. The world turned upside down only could justify the determinations. But the cabals of the Secretary [Hamilton] were successful, and the baron's bill was triumphant. I put a question to myself whether there was on the face of the earth a deliberative body that could possibly depart further from the principles of justice and a regard to the public welfare. None, none, answered every faculty about me. But the fact is, that every officer of the Treasury has embarked in this business with the warmth of solicitors. John Adams gave twice the casting vote in this business. I really felt a disposition to take a lamentation over human frailties.

But after this was done, Mr. Morris called for his motion. If he really intended to lose it, he could not possibly have taken a more certain method. He rose, laughing heartily every time he got up. King laughed at him, and he laughed back at King, and a number more joined in the laugh. This was truly ridiculous. Few, Butler, and King rose, and the amount of all they said was that a removal was inconvenient; that Philadelphia was not central; if we once got into it we would be accommodated in such a manner that we would never leave it, etc.

I replied that a removal was not called for immediately by the resolution; that the next session of Congress was to meet in Philadelphia; that, although it was not central, it was more so than the place where we were now. The universal consent of the provinces, before we were States, and of the States since, was in favor of Philadelphia. This was verified by every public assembly which had been called, from the meeting of the first Congress down to the late meeting of the Cincinnati; that the arguments drawn from the conveniences of Philadelphia, and the insinuations that if we were once there nobody would ever think of going away from it, I thought were reasons which should induce us to embrace this place, which would come so completely up to our wishes. I begged gentlemen, however, to be easy on that subject. Philadelphia was a place they never could get as a permanent residence. The government [of Pennsylvania] neither would nor could part with it. It was nearly equal to one third of the State in wealth and population. It was the only port belonging to the State. It was excepted by the Government in her offers to the Congress; that in such a place the deliberations of Congress on the subject of the permanent residence could be carried on to the greatest advantage, etc., etc.

I was up a second time, but to no purpose. A postponement was moved by Butler and seconded by Gunn. For the question of postponement: Strong, Dalton, Johnson, Elsworth, King, Schuyler, Patterson, Hawkins, Johnston, Butler, Izard, Few, Gunn — thirteen. Our side: Langdon, Wyngate, Elmer, Morris, Maclay, Read, Bassett, Carrol, Henry, Lee, Walker — eleven.

27
May 27th. — Mr. Morris went off yesterday in company with King, and I really thought there was too much levity in his conduct all through. I really suspected that he did not treat the matter with sufficient seriousness. This day he showed a violent disposition of anger, cursed and swore that he would go anywhere, but insisted on withdrawing the motion. I could not readily agree with him as to the propriety of withdrawing the motion, but he swore he would. Butler rose and said he gave notice that he would bring in a bill on Monday next to establish the permanent residence. Mr. Morris jumped up in haste and moved for leave to withdraw his motion. Langdon agreed. There was some demur, but the question was carried.

Now the baron's [Steuben's] bill, as we have called it, was taken up. If the fate of the Union had depended on it, it could not have been more pertinaciously adhered to. Elsworth persevered and cut King in argument more severely than ever I heard any member of the Senate heretofore. King felt it, and I confess I enjoyed it. Butler, by one of those eccentric motions for which he is remarkable, flew his party and voted on our side. Good God, what a consternation! I observed him rising, and said aloud, "It is carried."

The whole day was spent in a contest between the Secretary's [Hamilton] tools and the independent part of the House. As the arguments were nearly the same on every question, it is in vain to repeat them. Bonny Johnny Adams took uncommon pains to bias us, without effect. I voted uniformly against allowing him [Baron Steuben] one farthing, as I was convinced nothing was due him. I can not help noting John Adams' foolish speech. In extolling the baron he told us that he (the baron) had imparted to us the arts and principles of war, learned by him in the only school in the world where they were taught, by the great King of Prussia, who had copied them from the ancient Greek and Roman lessons; and that, in fine, to these arts and principles we owed our independence. Childish man to tell us this, when many of our sharpest conflicts and most bloody engagements had terminated fortunately before ever we heard of the baron.


text:
Journal of William Maclay/Second Session of the First Congress/The Permanent Residence

28
May 28th. — This day we had expectations that the House of Representatives would have brought on the vote for adjournment to Philadelphia, but the day passed without anything being done. No debate of any consequence in the Senate. I felt exceedingly indisposed in the fore part of the day, and dreaded going into company. The Speaker entertained. I, however, joined them and drank a few glasses, and felt much better; but I must note how my feelings will be to-morrow.

