text:
Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Evangelical Church

Evangelical Church (in ).— The sixteenth-century Reformers accused the Catholic Church of having adulterated the primitive purity of the Gospel by the admixture of un-Scriptural doctrines and practices; consequently they designated themselves as "Evangelicals", or followers of the pure Evangel, in contradistinction to the un-evangelical followers of Roman traditions and institutions. Almost from the beginning the new Evangelical Church was split, first into two communions, the Lutheran and the Reformed, then into a multitude of sects which baffles the skill of statisticians. The cleavage arose through differences in the doctrine of Christ's presence in the Holy Eucharist. Luther taught the actual bodily presence of Christ in and with the elements, though denying Transubstantiation. Zwingli and the Swiss Reformers admitted only His spiritual presence. The Lutheran and the Reformed Churches form the two great branches of Evangelical-Protestantism to which all the other divisions of Protestants are subordinate. The evangelical section of the Anglican Church stands midway between the High Church and the Latitudinarian Low Church. As a proper name with strictly limited meaning the designation "Evangelical Church" applies to a branch of the Protestant Church in Germany, formed in 1817 at the instance of King Frederick William III of Prussia, by a union of the Lutheran and the Reformed Churches.

HISTORY.—At the beginning of the nineteenth century religious life in Germany was at a low ebb. The Rationalism and Illuminism of the eighteenth century, openly encouraged by King Frederick II (the Great), had told severely on the supernatural life of the country, especially among the Protestants. The "rights of man", proclaimed and ruthlessly carried out by the French Revolutionists, had found a welcome beyond the Rhine and well nigh superseded the rights of God. Luther and Calvin, whilst casting off the authority of the Church, had still bowed to that of the Bible, and their followers adhered to several "Confessions of Faith" as binding on their conscience. These formulae were now overthrown as inimical to the rights of free inquiry, as the work of men little versed in exegesis and history, as unscientific and un-Protestant. Religious life, thus deprived of its sap, was rapidly withering away. Indifference and infidelity obliterated the differences among Protestant communities and threatened for a time to sweep away Christianity itself.

The Prussian State, owing its origin, growth, and importance to Protestantism, was not sympathetic to its Catholic subjects. The Rhine Province, Westphalia, and the Polish provinces were ever ready to manifest their affection for the Catholic rulers of Austria and even of France. The House of Hohenzollern was Calvinist, the majority of the nation was Lutheran. Frederick William III, King of Prussia (1797-1840), undertook to strengthen his rule and his country by building up a united religion together with a powerful army, efficient schools, and a flourishing trade. As early as 1798 he had expressed the hope of uniting the Reformed and the Lutheran Churches by means of a common "Agenda", or ritual. He matured the idea on his visit to England in 1814, and made the first arrangement for a union and a new liturgy in St. James's Palace in London. It was proposed to celebrate in Germany the third centennial jubilee of the Reformation, and in anticipation of this festival he issued on September 27, 1817, the memorable declaration that it was the royal wish to unite the separate Lutheran and Reformed Confessions in his dominions into one Evangelical Christian Church, and that he would set an example in his own congregation at Potsdam by joining in a united celebration of the Lord's Supper at the approaching festival of the Reformation. It was not intended to fuse the Reformed Church into the Lutheran, or vice-versa, but to establish one Evangelical Church, quickened with the spirit of the Reformation. The epithet "Protestant" was avoided as too partisan; prominence was given to the vague term evangelical; Lutherans and Calvinists, whilst maintaining their own specific doctrines, were to form a single church under a single government and to present a united front to the Catholic Church.

