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Rh name of Paul,—it was a name of happy omen, for it had belonged to Mrs. Lobkins' grandfather, who had been three times transported, and twice hanged, (at the first occurrence of the latter description, he had been restored by the surgeons, much to the chagrin of a young anatomist who was to have had the honour of cutting him up.) The boy did not seem likely to merit the distinguished appellation he bore, for he testified no remarkable predisposition to the property of other people. Nay, although he sometimes emptied the pockets of any stray visitor to the coffee-room of Mrs. Lobkins, it appeared an act originating rather in a love of the frolic, than a desire of the profit; for after the plundered person had been sufficiently tormented by the loss, haply of such utilities as a tobacco-box or a handkerchief; after he had, to the secret delight of Paul, searched every corner of the apartment, stamped, and fretted, and exposed himself by his petulance to the bitter objurgation of Mrs. Lobkins, our young friend would quietly and suddenly contrive, that the article missed should return of its own accord to the pocket from which it had

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18. And thus, as our readers have doubtless experienced, when they have disturbed the peace of a whole household for the loss of some portable treasure which they themselves are afterwards discovered to have mislaid; the unfortunate victim of Paul's honest ingenuity, exposed to the collected indignation of the spectators, and sinking from the accuser into the convicted, secretly cursed the unhappy lot which not only vexed him with the loss of his property, but made it still more annoying to recover it.

Whether it was that, on discovering these pranks, Mrs. Lobkins trembled for the future bias of the address they displayed, or whether she thought that the folly of thieving without gain required speedy and permanent correction, we cannot decide; but the good lady became at last extremely anxious to secure for Paul the blessings of a liberal education. The key of knowledge (the art of reading) she had, indeed, two years prior to the present date, obtained for him, but this far from satisfied her conscience: nay, she felt that, if she could not also obtain for him the discretion to use it, it would have been wise even to have

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Rh withheld a key, which the boy seemed perversely to apply to all locks but the right one. In a word, she was desirous that he should receive an education far superior to those whom he saw around him. And attributing, like most ignorant persons, too great advantages to learning, she conceived that, in order to live as decorously as the parson of the parish, it was only necessary to know as much Latin.

One evening in particular, as the dame sat by her cheerful fire, this source of anxiety was unusually active in her mind, and ever and anon she directed unquiet and restless glances towards Paul, who sat on a form at the opposite corner of the hearth, diligently employed in reading the life and adventures of the celebrated Richard Turpin. The form on which the boy sat was worn to a glassy smoothness, save only in certain places, where some ingenious idler or another had amused himself by carving sundry names, epithets, and epigrammatic niceties of language. It is said, that the organ of carving upon wood is prominently developed on all English skulls; and the sagacious Mr. Coombe has placed this organ at the

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20 back of the head, in juxtaposition to that of destructiveness, which is equally large among our countrymen, as is notably evinced upon all railings, seats, temples, and other things—belonging to other people.

Opposite to the fire-place was a large deal-table, at which Dummie, surnamed Dunnaker, seated near the dame, was quietly ruminating over a glass of hollands and water. Farther on, at another table in the corner of the room, a gentleman with a red wig, very rusty garments, and linen which seemed as if it had been boiled in saffron, smoked his pipe, apart, silent, and apparently plunged in meditation. This gentleman was no other than Mr. Peter Mac Grawler, the editor of a magnificent periodical, entitled the "Asinæum," which was written to prove, that whatever is popular is necessarily bad,—a valuable and recondite truth which the Asinæum had satisfactorily demonstrated by ruining three printers, and demolishing a publisher. We need not add, that Mr. Mac Grawler was Scotch by birth, since we believe it is pretty well known that all the periodicals of this country have, from time immemorial, been

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Rh monopolized by the gentlemen of the land of cakes—we know not how it may be the fashion to eat the said cakes in Scotland; but here the good emigrators seem to like them carefully buttered on both sides. By the side of the editor stood a large pewter tankard, above him hung an engraving of the "wonderfully fat boar, formerly in the possession of Mr. Fattem, Grazier." To his left rose the dingy form of a thin, upright clock in an oaken case; beyond the clock, a spit and a musket were fastened in parallels to the wall. Below those twin emblems of war and cookery were four shelves, containing plates of pewter and delf, and terminating, centaur-like, in a sort of dresser. At the other side of these domestic conveniences was a picture of Mrs. Lobkins, in a scarlet body, and a hat and plume. At the back of the fair hostess stretched the blanket we have before mentioned. As a relief to the monotonous surface of this simple screen, various ballads and learned legends were pinned to the blanket. There might you read in verses, pathetic and unadorned, how,

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22 There might you learn, if of two facts so instructive you were before unconscious, that

When of these, and various other poetical effusions, you were somewhat wearied, the literary fragments, in humbler prose, afforded you equal edification and delight. There might you fully enlighten yourself as to the "Strange and Wonderful News from Kensington, being a most full and true relation, how a Maid there is supposed to have been carried away by an Evil Spirit, on Wednesday, 15th of April last, about Midnight." There too, no less interesting and no less veracious, was that uncommon anecdote, touching the chief of many-throned powers, entitled, "The Divell of Mascon; or the true relation of the Chief Things which an Unclean Spirit did and said at Mascon, in Burgundy, in the house of one Mr. Francis Pereaud, now made English by One that hath a Particular Knowledge of the Truth of the Story."

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Rh Nor were these materials for Satanic History the only prosaic and faithful chronicles which the bibliothecal blanket afforded: equally wonderful, and equally indisputable, was the account of "a young lady, the daughter of a duke, with three legs, and the face of a porcupine." Nor less so, "The Awful Judgment of God upon Swearers, as exemplified in the case of John Stiles, who Dropped down Dead after swearing a Great Oath, and on stripping the unhappy man they found 'Swear not at all' written on the Tail of his Shirt!"

Twice had Mrs. Lobkins heaved a long sigh; as her eyes turned from Paul to the tranquil countenance of Dummie Dunnaker, and now, resettling herself in her chair, as a motherly anxiety gathered over her visage—

"Paul, my ben cull," said she, "what gibberish hast got there?"

"Turpin, the great highwayman!" answered the young student, without lifting his eyes from the page, through which he was spelling his instructive way.

"Oh! he be's a chip of the right block,

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24 dame!" said Mr. Dunnaker, as he applied his pipe to an illumined piece of paper. "He'll ride a oss foaled by a hacorn yet, I varrants!"

To this prophecy the dame replied only with a look of indignation, and rocking herself to and fro in her huge chair, she remained for some moments in silent thought. At last she again wistfully eyed the hopeful boy, and calling him to her side, communicated some order, in a dejected whisper. Paul, on receiving it, disappeared behind the blanket, and presently returned with a bottle and a wine-glass. With an abstracted gesture, and an air that betokened continued meditation, the good dame took the inspiring cordial from the hand of her youthful Cupbearer,

The nectarean beverage seemed to operate cheerily on the matron's system; and placing her hand on the boy's curling head, she said, (like Andromache' dakruon gelasasa, or, as Scott hath it,

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Author:Cyrus Cornelius Adams

Works

 * (with others)
 * (with Dana C. Munro, Edwin A. Start, W. J. McGee, Ernest Ingersoll, James Wilford Garner, and others)
 * (with others)
 * (with James Wilford Garner, Otis Tufton Mason, and Edward Gaylord Bourne)
 * (with James Wilford Garner, W. J. McGee, and Edwin A. Start)

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Rh 'With a smile in her cheek, but a tear in her eye.')

"Paul, thy heart be good!—thy heart be good!—Thou didst not spill a drop of the tape! Tell me, my honey, why didst thou lick Tom Tobyson?"

"Because," answered Paul, "he said as how you ought to have been hanged long ago!"

"Tom Tobyson is a-good-for-nought," returned the dame, "and deserves to shove the tumbler; but, oh my child! be not too venturesome in taking up the sticks for a blowen. It has been the ruin of many a man afore you, and when two men goes to quarrel for a 'oman, they doesn't know the natur of the thing they quarrels about;—mind thy latter end, Paul, and reverence the old, without axing what they has been before they passed into the wale of years;—thou may'st get me my pipe, Paul,—it is upstairs, under the pillow."

While Paul was accomplishing this errand,

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26 the lady of the Mug, fixing her eyes upon Mr. Dunnaker, said, "Dummie, Dummie, if little Paul should come to be scragged!"

"Whish!" muttered Dummie, glancing over his shoulder at Mac Grawler,—"Mayhap that Gemman,"—here his voice became scarcely audible even to Mrs. Lobkins; but his whisper seemed to imply an insinuation, that the illustrious editor of the Asinæum might be either an informer, or one of those heroes on whom an informer subsists.

Mrs. Lobkins' answer, couched in the same key, appeared to satisfy Dunnaker, for, with a look of great contempt, he chucked up his head, and said, "Oho! that be all, be it!"

Paul here re-appeared with the pipe, and the flame, having filled the tube, leaned forward, and lighted the Virginian weed from the blower of Mr. Dunnaker. As in this interesting occupation the heads of the hostess and the guest approached each other, the glowing light playing cheerily on the countenance of each, there was an honest simplicity in the picture that would have merited the racy and vigorous genius of a Cruikshank. As soon as the Promethean spark hdhad [sic] been fully

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Rh communicated to the lady's tube, Mrs. Lobkins, still possessed by the gloomy idea she had conjured up, repeated—

"Ah, Dummie, if little Paul should be scragged!" Dummie, withdrawing the pipe from his mouth, heaved a sympathizing puff, but remained silent; and Mrs. Lobkins, turning to Paul, who stood with mouth open and ears erect at this boding ejaculation, said—

"Dost think, Paul, they'd have the heart to hang thee?"

