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Speech Opposing Area Bombing

My Lords, the question which I have to ask is beset with difficulties. It deals with an issue which must have [its] own anxieties for the Government, and certainly causes great searchings of heart amongst large numbers of people who are as resolute champions of the Allied cause as any member of your Lordships' House. If long-sustained and public opposition to Hitler and the Nazis since 1933 is any credential, I would humbly claim to be one of the most convinced and consistent Anti-Nazis in Great Britain. But I desire to challenge the Government on the policy which directs the bombing of enemy towns on the present scale, especially with reference to civilians, non-combatants, and non-military and non-industrial objectives. I also desire to make it plain that, in anything I say on this issue of policy, no criticism is intended of the pilots, the gunners, and the air crews who, in circumstances of tremendous danger, with supreme courage and skill, carry out the simple duty of obeying their superiors' orders.

§ Few will deny that there is a distinction in principle between attacks on military and industrial objectives and attacks on objectives which do not possess that character. At the outbreak of the war, in response to an appeal by President Roosevelt, the Governments of the United Kingdom and France issued a joint declaration of their intention to conduct hostilities with a firm desire to spare the civilian population and to preserve in every way possible those monuments of human achievement which are treasured in all civilized countries. At the same time explicit instructions were issued to the Commanders of the Armed Forces prohibiting the bombardment, whether from the air or from the sea or by artillery on land, of any except strictly military objectives in the narrowest sense of the word. Both sides accepted this agreement. It is true that the Government added that, ‘In the event of the enemy not observing any of the restrictions which the Governments of the United Kingdom and France have thus imposed on the operation of their Armed Forces, these Governments reserve the right to take all such action as they may consider appropriate.’ It is true that on May 10, 1940, the Government publicly proclaimed their intention to exercise this right in the event of bombing by the enemy of civilian populations. But the point which I wish to establish at this moment is that in entering the war there was no doubt in the Government's mind that the distinction between military and non-military objectives was real.

§ Further, that this distinction is based on fundamental principles accepted by civilized nations is clear from the authorities in International Law. I give one instance the weight of which will hardly be denied. The Washington Conference on Limitation of Armaments in 1922 appointed a Commission of Jurists to draw up a code of rules about aerial warfare. It did not become an international convention, yet great weight should be attached to that code on account of its authors. Article 22 reads: ‘Aerial bombardment for the purpose of terrorizing the civilian population, of destroying or damaging private property not of military character, or of injuring non-combatants is prohibited.’ Article 24 says: ‘ Aerial bombardment is legitimate only when directed at a military objective—that is to say, an objective of which the destruction or injury would constitute a distinct military advantage to the belligerent.’ Professor A. L. Goodhart, of Oxford, states: ‘Both these Articles are based on the fundamental assumption that direct attack on non-combatants is an unjustifiable act of war.’

§ The noble Viscount, Lord Halifax, at the beginning of this war, in reference to this very thing, described war as bloody and brutal. It is idle to suppose that it can be carried on without fearful injury and violence from which non-combatants as well as combatants suffer. It is still true, nevertheless, that there are recognized limits to what is permissible. The Hague Regulations of 1907 are explicit. "The right of belligerents to adopt means of injuring the enemy is not unlimited." M. Bonfils, a famous French jurist, says: ‘If it is permissible to drive inhabitants to desire peace by making them suffer, why not admit pillage, burning, torture, murder, violation? ’ I have recalled the joint declaration and these pronouncements because it is so easy in the process of a long and exhausting war to forget what they were once held without question to imply, and because it is a common experience in the history of warfare that not only war but actions taken in war as military necessities are often supported at the time by a class of arguments which, after the war is over, people find are arguments to which they never should have listened.

§ I turn to the situation in February, 1944, and the terrific devastation by Bomber Command of German towns. I do not forget the Luftwaffe, or its tremendous bombing of Belgrade, Warsaw, Rotterdam, London, Portsmouth, Coventry, Canterbury and many other places of military, industrial and cultural importance. Hitler is a barbarian. There is no decent person on the Allied side who is likely to suggest that we should make him our pattern or attempt to be competitors in that market. It is clear enough that large-scale bombing of enemy towns was begun by the Nazis. I am not arguing that point at all. The question with which I am concerned is this. Do the Government understand the full force of what area bombardment is doing and is destroying now? Are they alive not only to the vastness of the material damage, much of which is irreparable, but also to the harvest they are laying up for the future relationships of the peoples of Europe as well as to its moral implications? The aim of Allied bombing from the air, said the Secretary of State for Air at Plymouth on January 22, is to paralyze German war industry and transport. I recognize the legitimacy of concentrated attack on industrial and military objectives, on airfields and air bases, in view especially of the coming of the Second Front. I fully realize that in attacks on centres of war industry and transport the killing of civilians when it is the result of bona-fide military activity is inevitable. But there must be a fair balance between the means employed and the purpose achieved. To obliterate a whole town because certain portions contain military and industrial establishments is to reject the balance.

§ Let me take two crucial instances, Hamburg and Berlin. Hamburg has a population of between one and two million people. It contains targets of immense military and industrial importance. It also happens to be the most democratic town in Germany where the Anti-Nazi opposition was strongest. Injuries to civilians resulting from bona-fide attacks on particular objectives are legitimate according to International Law. But owing to the methods used the whole town is now a ruin. Unutterable destruction and devastation were wrought last autumn. On a very conservative estimate, according to the early German statistics, 28,000 persons were killed. Never before in the history of air warfare was an attack of such weight and persistence carried out against a single industrial concentration. Practically all the buildings, cultural, military, residential, industrial, religious—including the famous University Library with its 800,000 volumes, of which three-quarters have perished—were razed to the ground.

§ Berlin, the capital of the Reich, is four times the size of Hamburg. The offices of the Government, the military, industrial, war-making establishments in Berlin are a fair target. Injuries to civilians are inevitable. But up to date half Berlin has been destroyed, area by area, the residential and the industrial portions alike. Through the dropping of thousands of tons of bombs, including fire-phosphorus bombs, of extraordinary power, men and women have been lost, overwhelmed in the colossal tornado of smoke, blast and flame. It is said that 74,000 persons have been killed and that 3,000,000 are already homeless. The policy is obliteration, openly acknowledged. That is not a justifiable act of war. Again, Berlin is one of the great centres of art collections in the world. It has a large collection of Oriental and classical sculpture. It has one of the best picture galleries in Europe, comparable to the National Gallery. It has a gallery of modern art better than the Tate, a museum of ethnology without parallel in this country, one of the biggest and best organized libraries—State and university, containing two and a half million books—in the world. Almost all these non-industrial, non-military buildings are grouped together near the old Palace and in the Street of the Linden. The whole of that street, which has been constantly mentioned in the accounts of the raids, has been demolished. It is possible to replace flat houses by mass production. It is not possible so quickly to rebuild libraries or galleries or churches or museums. It is not very easy to rehouse those works of art which have been spared. Those works of art and those libraries will be wanted for the re-education of the Germans after the war. I wonder whether your Lordships realize the loss involved in that.

§ How is it, then, that this wholesale destruction has come about? The answer is that it is the method used, the method of area bombing. The first outstanding raid of area bombing was, I believe, in the spring of 1942, directed against Lubeck, then against Rostock, followed by the thousand-bomber raid against Cologne at the end of May, 1942. The point I want to bring home, because I doubt whether it is sufficiently realized, is that it is no longer definite military and industrial objectives which are the aim of the bombers, but the whole town, area by area, is plotted carefully out. This area is singled out and plastered on one night; that area is singled out and plastered on another night; a third, a fourth, a fifth area is similarly singled out and plastered night after night, till, to use the language of the Chief of Bomber Command with regard to Berlin, the heart of Nazi Germany ceases to beat. How can there be discrimination in such matters when civilians, monuments, military objectives and industrial objectives all together form the target? How can the bombers aim at anything more than a great space when they see nothing and the bombing is blind?

§ When the Nazis bombed France and Britain in 1940 it was denounced as "indiscriminate bombing." I recall this passage from a leader in The Times after the bombing of Paris on June 4, 1940: ‘No doubt in the case of raids on large cities the targets are always avowedly military or industrial establishments; but, when delivered from the great height which the raiders seem to have been forced to keep by the anti-aircraft defences, the bombing in fact is bound to be indiscriminate.’ And I recall two other more recent articles in The Times on our own policy. On January 10, 1944, the following was published: ‘It is the proclaimed intention of Bomber Command to proceed with the systematic obliteration one by one of the centres of German war production until the enemy's capacity to continue the fight is broken down.’ On January 31 the Aeronautical Correspondent wrote: ‘Some of the most successful attacks of recent times have been made when every inch of the target area was obscured by unbroken cloud, thousands of feet thick, and when the crews have hardly seen the ground from which they took off until they were back at their bases again.’ If your Lordships will weigh the implication, and observe not only the destruction of the war-production factories but the obliteration of the places in which they are and the complete invisibility of the target area, it must surely be admitted that the bombing is comprehensive and what would ordinarily be called indiscriminate.