The execution of the royal plan was entrusted to the provincial consistories, synods, and clergy generally. The Synod of Berlin and nearly all the clergy and laity of Prussia responded cordially to the decree. External union, facilitated by the prevailing religious indifference, was adopted in Nassau and in the Rhenish Palatinate (1818), in Baden (1821), in Rhenish Hesse (1822), in Würtemberg (1827). But Saxony, Hanover, and Bavaria proper were too exclusively Lutheran, while Switzerland was too exclusively Reformed to join the Evangelical Church, and the Austrian Protestants also divided their allegiance between the Helvetic and the Augsburg Confessions. Instead of the former two Protestant bodies in Germany, there were now three: the Reformed Church, the Lutheran, and the united Evangelical. The Reformed was the weakest in numbers; and in doctrine its sole distinctive tenet was the rejection of Luther's teaching concerning the Eucharist. Neither was the Lutheran flourishing; true Lutheranism existed only in the pious aspirations of a few theologians, pastors, and jurists. A union without a uniform confession and liturgy is but a loose mass, unworthy to be called a church. Frederick William, therefore, attempted to consolidate his Evangelical Church by giving it a common liturgy composed by himself with the assistance of the court chaplains and a pious layman. This "Agenda" was made obligatory by royal order for the royal chapel, the cathedral of Berlin, and for the army; its general adoption was only recommended. It met with determined opposition as a measure oppressive of evangelical freedom, antiquated, leaning to "Romanish" practices, unsettling men's consciences. None the less, by 1825 it had been adopted by 5343 churches out of 7782. The Protestant bishops Eylert and Neander in Berlin were in favor of it and of the measures taken to enforce it. In 1828-29 the "Agenda" was issued in a revised form and made binding on all Protestant churches, some concessions being granted to Silesia, Saxony, Pomerania, and other parts of the kingdom, in deference to provincial uses. The Lutherans, fearing the loss of their confessional status, offered increased resistance. But the king was inexorable. Dr. Scheibel, professor in Breslau, and others of the Lutheran clergy who had refused to accept the new liturgy, were suspended from their offices. For several years a fierce persecution raged against the "Old Lutherans", especially in Silesia and the Grand Duchy of Posen. Preacher Hahn headed the troops which were sent to subdue the recusant villagers by seizure of their goods, imprisonment, and all manner of violence. Minister von Altenstein justified these measures on the principle that it was the Government's duty to protect these blind sectarians against the consequences of their own folly. Thousands of the recusants were driven to emigrate to America and Australia. Not a voice was raised in their defense; the whole Liberal press lauded the energy of the Prussian Government. By a royal decree of February 28, 1834, all Lutheran worship was declared illegal.

Frederick William III ruled his Church as summus episco pus, as a pope without a fixed deposit of faith to guard, or a hierarchy Divinely ordained to cooperate with him. The result was arbitrariness in the rule, disorganization in the ruled. The king's first royal decrees aimed at the conciliation of religion with the prevailing rationalistic philosophy, but the misfortunes of the year 1806 and the death of his beloved consort turned his mind more and more to the religion of revelation and mysteries. Considering himself the protector and leader of the Church in Germany he endeavored to raise it from degradation by forcing unity upon it with a strong hand; unity not in dogma, for he disliked theologians "who pretend to be more Christian than Christ", but in liturgy, wherein his sincere piety found sufficient satisfaction. In 1831 he surprised Superintendent Eylert with an essay on the power of the keys and the binding and loosing power in the Church; it contained an attempt to reintroduce auricular confession and the old church discipline. All his efforts, however, only ended in greater division. At his death, in 1840, the Church of his creation was still a chaos of warring sects, irresponsive to the brooding of the royal mind and restive to the royal arm.