29
May 29th, Saturday. — Can not complain of my health. I stayed in all day. It was raw and inclining to rain; almost too cold to be without fire. I was dull and heavy. In the evening received a note to dine with Colonel Gunn to-morrow.

30
May 30th, Sunday. — I rested but badly last night; had ugly dreams. Am to dine out this day. I had best be careful and attentive. How idle this idea! Dreams are but fallacious things. I have dined out and have met with no disaster. I had one strange dream of seeing a man fall from a place like a saw-mill. I thought the mill was mine, yet it differed from my mill at Sunbury. What a heap of idleness! My head ached, hence I suppose my dreams. The man was not killed. A dead child plagued me at another time. I have really little to do, or I would not note all this down.

Last night Fitzsimons and Clymer called on us. They agreed to call on Goodhue, Gilman, Huntingdon, and some other of the New England men, and tell them calmly that the Pennsylvanians would not stay in New York; that if they of New England would persist in voting for New York, the Pennsylvanians would agree to any other place whatever; and from here they would go. Fitzsimons and Clymer were appointed for this service. I readily agreed to join Mr. Morris in a similar service with respect to the Senate.

31
May 31st, Monday. — Went early out to call on sundry members, and try to prepare them for the grand question. Came to the Hall at the usual time. The bill for intercourse with foreign nations came up from the Representatives with an insistence. Both Houses having insisted, it remained for us to recede or call for a conference. It ended in a conference. A considerable debate, however, or rather delivery of sentiments, took place. Elsworth, in a slow, languid manner, said it was easy to see that the Representatives had in view some old regulations by their insisting on the nine thousand dollars; that formerly the business had been done by some gentlemen for about six thousand dollars per annum.

Mr. Adams jumped up; said that could not be; that he had kept the accounts with his own hand at Paris, and they amounted to about three thousand guineas yearly. He had now a vast deal to say. When he had done, Elsworth took small paper out of his pocket; said he was very willing to show the document from which he had spoken. Here was an abstract of the accounts of the honorable Vice-President while he was in Paris, and all the particulars for twenty months, amounting to ninety-eight hundred dollars, which was not more than at the rate of six thousand dollars per annum. Adams appeared cut. The fact was, that he was found lying, as they all have been on that subject.

Now Butler rose and had a good deal to say on the merits of the permanent residence, and concluded with asking leave to bring in a bill for a permanent and temporary residence. Lee made a long speech. I felt so much interested that I could not help rising. I observed that fixing the permanent residence to a future period would work no relief of present inconveniences; that the complaints were felt and well founded as to the place in which we now were; that the gentleman had given notice some days ago that he would offer a bill for the permanent residence. He now added the temporary residence, etc. The end of the matter was, that he delivered us his bill. I could almost curse Mr. Morris for having left me at such a time.

1
June 1st. — I called early this morning on Fitzsimons and Clymer. I told them that, all things considered, I thought it best in me to endeavor to postpone Butler's bill. They both approved of it.

I went to the Hall to observe the members as they came in. Langdon was there. He certainly manifested something which I thought singular in his manner. If I had not had such strong proofs of him heretofore, I would have suspected him. He desired me to assure the two members of Massachusetts that there was no bargain with the Virginians. I told him I would do anything he requested, and I did so.

The Senate met. I considered myself as among wolves, with only neutral characters to support me. The Vice-President was hasty enough to take up Butler's bill. Butler absolutely spoke against taking it up at all, as he said he was afraid of a difference arising between the two Houses The word "agreed!" "agreed!" was heard from different parts of the House. I really felt happy.

A message was received from the President, and some other trifling business done. There was some small talk and communications which I did not mind. But all at once the Vice-President began to read the bill [as to the temporary and permanent residence of Congress]. I wished much for somebody else to begin an opposition, and was determined to throw myself along with them, let them mold their attack as they would. Mr. Read spoke against proceeding on the bill, but made no motion. Butler got up and moved that the bill should be committed. Gunn seconded. Mr. Carrol said there could be no use in committing it. I said that the honorable gentleman had set out with declaring that he wished to avoid any differences with the other House. None of us could affect ignorance of what had passed in the House of Representatives yesterday. A vote had passed for the meeting of the next session at Philadelphia; that we might every moment expect our door to be opened for the receipt of such a communication. For us, therefore, to adopt a different mode of treating the same subject would have the appearance of courting a difference, etc.