§ The Government have announced their determination to continue this policy city by city. I give quotations. The Prime Minister, after the thousand-bomber raid on Cologne in 1942, said: ‘Proof of the growing power of the British bomber force is also the herald of what Germany will receive city by city from now on.’ Air Marshal Sir Arthur Harris, on July 28, 1942, said: ‘We are going to scourge the Third Reich from end to end. We are bombing Germany city by city and ever more terribly in order to make it impossible for her to go on with the war. That is our object; we shall pursue it relentlessly.’ A few days ago, as reported in the Sunday Express of January 23, an Air Marshal said: "One by one we shall pull out every town in Germany like teeth."

§ I shall offer reasons for questioning this policy as a whole, but what I wish immediately to urge is this. There are old German towns, away from the great centres, which may be subjected—which almost certainly will be subjected—to the raids of Bomber Command. Almost certainly they are on the long list. Dresden, Augsburg, Munich are among the larger towns, Regensburg, Hildesheim and Marburg are a few among the smaller beautiful cities. In all these towns the old centres, the historic and beautiful things, are well preserved, and the industrial establishments are on the outskirts. After the destruction of the ancient town centres of Cologne, with its unique Romanesque churches, and Lubeck, with its brick cathedral, and Mainz, with one of the most famous German cathedrals, and of the old Gothic towns, the inner towns, Nuremburg, Hamburg and others, it would seem to be indicated that an effort, a great effort should be made to try to save the remaining inner towns. In the fifth year of the war it must surely be apparent to any but the most complacent and reckless how far the destruction of European culture has already gone. We ought to think once, twice, and three times before destroying the rest. Something can still be saved if it is realized by the authorities that the industrial centres, generally speaking, lie outside the old inner parts where are the historical monuments.

§ I would especially stress the danger—outside Germany—to Rome. The principle is the same, but the destruction of the main Roman monuments would create such hatred that the misery would survive when all the military and political advantages that may have accrued may have long worn off. The history of Rome is our own history. Rome taught us, through the example of Christ, to abolish human sacrifice and taught us the Christian faith. The destruction would rankle in the memory of every good European as Rome's destruction by the Goths or the sack of Rome rankled. The blame simply must not fall on those who are professing to create a better world. The resentment which would, inevitably, follow would be too deep-seated to be forgotten. It would be the sort of crime which one day, even in the political field, would turn against the perpetrators.

§ I wish to offer a few concluding remarks on the policy as a whole. It will be said that this area bombing—for it is this area bombing which is the issue to-day—is definitely designed to diminish the sacrifice of British lives and to shorten the war. We all wish with all our hearts that these two objects could be achieved, but to justify methods inhumane in themselves by arguments of expediency smacks of the Nazi philosophy that Might is Right. In any case the idea that it will reduce the sacrifice is speculation. The Prime Minister, as far back as August, 1940, before either Russia or America entered the war, justified the continued bombardment of German industries and communications as one of the surest, if not the shortest, of all the roads to victory. We are still fighting. It is generally admitted that German aircraft and military production, though it has slowed down, is going forward; and your Lordships may have noticed signs in certain military quarters of a tendency to question the value of this area bombing policy on military grounds. The cost in sacrifice of human life when the Second Front begins has never been disguised either from the American or from the British public by our leaders.

§ It is also urged that area bombing will break down morale and the will to fight. On November 5, in a speech at Cheltenham, the Secretary of State for Air said that bombing in this way would continue until we had paralysed German war industries, disrupted their transport system and broken their will to war. Again leaving the ethical issue aside, it is pure speculation. Up to now the evidence received from neutral countries is to the opposite effect. It is said that the Berliners are taking it well. Let me quote from two Swedish papers. On November 30 last, the Svenska Dagbladet—this was during the first stage of our raids on Berlin—said: ‘Through their gigantic air raids the British have achieved what Hitler failed to achieve by means of decrees and regulations; they have put the majority of the German people on a war footing.’ On January 9 of this year, the Sydsvenska Dagbladet said: ‘The relative German strength on the home front is undoubtedly based on desperation, which increases and gets worse the longer the mass bombing lasts. It is understandable that the fewer the survivors and the more they lose the more the idea spreads 'We have everything to gain and nothing to lose, and we can only regain what is ours if Germany wins the final victory, so let us do everything in our power.'’ If there is one thing absolutely sure, it is that a combination of the policy of obliteration with a policy of complete negation as to the future of a Germany which has got free from Hitler is bound to prolong the war and make the period after the war more miserable.

§ I am not extenuating the crimes of the Nazis or the responsibility of Germany as a whole in tolerating them for so long, but I should like to add this. I do not believe that His Majesty's Government desire the annihilation of Germany. They have accepted the distinction between Germany and the Hitlerite State.

[Bell is interrupted here by shouts of "no" from several members.]

On March 10 of last year the Lord Chancellor, speaking officially for the Government, accepted that distinction quite clearly and precisely. Is it a matter for wonder that Anti-Nazis who long for help to overthrow Hitler are driven to despair? I have here a telegram, which I have communicated to the Foreign Office, sent to me on December 27 last by a well-known Anti-Nazi Christian leader who had to flee from Germany for his life long before the war. It was sent from Zurich, and puts what millions inside Germany must feel. He says: ‘Is it understood that present situation gives us no sincere opportunity for appeal to people because one cannot but suspect effect of promising words on practically powerless population convinced by bombs and phosphor that their annihilation is resolved?’ If we wish to shorten the war, as we must, then let the Government speak a word of hope and encouragement both to the tortured millions of Europe and to those enemies of Hitler to whom in 1939 Mr. Churchill referred as "millions who stand aloof from the seething mass of criminality and corruption constituted by the Nazi Party machine."

Why is there this blindness to the psychological side? Why is there this inability to reckon with the moral and spiritual facts? Why is there this forget-fulness of the ideals by which our cause is inspired? How can the War Cabinet fail to see that this progressive devastation of cities is threatening the roots of civilization? How can they be blind to the harvest of even fiercer warring and desolation, even in this country, to which the present destruction will inevitably lead when the members of the War Cabinet have long passed to their rest? How can they fail to realize that this is not the way to curb military aggression and end war? This is an extraordinarily solemn moment. What we do in war—which, after all, lasts a comparatively short time—affects the whole character of peace, which covers a much longer period. The sufferings of Europe, brought about by the demoniac cruelty of Hitler and his Nazis, and hardly imaginable to those in this country who for the last five years have not been out of this island or had intimate association with Hitler's victims, are not to be healed by the use of power only, power exclusive and unlimited. The Allies stand for something greater than power. The chief name inscribed on our banner is "Law." It is of supreme importance that we who, with our Allies, are the liberators of Europe should so use power that it is always under the control of law. It is because the bombing of enemy towns—this area bombing—raises this issue of power unlimited and exclusive that such immense importance is bound to attach to the policy and action of His Majesty's Government. I beg to move.

[Three more speakers, including Cosmo Lang, former Archbishop of Canterbury, and Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs, intervene before Bell, exercising his right of reply, makes a concluding statement.]

My Lords, I should like to express my gratitude for the courtesy of the noble Viscount's reply. I will not disguise the fact that the end of his speech was not exactly unexpected but was nevertheless a disappointment. I, of course, wish—no one more—for the liberation of the unfortunate peoples of Europe, and I know it is only by the conquest of Hitler and his associates that that can be achieved. I would very strongly press the noble Viscount to take great pains about the definition of legitimate objectives of a military and industrial kind and to avoid to the utmost extent possible any confusion of them with non-military and non-industrial objectives. I do not wish to trouble your Lordships further, but we have to think of the future as well as the present. I beg leave to withdraw my Motion.

title: Speech Opposing Area Bombing


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Rh The third mate walks over to the lee side and knocks the ashes out of his pipe against the rail, and as the sparks fly far to leeward, like falling stars among the foaming waves, he sings out, "Turn to there forward and wash down decks; boatswain, take a pair of those gulpins and rig the head pump; the rest of you get the gear triced up." The watch, with sand, buckets of water, and brooms, bare-footed and with trousers rolled up to their knees, begin to scrub and scrub and scrub. Then when the sun has dried out ropes and canvas, the gear is swayed up fore and aft, with watch tackles on the chain topsail sheets, and a hearty:

The halliards are led along the deck fore and aft in the grip of clean brawny fists with sinewy arms and broad backs behind them, the ordinary seamen and boys tailing on, and perhaps the cook, steward, carpenter, and sailmaker lending a hand, and all hands join in a ringing chorus of the ocean, mingling in harmony with the clear sky, indigo-blue waves, and the sea breeze purring aloft among the spars and rigging:

Oh, poor Reuben Kanzo,

Ranzo, boys, O Ranzo,

Oh, Ranzo was no sailor,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo.