"I think they'd have the rope, dame!" returned the youth.

"But you need not go for to run your neck into the noose!" said the matron; and then, inspired by the spirit of moralizing, she turned round to the youth, and gazing upon his attentive countenance, accosted him with the following admonitions.

"Mind thy kittychism, child, and reverence old age. Never steal, 'specially when any one be in the way. Never go snacks with them as be older than you,—'cause why? the older a cove be, the more he cares for his self, and the less

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28 for his partner. At twenty, we diddles the public—at forty, we diddles our cronies! Be modest, Paul, and stick to your sitivation in life. Go not with fine tobymen, who burn out like a candle wot has a thief in it,—all flare, and gone in a whiffy! Leave liquor to the aged, who can't do without it. Tape often proves a halter, and there be's no ruin like blue ruin! Read your Bible, and talk like a pious 'un. People goes more by your words than your actions. If you wants what is not your own, try and do without it; and if you cannot do without it, take it away by insinivation, not bluster. They as swindles, does more and risks less than they as robs; and if you cheats toppingly, you may laugh at the topping cheat; and now go play."

Paul seized his hat, but lingered; and the dame guessing at the signification of the pause, drew forth, and placed in the boy's hand, the sum of five halfpence and one farthing. "There, boy," quoth she, and she stroked his head fondly when she spoke. "You does right not to play

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Rh for nothing, it's loss of time! but play with those as be less than yoursel', and then you can go for to beat 'em, if they says you go for to cheat!"

Paul vanished; and the dame, laying her hand on Dummie's shoulder, said—

"There be nothing like a friend in need, Dummie; and somehow or other, I thinks as how you knows more of the horigin of that 'ere lad than any of us!"

"Me, dame!" exclaimed Dummie, with the broad gaze of astonishment.

"Ah, you! you knows as how the mother saw more of you just afore she died, than she did of 'ere one of us. Noar, now,—noar now! tell us all about 'un. Did she steal 'un, think ye?"

"Lauk, mother Margery! dost think I knows? vot put such a crotchet in your ead?"

"Well!" said the dame with a disappointed sigh, "I always thought as how you were more knowing about it than you owns. Dear, dear, I shall never forgit the night when Judith brought the poor cretur here,—you knows she had been some months in my house afore ever I see'd the

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30 urchin, and when she brought it, she looked so pale and ghostly, that I had not the heart to say a word, so I stared at the brat, and it stretched out its wee little hands to me. And the mother frowned at it, and throwed it into my lap!"

"Ah! she vas a hawful voman, that 'ere!" said Dummie, shaking his head. "But howsomever, the hurchin fell into good hands; for I be's sure you 'as been a better mother to 'un than the raal 'un!"

"I was always a fool about childer," rejoined Mrs. Lobkins, "and I thinks as how little Paul was sent to be a comfort to my latter end!—fill the glass, Dummie."

"I 'as heard as ow Judith was once blowen to a great lord!" said Dummie.

"Like enough!" returned Mrs. Lobkins—"like enough! she was always a favourite of mine, for she had a spuret (spirit) as big as my own; and she paid her rint like a decent body, for all she was out of her sinses, or nation like it."

"Ay, I knows as how you liked her,—'cause vy? 'tis not your vay, to let a room to a voman! you

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Rh says as ow 'tis not respectable, and you only likes men to wisit the Mug!"

"And I doesn't like all of them as comes here!" answered the dame: "'specially for Paul's sake; but what can a lone 'oman do? Many's the gentlemen highwaymen wot comes here, whose money is as good as the clerk's of the parish. And when a bob is in my hand, what does it sinnify whose hand it was in afore?"

"That's what I calls being sinsible and practical," said Dummie, approvingly. "And arter all, though you 'as a mixture like, I does not know a haleouse, vere a cove is better entertained, nor meets of a Sunday more iligant company, than the Mug!"

Here the conversation; which the reader must know had been sustained in a key inaudible to a third person, received a check from Mr. Peter Mac Grawler, who, having finished his reverie and his tankard, now rose to depart. First, however, approaching Mrs. Lobkins, he observed that he had gone on credit for some days, and demanded the amount of his bill. Glancing towards certain chalk

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32 hieroglyphics inscribed on the wall at the other side of the fireplace, the dame answered, that Mr. Mac Grawler was indebted to her for the sum of one shilling and ninepence three farthings.

After a short preparatory search in his waistcoat pockets, the critic hunted into one corner a solitary half-crown, and having caught it between his finger and thumb, he gave it to Mrs. Lobkins, and requested change.

As soon as the matron felt her hand anointed with what has been called by some ingenious Johnson of St. Giles's "the oil of palms," her countenance softened into a complacent smile; and when she gave the required change to Mr. Mac Grawler, she graciously hoped as how he would recommend the Mug to the public.

"That you may be sure of," said the editor of the Asinæum. "There is not a place where I am so much at home."

With that the learned Scotsman buttoned his coat and went his way.

"How spiteful the world be!" said Mrs. Lobkins after a pause, "'specially if a 'oman keeps a fashionable sort of a public? When Judith

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Rh died, Joe, the dog's-meat man said I war all the better for it, and that she left I a treasure to bring up the urchin. One would think a thumper makes a man richer,—'cause why? every man thumps! I got nothing more than a watch and ten guineas, when Judy died, and sure, that scarce paid for the burrel (burial)."

"You forgits the two quids, I giv' you for the hold box of rags,—much of a treasure I found there!" said Dummie, with sycophantic archness.

"Ay," cried the dame laughing, "I fancies you war not pleased with the bargain. I thought you war too old a rag-merchant to be so free with the blunt: howsomever, I supposes it war the tinsel petticoat as took you in!"

"As it has mony a viser man than the like of I," rejoined Dummie, who to his various secret professions added the ostensible one of a rag-merchant and dealer in broken glass.

The recollection of her good bargain in the box of rags opened our landlady's heart.

"Drink, Dummie," said she good-humouredly,—" drink, I scorns to score lush to a friend."

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The New International Encyclopædia/Democratic Party

DEMOCRATIC PARTY. The term Democratic, as used in American party politics, was occasionally and loosely applied in the years 1789-92 to the group of ../Anti-Federalists/ (q.v.), and thereafter, in the last decade of the eighteenth century and the first two decades of the nineteenth, to the party then commonly known as the Republican. The vigorous adoption by these Anti-Federalist Republicans, especially during Washington's Administration, of French principles and sympathies led to the application to them of the term Democratic Republican, which remained in quite common usage for more than thirty years. This general attitude was one of opposition to all centralizing tendencies in the interpretation of the Federal Constitution. They wished the National Government to remain weak, somewhat as it had been under the old Confederation; and they regarded the States as sovereign in an extreme sense of that word. (See .) Upon the disappearance of the Federalist Party (q.v.), there gradually appeared within the only party then active two groups, one of which became known as the National Republicans, and the other of which retained the old name of Democratic Republicans. The former developed into the ../Whig Party/ (q.v.), while the latter was compactly organized

as the Democratic Party, which has, since 1828, maintained an unbroken existence. This party, when thus organized by Jackson, adhered to the orthodox tenets of the old Anti-Federalists, the strict construction of the Constitution, and the limitation of the powers of the Federal Government. As slavery, however, soon became the most vital question in national politics, and as the Democratic Party was largely controlled by its Southern wing, it became finally the party of conservatism, in opposition to the new Republican Party's progressive platform of free men and free soil. The two sectional wings of this party became naturally separated during the course of the Civil War, and the subsequent process of rehabilitation was so prolonged that the party was not again able to elect a President (leaving out of account the disputed election of 1876) until 1884, when entirely new issues were involved. In its later course the party, in accordance with its old traditions, became particularly conspicuous as the advocate of tariff reform, and upon that platform its only post-bellum President, Grover Cleveland, was elected.

The founding of the present Democratic Party, although in large measure due to the bitter fight between the followers of John Quincy Adams and those of Andrew Jackson, occurred in a decade during which were effected certain significant changes in the American political system. Thus, the practice, which had been thitherto uniformly observed, of having the Presidential electors chosen by the State Legislatures, was in some States abandoned, and thereafter the present method, by which the voters at large were given a share in the choice of the electors, was gradually introduced. Moreover, the old method of leaving the choice of Presidential candidates to a caucus (q.v.) of the members of a party in Congress was vigorously attacked in 1824, with the result that after 1828 the people at large, through the medium of the national nominating conventions, had a direct share in the choice of candidates. Furthermore, in the same decade was felt for the first time the real significance of the political power of the new States beyond the Alleghanies, for, with the rise to power of the new Jacksonian Democracy, there was given full sway to the principles of equality and of thorough democracy, which were best illustrated in the region of which Jackson was the natural product. In large measure, the first conflict, in addition to being a largely personal one between the followers of Adams and those of Jackson, became a struggle between the old aristocracy of the East and the new democracy of the West, in which the latter, having almost won in the campaign of 1824, triumphed decisively in 1828, and brought to the Presidency the man who, in eight years, was to transform a personal following into a dominating national party. Jackson brought into his following not only the friends of Calhoun and of W. H. Crawford, but also the strong forces of the Albany Regency (q.v.), under the lead of his Secretary of State, Martin Van Buren. Accordingly, the Democratic convention — the first national convention of the party — which met at Baltimore, May 21, 1832, had little more to do than to name a candidate for the Viee-Presidency, and in that step they followed the will of their leader and named Van Buren. This convention originated the so-called ‘two-thirds rule.’