Butler got up in reply and said every insulting thing in iris power. I had concluded that I thought it best that the bill should lie on the table until the resolution came up [i.e., from the House of Representatives], and that they should be considered at the same time. This took place, after a good deal of talk. It was remarkable that the resolution came up just as Butler began to rail at me. The Senate adjourned early, and soon after in came Mr. Morris, covered with sweat and dust.

2
June 2d. — I went early this morning to meet our delegation and to inculcate this doctrine on our Representatives: that in all cases we should be prepared for the worst, and that we should now think of the next step to be taken in case of the worst happening in our House [Senate]; that a conduct of this kind would keep the matter alive; keep the party in spirits and collected. They admitted the principle, but seemed at loss for the means. I hinted the propriety of bringing forward a resolution naming the day of adjournment and the time of meeting. Fitzsimmons and Morris (all that were present)-seemed to carp at it. However, I told them, "I only urge you to think of and provide your next step." In the course of this short chat with them I had room to remark that I can not be on terms of confidence with these people. A hint was dropped that I had better be at the Hall. I readily agreed, and went there. I could see, as the members came in, that we had nothing to expect from North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, nor Massachusetts.

The Senate met, and waited and waited for [Mr. Morris. I never wished for him more in my life. I saw now that Butler's bill would be committed, and I wished to arrange something of a ticket for the committee. Several of the Senate asked why I did not send for him [Morris]. I went out and desired the doorkeeper to go for him. Mather [the doorkeeper] answered, "I have sent for him long ago." It was past twelve before he came, and we now went at the business. (I can not help asking myself in this parenthesis what Mr. Morris could possibly mean by this conduct. Indeed, I ask how he call account for his going away last week, or many other parts of his conduct. It is most certainly his interest to take Congress to Philadelphia. Is it possible that Hamilton can have any influence with him on this subject?)

I could remark something of a partiality in Adams at the setting out — the first question for commitment of Mr. Butler's bill. It was moved to postpone this, and take up the resolution for holding the next session in Philadelphia. Senate divided, twelve and twelve. J. Adams gave it [the casting vote] against postponement. Now on the commitment twelve and twelve. J. Adams gave it for it. This division was by States, on both these questions, or at least they divided so. We had New Hampshire, Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia. The others against us. Now it was that I regretted Mr. Morris absence. Had he been there in time, I could have settled with him who should have been the committee. Now we could communicate only with our friends on one side of the House. The committee rather unfavorable — Butler, Dalton, Lee, Johnston, and Henry.

Now it was moved to refer the resolution [from the House] to the same committee. The Senate divided equally, but Dalton was against it and Patterson for it. As they sat next each other, I believe this was settled between them, and shows that Patterson is not to be depended upon, and, indeed, I have long considered him as a most despicable character.

3
June 3d. — Attended the Hall at the usual time. I determined to behave in personal deportment as nearly as I possibly could to my former habits, and I believe I effected it. Of this, however, I could not judge as well as, perhaps, others. Mr. Morris came the last of any of the members this day, but nothing remarkably so; much earlier than yesterday. I got into chat with him, and after some time remarked how unfortunate we had been yesterday in not prearranging a ticket for the committee. I said his absence had been unlucky, but could not now be helped. He said his accounts had engaged him so closely he could not come. I thought this stranger than ever, that he should stay away on no other excuse than his daily business. Wyngate, Elmer, almost the whole Senate, have taken notice of it. How can I avoid observing it, for I have smarted under it?

No business of consequence took place this day. The nominations for the officers of the army had come in yesterday and were taken up this day. I had made some objections a few days ago to giving my advice and consent to the appointment of men of whom I knew nothing. Izard got on to the same subject and bounced a good deal. However, the firing was got over by the members rising and giving an account of the officers appointed from different States, and all were agreed to.

The Funding bill, which has engaged the Representatives almost the whole session, came up yesterday; was taken up this day and Monday assigned for it.

4
June 4th. — This is a day of small consequence in the Senate. I had busied myself much last night and this morning in arranging and disposing of matters, but sundry pages would not contain the whole of it, so I will minute only what happened in the Senate.