So they shipped him aboard a whaler,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo,

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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EASY PROBLEM PICTURE. "NAME THE WINNER!"

Judging from their countenances, which of these two, who have just returned from a race meeting, has "made a bit"?


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text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Richardson, Major-General John Soame


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Help talk:Author pages

Works by the author
How are different editions of works with the same title (by the same author) handled? Stringybark (talk) 21:01, 25 January 2013 (UTC)
 * Use versions in the mainspace. In the Author: pagespace use indenting. We do apply some caution when considering the hosting of multiple editions of the same work. If an edition is just a reprint (or is the American edition of a British publication) then there is no need to list it or host it. However, if there are significant differences between editions then a separate listing and hosting is welcome. For example: we should host both versions of Great Expectations as the endings are quite different. But hosting both versions of Psmith in the City is not needed as they were published simultaneously in London and New York and are essentially the same edition. Beeswaxcandle (talk) 23:21, 25 January 2013 (UTC)

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title: Help talk:Author pages


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Richardson, Hon. Richard


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230 And he could not do his duty,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo.

So the mate, he being a bad man,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo,

He led him to the gangway,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo,

And he gave him five-and-twenty,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo,

But the captain, he being a good man,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo,

He took him in the cabin,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo,

And he gave him wine and whiskey,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo,

And he learned him navigation,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo,

And now he's Captain Ranzo,

Ranzo boys, O Ranzo."

Finally the mate's clear, sharp order comes: "Belay there; clap a watch tackle on the lee fore brace." "Aye, aye, sir!" And so every sheet, halliard, and brace is swayed up and tautened to the freshening breeze. The gear is coiled up, the brasswork polished until it glistens in the morning sun, the paintwork and gratings are wiped off, decks swabbed dry, and the pumps manned to another rousing chanty:

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Author:George Bell (1883-1958)

Works

 * Speech Opposing Area Bombing, 1944

title: Author:George Bell (1883-1958)


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Author:George Bell

 * George Bell, Anglican Bishop of Chichester (1883-1958); or to
 * George T. Bell, American political figure (1913-1973).

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Rh The "old man" gets his morning sights, the log is hove, the wheel and watch are relieved at eight bells, and the clipper is ready for another day of stress and strain.

Mornings like these bring keen appetites to officers and men, so the watch below sit about on their chests in the forecastle or on the fore hatch and dive into the mess kit with knives and spoons. It may be a chunk of salt pork or cold salt beef, or what Rufus Choate, in one of his flights of forensic eloquence, described as the "nutritious hash," "succulent lob-scouse," or "palatable dandy funk," with plenty of hard tack in the bread barge, and all washed down with unlimited coffee. Not quail on toast or devilled kidneys, to be sure, but good substantial seamen's food, upon which a man can work better at sea, grow stronger, and become less tired than on any other.

In the old days captains used to lay in large stocks of chickens, eggs, etc., for their crews at Anjer Point, but before the ship was half-way across the Indian Ocean, the men would begin to crow in the dog watch, and come aft in a body, asking that their salt junk might be restored to them. In those days, as now, salmon were plentiful in California, but their introduction on board the clipper ships failed to tempt the appetites of sailormen when off soundings. They said they liked salt junk a good deal better. Besides, it gave them something to growl about—for sailors knew how to curse junk according to traditions approved by generations of jackies, but when it came to chickens and salmon they were at a loss for sufficiently vigorous and

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Rh ences to Sir Arthur Maynwaring, see Oldmixon and State Paper Calendars, Dom. Ser. 1623 to 1631; and for Maynwaring's work as auditor, Treasury Ser. 1705 to 1712. See also Biographia Brit.]  MAINWARING, EVERARD (fl. 1698), M.D., medical writer. [See .]

MAINWARING, MATTHEW (1561–1652), romancist, born 26 Feb. 1561, was the second son of Thomas Mainwaring of Nantwich, Cheshire, and Margaret, daughter of Randall Crew of the same place. He married Margaret Mynshull, half-sister of Richard Mynshull, to whom he dedicated ‘Vienna, where in is storied ye valorous atchieuements, famous triumphs, constant loue, greate miseries, and finall happines, of the well-deseruing, truly noble and most valiant kt, Sr Paris of Vienna, and ye most admired amiable Princess the faire Vienna,’ a translation, or rather adaptation, of a romance of Catalonian origin. It was first published without date (about 1618), and reprinted in 1620, 1621, about 1630, n.d. (the edition was licensed 25 May 1628,, Transcript, iv. 164), and in 1650. Mr. W. C. Hazlitt describes a copy of the edition of 1621, which contained a dedication of the book by ‘T. M.’ to Lucy, countess of Bedford. ‘Vienna’ has been assigned to Richard Mynshull, but it contains two anagrams and a reference to the arms (those of Mainwaring) in the engraved title, which leave no doubt as to the real author. There are commendatory verses by Thomas Heywood, various members of the Mainwaring family, and Thomas Croket, from which last it appears that Matthew Mainwaring had been a soldier, and was already an old man when he wrote ‘Vienna.’ Geffray Mynshull [q. v.], his nephew, dedicated to him in 1618 his ‘Essayes and Characters of a Prison and Prisoners.’ Mainwaring died in January 1651–2, having nearly completed his ninetieth year.

 MAINWARING, PHILIP (1589–1661), secretary for Ireland, born in 1589, was fourth son of Sir Randle Mainwaring, knt., of Over Peover, Cheshire, by Margaret, daughter of Sir Edward Fitton of Gawsworth in the same county (, Cheshire, i. 372). In 1609 he became a student of Gray's Inn, and on 29 Aug. 1610 he matriculated from Brasenose College, Oxford, graduating B.A. on 8 Feb. 1612–13 (, Alumni Oxon. 1500–1714, iii. 960). He sat as M.P. for Boroughbridge, Yorkshire, 1624–1626, for Derby 1628–9, and for Morpeth from April to May 1640. On 13 July 1634 he was knighted at Dublin Castle on becoming secretary to the lord-lieutenant of Ireland, the Earl of Strafford (, Book of Knights, p. 214; Strafford Papers, i. 54, 211, 263, ii. 360, 414). In 1650 he ventured to return to London, when he was forthwith committed to the prison of the upper bench as a delinquent, and was only released on 27 Oct. 1651, after giving a bond in 500l. with two sureties in 250l. each, the time of his appearance to be one year (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1649–50 p. 515, 1650 p. 203, 1651 p. 496). At the Restoration, being then very poor, he petitioned for the mastership of the Charterhouse as some return for his fifty-five years' service at court, but it was bestowed on Sir Ralph Sydenham, and he only obtained the reversion of the place in case of Sydenham's death (ib. 1659–60 p. 441, 1666–7 p. 239). In June 1661 he was elected M.P. for Newton, Lancashire. He died, unmarried, in London on 2 Aug. 1661. His nephew, Philip, was father of Sir Thomas Mainwaring [q.v.]. His portrait, with that of Lord Strafford, was engraved by Vertue, after Vandyck, and is prefixed to Lord Strafford's ‘Letters and Despatches,’ 1739; the original is in the possession of Sir Philip Tatton Mainwaring.

 MAINWARING, ROGER (d. 1653), bishop of St. Davids. [See .]

MAINWARING, ROWLAND (1783–1862), naval commander and author, born on 31 Dec. 1783, was second son of Rowland Mainwaring (1745–1815), a field-officer, of Four Oaks, Warwickshire, by his second wife, Jane, daughter of Captain Latham, R.N. (, Landed Gentry, 7th edit. ii. 1213). Entering the navy, he was present at the battle of the Nile (1798) as midshipman in the Majestic, and he served in the Defence at the blockade of Copenhagen (1801). On 13 Aug. 1812 he was gazetted to the command of the Caledonia, 120, the flagship of Sir Edward Pellew (Lord Exmouth), but he did not serve after the peace of 1815. He was promoted captain on 22 July 1830, and was placed on the list of retired rear-admirals on 27 Sept. 1855. In 1837 Mainwaring succeeded his first cousin, Miss Sarah Mainwaring, in the estates of Whitmore Hall, Newcastle-under-Lyme, and Biddulph, Staffordshire. He died at Whitmore Hall on 11 April 1862 (Gent. Mag. 1862, pt. i. p. 657). He married thrice, and left a large family.