The election which followed indicated clearly that Jackson's policy as to the tariff and as to the National Bank had been approved, inasmuch as he received 219 electoral votes, while Henry Clay received only 49, Jackson carrying besides the Southern States, excepting Kentucky, the States of Maine, New Jersey, New Hampshire, and New York. The next convention of the party, that at Baltimore on May 20, 1835, was peculiar in having some 626 delegates, of whom 422 came from four States, Maryland, for instance, sending as delegates every member of the State Democratic convention. As was commonly expected, Van Buren was given the nomination, Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky, being named for the Vice-Presideiicy. The vote of the Whig candidate, William H. Harrison (q.v.), was increased to 73, while Van Buren's electoral vote fell to 170, a part of this Democratic weakening being accounted for by the 20 votes which were cast for Judge White, of Tennessee, and the 11 votes which were cast for Mangum by South Carolina. The whole responsibility for the results of the financial policy of Jackson and Van Buren was placed upon the Democratic Party, with the result that in 1840 General Harrison received 234 electoral votes and Van Buren received only 60. The Democratic convention of May 4, 1840, had been especially uncertain in its action because of a pronounced difference of opinion as to the claims of Vice-President R. M. Johnson. The convention adopted, in a series of resolutions, what was substantially a ‘platform,’ expressing their view of the limited authority of the Central Government, and of the impropriety of Federal laws establishing a national bank, providing for internal improvements, or fostering particular industries. The same platform, with additions, was adopted by the convention held at Baltimore on May 27, 1844, which pronounced for the reoccupation of Oregon and the reannexation of Texas. For the first time in a convention of the party, there was then a serious contest for the Presidential nomination. Upon the first ballot, Van Buren received a majority of the votes, and, although in the lead for four ballots, for the four subsequent ballots the leading candidate was General Cass, of Michigan, but on the ninth ballot the convention was ‘stampeded’ for an inconspicuous candidate, possibly advanced to preserve harmony, James K. Polk, of Tennessee. George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, was nominated for the Vice Presidency, and this ticket received 170 electoral votes, as against 105 votes cast for Henry Clay. The failure of Van Buren to secure the party's nomination in 1844 and the choice by Polk of William L. Marcy (q.v.), of New York, as his Secretary of State, brought into prominence the factional controversy between the ‘../Barnburners/’ (q.v.) and the ‘../Hunkers/’ (q.v.), in New York. Both of these factions sent delegations to the convention of May 22, 1848, at Baltimore, and both delegations were admitted to seats, the vote of the State being divided equally between them. Neither delegation took thereafter any part in the convention, although the Hunkers and Marcy supported the Administration and the party's nominee. On the fourth ballot. General Lewis Cass, of Michigan, was nominated for the Presidency; and for the Vice-Presidency Gen. William O. Butler, of Kentucky, was named, the convention

also also readopting substantially the platform of 1844. The seceding ‘Barnburners’ held a State convention in June, in which delegates from four other States were present, and nominated Van Buren for the Presidency, and in August they took part in the national convention of the Free Soil Party at Buffalo, which nominated their leader for the Presidency, and Charles Francis Adams for the Vice-Presidency. This combination of ‘Free-Soilers’ and ‘Barnburners’ effected such a division of the Democratic vote in New York that Taylor carried the State and secured in the aggregate 163 electoral votes, while Cass received 127. Between 1848 and 1852 political conditions were materially changed, particularly through the progress of events attending the ../Compromise Measures of 1850/ (q.v.), and also through the etfect upon the Whig Party of the differences between the ‘Conscience’ Whigs and the ‘Cotton’ Whigs. At the Baltimore convention of June 1, 1852, Cass, Buchanan, and Douglas were prominent candidates, but on the forty-ninth ballot Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire, was named, William H. King, of Alabama, being nominated for the Vice-Presidency. The platform was similar to that of 1848, with the addition of the ‘finality’ plank, with an approval of the doctrines of the ../Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions/ (q.v.), and with a declaration of the justness of the war against Mexico. The Free-Soilers nominated John P. Hale (q.v.), of New Hampshire, while the Whigs, for what was the last campaign of the party, nominated Gen. Winfield Scott (q.v.), who received only 42 electoral votes, as against 254 cast for Pierce. In the convention of June 2, 1856, Pierce was again a candidate, being supported largely by Southern delegates, while the Northern delegates supported James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, who was chosen on the seventeenth ballot, John C. Breckenridge being named for the Vice-Presidency. The platform introduced a declaration in favor of insuring the ascendency of the United States in the Gulf of Mexico, and contained a declaration of the right of the Territorial governments of Kansas and Nebraska to allow slavery in those Territories. The convention of the American Partv nominated ex-President Fillmore, who received the eight electoral votes of Maryland, and the new ../Republican Party/ (q.v.) nominated John C. Frémont (q.v.), who secured 114 electoral votes, while Buchanan was elected with 174 electoral votes. The year 1860 was disastrous to the organization of the Democratic Party, inasmuch as it had become impossible to hold all factions of the party to the support of any one platform. Thus, the convention of the party, which met at Charleston, S. C., April 23, adopted resolutions which represented the middle view as to slavery rather than the distinctively Southern view, and this led to the withdrawal from the convention of the solid delegations of Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, and Texas, as well as of many delegates from Georgia, Louisiana, South Carolina, North Carolina, Arkansas, and Delaware. The portion of the convention remaining in session adopted a resolution that a vote equal to two-thirds of a full convention should be necessary for a nomination, and after several days of ineffectual balloting, in which Stephen A. Douglas (q.v.) was easily in the lead, adjourned to meet at Baltimore on June 10. At that time the places

of the Charleston seceders were filled so uniformly with followers of Douglas that a new secession look place, under the lead of some of the Virginia delegates, whose example was followed by most of the delegates from the other Southern States. Finally, the delegates still remaining virtually rescinded the two-thirds rule, and declared Douglas to be their nominee for the Presidency. Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia, was nominated for the Vice-Presidency. The delegates who had withdrawn from the Baltimore convention, representing in some manner twenty-one States, proceeded to nominate for the Presidency John C. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, and for the Vice-Presidency Joseph Lane, of Oregon. These nominations, furthermore, were adopted by those who had seceded at Charleston, and had later met in convention at Richmond. In the following election the combined popular vote of Douglas and Breckinridge exceeded the popular vote of Lincoln by more than 350,000, although the electoral vote of Lincoln was 180, while that of Breckinridge was 72, and that of Douglas only 12. Douglas secured the whole electoral vote of Missouri, and three votes from New Jersey. The ../Constitutional Union Party/ (q.v.) carried Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, and the rest of the South went solidly for Breckinridge. The strength of the Democratic Party was thus plainly in the South, and the effect of the war was naturally to remove the party, for the time being, from its position as a factor in national politics. Even in 1868 the Southern States were still in such relation tn the National Government as to lose their electoral votes entirely. In the campaign of 1864 General McClellan (q.v.), standing as a candidate in the North on a platform which declared the war was a failure, secured only 21 electoral votes as against the 212 given to Lincoln. The party having taken an attitude of criticising both the conduct of the war and its results, its defeat was assured by the Republican nomination in 1868 of General Grant, who received 214 electoral votes, while his opponent, Horatio Seymour, received only 80, of which 33 were from his own State of New York. The intrenchment of the Republicans in power was emphasized in the following campaign, when Grant's vote rose to 286, and Thomas A. Hendricks (the Democratic candidate, Horace Greeley having died before the casting of the electoral votes) received only 42 votes. The character of the Republican administration, and the vigorous attacks upon it (see ), made possible the return to effective activity of the Democrats, particularly as they had at the juncture an especially strong leader in the man who as the reform Governor of New York, and as the successful opponent of Tweed (q.v.), had become the most conspicuous Democrat of his day. The energetic campaign of 1876, however, while seeming to give Tilden substantial success, resulted in the election of Hayes, through the intervention of the abnormal process of the ../Electoral Commission/ (q.v.). In the matter of popular vote, the following election was equally favorable to the Democrats, the vote of Garfield exceeding that of Hancock by fewer than 10,000. Garfield, however, received 214 electoral votes, while Hancock received only 155. In the ensuing campaign the Democrats were able to take advantage of the factional conditions within the Republican

Party, and this advantage was greatly increased, on the one hand, by the Republican nomination of James G. Blaine, and the immediate development of the so-called Mugwump opposition to him (see ), and, on the other hand, by the Democratic nomination of the reform Governor of New York, Grover Cleveland. A revolt against the alleged Republican corruption, and other unusual elements, conspired to bring about, for the first lime since the war, the election of a Democratic President; although in 1888 Cleveland himself was defeated by Benjamin Harrison, only to be even more strikingly successful in 1892, receiving 276 votes to the 144 given to Harrison. The plank of tariff reform had thus within a decade carried the party through two successful campaigns, but the greatly increased power of the protectionists (see ) made doubtful any further success in that line by the Democrats, while at the same time a faction in the party forced to the front a new issue, seemingly a sectional issue, and, having secured control of the convention of 1896, introduced the ‘free silver’ plank into the platform, nominated William J. Bryan for the Presidency, and thus made the beginning of what threatened to become an entire revolution in the character of the party. In spite, however, of the aid given to the Democrats by the Populists (q.v.), the principles of the gold standard and a high tariff were indorsed in the election of William McKinley (q.v.). Four years later the Democratic Party once more nominated Mr. Bryan, and was still more decisively defeated, President McKinley receiving 292 electoral votes — more than ever before given to a candidate at any election. The defeat had the effect of lessening the influence within the party of the silver and Populistic faction.