Frederick William IV immediately set free the imprisoned Lutheran clergy and allowed the formation of separate congregations. The Old Lutherans now founded a "separate Lutheran Church" at Breslau under the direction of the lawyer Huschke. By the "general concession" of 1845 they were recognized as Dissenters with legal status but without pecuniary support from the State. The new sect was, however, wanting in union and cohesion: Diedrich opposed Huschke and the Oberkirchencollegium (supreme ecclesiastical council); frictions among members were of frequent occurrence. But few of the discontented clergymen had left the established Evangelical Church to join the Old Lutherans; the majority remained at their posts for various reasons: within the Union they had a better opportunity for working its destruction than without; they were unwilling to sacrifice their incomes from the State and consequent independence from the financial support of their parishioners; they feared, in many cases, to be altogether abandoned by indifferent congregations. The defenders of the union argued that its disruption would produce at least five particular churches at war with one another and powerless to withstand the inroads of the Catholic Church; that the union was a Prussian achievement to be supported by all true lovers of Prussia. The theologians of the Union demanded a consensus-symbolum, "an ordination formula in which the consensus of the two Churches was to be contained without depriving the individual congregation of the right of giving a call on the ground of the particular confession" (Gardner, I, 967); others were satisfied with a confederation professing no formulated creed and resting solely on unfettered science. The trend of religious thought during this period, the middle of the nineteenth century, followed the impulse given by the king. Frederick William IV's motto was: "I and my house intend to serve the Lord". He was piously, even pietistically, inclined, hated infidelity and pantheism, cherished the Divine right of kings, and loved to dream of ancient institutions in Church and State. In a short time the Prussian universities, and in their wake the other German universities, except Giessen and Jena, became centers of positive beliefs and tendencies. The king favored men of his own thinking and made known his dislike to transfer the arduous duties of his "supreme episcopate" to free parishes formed on the apostolic model. Theological teaching in schools and press, although starting from the same positive creeds, diverged in two different streams. On the one side there were the partisans of a via media, endeavoring to find the golden mean between the Lutheran Confession of Faith and the Rationalism of the period. On the other side stood the Neo-Lutherans. These theologians held to Luther's doctrine on justification but rejected his invisible Church and universal priesthood; they defended a Divinely ordained hierarchy, and their teaching on sacrifice, orders, and sacraments nearly approached the Roman. This current runs parallel with Puseyism in England; Hengstenberg (d. 1869) was its main support.

The General Synod of Berlin (June 2-August 29, 1846) had given rise to great hopes for the consolidation of the Union. It was resolved that the National Evangelical Church should have no other basis than the "consensus"; that the parish councils (Gemeinde-Presbyterien) and consistories be amalgamated so that clergy and laity might work together; that a standing general synod be added to the standing supreme consistory (Oberconsistorium). The crucial task of the synod was to find an acceptable formula of consensus. Karl Immanuel Nitzsch, of Bonn, set up a profession of faith intended to take the place of the reformed formularies: it consisted of vague Biblical texts into which both Lutherans and Reformed might easily read their particular doctrines or no particular doctrine at all. The synod accepted the formula. But the country received it with scorn and contempt, and it was rejected by everyone. Hengstenberg in his "Kirchenzeitung" branded the synod as a Robber Synod, a denial of Christ; its decrees were not 4.o be executed, because they failed to give expression to "the general Protestant consciousness". The consensus only served to increase existing dissensions. The most vital questions divided the leading minds: Was the territorial ruler by right the summus episco pus within his territory? Was it advisable to impose an evangelical church discipline, and if so, which? What part was to be conceded to laymen in the ministry of the Word and of the sacraments?

The very sterility of controversy turned some practical men from words to works: the "Inner Mission" was originated (1848) by Wicheren, the founder of the Hamburg Rauhes Haus (properly Rage's House, from the name of its former occupant), an institution which covers almost the whole field of Christian charity. The preacher Fliedner (d. 1864) instituted the order of Protestant deaconesses, an imitation of the Catholic Sisters of Charity in the main objects of their life. Court preacher Zimmermann of Darmstadt founded the Gustav-Adolfs-Verein (1841-2), a union whose avowed primary object is to support the evangelical missions in outlying districts (the Diaspora), its secondary object being to bind together all Protestants regardless of denominational differences, and to oppose a solid bulwark to the encroachments of Catholicism. The secondary object caused a split in the Union. At the general assembly in Berlin (1846) the Königsberg preacher Rupp, who had been deprived of his office for breaking away from the Protestant formularies and from the national Church, presented himself as a deputy. On the question of his admission as such the assembly disagreed: Rupp was, however, excluded by a small majority, a distinct breach of the principles of the Union. The meeting of 1847 resolved that henceforth the Union should direct its main efforts to the "conversion of the Roman Catholics", a resolution to which it has remained faithful to this day.