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Author:Chrysanthos of Madytos

Works

 * Introduction into the Theory and Practice of Ecclesiastic Chant for Students according to the New Method by Chrysanthos of Madytos, Teacher of Music Theory (1821)
 * Long Treatise of Music Theory written by Chrysanthos of Madytos, Archbishop of Dyrrachion (Durrës), introduced by Panagiotes G. Pelopides of Peloponnese concerning the ambitious contribution of the compatriots [Chrysanthos of Madytos, Gregorios the Protopsaltes, and Chourmouzios Chartophylakos] (1832)—Θεωρητικόν μέγα της μουσικής (1832) at Greek Wikisource
 * Long Treatise of Music Theory written by Chrysanthos of Madytos, Archbishop of Dyrrachion (Durrës), introduced by Panagiotes G. Pelopides of Peloponnese concerning the ambitious contribution of the compatriots [Chrysanthos of Madytos, Gregorios the Protopsaltes, and Chourmouzios Chartophylakos] (1832)—Θεωρητικόν μέγα της μουσικής (1832) at Greek Wikisource
 * Long Treatise of Music Theory written by Chrysanthos of Madytos, Archbishop of Dyrrachion (Durrës), introduced by Panagiotes G. Pelopides of Peloponnese concerning the ambitious contribution of the compatriots [Chrysanthos of Madytos, Gregorios the Protopsaltes, and Chourmouzios Chartophylakos] (1832)—Θεωρητικόν μέγα της μουσικής (1832) at Greek Wikisource

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18 The goat's eyes now looked gratefully up into his, and, to the boy's astonishment, it got upon its feet, and shaking its head quite friskily, sprang away into the desert.

Abdallah now made such haste to go on that he almost ran. Darkness was falling, and he could only see the beads with difficulty. He felt afraid that very soon he should not be able to see them at all. And his parents—what would they think had happened to him?

His steps were suddenly stayed—a fresh hindrance was to be met. Right in his way, so that he had almost run against it, lay a gaunt, starved-looking dog. Abdallah had grown used to seeing sudden appearances, but he started at this one for he had been sure that he would not again be interrupted. And this time he made up his mind that he would not stop to give away any more of his already diminished store of water. Perhaps he had been foolish to give away any of it; at least he would


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Rh save the rest for Nejmeh—poor, darling Nejmeh, who had waited all this time, and who needed it so much! He resolutely shut his eyes in order not to see the unfortunate dog, and put both hands over his ears so as not to hear it moan, and would have passed by; but the dog, as if reading his thoughts, summoned up all its weak strength, and threw itself in front of him so that he stumbled over its body. He opened his eyes and met the dying animal's gaze. And he knew that it had conquered, for he could not leave it to perish now. With a heavy heart he lifted its head on his knee and poured a few drops of water down its throat; not many, for so little water was left by this time!

And then, once more, Abdallah started forth, running fast through the twilight, panting and despairing of reaching the high rock before the night fell, but hoping,—hoping that somehow, in some way


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20 beyond his knowing,—Nejmeh would yet be saved from death.

But why did he come to a standstill, and raise his hand to his eyes as if the sun which had set so long before, dazzled him?

No pilgrim, no goat, no dog was before him now, but a beautiful being whose eyes shone like stars, with wings whose golden feathers swept the dust, and whose raiment was like the full moon,—so radiant in its whiteness. Abdallah drew back in awe and was about to throw himself at the feet of the vision, but it held up a finger to check his impulse, and at the same time smiled so tenderly at him that he ceased to be afraid.

"Knowest thou me, son?" asked the bright apparition.

"Thou art one of the angels of the Most High," answered Abdallah reverently.

"And thou hast already seen me three


text: The Kernel and the Husk/The Incarnation

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Rh times this day; dost thou remember me?"

Abdallah shook his head.

"Surely I remember thee not! When did I see thee before, thou blessed one?"

The angel smiled yet more sweetly into the boy's wondering face.

"Yet hast thou both seen and served me," he said; "I was the aged pilgrim, and the thirsty goat, and the dying dog to which thou gavest drink. And now thou shalt never lack water to quench thy thirst and that of thy house, all the days of thy life. Thou didst not grudge to give when thou hadst need thyself; therefore is the water-skin full at thy girdle; and for the necklace—behold, it is again in thy bosom. Haste thee, Abdallah, 'Servant of God,' and the blessing of the Merciful go with thee."

Then the boy saw the angel no longer; but the high rock rose of a sudden close at hand, and he sprang forward, crying:


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22 "My father! my mother! Nejmeh! I bring you water—water from heaven!"

To his joy, Nejmeh, looking in perfect health, ran to him, and cast her arms about his neck. Also, his parents embraced him.

Then they all praised Allah for His great mercies; and Abdallah sat at his mother's feet, and told all that had befallen since he left them, and they drank of the water and gave their good camel his fill; and at the end, the skin was as full as at the beginning.

After which, Kadijah asked for the beads of her necklace, and at once Abdallah drew from the bosom of his tunic—not a necklace of common beads, but a string of emeralds and pearls, each one as large as a palm-seed.

Then they gave praises anew. And when it was day, they went on their journey to Mecca.

But the word of the angel was fulfilled


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Rh to Abdallah, for in the years that came after, never did he or his lack water to drink and to bestow on those who were in need thereof.


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User talk:Stringybark

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title: User talk:Stringybark


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1788-1805.] The wreck of their fortunes compelled Mrs. Byron Gordon and her husband to retire to France. At the beginning of 1788 she had returned to London, and on January 22, 1788, at 16, Holles Street (since numbered 24, and now destroyed), in the back drawing-room of the first floor, gave birth to her only child, George Gordon, afterwards sixth Lord Byron. Hanson gives the names of the nurse, Mrs. Mills, the man-midwife, Mr. Combe, the doctor, Dr. Denman, who attended Mrs. Byron at her confinement. Dallas was, therefore, mistaken in his supposition that the poet was born at Dover. The child was baptized in London on February 29, 1788, as is proved by the register of the parish of Marylebone.

Shortly after the birth of her son, Mrs. Byron settled in Aberdeen, where she lived for upwards of eight years. During her stay there, in the summer of 1791, her husband died at Valenciennes. In the year 1794, by the death of his cousin William John Byron (1772-94) from a wound received at the siege of Calvi, in Corsica, her son became the heir to his great-uncle, the "wicked Lord Byron" (William, fifth Lord Byron, 1722-98), and a solicitor named Hanson was appointed to protect the boy's interests. From Aberdeen Mrs. Byron kept up a correspondence with her sister-in-law, Frances Leigh (née Byron), wife of General Charles Leigh, to whom, in a letter, dated March 27, 1791, she speaks of her son as "very well, and really a charming boy." Writing again to Mrs. Leigh, December 8, 1794, she says, "I think myself much obliged to you for being so interested for George; you may be sure I would do anything I could for my son, but I really don't see what can be done for him in that case. You say you are afraid Lord B. will dispose of the estates that are left, if he can; if he has it in his power, nobody can prevent him from


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 Kingdom, Mediterranean, and British North America in 1889.

McGrigor married, 23 June 1810, Mary, youngest daughter of Duncan Grant of Lingeistone, Morayshire—sister of his old friend Lewis Grant (afterwards Sir Lewis Grant, M.D.), of Brigadier-general (1780-1829) [q. v.}, and of Colonel Alexander Grant, C.B., Madras army—by whom he had three sons and one daughter.

Among the many portraits of McGrigor, one by Sir David Wilkie is in the officers' mess at Netley Hospital, and another by William Dyce, R.A., is in the hall of Marischal College. A memorial in the college quadrangle is 'erected near the place of his education and the scenes of his youth.'

 McGRIGOR, JAMES (1819–1863), lieutenant-colonel in the Indian army, son of Charles McGrigor or McGregor, who retired from the service as lieutenant-colonel 70th foot, and died barrackmaster at Nottingham in 1841 (see Gent Mag. 1841, pt. ii. p. 93), and nephew of Sir, bart., M.D. [q. v.], was born in 1819, educated at the East India Company's military academy at Addiscombe, and in 1834 received a Bombay infantry cadetship. On 24 Feb. 1835 he was appointed ensign in the late 21st Bombay native infantry, in which he became lieutenant 18 July 1839 and captain 24 Jan. 1845. As a lieutenant he served under Sir [q. v.] in the Sind campaigns, and for a time was adjutant of the Guzerat irregular horse. He became brevet-major 28 Nov. 1854. In September 1857 McGrigor, still a captain and brevet-major, was in command of the 218t Bombay infantry at Karachi. The Indian mutiny was at its height, and Bartle Frere had just sent away every available European and Balooch soldier either to Multan or the South Maratha country [see under ]. Only 147 Europeans remained at the station in addition to the native garrison. Shortly before 11 on 16 Sept. 1857 McGrigor was warned by two faithful native officers that a mutiny of the regiment and a massacre of Europeans was arranged for twelve o'clock the same night. Mrs. McGrigor at once most courageously decided to leave her husband's hands free by making her way alone to a place of comparative safety. Snatching a couple of sheets from the bed and wrapping them round her, in the guise of an ayah sue escaped unmolested. McGrigor hurried to the authorities, and a troop of the Bombay European horse artillery, under Colonel (afterwards Lieutenant-general) Sir George Hutt [see under ], galloped down to the 21st lines, arriving a few minutes before the time appointed for the outbreak. When, on the stroke of midnight, McGrigor ordered the 'assembly' to sound, the regiment found itself confronted by the battery, with guns loaded and ready for action. In answer to a short but forcible appeal from McGrigor the 21st laid down their arms, which were removed on the artillery wagons. The regiment was disbanded, and some of the ring-leaders, who had fled, were brought back by the Sind police, tried by a court-martial of native officers, and executed, not one escaping. McGrigor received the thanks of the government, and on 20 July 1858 was appointed major of the (late) 30th Bombay native infantry, one of the new regiments then raised in Sind. On 1 Jan. 1862 he was promoted to lieutenant-colonel of the 15th Bombay native infantry. He had been stationed for some months with his battalion at Aden, passing much of his time on shooting excursions in Arabia, when he was accidentally drowned while bathing, on 28 June 1863.