We called on the committee to report. Butler excused himself, and the burden of the excuse was that Governor Johnston, one of the committee, had fallen sick. Mr. Morris moved, and was seconded by Lee, to add another member in his room. This occasioned considerable debate. Read, however, declared against us, and we lost the question. Izard manifested the most illiberal spirit; asserted in opposition to Lee things that even his own party were ashamed of. I left the Senate chamber this day completely sickened at the uncandid and ungentlemanly conduct of the South Carolina men. Few, of Georgia, said some improper things, but I this day was almost altogether a hearer. There really was no serious debate. It was nothing but snip-snap and contradiction.

5
June 5th. — This was a slack day. I had promised Mrs. Bell to go with her to the Hall [Senate], and I called about ten for that purpose. Mrs. Bell, however, could not go this day, and I found her as finicking and fickle as the finest lady among them, with a bunch of bosom and bulk of cotton that never was warranted by any feminine appearance in nature. She had learned the New York walk to a tittle; bent forward at the middle, she walked, as they all do, just as if some disagreeable disorder prevented them from standing erect. Is it ill nature or what that inclines me to assign this fashion to a cause of this kind?

I went from her, called on sundry people; went and sat a long time with Mr. Morris, and repeated to him all the arguments I had made use of on Monday and Tuesday last, when he was absent. One in particular he seemed pleased with, drawn from the difference of mileage which would arise to the Treasury of about eleven hundred dollars in favor of a residence in Philadelphia. I desired him to get from the Treasury an account of the expense of removing Congress from Princeton to New York. He said he would do it. There seemed really to be more of cordiality in this tête-à-tête which I had with him than any ever I had. I then called on Mr. Wynkoop. I chatted a good while with him, and had again occasion to observe the blind obedience which he pays to the opinions of his Philadelphia colleagues.

Came home, read, and lounged away the day.

6
June 6th, Sunday. — Five months have I been in town this day. Devoted my time to thinking of my family. Wrote letters, read, etc., but did not stir out all day. Remarked something this day: General Muhlenberg talks of visiting Sunbury, etc. I received a letter yesterday from George Logan. He is greatly displeased about the grant to Baron Steuben. This is really a worthy man. I think he holds the first place in point of integrity. He has invited me strongly to call and see him. I believe I must do so.

This old man, the baron, it seems, talks in the most insulting manner of the grant which has been made to him, and tells that he must and will have more when a new Congress meets, etc. Being at the head of the Cincinnati makes him assume those arrogant airs. 'Tis probable the whole body of them will soon be demanding pensions to support their titles and dignity.

The Funding bill, the basis on which speculation has built all her castles, is now to come before us; and woe to him who says a word in favor of the country. Load the ass; make the beast of burden bear to the utmost of his abilities. I am really convinced that many a man has gone into the martial field and acquitted himself with gallantry and honor, with less courage and firmness than is necessary to attack this disposition in our Senate.

7
June 7th, Monday. — The Funding law underwent some debate this day. We adopted, by a kind of common consent, a mode somewhat different from former practice respecting it. Supposing ourselves in Committee of the Whole, a paragraph is read, and the members generally express their sentiments on it. After every one has given his sentiments, it is passed by postponement, with a design to commit it to a special committee. We proceeded about half-way with the bill in this way.

The committee on the bill for the permanent residence and the resolution sent up from the Representatives were called on to report, and Butler, their chairman, did so. He read the report, which was a sleeveless thing for the Potomac to be the permanent residence, but alleged that the ground was too narrow to fix the temporary residence. Many desultory things were said, and all went off until to-morrow.

This was Pennsylvania mess-day. I was so unwell that I first told Mr. Morris that I could not attend, but I afterward went. We here agreed to send for all the Senators who were friends of moving to Philadelphia. Eleven attended — Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, Dr. Elmer, from New Jersey, and New Hampshire. Much desultory discourse was held. Virginia and Maryland manifested a predilection for the Potomac; but the final resolutions, in which Virginia led the way, were as follows: "That as the business of a permanent residence was brought forward by our enemies evidently with a design of dividing us, we would uniformly vote against every plan named for the permanent residence." The Virginians and Marylanders declared they would vote against the Potomac. Mr. Morris declared he would vote against Germantown and the Falls of the Delaware. The Susquehanna was not publicly named, but of course implied, for Mr. Morris, in enumerating the places to be voted against, named the Potomac, Germantown, and the Falls of Trenton. The line of proceeding for to-morrow was agreed to: Mr. Lee to move and Langdon to second the postponement of the permanent seat in order to take up the resolution for the next session being held in Philadelphia. If all was lost, let it go down to the House of Representatives for them to originate new measures on it.