The short-lived movement of the "Protestant Friends", or "Friends of Light", was started in opposition to pietistic orthodoxy which threatened freedom in teaching. Article 3 of the program which they issued from the Moravian settlement at Gnadenau, in 1841, runs: "We hold it to be our right and our duty to submit to the test of our reason whatever is set before us as religion." Ulich, a simple-minded man who had the gift of popular preaching, and Pastor Wislicenus, a downright Rationalist, were the soul of this movement. The Berlin magistrates presented to King Frederick William IV an address conceived in the spirit of the Protestant Friends. They entreated him to grant the Church a free constitution in keeping with the needs of the time, and freedom of teaching limited only by public morality and the safety of the State. The king in person received his theological municipality, who paraded in fourteen state coaches before the royal castle. His pietism was ruffled by the pretensions of the town councillors; in language not over gracious he told them to mind their own business. This happened August 22, 1845; it marks the end of the Protestant Friends but also the beginning of the "Free Communities" (Freie Gemeinden). As formerly the right wing of the Union had seceded to form Neo-Lutheran communities, so now the left wing withdrew to form dissenting rationalistic congregations. Their meetings were prohibited, but Rupp, Ulich, and Wislicenus resisted until by royal decree of March 30, 1847, the new dissenters were allowed to separate from the Established Church without the loss of their civil rights; yet not without many vexatious formalities and expenses. The Free Communities, wanting internal cohesion to resist the royal disfavor and the ceaseless assaults of the dominant pietist clique, came to a speedy end.

The wave of liberal aspirations which rolled over Europe in 1848 left its mark on the Churches in Prussia. Paragraph 15 of the new Constitution read: "The Evangelical, and the Roman Catholic, Church, and every other religious society, orders and manages its own affairs independently (selbststandiq)." The Catholics had the benefit of this law until the beginning of the Kulturkampf, but among the Protestants, the ruling orthodox pietists, led by Hengstenberg, were determined that no freedom should be given to any other party. They evaded the law by a new theory, viz. the king, being the praecipuum membrum ecclesiae, i.e. the chief member of the Church, rules it by an inherent right which no law can take from him; in fact Par. 15 makes the territorial lord quite independent of all State interference with his management of his own Church. The king himself did not favor this extraordinary doctrine. "Do I look like a bishop?" he said, pointing to his uniform and spurs. His ideal was "the small independent Christian community managing its own affairs in the spirit of the universal Church" as in the days of the Apostles. The ideal of his minister von Raumer and of Hengstenberg was to train Prussian Unterthanenverstand, i.e. a mentality fit for people under strict authority: believe in Luther, obey the king, and ask no questions. The alliance of politics, Lutheran orthodoxy and pietism, royal cabinet-orders and counter-orders, general unsettledness and discontent, and five authorized churches instead of one—such was the result of the Union of 1817 in the fourth decade of its existence. Many attempts at a more real and more general union were made on the basis of practical charity, federation, opposition to Catholicism; church conferences were held in Berlin, Wittenberg, Eisenach, and elsewhere; the Gustav-Adolf-Verein and the Inner Mission were founded; the English Evangelical Alliance was invited to Berlin (1857). The result was greater discord and disruption.