McGrigor married a sister of Lieutenant-general Graeme Alexander Lockhart of Castlehill, Lanarkshire, and late of the 78th highlanders.

 MACGUIRE. [See .]  MACHABE, JOHN (d. 1557), Scottish reformer. [See .]  MACHADO, ROGER (d. 1511?), diplomatist and Clarenceux king of arms, was probably born in the south of France. The employment in his letters of a Spanish patois gives colour to the suggestion. On the other hand his association with Henry of Richmond for some years before he came to the throne has given rise to the conjecture that Machado came from Brittany. He was present at Ed-


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  IV's funeral in March 1483, and in the same year was at Calais in the suite of one William Rosse, appointed by Richard III to supervise the victualling of that town. At the time he was Leicester herald (Letters and Papers Richard III and Henry VII, ed. Gairdner, i. 9), but shortly afterwards he entered the service of, first marquis of Dorset [q. v.], who employed him in various confidential missions, probably with the object of promoting Richmond's interests. After Henry VII's accession, Machado was known as Richmond herald, uniting with this office that of Norroy king of arms (Rerum Brit. Med. Script, ed. Gairdner, pp. xl, xli). Thenceforth he was repeatedly employed on diplomatic missions on the continent. In 1488-9 he went to Spain and Portugal, filling on the occasion a very subordinate position in the embassy. In June and August 1490 he was sent to Brittany with Sir Robert Clifford. On 24 Jan. 1494 he was promoted to be Clarenceux king of arms, and Henry offered to make him Garter king of arms, but Machado declined the dignity on the ground of insufficient acquaintance with the English language, 'for this modesty Henry obliged Sir Thomas Wriothesley (the new Garter king) to give him a pension of twenty marks' (, Hist. College of Arms, p. 111), and continual bickerings between Wriothesley and Machado followed concerning the limits of their respective provinces. On 10 Aug. of the same year (1494) he was despatched to Charles VIII of France on business connected with that monarch's offer of help to Henry in case Maximilian supported Perkin Warbeck; Machado was instructed to say 'in regard to that garcon, the king makes no account of him, nor of all his [intrigues?], because he cannot be hurt or annoyed by him' (Cotton MSS. Calig. D. vi. f. 18). He was at the same time to offer Henry's good offices for a settlement of the dispute between Charles and Ferdinand of Spain with regard to the kingdom of Naples. On 17 Nov. Henry gave Machado and John Meautis, 'secretary of the French language, a grant to empower them to import Gascon wines to any port of France, Spain, or Britain, or the countries of any of the sovereigns in alliance with his majesty, not exceeding a certain quantity.' In this grant he is styled 'Roger Machado, alias dictus Richmond, rex armorum de Clarenceux' (, Hist. College of Arms, p. 111). At the beginning of 1495 Machado was again sent to France to obtain information about the state of affairs there, and was to proceed thence to Florence, Venice, and Rome. On 5 March 1496 he was once more in France, being directed to suggest a marriage between the dauphin and the Princess Margaret, and the repayment of Henry's loan to the French king. In an unpublished memoir of Machado by the elder [q. v.] he is said to have visited Denmark on diplomatic affairs in 1502 or 1503. He entertained the French ambassador in London on 9 Jan. 1508 (, Historia Hen. VII, ed. Gairdner, p. 104), and soon afterwards received an annuity of 10l. from the crown, which was increased in Henry VIII's reign to 20l. Noble (Hist. Coll. Arms) says he died in 1516, but 1510 or 1511 is a more probable date, because Thomas Benolt [q. v.], his successor as Clarenceux king of arms, was appointed early in the latter year.

Machado's journals, which have been published in the 'Rerum Brit. Medisevi Scriptores,' vol. x., describe his travels, but do not afford much information respecting the objects of his missions, and throw little light on the diplomatic history of the time. He was a faithful servant to the king, and Henry held him in high esteem.

 MACHALE, JOHN (1791–1881), archbishop of Tuam, fifth son of Patrick MacHale, an innkeeper, and his wife, Mary Mulkieran, was born at Tobbernavine, in the district of Tirawley, co. Mayo, on 6 March 1791, and was baptised in his father's house three days later by Andrew Conry, a priest afterwards hanged in the rebellion of 1798. He received his first education at a small local school in the parish of Leathardan. The instruction was given in Irish, and his grandmother objected to his learning the English alphabet. He went to school barefooted, and there is a story well known in Connaught that when he was an archbishop he one day reproved a parish priest for driving an unshod horse along the road. 'My lord,' said the priest, 'neither you nor I had a shoe to our foot till we were twice his age.' In 1807 he was sent to the college of Maynooth, and in 1814, after his ordination as priest, was appointed lecturer on theology there on 30 Aug. On 29 Jan. 1820 he published the first of a series of letters, signed 'Hierophilos,' against the education together of Roman catholics and protestants. He was appointed bishop of Maronia in partibus infidelium on 8 March 1825, was consecrated on 6 June, and pro-


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6 selling them; if he has not, no one will buy them from him. You know Lord Byron. Do you think he will do anything for George, or be at any expense to give him a proper education; or, if he wish to do it, is his present fortune such a one that he could spare anything out of it? You know how poor I am, not that I mean to ask him to do anything for him, that is to say, to be of any expense on his account." If any application was made to the boy's great-uncle, it was unsuccessful. On May 19, 1798, Lord Byron died, and Hanson informed Mrs. Byron that her son had succeeded to the title and estates. At the end of the summer of that year, the little Lord Byron, with his mother and the nurse May Gray, reached Newstead, and, within a few weeks from their arrival, his first letter was written. His letters to his mother, it may be observed, are always addressed to "the Honourable Mrs. Byron," a title to which she had no claim.

I.—To Mrs. Parker. Newstead Abbey, Nov, 8th, 1798.

,—My Mamma being unable to write herself desires I will let you know that the potatoes are


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 to undertake the duties of coadjutor bishop of Killala, being at the same time presented to the parish of Crossmolina. In 1831 he wrote to Lord Grey on the state of Ireland, and proposed denominational education, abolition of tithes, tenant right, and repeal as remedies for its disturbed condition. In November 1831 he visited Rome, and preached at the church of Gesù e Maria, and on 17 March 1832 in St. Isidore's on St. Patrick. In spite of opposition on the part of the government he was made archbishop of Tuam in 1834, and in that position consistently upheld the views he had always expressed in opposition to mixed schools and colleges, nor did the assent of three archbishops and fifteen bishops to the scheme for creating national schools alter his conduct in the matter. His command of the Irish language and the vehemence of his eloquence added to the influence which his inflexible devotion to his principles would of itself have obtained for him. Another characteristic which increased his popularity with a large section of the nation was his honest, unalterable aversion to everything English. 'Buadh agus treis ig clainne Gaedhel ar clainne GalT (victory and success to the Irish race over the English race) was an Irish saying often in his mouth and always in his thoughts. He became the most popular public man after O'Connell, who called him 'the lion of St. Jarlath's,' a sobriquet which he liked to retain. St. Jarlath's was his college and residence and cathedral in Tuam.