8
June 8th, Tuesday. — How shall I describe this day of confusion in the Senate? Mr. Lee laid on the table a report of some additional rules relative to the intercourse between the two Houses. After this he moved that the bill for the permanent residence of Congress shall be postponed to take up the resolution of the Representatives for adjourning to Philadelphia.

Now it was that Izard flamed and Butler bounced, and both seemed to rage with madness. Mr. Lee's motion was in writing, and they moved a postponement of it. The division was eleven, and the Vice-President gave it against the postponement. How all was hurry and confusion. Izard and Buffer actually went and brought Governor Johnston with his night-cap on, out of bed, and a bed with him. The bed was deposited in the committee-room. Johnson was brought in a sedan [chair]. Few was well enough to come without being carried, and we waited half an hour. The vote was taken. We had our eleven and they had thirteen against the resolution: I thought all was over now; but no such thing. They must carry their conquest further.

In the mean time a mob and noise was about the Hall [Senate] as if it had been a fish-market. The postponed bill and the report of the committee on it were called for. The report was read. The first clause of the report was a resolution that the permanent residence should be now fixed. The question was taken on it and it was negatived. This threw them all in the dumps. The report was, however, lost. But now they would have the bill. They accordingly had it, for they had the most votes, and, although the Senate had decided by a most unequivocal vote that the permanent residence should not be taken into consideration, yet they moved to fill the blank with the Potomac. This was lost — fifteen and nine.

Much desultory discourse was now engaged in, and many motions were made of postponement of the bill. Some of them were actually carried, and yet they still made new motions for the blank to be filled. Baltimore was named. This was lost — seventeen to seven. Wilmington was named. It had only three or four. A motion was made to adjourn. The first was lost. A motion was even made to pass the first clause of the bill with a blank, notwithstanding the absurdity of it, even in the face of a vote that this was an improper time to fix the permanent residence. All, in fact, was confusion and irregularity. A second vote of adjournment was called for and carried. So ended the uproar of the day.

John Adams has neither judgment, firmness of mind, nor respectability of deportment to fill the chair of such an assembly. Gunn had scolded out a good deal of stuff; "were we forever to be plagued with a removal, etc.?" This, I thought, deserved some answer. I went over all the disadvantages of New York, contrasted it with Philadelphia, and concluded that such inconveniences would always produce such complaints and uneasiness, and could not be removed but by taking away the cause. I was listened to, but made no converts. I was up a good while, as I went largely into the business, but I took the same ground which I had before traveled over, the notes of which I sent to Dr. Rush.

Just before I rose, I asked Mr. Morris for an estimate of removing Congress from Trenton, which he had promised to procure. He had nothing of it. I really communicated this matter to him to enable him to make some figure in the debate, and if possible to bind him to me by this kind of confidential communication. But I have another proof that all advances on my part are in vain. I walked this evening with Mr. Wynkoop. Fell in company with several of the Representatives, exhorted them all, as much as I possibly could, to unanimity and firmness, and did not fail to recommend to steady perseverance under the assurance that we would be successful.

9
June 9th. — Attended the Hall at the usual time. The Rhode Island bill had a third reading. And now the Funding bill was taken up. We had passed the clause funding the old Continental money, and left a blank on Monday. I then called it the resurrection of a dead demand against the public. Mr. Morris seemed in sentiment with me. King spoke against the clause altogether. But now the Secretary's report was the text-book, and it must be funded at forty for one. I called the attention of the Senate to the characters who now had this money. Many meritorious persons received it as gold and silver, and still kept it as the monuments of the sacrifices which they made in the cause of America. Would seventy-five for one, forty for one, or one hundred for one, indemnify such characters? Would it not be a mockery of their demands? A time might come, a manner might be thought of for their relief, but this was not, perhaps, the time, nor was it the manner. The other class of individuals who were possessed of it had collected it from the holes and corners after it had ceased to be an object of speculation when it was really worth nothing, and who neither gave value for it nor had any merit in the act of collection. For these humble speculators infinitely too much was done. They had no claims in justice. The whole of the Continental money was sunk by depreciation, a most unequal mode of taxation truly, but an effectual one. He that touched it was taxed by it. This was creating a claim. A defunct demand was conjured up against the Union, as if they feared the mass of debt would be too small, though I fear they would find it much larger than we could discharge, etc. The clause was passed, and we went to the fourth.