William I, who as Regent, King of Prussia, and German Emperor reigned from 1858 to 1888, was an honest, single-minded, and industrious ruler. He had little sympathy with the Constitution and none at all with Hengstenberg's agitation for enforcing Lutheran orthodoxy. He maintained the Constitution as the law of the land. But of the orthodox party he said in an address to his newly constituted ministry:"...In both Churches [Catholic and Protestant] all endeavors to make religion a cloak for politics must be strenuously opposed. In the Evangelical Church—we cannot deny it—an orthodoxy has found a footing which is in contradiction with the fundamental idea of the Union, and which has hypocrites in its train. That orthodoxy has impeded the work of the Union, has almost wrecked it. Now it is my will that the Union be maintained intact. "Until 1866, however, little was done to carry out William's program; it was impossible and unadvisable to dismiss all the clerical office-bearers and professors appointed for their opinions during the last eighteen years. The new minister of worship, von Muehler, was dominated by Queen Augusta, a highly educated woman devoted to orthodoxy, who suggested candidates for higher positions and insisted on their appointment (Hase, Neue Kircheng., 305). By her stood Hengstenberg and Hoffman, a fanatical Swabian. Together they worked for the preservation of the old regime. The Liberal party meanwhile found a common center and a driving power in the Protestantenverein (Protestant Union), founded in 1863 at Frankfort-on-the-Main with the object of defeating both Protestant and Catholic orthodoxy. It spread at first but slowly, as it found little support among the still faithful masses and met with open hostility among the ruling classes. In 1906 it numbered 27,000 members.

After the war with Austria (1866) the acquisition of new territories laid upon William I the task of again regulating the religious situation of his kingdom. The Hengstenberg party proposed a measure which would have dealt the death-blow to the Union, viz. to divide the Supreme Church Council into three senates: a Lutheran, a Reformed, and a United, each with circumscribed territorial jurisdiction. But the Supreme Council refused to take this step and persuaded the king to leave to the new provinces their existing church constitutions as long as they chose to maintain them. This was done. To a deputation from the Hanover Consistory William I expressed his conviction that "the Evangelical Union was best furthered by free and unprejudiced hearts working towards unity in charity." The slight difficulties which arose locally, e.g. in Hesse, were probably due as much to political as to religious sentiments. The political unity of Germany achieved through the Franco-German War (1870-71) naturally aroused a strong desire for religious unity in the new empire. Bismarck started the Kulturkampf to bring the Catholics into line with the Protestant majority, but had to acknowledge himself vanquished in 1886. For the unification of the Protestants in the empire only one way was open: to abolish legal pressure and to allow the various religious bodies to work out their own salvation in their own way. The emperor, however, was loath to dismiss at once the ministers and officials who had so faithfully stood by him in the war; von Muehler retained his post and Empress Augusta her influence; the old system continued for a while with but slight concessions to liberty. The relation between the State and the Evangelical Church was finally fixed by the laws of September 10, 1873, and May 30, 1876. At the head of the whole organization stands the Supreme Ecclesiastical Council (Oberkirchenrat) in Berlin, consisting of twelve regular members, one ecclesiastical vice-president, and a lay president. Under this council are eight provincial consistories, Königsberg, Berlin, Stettin, Breslau, Posen, Magdeburg, Münster, and Coblenz; and under them the superintendents numbering 415. In the Evangelical State Church the two types of Protestantism are united; no distinction is made between Lutheran and Reformed either in the theological faculties or in the seminaries. Luther's Bible is in common use, the various collections of hymns have no denominational character. The emperor, or King of Prussia, is summus episcopus, which, however, is a title rather than an office. In matters of faith the royal pronouncements neither claim, nor are they credited with, infallibility; and matters of administration are left to the councils and consistories elected by the people. The doctrinal status of the United Evangelical Church in Germany may be fitly described as Modernism in the sense of the Encyclical "Pascendi". The simple country folk, who practice more than they think, still follow the religion of older generations, but the socialist masses of the towns are either indifferent or openly hostile to all supernatural religion. Owing to the principle sanctioned in 1648 "that all the subjects must follow the religion of their ruler" the population, from a religious point of view, is less mixed in Germany than in England or America. Numerically, the two confessions are in the same proportion as they were 300 years ago: two Protestants to one Catholic. Conversions from one religion to the other almost balance with a slight excess in favor of Protestantism. This is entirely due to mixed marriages and temporal allurements. The efforts of proselytizing societies, such as the Gustav-Adolf-Verein, the Protestant and the Evangelical Unions, show but poor results. Statistics from the census of 1900 are as follows: Evangelical Church in Prussia: 8158 parishes with 17,246 churches, etc., 10,071 clergy, and 21,817,577 adherents against 12,110,229 Catholics, which gives the proportion of 5 Catholics to 9 Protestants. For the whole German Empire the proportion is 7 Catholics to 12 Protestants, i.e. 20,321,441 to 35,231,104.