The appointment in 1835, through his influence, of Dr. O'Finan as bishop of Killala led to a controversy between MacHale and this bishop on the subject of certain ecclesiastical dues. Dean Lyons of Killala supported the bishop, and after the English government and nation, he and Cardinal Barnabo, prefect of the Propaganda, were regarded through life by the archbishop as the deadliest of his enemies. He was victorious, and Bishop O'Finan, a Dominican, had to retire into a monastery of his order in Rome. MacHale had a newspaper controversy with Lords Clifford and Shrewsbury on education in 1835, and in general thought the English Roman catholics not thorough enough; but he admired [q. v.], who on his part had a kindness for the uncompromising archbishop. When Newman came to Ireland, MacHale openly opposed him, on the ground that an Englishman was not wanted in a university in Dublin, and he quarrelled with [q. v.] about the catholic university. They continued to be opponents throughout life. In 1854 he visited Rome for the second time, and presented to the pope a poem in Irish on 'The Immaculate Conception,' and a translation of it into English verse, but the visit ended in a serious disagreement with Barnabo. MacHale returned to his province, beyond which his ecclesiastical influence gradually diminished as that of Cullen grew. The Connaught men, however, understood him, admired his preaching, shared his prejudices, and sought his blessing. He translated the Pentateuch into Irish, as part of 'An Irish Translation of the Holy Bible,' Dublin, 1861, and prepared a diocesan catechism in the same language, as well as a devotional work, 'Craobh Urnaighe Craibhthighe,' Dublin, 1866. In 1841 he published an Irish translation of several of Moore's Melodies;' a new edition appeared in 1871. In 1844 he issued a translation of the first book of the 'Iliad into Irish verse; the second appeared in 1846. The preface to the third book, which was published in 1851, gives his views on the famine: 'I cannot help thinking that were the people of Ireland not Catholics, the [prime] Minister would not have suffered them to perish from the land in such numbers.' The fourth book was issued in 1857, the fifth and sixth in 1860, the seventh in 1869, and the eighth, which concluded his translation, in 1871. The translations of the 'Melodies' and the 'Homer' are often ingenious, and show a thorough knowledge of the vernacular of Connaught, but very little acquaintance with Irish poetry, or conformity to its measures. A short poem on 'Grania Waale' in Irish, with an English verse translation, is printed (p. 407) in Monsignor 0'Reilly[s 'Life' of MacHale. In 1854 he published in Irish 'Toras na Croiche' ('The Way of the Cross') of St. Alfonso Liguori. His occasional letters, sometimes printed in newspapers, were numerous, and he published in 1825 one theological book in English, 'The Evidences and Doctrine of the Catholic Church.' He is said to have copied out long passages of Gibbon, in order to acquire a good English prose style suitable for this work, but he never attained this, and most of his English writings are turgid and violent, without being forcible. Where, however, he has expressed himself in Irish prose, his sentences are idiomatic and to the point. He died on 7 Nov. 1881 at Tuam, and was there buried. He was a tall man, with well-marked features, rose early, and was capable of much physical exertion. When he travelled he always conversed in Irish with the ecclesiastic who attended him. [The Rev. Bernard O'Reilly's John MacHale, Archbishop of Tuam, his Life and Correspondence, 2 vols. New York, 1890. This biography


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1799.] now ready and you are welcome to them whenever you please.

She begs you will ask Mrs. Parkyns if she would wish the poney to go round by Nottingham or to go home the nearest way as it is now quite well but too small to carry me.

I have sent a young Rabbit which I beg Miss Frances will accept off and which I promised to send before. My Mamma desires her best compliments to you all in which I join.

I am, Dear Aunt, yours sincerely,

.

I hope you will excuse all blunders as it is the first letter I ever wrote.

2.—To his Mother.

Nottingham, 13 March, 1799.

,—I am very glad to hear you are well. I am so myself, thank God; upon my word I did not expect so long a Letter from you; however I will answer it as well as I can. Mrs. Parkyns and the rest are well and are much obliged to you for the present. Mr. Rogers


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Mackay MACKAY, DONALD, of Far, first (1591–1649), eldest son of Houcheon or Hugh Mackay of Far (now Farr), Sutherlandshlre, by Lady Jean Gordon, eldest daughter of Alexander, eleventh earl of Sutherland, was born in March 1590-1. He represented the elder branch of the Clan Mackay, styled in Gaelic the Siol Mhorgan, or race of Mhorgan, and descended from Morgan, son of Martin, who fought under Bruce. The name Mackay is derived from Morgan's gjreat grandson, Donald Macaodh or Mackaoi (son of Hugh), killed by the Earl of Sutherland in the castle of Dingwall in 1395. Among the more famous of the chiefs of the clan was Y-Mackay (d. 1571), grandfather of Donald of Far, who during the reign of Mary Stuart caused much trouble to the Scottish government, and lived in almost continual feud with the Earl of Sutherland.

In June 1610 Donald Mackay of Far was appointed justice of peace for Inverness and Cromarty (Reg. P. C. Scotl. ix. 79), and on 12 Nov. 1612 justice of peace for Sutherland (ib. p. 488). In the same year he and John Goraon of Embo received a commission from the king for arresting in Thurso a notorious coiner, Arthur Smith, in the employment of the Earl of Caithness [see Sinclair, George, fifth Earl of Caithness]. While endeavouring to rescue Smith after his arrest, James Sinclair, a nephew of the Earl of Caithness, was slain, and the captors of Smith deemed it also necessary to put him to death to prevent his escape. The Earl of Caithness summoned the captors to answer for their conduct, but, to prevent criminal proceedings against himself, the prosecution was not persevered in, and in December 1613 Mackay and others obtained remission of all charges against them. On the 9th of the same month a commission of fire and sword was given to Mackay, along with George Gordon, first marquis of Huntlv [q. v.], and others, against Cameron of Lochiel (ib. x. 186). Mackay succeeded his father as head of the clan, 11 Sept. 1614. In April 1616 he accompanied his uncle, Sir Robert Gordon, to London, and was knighted at Theobalds by King James, but the creation is not recorded in any published list of knights. In 1618 he abandoned his alliance with his relatives of the house of Sutherland, and joined their rivals, the Sinclairs of Caithness, with whom he entered into a league against the Clan Gunn, but soon afterwards he became reconciled to the Sutherland family, and in 1622 was named one of a commission for prosecuting the Earl of Caithness with fire and sword.

On 30 March 1626 Mackay obtained a commission from Charles I to levy and transport three thousand men to aid Count Mansfeld in the war in Germany. They embarked from Cromarty in October, but he was prevented by sickness from accompanying them. Before setting out to join them in the following spring he was, on 18 March, created a baronet by Charles I. Finding, on his arrival in Germany, that Count Mansfeld had died, he transferred his services to the king of Denmark. Under his command the regiment bore itself so gallantly in numerous actions as to earn the title of 'the invincible regiment.' Ultimately the Danish troops were compelled to retire before the superior number of the imperialists, and when they were intercepted at the pass of Oldenburg the regiment of Mackay, with extraordinary courage and pertinacity, succeeded for a long time in holding the pass against superior numbers. In January 1628 Mackay returned to Scotland to secure recruits, and on his way thither through England he was, in recognition of his distinguished services in Denmark, raised to the peerage on 20 June by the title of Lord Reay, to him and his heirs male for ever, bearing the name and arms of Mackay. After his return to Denmark his regiment was ordered to the defence of Stralsund, where it gained additional fame by the repulse of an attack made upon its position by the enemy in full force. On the cessation of hostilities in 1629 Reay transferred the services of the regiment to Gustavus Adolphus of Sweden. On 22 May a warrant was given by Charles I to pay him 4,000l., of which 3,000l. had been assigned him by the king of Denmark for the important aid rendered by his regiment in the German wars (Cal. State Papers, Dom. Ser. 1628-9, p. 555).

The regiment of Reay was said to be the favourite one of Gustavus, who usually employed it in the most dangerous and critical enterprises. At the battle of Leipzig, 7 Sept. 1631, its steady and determined fire, followed by a hand-to-hand fight, finally turned the day against Tilly. It also carried the castle of Marienburg, thought to be impregnable, by storm, after two hours' desperate fighting. Before the battle of Lutzen, 16 Nov. 1633, at which Gustavus was killed, the Mackays were employed in the storming of New Brandenburg, where half the regiment was cut to pieces, and at the conclusion of the battle only about one tenth of it remained effective.

In the beginning of 1631 Reay had been authorised by Gustavus to arrange with James Hamilton, third marquis of Hamilton [q. v.], as to the conditions on which the marquis should levy a large force for his ser-


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Mackay vice (Hist. MSS. Comm. 11th Rep. App. pt. vi. pp. 70-1). He was shortly afterwards sent to England with letters to Charles I, thanking him for his aid to Hamilton, and requesting the loan of ships for the transport of the marquis's forces (ib.) After his arrival in England Reay, however, stated that Hamilton's real purpose in levying the forces was to usurp the throne of Charles in Scotland, and named as his informer David Ramsay, an officer in Hamilton's service. Ramsay denied the language attributed to him, and Reay challenged him to single combat. The matter was brought before a court of chivalry, which appointed the combat to take place in Tothill Fields, Westminster, on 12 April, Robert Bertie, first earl of Lindsey [q. v.], to act as high constable, and Thomas Howard, second earl of Arundel [q. v.], as earl marischal ('Proceedings in the Court of Chivalry on an Appeal of High Treason by Donald, Lord Reay, against Mr. David Ramsay, 7th Charles I, a.d. 1631,' in Historical Collections, ii. 112-28, and State Trials, iii. 486-519). The day of combat was prorogued by the king from 18 April to 17 May, and at a reassembly of the court on 12 May it was intimated to both parties that, as the king was of opinion that neither of them was without fault, though not guilty of treason, it was decreed by the court that they should be committed to the Tower until they gave sufficient caution to keep the peace (ib.) Reay was reported, in 1638, to be a supporter of the ecclesiastical policy of the king (, Scots Affairs, i. 61). Nevertheless he was one of the commissioners sent by the kirk party in that year to obtain the subscription of the northern burghs and counties to the covenant (, Memorialls, i. 87). For a time nis attitude was very dubious. In April 1639 a bark containing arms and ammunition on its way to him at Strathnaver was captured by the Earl Marischal at Peterhead, on the plea that he was 'not ane good covenanter' (ib. p. 164). In May, however, he joined for a short time the covenanters of the north (ib. p. 194).