Consult: Gillet, Democracy in the United States (New York, 1868); Van Buren, Political Parties in the United States (New York, 1867); Johnston, in Lalor, Cyclopædia of Political Science, Political Economy, and United States History (Chicago, 1881); id. American Politics (last ed., New York, 1900).


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34 Dummie expressed his gratitude, refilled his glass, and the hospitable matron knocking out from her pipe the dying ashes, thus proceeded—

"You sees, Dummie, though I often beats the boy, I loves him, as much as if I war his raal mother—I wants to make him an honor to his country and an ixciption to my family!"

"Who all flashed their ivories at Surgeons' Hall!" added the metaphorical Dummie.

"True!" said the lady,—"they died game, and I ben't ashamed of 'em. But I owes a duty to Paul's mother, and I wants Paul to have a long life. I would send him to school, but you knows as how the boys only corrupt one another. And so, I should like to meet with some decent man as a tutor, to teach the lad Latin and vartue!"

"My eyes!" cried Dummie, aghast at the grandeur of this desire.

"The boy is 'cute enough, and he loves reading," continued the Dame. "But I does not think the books he gets hold of will teach him the way to grow old."

"And ow came he to read anyhows?"

"Ranting Rob, the strolling player, taught him his letters, and said he'd a deal of janius!"

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Rh "And why should not Ranting Rob tache the boy Latin and vartue?"

"'Cause Ranting Rob, poor fellow, was lagged for doing a panny!" answered the dame, despondently.

There was a long silence: it was broken by Mr. Dummie: slapping his thigh with the gesticulatory vehemence of an Ugo Foscolo, that gentleman exclaimed—

"I'as it—I'as thought of a tutor for leetle Paul!"

"Who's that? you quite frightens me, you 'as no marcy on my narves," said the dame fretfully.

"Vy, it be the gemman vot writes," said Dummie, putting his finger to his nose,—"the gemman vot payed you so flashly!"

"What! the Scotch gemman!"

"The werry same!" returned Dummie.

The dame turned in her chair, and refilled her pipe. It was evident from her manner that Mr. Dunnaker's suggestion had made an impression on her. But she recognized two doubts as to its feasibility,—one, whether the gentleman proposed would be adequate to the task,—the other, whether he would be willing to undertake it.

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 36 In the midst of her meditations on this matter, the dame was interrupted by the entrance of certain claimants on her hospitality; and Dummie soon after taking his leave, the suspense of Mrs. Lobkins' mind touching the education of little Paul, remained the whole of that day and night utterly unrelieved.

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 Indeed, throughout all these ground swells of upset and disorder this white minority in central Africa was trying to plan the orderly, economic and political growth of these three States. I know that in retrospect it is easy to chastise these people because they themselves in multi-racialism could not keep up with the pace of Africanisation elsewhere. My hon. Friend the Member for Flint (Mr. White) mentioned that part of this was the cause, that a lot of the nations surrounding central Africa were themselves becoming Africanised and getting independence, and this was causing greater difficulties for the multi-racialists within the Federation.

My view is that they struggled hard but the pace of Africanisation was much too fast. But I still think that the Federation could have won had it not been for forces around them, forces outside their territories, visiting politicians who were not weighing their words carefully in the countries concerned, fanning the flames of Africanisation in those territories.

Her Majesty's Government must take a large share of the blame for this. But the Federal Prime Minister in the Federal Assembly quite openly accused Her Majesty's Government in a speech on 8th April when he said that this had been a story"of treachery and deceit". That there had been duplicity and double dealing in negotiations with British Ministers, and now with the secession of Nyasaland and the break-up of the Federation the Government had been guilty of a miserable and abject surrender.

It also means that in these operations the Government have shocked the white people out there. They had pleased the Africans and had given some credence to the slogan,"Violence pays". Dr. Banda, Mr. Joshua Nkomo and, in part, Mr. Kenneth Kaunda have all threatened in their various ways, and this is now partially their reward. The U.N.I.P. magazine always carries the slogan,"Violence pays; peace does not pay". This hastening end of the Federation experiment is part of their reward.

I wonder if hon. Members realise how damaging words can be to the African mass, whether in this House or in the countries concerned, to any large mass of semi-illiterate people no matter whether Africans or not. The winds of change have been sweeping through Africa, telling people to fight for the vote, and because of their semi-illiteracy and being unaccustomed to democratic terms they take it literally meaning that and take up their spears and pangas and decide that that is what they should do.

People should be very careful not to fan the flames of the ambitious and of the politicians who desire quickly to take office, especially when there is no economic stability in the countries concerned. It will be on our heads when independence is granted and if tyrannical rule follows because there is economic instability in the State stern authoritarian measures have to follow. I particularly have Nyasaland in mind.

The message of my right hon. Friend the Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) was that we had never been able to give them economic stability before they politically emerged. This is one of the tragedies of most of the States within Africa. Ghana was an example. Although it was much richer than Nyasaland is, and probably much richer than Nyasaland ever will be, it has a black authoritarian rule. Political opposition has been wiped out. The freedom and liberty of the subject has been restricted, there is detention without charge and political prisoners are in jail. We do not have to talk about Greece or Spain which have suffered civil wars and send political prisoners to jail. This is a new emergent nation where democracy was built with a Parliament, Government and Opposition. It has all been rent asunder, however, and it is easy in small territories which are economically unstable for this to happen.

I should like for a moment to paint on a larger canvas. We are witnessing the Balkanisation of Central Africa. In due course the Pan-African movement—P.A.F.M.E.C.S.A.—may succeed in its long-term goal of Africanising Central Africa, possibly stretching down to the tip of the South. When these fall to their pressures Pan-Africanism will lose its unifying force and then they may revert to fighting each other economically. Therefore it is a shallow unity. Once this bond, this unity they have—Pan-Africanism, fighting the South and Central Africa—is broken there will be economic


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 struggles for existence. Africa as a continent still has to go through this stage. Then, we shall see Russian, Chinese and American influences moving in and they may well determine the growth of these States, their economic strength and even their type of development. British influence is rapidly waning and in the future era we will have no bearing on the countries' developments.

The Central African Federation was proving to be economically an oasis in the central regions of Africa. That was until the Government's vacillations and hesitancy caused a setback in the investment of these territories. However, one cannot but recognise the many developments that have taken place in the past eight years, including communications, trunk roads, airways, Rhodesian railways, health services, education, a new university and the magnificent achievement of Kariba Dam power. Because of all these necessities for all the three territories concerned, I earnestly hope that the territorial collaboration of which the First Secretary spoke will be forthcoming.

There are, however, still a few imponderables in the situation. First, since the advent of the Nyasaland Messiah, Dr. Hastings Banda, there has been a series of unfortunate incidents in Nyasaland. They have shattered the faith of most white civil servants, teachers, doctors and nurses, who now doubt whether there is any future for them in what appears to be the development of tyrannical rule. Farmers and property owners also are worrying and considering making an exit from Nyasaland. They fear that no compensation will be forthcoming and they are caught in an invidious predicament.

In Northern Rhodesia, and rightly so, as the First Secretary said, there is an uneasy coalition between Kenneth Kaunda, of U.N.I.P., and Harry Nkumbula, of the African National Congress. The Progressive Party, as it is now called, is in opposition. At one time, there was a pact between the A.N.C. and the Progressive Party. Kaunda fears them. Indeed, he now wants to race to independence with a quickened constitution, a widening franchise and a quicker road to independence, because he fears that if there is a break with Harry Nkumbula, this will stop his advancement, because immediately African rule has gone and the African coalition has been broken, the Progressive Party with the A.N.C. will then take over the government of the country.

If that takes place, Kenneth Kaunda will suffer a severe setback. Existing jealousies could develop into enmity between these two African races which are in government in Northern Rhodesia. Racial strife could easily follow, and there have been instances of this between the two parties already.

Turning to Southern Rhodesia, there have been demands many times in this Houseduring this debate for a widening of the franchise, and I agree that this should be done. Let us, however, place on record, in fairness to Sir Edgar Whitehead when he was Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia, exactly what he tried to do. In 1957, there the Electoral Amendment Act was passed and at that time there were a mere 1,000 Africans on the roll and eligible to vote in 1500 Southern Rhodesia elections. By July, 1959, the number was only 1,984. A survey was made to see how many qualified at that time and a conservative estimate was that there were 17,550. Only 12 per cent. had bothered to enrol. There was a lack of interest. On that occasion, there was no intimidation from Z.A.P.U.—the Zimbabwe African Party Union; it was not in existence. There was, however, no interest from the Africans to get on the roll.

By December, 1961, 50,000 were entitled to be on the roll, but only 5,500 had got on it. In January, 1962, Sir Edgar Whitehead, perturbed that the Africans were not taking an interest, launched a campaign to get all eligible Africans on the roll and at that time Z.A.P.U., being in existence, frustrated their efforts, intimidated their colleagues and stopped them from registering. At 15th September, 1962, 13,495 had registered but there were 159,000 who had entitlement to do so.