J. WILHELM


text:
Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Evangelist

Evangelist.— In the New Testament this word, in its substantive form, occurs only three times: Acts, xxi, 8; Eph., iv, 11; II Tim., iv, 5. It seems to indicate not so much an order in the early ecclesiastical hierarchy as a function. The Apostles, indeed, were evangelists, inasmuch as they preached the Gospel (Acts, viii, 25; xiv, 20; I Cor., i, 17); Philip likewise was both a deacon (Acts, vi, 5) and an evangelist (Acts, viii, 4-5; 40; xxi, 8); in like manner was St. Timothy exhorted by St. Paul to do the work of an evangelist (II Tim., iv, 5).

From the various statements contained in the New Testament, we may gather with some probability that evangelists were travelling missionaries, occasionally solemnly set apart, as seems to have been the case with Sts. Paul and Barnabas (Acts, xiii, 1-3), to go about and preach the Gospel, yet sometimes with a settled place of abode, as Philip at Caesarea, and Timothy at Ephesus. They were endowed with a special charisma to preach to those unacquainted with the Christian Faith and pave the way for the more thorough and systematic work of the pastors and teachers. But their office, as such, seems to have extended no further; so, for instance, we understand from Acts, viii, 4 sqq., that Philip, who preached successfully in Samaria and baptized many, was not qualified to impart the Holy Ghost to the converts (verse 14). Accordingly, St. Paul, in his list of the gifts bestowed by Christ for the edification of the Church, Eph., iv, 11 (in I Cor., xii, 28, they are omitted), mentions the evangelists in the third place, only after the Apostles and the Prophets. In the writings of the Apostolic Fathers, no reference is made to evangelists; travelling missionaries are sometimes called "apostles", sometimes also, as in the Didache, they are styled "teachers".

In the later ecclesiastical literature the word evangelist, perhaps sporadically still used for some time in its old sense (Euseb., Hist. Eccl., V, x), received, in most parts of the Church, another meaning. Applied occasionally to the reader in the Liturgy (Apost. Const., III), even to the deacon (Lit. of St. John Chrysost., P.G., LXIII, 910), it became gradually confined to the writers of the Four Gospels (Euseb., Hist. Eccl., III, xxxix, etc.). It is exclusively in this sense that common modern parlance employs it.

As early as the second century, Christian writers sought in Ezechiel's vision (i, 5 sqq.) and in Apoc. (iv, 6-10) symbolical representations of the Four Evangelists. The system, which finally prevailed in the Latin Church, consisted in symbolizing St. Matthew by a man, St. Mark by a lion, St. Luke by an ox, and St. John by an eagle (see Symbolism). It is fully explained by St. Jerome (In Ezech., i, 7), and had been adopted by St. Ambrose (Expos. Ev. S. Luc., Proem.), St. Gregory the Great (In Ezech., Hom., I, iv, 1), and others. St. Irenaeus, on the one hand, and Augustine, followed by the Venerable Bede, on the other, had devised different combinations. Christian artists followed in the footsteps of the ecclesiastical writers, and made use, in different manners, of the four traditional figures to represent the Evangelists. Among the most remarkable works of this description it will suffice here to mention only the old mosaics of the churches of S. Pudentiana, S. Sabina, S. Maria Maggiore, and S. Paolo fuori le Mura, at Rome.