Reay does not appear to have taken further part in the northern contest, and on 17 July 1643 he embarked at Aberdeen for Denmark (ib. ii. 259), where he remained for twelve months in command of a regiment of which his son Angus was colonel. In 1644 he arrived from Denmark with ships and arms and a large sum of money, for the service of Charles I at Newcastle. Along with Ludovic Lindsay, sixteenth earl of Crawford [q. v.], he defended the town with great gallantry against the Scots, under Leslie (, Britane's Distemper, Spalding Club, pp. 50, 118}, and on its capture on 12 Oct. 1644 was taken prisoner and confined in the castle of Edinburgh. After the victory of Montrose at Kilsyth in August 1645 he and other royalist prisoners in the castle were set free. In 1646 he was appointed one of a commission to aid in the pursuit of Neil Macleod of Assynt [q. v.] 'The capitulation of Montrose on 3 Sept. of this year again rendered his position insecure, and in July 1648 he took ship for Denmark, where he died in February 1649. His body was brought thence to Scotland, and buried at Kirkiboll in the vault of the family. Reay married five times, and left issue by each wife. By his first wife, Barbara Mackenzie, eldest daughter of Kenneth, lord Kintail, and sister of the first and second earls of Seaforth, he had four sons and two daughters. By his second wife, Lady Mary-Lindsay, daughter of the Earl of Crawford, he had a son, Donald of Dysart. By his third wife, Rachel Winterfield or Harrison, he had two sons, Robert Mackay Forbes and Hugh Muir Forbes. Of this marriage he obtained a sentence of nullity, and he married as his fourth wife Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Thomson of Greenwich, by whom he had a daughter, Anne, married to Alexander, brother of Sir James Macdonald of Sleat. The judge delegates of London having declared the validity of the marriage to Rachel interfield, she appeared in Scotland in 1637, to press for an aliment of 2,000l. and 300l. a year during non-adherence. By his fifth wife, Mary, daughter of Francis Sinclair of Stircoke, he had three sons and two daughters.

, second (fl. 1650), the son by the first lord's first wife, took part in a royalist insurrection in the north in 1649; being defeated by David Leslie was sent prisoner to the Tolbooth; afterwards joined the royalists under Glencairn in 1654, and was taken prisoner at Balveny. By his second wife, Barbara, daughter of Hugh Mackay of Scourie, he was father of Donald, whose son George, third baron Reay (d. 1748), was distinguished as a supporter of the Hanoverians in 1715, 1719, and 1745, and was a fellow of the Royal Society, London. The second lord's second son, Æneas, was brigadier-general and colonel-proprietor of the Mackay Dutch regiment in the service of the States-General, and marrying in 1692 Baroness Margaret, daughter of Lieutenant-colonel Baron Francis Piickler, became naturalised in Holland. His great-grandson, Baron Barthold John Christian, was father, by his wife Ann Magdalen, baroness de Renesse de Wilp, of Æneas,


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Mackay baron Mackay d'Ophemert, born 18 Jan. 1806, who succeeded to the barony of Reay as tenth lord in 1875, on the death of his cousin Eric, ninth baron, a descendant of George, the third lord Reay. The tenth lord was minister of state in the Netherlands, and vice-president of the privy council there. He died 6 March 1876. He married Mary Catherine Jacoba, daughter of Baron Fagel, privy councillor of the Netherlands, and was succeeded as eleventh lord Reay by his son Donald James, who resumed residence in England, and was governor of Bombay (1885-90).

 MACKAY, HUGH (1640?–1692), of Scourie, general, third son of Hugh Mackay of Scourie, Sutherlandshire—descended from Hugh Mackay, third of Strathnaver, chief of the clan Mackay—by Anne, daughter of John Corbet of Arkbole or Arbole, Ross-shire, was born at Scourie about 1640. After the Restoration, in 1660, he became ensign in Douglas's or Dumbarton's regiment, subsequently the royal Scots, and when the regiment was lent by Charles II to the French king, Mackay accompanied it to France. On his return to England in 1664 he was presented at court, and obtained from Charles an open letter, dated Whitehall, 20 Aug., recommending him to the favour of any to whom he might show it. By means of it he obtained an introduction to the Prince of Conde and the Viscount Turenne.

Although—through the deaths of his two elder brothers, who were murdered in Caithness—Mackay, on the death of his father in 1668, succeeded to the family estates, he continued to reside abroad. In 1669, along with other reduced officers, he volunteered into the service of the Venetian republic, to assist in driving the Turks from the island of Candia, and in acknowledgment of his valour received a medal. In 1672 he obtained a captaincy in Dumbarton's regiment, with which he served under Turenne in the expedition against the United Provinces, when John Churchill, afterwards Duke of Marlborough [q. v.], was a fellow-officer. While quartered in the town of Bonmel in Gueldres, in the house of a Dutch lady, the wife of the Chevalier de Bie, he fell in love with her eldest daughter Clara, whom in 1673 he married. The pious beliefs of the family made a deep impression on his character. 'He was,' says Burnet, 'the most pious man that I ever knew in a military way' (Own Time, ed. 1838, p. 540). That he had fought in an unjust cause now gave him serious concern, and his natural sympathies being also with the Dutch, he transferred his services to the States-General, obtaining a captaincy in the Scots Dutch brigade. He distinguished himself at the battle of Sineff in 1674, and also at the siege of Grave, which capitulated on 24 Oct. of the same year. Subsequently he was promoted to the rank of major-commandant. In 1677 he was appointed colonel of one of the Scots regiments, but whether this was, as his biographer states, in preference to his future adversary, John Graham of Claverhouse [q. v.], is doubtful. In 1680 he was made colonel of the regiment, and when, in 1685, the brigade was called over to England by James II to assist in subduing the Monmouth rising, he was appointed to its command, obtaining on 4 June the rank of major-general. The services of the brigade were not required, but Mackay, in recognition of the promptitude of its despatch, was made a privy councillor of Scotland. He went north to Edinburgh to take the oath and his seat, but returned to London without visiting his estates. After the brigade had been reviewed by James II on Hounslow Heath, he set sail with it for Holland. In 1687 James II proposed to transfer the brigade to the service of France, but the proposal was evaded by the Prince of Orange, and when, on 27 Jan. 1688, James demanded its recall, it was decided to retain the privates, the officers being permitted to follow their own inclinations. The majority of them, including Mackay, the commander, elected to remain. The decision of Mackay doubtless powerfully affected subsequent events. It necessarily also provoked the strong resentment of King James, and Mackay figured among those who were afterwards specially exempted from pardon.

In the expedition of the Prince of Orange to England Mackay had command of the English and Scots division, which was the first sent on shore after the Dutch fleet made the harbour of Torbay. On 4 Jan. 1689 he was appointed by William major-general and commander-in-chief of the forces in Scotland, and after his recovery from a severe illness sailed for Leith, which he reached on 25 March 1689. His forces consisted of the old Scots Dutch brigade, reduced to eleven hundred men by the omission of all the Dutch soldiers,


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Mackay the intention being to fill up the ranks with Scottish recruits. The immediate purpose of its despatch was to protect the sittings of the convention at Edinburgh, but the movements of Claverhouse in the highlands widened the scope of his mission, and necessitated a general levy. Claverhouse having on 30 March been proclaimed a traitor, Mackay was sent north in his pursuit. Having appointed the town of Dundee as the rendezvous for his troops, he hastened after Claverhouse with four hundred men, but was completely baffled in his attempt to track him. He then occupied Elgin, and subsequently Inverness, where he was joined by about four hundred clansmen from the far north. The Campbells were also, of course, with the government, but this fact was of itself sufficient to prevent the adhesion of the other clans, and all Mackay's endeavours to gain them were fruitless, even Athole declining to commit himself. Reinforcements under Ramsay, sent to meet Mackay at Ruthven Castle, on the Spey, were threatened by Claverhouse, and compelled to fall back on Perth, and, as a further precaution, Claverhouse captured Ruthven Castle and razed it to the ground. He also made an attempt to surprise Mackay, who eluded him by marching down Strathspey, and succeeded in effecting a junction with Ramsay. Having grounds for suspecting that Claverhouse in his movements had been guided by information sent him by some of the dragoon officers, Mackay had them arrested and sent to Edinburgh, where they confessed their guilt. With his reinforcements Mackay now retraced his steps, prepared to give battle, but Claverhouse retired to the mountains, leaving Mackay to march safely but to no purpose to Inverness.