Mr. Berkeley I wonder where the hon. Member gets the figure of 159,000 people being entitled to be on the register. My reason for asking is that when the registrations were so few, the head of the"Build the Nation" campaign in Southern Rhodesia made a statement saying that Sir Edgar Whitehead had grossly overestimated the number, which he


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day, early in February, Amos Radbury came riding back from a trip to Gonzales with news that he had heard from Carlos Martine.

"The man has been at San Felipe," he declared, "and I have it on good authority that he intends to claim my land."

"Well, what are ye going to do?" queried Poke Stover, who was still at the ranch.

"I hardly know. But I wish I could have a talk with Martine. It might be the means of saving a good deal of trouble."

"Is Martine still at San Felipe?"

"No, Gusher told me that he had gone to San Antonio."

"Then why not take a trip to San Antonio and find him?" suggested the old frontiersman. "I reckon that is what I would do."

"I think you are right, Poke, and I'll start to morrow," answered the planter.

He went in to talk the matter over with

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 himself put as between 38,000 and 30,000. What is the source of the hon. Member's 159,000 figure?

Mr. Mason It comes from the estimates which have bean made by the Southern Rhodesia Government. The publicity officer, on behalf of that Government, had a letter in the Guardian on these lines only three months ago. I have to take that as being authentic This is their estimate of how many people are entitled to vote and how many registered.

There are reasons for that. First, there is a lack of interest among many Africans about becoming politically advanced and wanting to vote. Secondly, many of them have been subject to intimidation and will not get on the electoral roll. Thirdly, however, and not least of all, once they are registered and named, they come within a certain tax range and they do not want to be recognised and known. This is one of the reasons why a lot of Africans in Southern Rhodesia are not going on the register.

My view is that if all had registered and all had been encouraged to take a part, they would have been the major opposition party in the Southern Rhodesia Assembly and Joshua Nkomo, had he been a responsible and intelligent leader, might well have been leader of the opposition. In spite of all that, however, I still say that there is room for widening the franchise and for encouring the African to get on to the electoral list.

It is an absolute necessity for the Rhodesias at least to remain economically united, especially if they wish to attract investment and interest in their development from outside. Indeed, investors would certainly be more prepared to invest if the mono-economy of Northern Rhodesia is backed by the diversification of industry in Southern Rhodesia. I note with pleasure that the World Bank is offering assistance in the hope that a continuing bridge between the Rhodesias in railways, power, communications and airways is maintained.

I notice also that Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia are demanding separation of postal services and currency. This is the usual and immediate demand of any emergent black African leader when he gets independence. If these people can put their heads on the postage stamps and on the currency, it is the straightforward visible sign by which their people can see that independence has come; but it is the only thing that they can immediately do.

I have thought seriously about the solutions to this problem. One must recognise that Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia must be allowed to secede as quickly and as peacefully as possible. As the federal political over structure is gradually dismantled, however, I would hope to see emerging at the same time a Central African economic council, on which there should be representatives of the three territorial Governments and Her Majesty's Government. They would be responsible for controlling, developing, financing, and so on, the main economic links between the three territories, if possible including Nyasaland. I would also like to see parallel development of a defence board, which would have taken over the Federal Army, run by the three territorial governments and Her Majesty's Government as well.

After a while, during the transitional phase, if they had recognised the necessity for these economic links and how they were benefiting the three territories, even though the political umbrella had been brought down, and if they had seen that this economic strength was for the benefit of all, Her Majesty's Government might then have been able to withdraw gracefully and probably have granted independence to all three territories at the same time, because meanwhile Southern Rhodesia, with a widening franchise, could well be moving on to at least multiracial government.

I have studied the White Paper and there are two or three questions I must ask. Has any compromise been reached between Her Majesty's Government and Mr. Winston Field on Southern Rhodesian independence? Has he agreed in principle that Southern Rhodesia shall receive independence when the dissolution of the Federation is complete? What are the possibilities of widening the franchise in Southern Rhodesia? What of this compensation problem for the farmers and property owners in Nyasaland, who, by force of circumstances and because of independence, may have to leave?


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224 his sons, and the land claim was the chief topic of conversation for the balance of the evening.

"I now wish I had kept Hank Stiger here," said Mr. Radbury. The half-breed had left the ranch but three days before, apparently very grateful for the manner in which he had been treated.

"Well, one thing is certain," declared Dan, "I don't stand for giving up the claim. I'll fight first. Those Mexican officials can do as they please, but they can't budge me."

"Good fer Dan!" shouted Stover. "He's the kind the State o' Texas will want in days to come."

On the next day Mr. Radbury was too busy to think of leaving the ranch. There was much work at the cattle shed, part of which had been blown down by a norther which had proved little less than a hurricane.

In working upon the shed the planter had a mishap. The rung of a short ladder broke beneath his weight, and he came down flat on his back. No bones were broken, but he was hurt otherwise, and decided that it would be best for him to keep off his horse for a week or ten days.

He was apparently much worried to think he could not see Carlos Martine, and, noticing this,

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Rh Dan went to him, and asked if he could not do the errand.

"You, Dan!"

"Yes, father. I know you think I am but a boy, yet—"

"No, my son," interposed Mr. Radbury. "I used to think you were but a boy, but, since you showed your fighting qualities at Bexar, I have changed my mind. You are but a boy in years."

"Then let me go and see if I can hunt up this Carlos Martine. I can at least have a talk with him, and learn how matters stand."

Amos Radbury shook his head, but in the end he consented to let Dan go, providing Poke Stover would accompany him on the trip. The old frontiersman was willing, and early on the following morning the pair set off on their mustangs, each carrying his gun, which was now a custom with all of the settlers.

In those days there were two main trails, or wagon roads, crossing the Guadalupe River. The lower trail was the one running through San Felipe, Gonzales, and San Antonio, and this could very properly be termed the main highway of Texas. From fifty to a hundred miles north of this was the trail running through Nacogdoches, and across a hilly and uncultivated territory to San Antonio and the Rio Grande. At San Antonio the two trails came together in the form of the letter V,

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 I am perturbed about the future of the Federal civil servants, of which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Thirsk and Malton (Mr. Turton) dealt in detail, but there is the prickly question of voluntary or compulsory secondment. My view is that it should be voluntary and that these people, if they wish to leave, should be able so to do, and there should be no compulsion to keep them in any of these three territories.

My final question is, what about the future grants to the Nyasaland economy? The Government here have granted roughly £2¼ million for six months. Can the right hon. Gentleman give us some indication of what, if any, further thoughts there are on this matter? Is it the intention to subsidise the Nyasaland economy to the tune of roughly £5 million a year?

Finally, in turning over this page in the history of this region, one cannot but recall that only seventy years ago the first pioneer column moved up from the south, braving many unknown hazards, and disease, and gradually opened up the central and most inaccessible part of the continent. Slave trading was rife, but the efforts of pioneers and missionaries abolished it. The warlike Matabeles had the Mashonas living a life of fear and subjection, but again, after much strife, the rivalry of these tribes was laid to rest. Many diseases have been controlled, some of them have been conquered. Now this part of Central Africa is one of the most wonderful and beautiful parts of the continent, as it has become from Rhodes, Livingstone, Jamieson, the gallant Major Wilson, up to the recent rulers, Sir Edgar Whitehead and Sir Roy Welensky. To all who wished this multi-racial experiment success, this is a sad day. Let us hope that the emergent African leaders will on reflection recognise what in total has been sacrificed for political expediency.

 * 7.42 p.m.

Mr. F. M. Bennett (Torquay) This seems to be a day for exchanging compliments across the Floorof the House, a somewhat unusual exercise, but in rising to repeat these tributes I must say that in listening to the remarks of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Barnsley (Mr. Mason), and of other hon. Gentlemen who have spoken, I found myself at no stage in any disagreement at all. I think that the hon. Gentleman the Member for Barnsley painted a very fair picture not only of what we should like to happen in Africa but also of what is in fact happening in Africa and of what we fear may happen. He touched on problems which are surely worrying us all, in countries which won their liberty quite recently on the basis of democracy—on the basis of one man, one vote, and on the rights of man.

Yet today, as we well know—and it is an uncomfortable thought to have in mind—things happen which it seems to me must cause some of us to hide our heads in shame. There is hardly a single country left in Africa among the 20 or 30 which have got their freedom since the last war which any longer has in being the principle of democracy for which they fought to get their freedom. There is hardly a country left in Africa which has had a second election, as opposed to the first one. When someone recently said that in Africa there is one man, one vote, one election he was not very far from the truth so far as the great majority of those countries are concerned.

Only the other day, in a country which recently got its independence, and for which, perhaps, some of the highest hopes were held out, a case was reported which, if it had happened under British administration, would, I am absolutely confident, have brought down any Government of this country, no matter from which side of the House it was composed. Very recently there were some Asians convicted of fraudulent practices, and they were sentenced by a compulsory penal code, which allows no discretion on the part of the judge, to two years' imprisonment, to be flogged at the beginning of the sentence and to be flogged again at the end of it. I ask you, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, to imagine what would have happened in this House if in a British colonial territory that had happened, and yet there is not a whisper in this House when this happens, because now that is an African country with an African Government in charge. It was reported, too, that when one of the Asians was too weak, after receiving eight strokes of his flogging, to bear any more, they put off the others for another two or three months till he got a little bit better, and then he had to serve another year and nine months and have the flogging at the end of it.