CHARLES L. SOUVAY

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Evangelist


text: Author:Joseph Wilhelm

title: Author:Joseph Wilhelm


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Davies, Hon. John Mark


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/205

", this is grand!" said Alice. "I never expected I should be a Queen so soonand I'll tell you what it is, your Majesty," she went on in a severe tone (she was always rather fond of scolding herself), "it'll never do for you to be lolling about on the grass like that! Queens have to be dignified, you know!"

So she got up and walked aboutrather stiffly just at first, as she was afraid that the crown might come off: but she comforted herself with the thought that there was nobody to see her, "and if I really am a Queen," she said


text:
Tarikh-i-Rashidi

Part I

 * PROLOGUE
 * CHAPTER
 * I. Beginning of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi
 * II. The Early History of Tughluk Timur
 * III. The Conversion of Tughluk Timur Khán to Islám
 * IV. Extracts from the Zafar-Náma—Expedition of Tughluk Timur Khán into the Kingdom of Mávará-un-Nahr
 * V. Intrigues of Timur with Amir Háji Barlás—His return from the banks of the Jihun and his meeting with the three Princes
 * VI. Tughluk Timur Khán's Second Invasion of Mávará-un-Nahr
 * VII. The Return of Tughluk Timur Khán to his own Capital
 * VIII. Ilyás Khwája Khán
 * IX. Return of Amir Husain and Amir Timur to Táikhán and Badakh-shán, and the Treaties between them
 * X. Timur's passage of the River at the Stone Bridge, and the flight of the Army of Jatah
 * XI. The Dream of Amir Timur, which he looks upon as a good omen, and which induces him to make War on Ilyás Khwája Khán
 * XII. Battle of Amir Husain and Amir Timur with the Army of Jatah. Victory of the Amirs over the Jatah
 * XIII. Conference [Kuriltai] between Amir Husain and Amir Timur; and the raising of Kábil Sháh Oghlán to the rank of Khán
 * XIV. The Battle of the Mire
 * XV. Siege of Samarkand by the Army of Jatah
 * XVI. The last days of Ilyás Khwája Khán, and the events that took place after his Death—The Domination of Kamar-ud-Din
 * XVII. History of Kamur-ud-Din
 * XVIII. The Third Invasion of Jatah (that is to say Moghulistán) by Amir Timur
 * XIX. Marriage of Amir Timur with the Princess Dilshád Aghá
 * XX. Amir Timur's Third Expedition into Khwárizm, and his return owing to the Revolt of Sár Bughá, Adilsháh and Bahrám Jaláir
 * XXI. Amir Timur's Fourth Expedition into Jatah (that is, Moghulistán)
 * XXII. The Death of Prince Jahángir
 * XXIII. Amir Timur sends an Army against Kamar-ud-Din
 * XXIV. Amir Timur's Fifth Expedition into Jatah (that is, Moghulistán)
 * XXV. The Last Days of Amir Kamar-ud-Din
 * XXVI. The Commencement of the Reign of Khizir Khwája Khán, son of Tughluk Timur Khán
 * XXVII. Muhammad Khán, son of Khizir Khwája Khán
 * XXVIII. Shir Muhammad Khán, son of Muhammad Khán
 * XXIX. Early Life of Vais Khán
 * XXX. Amir Sayyid Ali and Stories relating to him
 * XXXI. Epitomised account of what passed between Shir Muhammad Khán and Vais Khán
 * XXXII. The Khánship of Vais Khán
 * XXXIII. Amir Khudáidád and his Journey to Mekka
 * XXXIV. The Martyrdom of Vais Khán