Experience now convinced Mackay of the hopelessness in the highlands of the usual methods of warfare. He therefore recommended the establishment of a chain of fortresses in the central highlands, beginning at Inverlochy Castle, originally erected by Monck, which he proposed to strengthen and garrison with a large force. Leaving a portion of his troops to hold Inverness, he meanwhile returned with the remainder to the south, in order to consult with the government regarding his plans, and to collect a sufficiently formidable force. Slow progress was made in his preparations, and they were still far from complete when the intrigues of Dundee in Atholl pointed to the necessity of seizing Blair Castle. It was garrisoned by a portion of the clan under Stewart of Ballochin, who, as factor for the absent marquis, held it in his name, but without his authority, for Claverhouse. Mackay, on 26 July 1689, set out from Perth with, according to his own account, 'six battalions of foot, making at the most three thousand men, with four troops of horse and as many dragoons' (Memoirs, p. 46). Of this force he also states that 'little more than one half could be said to be disciplined,' and that many of the officers had no military experience. On arriving, at midnight, at Dunkeld, an express reached him from Lord Murray announcing the arrival of a part of Dundee's forces at Blair, and his own consequent retirement to Killiecrankie, where he had posted a guard to keep the head of the pass. Resuming his march at daybreak, Mackay passed safely through the pass, only to deliver his army into the hands of Claverhouse. He made the fatal mistake of underrating his adversary, and by drawing up his forces in a thin, extended line gave Claverhouse the best chance of victory. He himself attributed his defeat to the slowness of his men in fixing bayonets, and this led him to invent the plan of firing with the fixed bayonet (ib. p. 62). In no respect did his presence of mind desert him, but his initial mistake was irretrievable, and his generalship found no further opportunity for its exercise, the battle being decided at the first charge. He did make an attempt to rally a portion of his cavalry, but they also became almost immediately infected with panic, and galloped off in wild disorder. Cutting his way through the crowd of attacking highlanders, Mackay 'turned about to see how matters stood,' and found that 'in the twinkling of an eye in a manner, our men, as well as the enemy, were out of sight,' and 'was surprised to see at first view himself alone upon the field' (ib. p. 57). But on looking further to the right he discovered that a small portion of his troops, who had not come within the sweep of the highland attack, still maintained their position, and with these, and various bodies of stragglers, he retreated across the Garry. Ultimately he determined to strike across the hilly country, towards the valley of the Tay and Stirling. Two miles from the battlefield he fell in with a portion of Ramsay's regiment, under their commander, but almost without arms, and completely panic-struck. The retreat was continued all night, and, with short halts at Weem and Drummond Castles for refreshments, Stirling was reached, after an almost continuous march of sixty hours.

In the lowlands the death of Claverhouse destroyed much of the moral effect of his victory, but it was not so in the highlands, for all the doubtful clans now flocked to the standard of King James, and Cannon, the successor of Claverhouse, found himself almost immediately in command of no less


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 appear to me as contrary to the laws of illusion as painted statues.”

“I participate in your opinion,” replied Ferdinand; “for the remembrance of a terrible impression produced on my mind when young, by a portrait of that sort, will never be effaced.”

“O! pray relate it to us,” said the young lady with flaxen hair, who had not as yet quitted the low chair; “you are obliged according to promise to take my place.” She instantly arose, and jokingly forced Ferdinand to change seats with her.

“This history,” said he, “will resemble a little too much the one you have just related; permit me therefore ”

“That does not signify,” resumed the mistress of the house, “one is never weary with recitals of this kind; and the greater repugnance I feel in looking at these horrible portraits, the greater is the pleasure I take in listening to histories of their eyes or feet being seen to move.”

“But seriously,” replied Ferdinand, who would fain have retracted his promise, “my history is too horrible for so fine an evening. I confess to you that I cannot think of it without shuddering, although several years have elapsed since it happened.”

“So much the better, so much the better!” cried nearly all present; “how you excite our

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Mackay than five thousand men. On the other hand, Mackay, in the measures he took to minimise or retrieve disaster, displayed admirable promptitude. Within two days of reaching Stirling he was in command of two thousand foot and horse, and with these he at once marched towards Perth, to protect it against the enemy, and prevent their march southwards. Near the city he routed three hundred of the Robertsons sent forward to collect supplies (31 July 1689). His bold attitude paralysed Cannon's resolution, who, against the advice of Lochiel and other chiefs, withdrew northwards along the slopes of the Grampians, with the apparent intention of occupying Aberdeen. In this he was frustrated by Mackay, who, keeping a parallel course along the low ground, stayed a night at Aberdeen, and then followed Cannon into the territory of the Gordons. Near Strathbogie the two armies were within six miles of each other, but Cannon avoided battle by retreating towards Atholl, where, learning that Dunkeld was occupied by a single regi- ment of Cameronians, under Cleland [see {sc|Cleland, William}}, 1661 ?-1689], he determined to risk an attempt to capture it. The remarkable feat of the Cameronians in baffling the attempt practically decided the campaign. Cannon's aimless wanderings had already excited the contempt of his highland followers, who now retired to their homes and left him to his fate. With his Irish troops Cannon withdrew to Mull. Mackay, after reaching Perth, proceeded to Blair Castle, to receive its surrender and the submission of the Stewarts (24 Aug.)

In 1690 Mackay commenced the erection of the stronghold at Inverlochy, which, in honour of the king, was named Fort William, and after suppressing a rising in the north under Major-general Buchan [see ], who had been sent from Ireland to succeed Cannon, he, in November 1690, laid down his command, and, accompanying the king to the Hague, spent the winter with his family in Holland. He assisted the king in arranging the measures for the campaign of 1691 in Flanders, but was himself sent to Ireland as second in command to General Ginkel [q. v.] He headed the fifteen hundred grenadiers who on 30 June 1691 achieved the brilliant feat of carrying Irishtown by assault, after crossing the deep and rapid ford of the Shannon. At the battle of Aughrim, on 12 July, he performed an equally remarkable exploit by leading the cavalry across an almost impassable bog, on which he succeeded in making a pathway of hurdles. He turned the flank of the Irish army, and was thus chiefly instrumental in winning the victory. After the capitulation of Limerick on 3 Oct. he returned to Holland. In 1692 he was sent, with the rank of lieutenant-general, to command the British division of the grand army in Flanders. At the battle of Steinkirk, 24 July 1692, he led the attack, and after a desperate struggle drove back the Swiss with great slaughter. To avert disaster the French household troops were sent to their support. Mackay, discerning his imminent danger, asked for immediate reinforcements, without which, he affirmed, he could not hold his position. He was commanded to hold it, but reinforcements were denied him. 'The will of the Lord be done,' he exclaimed, on receiving the fatal message. He was slain, along with the greater part of his division.

His defeat at Killiecrankie has possibly unduly tarnished Mackay's reputation ; but during his highland campaign, when he held independent command, he on no occasion appeared to very much advantage. The victory at Dunkeld was gained by Cleland, and the victory of Cromdale by Livingstone. There is no evidence that he could have coped on anything like equal terms with Dundee, who, had he survived Killiecrankie, would probably have soon had all Scotland at his mercy. Yet Mackay continued to enjoy the full confidence and respect of King William, and his subsequent achievements also show that if lack of initiative unfitted him for supreme command, he had few or no superiors as a general of division. His conscientiousness, single-mindedness, and unfailing self-possession atoned to some extent for his lack of military genius. ' The king/ says Burnet, 'often observed that when he had full leisure for his devotions he acted with a peculiar exaltation of courage. He had one very singular quality : in councils of war he delivered his opinion freely, and maintained it with due zeal, but how positive soever he was in it, if the council of war overruled, even though he was not convinced by it, yet to all others he justified it, and executed his part with the same zeal as if his own opinion had prevailed ' (Own Time, 1838 ed. p. 582).

Mackay had an only son, Hugh, major of his father's regiment, who was killed at Cambray in 1708, and three daughters, of whom Margaret was married to George, third lord Reay. The descendants in the male line became extinct in 1775. A portrait of Mackay from a painting in possession of Lord Reay is prefixed to his ' Memoirs ' and to his ' Life.' Mackay was the author of ' Rules of War for the Infantry, ordered to be observed by their Majesties, Subjects encountring with