Mr. Morris moved, in a moment, to strike out the first two alternatives, and blazed away for six per cent on the nominal amount of all public securities. Elsworth answered, want of ability. Mr. Morris made nothing of the whole of it. The broadside of America was able enough for it all. We had property enough, and he was for a land-tax, and if a land-tax were laid there would be money enough. He said many weak things, and was handled closely for them by Elsworth. The debate, loose indeed, and desultory continued until three o'clock. Adjourned.

10
June 10th. — Attended at nine o'clock at the Hall on the bill for making compensation to one John McCord. It was a painful business. His claims do not seem over well founded in point of law or any act of Congress. He is seventy-nine years old, and appears to have suffered deeply in the American cause. We spent a considerable time on his business.

When we came into the House of Representatives, the Funding bill was under consideration. It was passed over without much debate in our cursory way. But now rose Elsworth, and in a long, elaborate discourse recommended the assumption of the State debts. He concluded that he would read his motion, which he said had the approbation of the Secretary of the Treasury. It was verbatim one of Gerry's papers, which had been moved and laid on the Speaker's table in the House of Representatives about a week ago. We had speakers enough now. Dr. Johnson was somewhat singular in his assertions. He denied there was any such thing as a State debt; they were all equally the debts of the United States.

The day was mostly spent in this business. I rose and took the field which I had several times labored in with my pen. The old acts of Congress settle and assume the balances, etc. A short publication which I wrote, and which by one means or other got into almost all the newspapers, was the basis of it. The Boston men and King talked much of their fears of the consequences, etc. I objected Hancock's speech to one and the divided votes of their Representatives to the other. One of the Massachusetts men now produced instructions from their government authorizing their voting for the measure. I alleged that, if one State instructed, all should instruct, and perhaps this should be considered as a good reason of postponement until all instructed on the subject, etc. The consideration was postponed until to-morrow.

11
June 11th. — Attended at the Hall on Mr. McCord's bill early. Mr. Morris joined us. Went in and attended the Funding bill; the clause for the assumption of the State debts. Mr. Gerry's amendment was negatived. Nine only rose for it. The bill was now committed. The only debate of any consequence was between Elsworth and myself. He set forth in a curious argument that the debts contracted near the seat of Congress were made Federal; that those at a distance were made State debts, supposing that the authority of Congress was less efficacious.

There really was not a shadow of truth in this. He only adapted his argument to all accidental fact, South Carolina and Massachusetts having the largest State debts. I rose and showed that there really was nothing at all in this matter; that the origin of some State debts was their adopting the debts due to individuals, which they did by way of paying their requisitions, and got credit for them accordingly. This was the origin of the large State debt of one of them at least. King was obliging enough to get up and tell the House I meant South Carolina, etc. This brought up Butler and Izard, with some degree of warmth.

It was a good while before I could say anything. I, however, avowed and supported all I had said; that the fact was indubitably so; that no censure was implied in anything I had said; that South Carolina had assumed debts due to her citizens to the amount of $186,799, and had credit in full of her quota of the requisitions of the 10th of September, 1782. On that account Pennsylvania had paid at the shine time $346,632, and Massachusetts a large sum of the said requisition; that Pennsylvania might have brought forward her State debt and had credit for it in the requisition, but she did not do so, but remained burdened with both her State debt and requisitions, and had done much toward paying both, while South Carolina had paid nothing to either. The committee were: Mr. Lee, Elsworth, Maclay, King, and Patterson. Some little council business was done, and we adjourned. Just as we had adjourned, Buffer wished Cartel joy of a vote being carried in the Representative chamber for the temporary residence to be in Baltimore.

There was some kind of entertainment to which I heard Fitzsimons a few days ago inviting the Speaker. I thought he took him to the door to do it. The Speaker asked me to go with him. I declined it, as well I might. After the Speaker came home I asked him what he had heard Mr. Morris say of the Baltimore vote. He had not made up his mind. I can find he is now scheming and will not vote for Baltimore. I have had a spell of fishing, of which I was the subject, to knew whether I would not oppose the Baltimore vote. I saw clearly the person who was set on to do it, and will report to his employers. I, in all probability, am come to the point that will be seized to turn the whole city of Philadelphia against me, but I trust no taint of dishonor will ever stain my conduct. As to consequences, I care not.