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226 and in the notch thus formed stood the Franciscan Mission, commonly called the Alamo, which means the cottonwood-tree. Of this mission, which was to be so bravely defended, we will soon learn many interesting details.

The Radburys usually rode to San Antonio by way of Gonzales, but Dan and Poke Stover decided to ride through the timber lands to the northwest until the upper trail was gained. This way might be a trifle rougher, but it was no longer, and the trees along the upper trail would serve to break the force of the northers which were continually sweeping the face of the country.

The two set off in high spirits, each with his saddle-bags well stocked with provisions, and each well armed.

"Who knows but what we may meet some Indians on the way?" said Dan.

"I doubt if the Indians are active now," replied the old frontiersman. "They have had some pretty good lessons lately, and, besides, they know that all of the settlers are arming against the Mexicans, and are, consequently, ready for them."

"Do you know why I came this way?" went on Dan, after a pause.

"I didn't calkerlate you had any perticklar reason, Dan."

"I have an idea we can run across that white mustang father lost."

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Rh "Humph! That nag may be miles an' miles away from this deestrict."

"That is true. But yesterday, when I rode up to the edge of this timber, I caught sight of some thing that looked very much like the white mustang."

"You did! Then why didn't you say so afore?"

"I didn't want to worry father. I thought I would tell you,—when we got out,—and I've done it," added Dan.

"Where did ye spot the critter?"

"Right over to the left, near that fallen pine. But I'm not sure it was the white mustang. But it was some creature in white."

"If it wasn't the mustang, it couldn't be any thing else. There are no other white critters here,-'ceptin' it might be a silver deer, and they are as scarce as snowstorms in July."

They were now in the timber, and moving along at a steady gait. On all sides the ground was as hard as a rock, and the keen air was bracing to the last degree. A stiff breeze was blowing, swaying the branches overhead, and occasionally bringing down a belated nut on their heads.

By noon they calculated that they had covered eighteen miles, which was not bad, considering the nature of the ground they had traversed. With the rising of the sun it grew warmer, and, seeking a sheltered spot, they dismounted and partook of

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 This is what happens under the flag of the principle of one man, one vote, and the end of imperialism, and when one reflects on things like that it makes me feel bitterly ashamed about the tributes we pay to the glories of democracy in many of the emergent nations, when we see that that is in fact what is happening.

Now let me turn to another facet and a quite different one. I am sorry that the hon. Lady the Member for Flint, East (Mrs. White) has left the Chamber, because one remark which she made I hop will be dealt with by my right hon. Friend in winding up the debate, and that was over the question of the future of the multi-racial university in Salisbury. This is one of the greatest accomplishments of the Federation, and all of us who have been to see it I am sure will agree that if that were to come to an end one of the brightest possible sparks of achievement, not in multi-racialism but in non-racialism, which is the approach we want, would disappear. Therefore I hope that, whatever else may or may not be salvaged from the Federation, something will be done to ensure that that university continues as it is under whatever system of Government comes in any of the three countries. I hope that it will be noted by the Government that the pleas have come from both sides of the House, from hon. Members with widely differing political views.

When I rose to speak tonight, had it not been that I was impelled by the speech of the hon. Member for Barnsley to go a little further, I was intending to direct my remarks to only one or two limited subjects, and in particular the future of Northern Rhodesia, which I think must be in the minds of us all, although it has hardly been touched on yet in the debate.

I suppose I must first of all declare an interest, although it is not strictly a financial one but purely a hobby, in that I have been asked by A.N.C. to help them as one of the constitutional advisers on a voluntary basis. When I say on a voluntary basis I say that not to emphasise my probity but to convince my listeners that in what I am going to say I am putting forward no more than what I am convinced would be best in the interests of that country.

One of the tragedies of Africa is that time after time we have failed to realise that the sense of nationalism in the dependent territories is strong, not so much in relation to the entirety of a territory but, in a more limited sense, to the extent that when it is no longer necessary to get rid of the white man, the Europeans, the natural tensions and strains within the society itself will start to show themselves. We have seen this happen time after time, for instance, in Uganda and Kenya, and we shall make a great mistake if for one minute we suppose that we shall not see it again in Northern Rhodesia. Sometimes when one pays visits to these territories, as opposed to living in them as I have done, one tends to forget that the people one meets in the central towns and at the airports are not the people living in the country whose passions are tribal. If one leaves Lusaka and meets an African he does not say,"I am proud of being a Northern Rhodesian." He will say that he is proud of his tribe to which he belongs and where his natural loyalties are, as they were before the appearance of the British 60 or 70 years ago, and immediately British rule is terminated he will revert, as surely as anything can be, to the natural loyalties in him. There is nothing wrong or improper in that.

We hold in this country the strange fallacy that, whereas Europeans may widely differ and not want to join together, it is all right because they have white faces, but that if people have black faces they must belong to the same country. However many times we are proved wrong, we always begin on the same process again. I fear that, unless we are very careful, we are about to begin the same process in Northern Rhodesia.

One example I have produced before in this House is the Austro-Hungarian Empire, which held together very much longer than the 60 or 70 years of Imperialist rule in Central, Eastern and other parts of Africa. Yet I would remind hon. Members that the moment that Austrian rule was removed the Empire split into its constituent parts as though its unity had never existed. Yet we imagine that in Africa quite a different process will take place.

The fact is that however much we may regret the "Balkanisation" of Africa, its people will revert to their natural loyalties as soon as the artificial loyalties and unities created through accidental divisions of countries by Imperialism are removed. If we forget that fact, we do so at our peril.


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228 their midday meal. They had still twenty-six miles to go, but hoped to cover that distance before nightfall.

"I wonder how the garrison at San Antonio is making out," said Dan, as they sat eating.

"Like as not a good many of the soldiers went home for Christmas," returned Stover. "To my mind, it's a great pity that Sam Houston ain't succeeded in organising the army as he intended. He seems to be the only leader who thinks that Santa Anna will come over here with a big force to knock the spots out of us. All the others are quarrelling over politics and places."

"I don't think it's quite as bad as that," laughed Dan. "But it seems to me they ought to get an army together."

"The leaders ought to act in concert, Dan. If they don't, their soldiers are licked afore they go into battle," remarked the old frontiersman, sagely. "What Texas needs most of all is one first-class leader, whom all obey." And in this speech Stover came very near to telling the exact truth.

The meal finished, they were soon in the saddle again, and less than an hour later they came upon the trail leading directly into San Antonio. There was a hill of rocks on one side and a belt of timber on the other, with here and there a water-course to be crossed.

So far, nothing had been seen of any game but

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 In Kenya, we have seen that the best way to get over this difficulty—it has been done in Uganda and Nigeria also—is to accept the reality of the situation and bring into being federal or quasi-federal or regional government. If we try to hold people together too tightly, they will break up into narrower loyalties in the end and the obvious way to avoid such a break up is to provide for their natural loyalties to have sufficient scope for expression within a wider unity.

I therefore earnestly plead that, when it comes to the discussion of a constitution for Northern Rhodesia, my right hon. Friend will not be blinded by our usual attachments to one man, one vote—I am not talking of the white man here but purely in African terms—on the Westminster type of Government, but will follow the example of the only other countries in Africa which have managed to preserve unity with democracy.

It is obvious, in looking at a map of Africa, why those countries which have preserved unity and democracy have managed to achieve it. It cannot be coincidence. It is the fact that they have quasi-federal Governments, a system which allows people in different parts of the country to retain their natural loyalties. The hon. Member for Wednesbury (Mr. Stonehouse), who often disagrees with me, will, I am sure, agree with me when I say that we must not think that we can impose a future and create countries out of what are historical accidents.

I leave this matter there, because there will be many more occasions in future to discuss it. But I repeat my plea to my right hon. Friend that he should accept the realities of the situation today, which is that the feud between A.N.C. and U.N.I.P. is the same manifestation of tribal loyalties reasserting themselves that we have seen everywhere else in Africa, and which we shall continue to see for some time to come. We shall neglect that lesson at our peril. It will get worse with the removal of European dominance in that country.

For the last few moments, I will revert to the future of Southern Rhodesia. I agree with those who say that for Southern Rhodesia to get her independence at this moment with its present Constitution is unpractical. But while accepting that it is not up to us, if we want success, to dictate exactly what terms there must be in order for Southern Rhodesia to get independence, we ought to learn a lesson from the last time we lectured Southern Rhodesia too much. It had the effect that I and some of my hon. Friends feared—the creation of a more extreme Government there than before.

If we start lecturing them too hard, we may again find precisely the same reaction. Our Southern Rhodesian kith and kin are not so very different from us, and we certainly do not like being lectured about what political regime we should have in this country. I agree with those who have said that with the present Constitution, no Government 1508 here could grant independence. But it is not up to us to lay down the law as to precisely what it should do for that independence to be accomplished. Otherwise we may well attain the opposite of what we want.

I feel that I must raise a certain matter tonight. Many of us have received notes from the Ghanaian High Commission. I suppose that any one of us in this House is perfectly liable to correction from any source about any political view we hold. But I must put on record my repugnance at receiving a lesson in the art of democracy from Ghana at the present time. In future I hope that Ghana's officials responsible for sending out this sort of stuff remember the old adage about the pot calling the kettle black. This is such a situation that perhaps one ought to think of a new stronger proverb in the same sense, but let us leave the matter there.