12
June 12th. — A day of storm and rain. I attended at the Hall at eleven on the Funding bill. The alternatives, as they were called, were the chief subjects of discussion until near three o'clock. Candor, sit by me while I describe the committee:

R. H. Lee, the man who gave independence (in one sense) to America. A man of a clear head and great experience in public business; certainly ambitious and vainglorious, but his passions seek gratification in serving the public.

Elsworth, a man of great faculties and eloquent in debate, but he has taken too much on himself; he wishes to reconcile the Secretary's [Hamilton's] system to the public opinion and welfare; but it is too much; he can not retain the confidence of the people and remain in the good graces of the Secretary. He may lose both.

King, plausible and florid.

Patterson, more taciturn and lurking in his manner, and yet when he speaks commits himself hastily, A summum jus man. Both lawyers and both equally retained by the Secretary [Hamilton].

And now, Billy, what say you of yourself? Not overburdened either with knowledge or experience, but disposed to make the best of your tools.

I objected in general to the bill, disliking funding at all; was willing to pay as an interim three per cent, and place it on the footing of disability to do more. I objected to funding the interest; proposed to establish a land-office to sink the interest now due, and that indents should be given to all persons entitled to them, receivable in that office; declared that even prodigals abhorred compound interest; that the bill went on this principle, though not in an annual ratio. It was, however, in vain, although I could perceive that I made an impression.

There were three alternatives in the Secretary's report. The last was by much the most favorable to the public. This, however, really meant only to try the disposition of Congress, and Fitzsimons, when he took in his resolutions, contrived to have this rejected and one substituted vastly more favorable to the subscribers. A good man could not have done this.

I found I could not effect anything on my own plan. I therefore watched and promoted every favorable sentence that fell from Lee and Elsworth. The result of all was, that we struck out all the alternatives and voted a general fund of four per cent.

In the evening came Mr. Wynkoop heyday all wrong; to go to Baltimore, etc., full charged with the permanent seat, etc. I know he had not this of himself. I, however, delivered myself with firmness on the subject, recapitulated the conduct of the Yorkers, etc., showed him (as I thought) that to concur with Baltimore vote was politically right. He found he could make no impression. It was nearly dark when he went away. I followed to the door. He took the way of Queen Street, and the Speaker, who was with me, said he was, going to Fitzsimons'.

This day changed my last bank bill of fifty dollars.

13
June 13th, Sunday. — This day was very wet. I stayed at home all day in my usual occupation of writing to my dear family, reading, etc.

14
June 14th, Monday. — I left home early and called on the Assistant of the Treasury on McCord's affair. He would not let me tell my business, so keen was he on the subject of proposing a bargain to me. Pennsylvania to have the permanent residence on the Susquehanna, and her delegation to vote for the assumption [of State debts]. I constrained my indignation at this proposal with much difficulty within the bounds of decency, and the more so as I knew that, however it might be with him, Hamilton, the principal in this business, was not sincere. I gave him such looks and answers as put an end to this business. I then got my errand settled. Went to Mr. Jefferson's office on Mr. Bailey's affair. Arranged this affair and went down Broad Street. Here I met Mr. Lee. Spoke a few words with him, and passed on to the lodgings of Mr. Carrol. My only business with him was to forewarn him that an objection would be made to Baltimore that there were no public buildings, and that he should be prepared on this subject.

From here I went to Mr. Morris' lodgings. I found him somewhat engaged, but the moment he disposed of a small matter of business he dismissed his clerk; told me he was just going to look for me, and was fortunate in my coming in. Said he had much to say, but some part of it must be on the most entire confidence; that on Friday Jackson, of the President's family, in whom he said he could not have some confidence, had been at Clymer's and Fitzsimons' lodgings; that [Tench] Coxe, of the Treasury, had been there; that their business was to negotiate a bargain: the permanent residence in Pennsylvania for her votes for the assumption, or at least as many votes as would be needful. The burden of their business seemed to be to open the conference with Mr. Hamilton on this subject. Mr. Morris continued: "I did not choose to trust them, but wrote a note to Colonel Hamilton that I would be walking early in the morning on the Battery, and if Colonel Hamilton had anything to propose to him [Morris] he might meet him there, as if by accident. I went in the morning there, and found him on the sod before me." Mr. Hamilton said he wanted one vote in the Senate and five in the House of Representatives; that he was willing and would agree to place the permanent residence of Congress at Germantown or Falls of the Delaware, if he would procure him these votes.