My noble Friend the Member for Hertford (Lord Balniel) referred to "make-believe" democracy in Northern Rhodesia and I will not comment on his remarks, except that that term is certainly applicable to Ghana, which has been issuing these notes during the last 24 hours.

Everyone who has spoken has congratulated my right hon. Friend on what he has been doing. I join them in doing so. I do so with melancholy, although not forthe reasons which others have put forward. To me, it seemed that, almost alone in Africa where white racialism—which I hate—is rampant in the south and black racialism is rampant in the north and elsewhere, many dedicated men and women in Central Africa were trying to make a success of a non-racial


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Rh a deer that was too far away to be brought down, and a few hares, which neither took the trouble to shoot. But now Poke Stover called attention to a flock of wild turkeys resting along the rocks not a hundred yards distant.

"A fine shot, Dan!" he whispered. "We can make a good trade with 'em, down in Bexar."

"That's so," answered the boy. "I'm ready to shoot when you are."

"Let us go into the timber, and come up in front of em," suggested the old frontiersman. "The rocks kind o' hide em from this p'int."

They dismounted and tied their mustangs to a tree. Then, with guns ready for use, they crept off in a semicircle, coming up to within sixty yards of the turkeys before they were discovered.

"Fire!" cried Stover, and bang! bang! went the two guns, one directly after the other. They had loaded with large shot, and five turkeys fell, two killed outright and the others badly wounded. Rushing in, Stover quickly caught the wounded ones and wrung their necks.

"That's what I call a pretty good haul," cried Dan, enthusiastically.

"It's not bad, lad, although I've seen better. I wish I could have gotten a second shot at 'em We might have—" The old frontiersman broke off short. "What's that?"

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230 "It's a horse's hoofs on the trail," answered Dan. "Somebody is coming this way."

He ran out of the bushes into which the wild turkeys had fallen, and gazed along the road. Just above was a curve, and around this came sweeping something which caused his heart to bound with delight.

It was the white mustang.

"By hookey!" came from Poke Stover. "It's him, eh, Dan?"

"Yes. Oh, if only I had my lasso!" For that article was attached to the saddle of the mustang in the timber. Dan was on the point of crossing the trail when Stover caught him by the arm.

"Don't scare the pony—" began the frontiersman, but he was too late. The white mustang had caught sight of Dan and he came to a halt instantly. Then he reared and plunged and swept by, and the last they saw of him, he was running toward San Antonio at the top of his speed.

"We've seen him, and that's all the good it will do us," remarked Poke Stover, as Dan gazed blankly up the road, and then at his companion.

"Can't we catch him, Poke? Oh, we must!"

"Might as well try to catch a streak o' greased lightning, lad."

"I don't know about that. He looked tired, as if he had been running a long while."

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Rh "You are sure on that? I didn't git no fair view of the critter."

"Yes, he was covered with sweat. Perhaps somebody else has been following him."

"Well, it won't do no harm to go after him,—seein' as how he is steerin in our direction," said the old frontiersman, and, picking up the dead turkeys, they ran for their mustangs and leaped into the saddles.

Several miles were covered, and they were on the point of giving up the chase when they encountered a settler with his prairie schooner, or big covered wagon, on his way to Guadalupe.

"Ye-as, I seen thet air white critter jest below yere," the settler drawled. "He war goin bout fifteen miles an hour, I reckoned. Looked tired. I wanted to go arfter him, but Susy, she wouldn't allow it."

"No, Sam Dickson, ye sha'n't go arfter no game or sech," came from the interior of the schooner. "Ye'll settle down an' go ter farmin', an' the sooner the better 'twill be fer yer hide, mind me!" And the dark, forbidding face of a woman, some years older than the man, appeared from behind the dirty flaps of the wagon-covering. At once the settler cracked his whip and drove on.

Poke Stover chuckled to himself. "Thar's married life fer ye, Dan," he remarked. "Do ye wonder I'm a single man?"

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 approach. It is because that has failed, and that we are back to the division of black and white which exists everywhere else in Africa, that I regret the passing of federation, an experiment which, if it could have succeeded, would have produced a truly civilised society.

The Second Clerk Assistant at the Table informed the House of the unavoidable absence of Mr. Speaker from the remainder of this day's Sitting.

Whereupon Sir WILLIAM ANSTRUTHER-GRAY, THE CHAIRMAN OF WAYS AND MEANS, took the Chair as DEPUTY-SPEAKER, pursuant to the Standing Order.

 * 7.59 p.m.

Mr. Jeremy Thorpe (Devon, North) We have listened with interest to the hon. Member for Torquay (Mr. F. M. Bennett). It seems to me that his clear argument about the futility of arranging shot-gun political marriages is, when taken to its logical conclusion, the justification for dismemberment of the Federation. With that I agree.

I hope that the House will forgive a little levity, but I thought it rather foolhardy of the hon. Member to refer to a case which he was sure would have brought down any Government in this country, whatever its complexion. The precedents of recent years show that that was a rather foolhardy statement. But I take the point.

The First Secretary of State is faced with an enormously complicated task which he is tackling with considerable skill. I congratulate him, as have hon. Members on both sides, on the progress he has made to date. One must be very careful, in congratulating him, in no way to add to his embarrassments, but I think, without indulging in unduly flamboyant language, that he is the best First Secretary of State we have. His power to bring together dissident groups in discussion may bode well for the future of his own party.

It has been suggested that this is a melancholy occasion. Some of us who have taken part in many of these debates on the Federation and who have had the privilege to go out there have at least experienced tonight an element of realism which has been lacking in the past. I have always taken the view that the Federation was an organisation which was doomed to failure from the moment it was founded. Not only was it then apparent to many of us, but it was subsequently confirmed by the Monckton Report in which it was said that the hatred which the Northern Territories felt for the Federation"was widespread, pathological and sincere".

I do not want to go too much into history, but it is necessary to get the record right not only for the Government's part but for the Labour Government's part. I was opposing the idea of Federation and the steps then being taken to implement it when there was a Labour Government. This was something which I put to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Bottomley). The evidence of African opposition to federation was overwhelming when the right hon. Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) and the right hon. Member for Smethwick (Mr. Gordon Walker) went out to the Federation in August and September, 1961.

In Nyasaland, the right hon. Member for Llanelly was told on 1st September by the African Protectorate Council, which was an advisory body, that it was wholeheartedly opposed to federation. Initially, it refused to send any delegates to the Victoria Falls conference and only relunctantly agreed at the very last moment to send three.

On 28th August, at Lilongwe, the Nyasaland African Congress expressed its opposition and complete refusal to go to Victoria Falls. The same opposition was found in Northern Rhodesia from the Chiefs of the Eastern Provinces on 3rd September at Fort Jameson; the Northern Rhodesian Trade Union Congress in its memorandum; the 150 chiefs on 18th August, from Mashonaland, and the African Rhodesia National Congress from Southern Rhodesia.

It is true to say that before that conference met those responsible for the affairs of this country had received overwhelming evidence of African opposition. It was against that background that the Victoria Falls Conference took


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232 "My mother wasn't of that kind," answered the youth, and then Stover abruptly changed the subject, and away they galloped again after the white mustang, little dreaming of the trouble into which that chase was to lead them.

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day was almost spent when, from a slight hill, they came in sight of San Antonio, the setting sun gilding the tops of the church steeples, and making the sluggish river appear like a stream of gold.

"No white mustang yet," said Dan. "I reckon we might as well give up the chase and go right into the city."

"Not yet!" cried Poke Stover, pointing with his hand to the northwestward. "Thar ye are, Dan!"

Dan looked in the direction, and in a patch of cottonwoods made out a white object, moving slowly along. It was the mustang they were after, so tired out that he could scarcely move from one spot to the next.

"We've got him now!" ejaculated the youth, enthusiastically. "And just as I was ready to give up, too! Come on!"

Away he swept, with all the quickness of which his own wearied steed was capable, and Poke

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 place, with no African Representative from Southern Rhodesia, the Southern Rhodesian Government assuring, and evidently persuading, the two right hon. Gentlemen that African interests would be adequately catered for by the presence of the European representative. The communiqué of 21st September made no reference at any time to African consent being a condition precedent to federation. Quite the reverse, the London Conference was arranged to take place in the following spring, 1952, but there was a change of Government and the Conservative Government took over. It is therefore true to say that while the Conservative Government pulled the trigger, it was the Labour Government who loaded the gun, and it is only right to get that on the record.

At last, and at the eleventh hour, the Government have faced reality. I whole heartedly agree with every word of the speech of the noble Lord the Member for Hertford (Lord Balniel). It was a speech which was courageous, logical, fair-minded and deeply principled. If that had been the official attitude of the Conservative Party 10 years ago, we might have a very different situation in Central Africa today.

The Government are now facing realities. I suppose that in two or three years we shall be discussing the dissolution of the South Arabian Federation, which is also being forced upon its inhabitants against their will, and, as has happened with Central Africa, those of us who have criticised this Federation of Southern Arabia will be shouted down as we were shouted down about the Central African Federation.

Mr. Bence What about Malaysia?

Mr. Thorpe The hon. Member asks me about Malaysia. I would have thought that the difference and the moral of the Malaysian Conference was that it was with the support of the people of the area who sent to London widely representative Governments. There is the difference.

There is nothing so surprising about agreement having been reached at Victoria Falls for the dissolution of the Federation. Perhaps it is surprising that there were no walk-outs. Certain broad principles have been agreed upon in connection with the dissolution of the Federation and certain working committees are getting down to the job of carving up the Federation. Let us realise that this is only the very beginning and that the reasons why Northern Rhodesia and Southern Rhodesia are in favour of dissolving the Federation are totally different.

The Northern Rhodesians are in favour of it because they fear white domination if they continue in the Federation and they believe that their own course of constitutional development will be retarded. Southern Rhodesia, conversely, believes that two black African Governments on its northern borders with African majorities will accelerate the pace of African advancement in Southern Rhodesia. Therefore, much as I pay tribute to the right hon. Gentleman, he has handed over the problems and not the solutions. I do not believe that we can test how the dissolution has proceeded until we have seen the work of the committees, and that will take many months.

The question I should like to ask is how the Bill will affect the Africans in Southern Rhodesia. The right hon. Gentleman succeeded in separating the question of dissolution from that of Southern Rhodesia's independence. Perhaps this was tactically necessary in order to get a full turn out at the conference table. While it is superficially true that that these two matters are divisible, the dissolution of the Federation will have a profound effect on the Africans in Southern Rhodesia.

The first thing I want to ask the First Secretary about is the army. There was a very full report in The Times of 3rd July indicating how the forces of the Federation were to be divided among the three territories. Not surprisingly, Southern Rhodesia is to get the lion's share. Page 12 of the White Paper, paragraph 43, says that the position of Southern Rhodesia is a reversion to the pre-1953 position, in that Southern Rhodesia will be responsible for her own forces. Does that mean that these forces come under the governor, or under the Queen, or do they come under the Southern Rhodesian Government? Are they totally independent of this country? In short, what will be our relationship with the forces of Southern Rhodesia?


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234 Stover followed him. The white mustang saw them coming, and set off into the timber on a feeble run.

The course of the pursued creature was around the northern approach to San Antonio and then toward the Medina River. Many times they thought to give up the chase, but then the white mustang seemed so near and so ready to drop that they kept on until the river bank was gained. Here the mustang disappeared into a pine brake; and it may be as well to add, right here, that neither the Radburys nor Poke Stover ever saw him again.

"Where is he?" asked Dan, a few minutes after the animal had disappeared. "Do you think he leaped into the water?"

"I heard a splash," answered the old frontiersman. "There it goes again." He tried to pierce the darkness with his eyes. "There is something over yonder, that—Whoopee, Dan, look!"

There was no need for Poke Stover to call the boy's attention to what was on the other side of the Medina, for Dan was already looking, "with all eyes," as the saying is. He had made out a number of Mexican cavalrymen, moving up and down along the west bank, and now he noted two pieces of artillery, which the cannoneers were trying to run out on two rafts moored close at hand.

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Rh "The Mexican army, as sure as you are born!" cried Stover, in an excited whisper. "Lad, we have made an important discovery. They must be bound for Bexar!"

"Yes, and there are thousands of them," answered Dan. His heart was beating so rapidly that he could scarcely speak. "Poke, what had we best do?"

"Find out what their game is, first, and then ride back to Bexar as fast as our mustangs can make it. If the garrison isn't warned, there will surely be a great slaughter."

There was a stiff norther blowing, making the swollen stream rough and dangerous to cross, and the Mexicans were consulting among themselves as to how they should proceed. With bated breath, the boy and the old frontiersman watched every movement, and, at the same time, tried to figure up mentally how many Mexicans there were.

"At least a thousand," said Poke Stover, but, as we know, he was mistaken; the force of the enemy numbered nearly seven times that many, although, to be sure, they were not all in that immediate vicinity.

"We will cross the river and investigate," said one of the officers, presently, and a large flat-bottomed boat was brought around and a dozen soldiers leaped into it.

"We had better get out now," whispered Poke

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 Presumably, there will be over-flying rights for which we shall ask for flying troops to the Protectorates, if necessary, and there will probably be training schemes, but what is to be the size of this army? How is it to be controlled and what will be its relationship with this country? Are we to take it that so long as Great Britain remains responsible for the foreign policy of Southern Rhodesia, that army may be used only internally, by which I mean within the borders of Southern Rhodesia and nowhere else? That is of great importance.

Secondly, what discussions were there at the Victoria Falls Conference about Rhodesia's independence? The right hon. Gentleman may say that there was none and I hope that that is the answer which he is able to give. It is extraordinary and a cause for much pleasure that Mr. Field should suddenly have done this intellectual somersault. At one moment he said that independence for Southern Rhodesia was a condition precedent to his attending the conference, and a few weeks later, I think with statesmanship, he decided that he could attend the talks without a commitment on either side. Do we take it that there were no discussions between the right hon. Gentleman and the Southern Rhodesian Government?

With regard to the common services mentioned in paragraph 36, I wholeheartedly support what was said by the right hon. Member for Wakefield (Mr. Creech Jones). I would have thought that the East Africa High Commission was one of the great successes which he can personally claim to have played his part in setting up, and I very much hope that, in addition, apart from railways, Kariba, and Central African Airways, we shall see other common services created with a commission comparable to the East Africa High Commission.

Where I think the Government are being a little mean is in their reference in Chapter 4 on page 9 to the criteria which they will adopt for the purpose of giving aid to the three territories. The White Paper says: "The question whether the United Kingdom Government could and should help would have to be considered in the light of their general policies en overseas aid towards countries which showed need for assistance in the development of their economies." In all fairness, I do not think that the economic position of these territories is comparable. Weare not talking about a situation which is comparable to the general level of investment in Trinidad or Jamaica, Ghana or Nigeria, under the new Commonwealth Development Scheme. I must ask right hon. and hon. Members on the Front Bench of the Labour Party, who are having a private conversation, to be a little quieter. We are talking about an area which has taken on greater financial commitments than it would have done were it not for the policy of this House, and I therefore think that to assess the level of aid which we shall give to former members of the Federation on the basis of how much we give for development in other developing countries of the Commonwealth is a wholly false analogy and certainly bodes ill for the future prospects of that area.

I also suggest that when the question of a new supreme court is raised, some regard should be given to the idea of strengthening the appeals system to the Privy Council. I always remember the late Lord Simon advocating that the Privy Council should, in effect, become the Supreme Court of Appeal for the Commonwealth, and that it should go on circuit. How some of their lordships would stand the test I do not know, but perhaps the age of appointment would get lower and lower, as is becoming customary in politics, although I speak subject to subsequent events. At least one-third of the Privy Council should be made up of nationals of the country in which the appeal was being heard and there may be something in examining this idea when one is considering the final court of appeal for these territories.

I also ask what approaches have been made to the World Bank? There was some suggestion, I think in The Times, that the World Bank might be prepared to help in underwriting part of the federal debt and various other commitments into which the Federation had entered. There seems to be valuable scope for co-operation here.

I shall not go into the question of independence for Southern Rhodesia, because I agree with every word spoken by the noble Lord the Member for Hertford. There can quite clearly be no case whatsoever for granting independence to Southern Rhodesia unless and until she has a more democratic constitution. There can be no question of that at all. If Southern Rhodesia chooses to go it alone, she has the power to do so, but she must realise that the consequence of that


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236 Stover, and turned his pony to ride away from the river bank.

"Halt! Who goes?" came the cry, in Spanish, from one of the Mexican guards.

"We are discovered," whispered Dan. "Come on!"

He turned away from the river bank and dove straight into the pine brake. Then came a shot of warning, but the Mexican fired high, not daring to take aim for fear of hitting a friend.

The shot caused a commotion, and soon Dan and Stover felt that they were being followed. They tried to make their mustangs move on a run, but the animals could not be urged farther.

"They will catch us, sure," gasped the boy, as the steps of the enemy sounded nearer and nearer. "What shall we do?"

"Move to the right, and we'll see if we can't throw them off the trail," answered Poke Stover.

To the right there was a slight hollow, filled with mesquite-trees and bushes, and beyond this was a sandy plain covered with cacti. But of the latter both were ignorant.

Down into the hollow they dove, their horses glad enough of the chance to get a drink at the pool among the bushes. Under the mesquite-trees they halted, and Stover went back to reconnoitre.

The scout was gone for fully quarter of an hour, and came back chuckling softly to himself.

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Rh "We threw 'em nicely," he said. "We are safe now, providin' we don't make too much noise."

"Then let us go on, Poke. We must carry the news to Bexar."

"It's funny there are no scouts around," was the old frontiersman's comment. "They ought to be on the watch." But none of the Texan soldiers were on guard, the greater portion of them being in attendance at a Mexican fandango in the town, never suspecting the attack so close at hand. Santa Anna heard of this fandango, and would have pushed forward to capture San Antonio at once, but could not get his army across the Medina River.

Leaving the pool, Dan and the frontiersman ascended to the plain, and presently found themselves among the cacti. This was anything but pleasant, and they had to pick their way with great care in the darkness, and even then their steeds often refused to budge, so prickly were the plants. It was almost morning when they arrived in sight of jacals, or huts, which dotted the outskirts of the city.

The pair at once sought out the commander of the garrison, Lieutenant-Colonel William B. Travis, who was still sleeping. Travis was a dashing young soldier of twenty-eight, a lawyer by profession, and a native of North Carolina. The commander was

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