Mr. Morris owned that he complied on his part so far as that he agreed to consult some of the Pennsylvania delegation (I abruptly said, "You need not consult me"), but proposed that the temporary residence of Congress in Philadelphia should be the price. They parted on this, but were to communicate on the subject again.

Mr. Morris and Mr. Fitzsimons made a party out of town and took Mr. Read with them, yesterday, as the man whose vote they would engage. (Let me here recollect the application made to me on Saturday night by Mr. Wynkoop. I now know that he was trying me on that subject, and the Speaker was not much out when he said Wynkoop was gone to Fitzsimons. He should have added, "and Morris.")

Mr. Read's answer was what Mr. Morris called polite: "Gentlemen, I am disposed to facilitate your wishes." But now, this morning, says Mr. Morris, I have received a note from Colonel Hamilton that he can not think about negotiating about the temporary residence; that his friends will not hear of it. Mr. Morris added: "I know he has been able to manage the destruction of the Baltimore vote without me, but I can not yet tell how. I sent for Mr. Read. He says they have accounts that the Senators from Rhode Island are appointed and expected every moment." But Mr. Morris added, "I think he has some other assurances." I now parted with Mr. Morris and joined the Committee on the Funding bill.

The Senate were formed some time before we joined them, and after some of the routine business of the day was done, and the Baltimore resolution handed in, it was called for. Schuyler moved it should be postponed a fortnight. Governor Johnston, of North Carolina, seconded him. Elsworth got up; said this matter mixed itself with all our affairs. There was a secret understanding, a bargaining, that run through all our proceedings, and therefore it ought to be postponed.

I retorted his secret understanding, bargaining, etc., on himself. As he knew there were such things, he knew where they arose, and, if they "mixed" with and polluted our proceedings, it was time to put an end to them, which could only be done by deciding the matter, etc. The question was put, and it was the old eleven and thirteen.

This was mess-day. I did not join the company until about five o'clock, and stayed until after eight. But, oh, such noise and nonsense! Fitzsimons railed out at one time against Pennsylvania interferences about the assumption of the State debts. Had it not been for these, the funding system would have been completed months ago. He had received letters that stones would be thrown at him in the streets of Philadelphia if he were there, etc.

15
June 15th. — We finished our observations on the Funding bill, and reported. The whole day was spent in debate on it. I had so often expressed my sentiments respecting the subject of this bill, that I need not set any of them down here. I was not often up. I took at one time some pains to explain the nature of facilities and indents, but no question was taken on any point. All was postponed.

Dr. Elmer told me as I left the Hall that he had something to impart to me. Mr. Morris, however, called me aside and told me that he had a communication from Mr. Jefferson of a disposition of having the temporary residence fifteen years in Philadelphia and the permanent residence at Georgetown on the Potomac, and that he (Mr. Morris) had called a meeting of the delegation at six o'clock this evening at our lodging on the business. I was really unwell, and had to lie down the most of the afternoon. The delegation met at six. I was called out. However, when I came in, what passed was repeated to me. Hamilton proposed to give the permanent residence to Pennsylvania at Germantown or the Falls of the Delaware, on condition of their voting for the assumption. In fact, it was the confidential story of yesterday all over again. Mr. Morris also repeated Mr. Jefferson's story, but I certainly had misunderstood Mr. Morris at the Hall, for Jefferson vouched for nothing.

I have seen no prospect of fixing the permanent residence of Congress at the present session, and whenever it is gone into will be involved in much difficulty. I have, therefore, declared against everything of the kind; but to continue the temporary residence here, under the promise of the permanent residence being in any part of Pennsylvania, I consider as madness. It was giving them time to fortify and intrench themselves with such systemetic[sic] arrangements that we never should get away while the law acted as a tie on us and bound us hand and foot, but gave them all the power and all the opportunity of fixing us permanently in this place. I would rather be under no obligation and keep up an unremitted effort to get away, which I had no doubt would be crowned with success.

I know not whether what I said was the reason of it, but these sentiments seemed to be adopted. As to the bargain proposed by Hamilton, I spoke of it with detestation. Mr. Morris now proposed that a paper should be drawn up, with reasons for our conduct, that they might not be able to brand us with any neglect of the interests of Pennsylvania; and a committee for this purpose was appointed — Mr. Morris, Mr. Fitzsimons, and Mr. Hartley.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/