 * XXXV. Ruin of [the party of] Irázán after the Death of Vais Khán
 * XXXVI. Reception of Yunus Khán and Irázán, in Samarkand, by Mirzá Ulugh Beg
 * XXXVII. Khánship of Isán Bughá Khán, son of Vais Khán, after the Ruin of Irázán
 * XXXVIII. Amir Sayyid Ali's Expedition to and Reduction of Káshghar
 * XXXIX. The Quarrels of Isán Bughá Khán with his Amirs
 * XL. The Commencement of the Khánship of Yunus Khán
 * XLI. Detailed account of the Proceedings of Yunus Khán
 * XLII. Arrival of Yunus Khán in Moghulistán
 * XLIII. Rule of Mirzá Sániz in Káshghar after the Death of his Father, Mir Sayyid Ali
 * XLIV. Khánship of Dust Muhammad Khán
 * XLV. Second Return of Yunus Khán from [the Court of] Sultán Abu Said
 * XLVI. Events which followed on the Death of Dust Muhammad Khán; the Supremacy of Yunus Khán, and the Murder of Buruj Oghlán
 * XLVII. Shaikh Jamál-ud-Din and his capture of the Khán
 * XLVIII. Concerning what passed between Yunus Khán and the Kings of Mávará-un-Nahr, after the murder of Shaikh Jamál Khar
 * XLIX. Rule of Muhammad Haidar Mirzá in Káshghar
 * L. Beginning of the Reign of Abá Bakr Mirzá
 * LI. Account of the Mirzás of Khotan
 * LII. Capture of Khotan by Mirzá Abá Bakr and the Extirpation of the Mirzás of Khotan
 * LIII. The Stratagem of Abá Bakr, by which he caused Muhammad Haidar Mirzá to expel his own Amirs
 * LIV. Yunus Khán goes to help Muhammad Haidar Mirzá against Mirzá Abá Bakr, who defeats them both.
 * LV. Yunus Khán's Second Expedition against Yárkand, and Defeat at the hands of Mirzá Abá Bakr
 * LVI. Early days of Sultán Mahmud Khán, son of Yunus Khán
 * LVII. The War that arose out of a difference between Yunus Khán and Muhammad Haidar Mirzá in Aksu
 * LVIII. Muhammad Haidar Mirzá attacks Mirzá Abá Bakr in Káshghar, and is taken Prisoner by him
 * LIX. Yunus and the Moghul Ulus enter Táshkand. Peace is established between the Timuri Sultáns
 * LX. End of Yunus Khán's Life
 * LXI. War between Sultán Ahmad Mirzá and Sultán Mahmud Khán
 * LXII. Arrangement for the marriage of my Father into the Khán's Family
 * LXIII. Events in Táshkand during the Rule of Sultán Mahmud Khán. The Last Years and Death of the Khán
 * LXIV. Sultán Ahmad Khán
 * LXV. Mansur Khán (may his sins be pardoned!)
 * LXVI. Sháh Khán, son of Mansur Khán
 * LXVII. Sultán Said Khán, son of Sultán Ahmad Khán
 * LXVIII. Concerning the laudable virtues and rare attainments of Sultán Said Khán
 * LXIX. Abdur Rashid Khán, son of Sultán Said Khán
 * LXX. End of First Part of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi

PART II

 * PROLOGUE
 * CHAPTER
 * I. Beginning of Part II., which contains what took place among the Moghul Ulus, the Uzbeg and the Chaghatái
 * II. Reign of Yunus Khán; account of his Life and list of his Offspring
 * III. End of the Reign of Yunus Khán. List of his sons. The Reign of Sultán Mahmud Khán and the reason of his ruin
 * IV. Epitomised account of the Martyrdom of Sultán Mahmud Khán and his children
 * V. The rest of the History of Mirzá Muhammad Husain Kurkán
 * VI. History of Sháhi Beg Khán
 * VII. Birth and Parentage of Bábar Pádisháh: his connection with the Moghuls; and his Early History
 * VIII. Beginning of the Story of Sultán Said Khán, and the sufferings he endured at the outset of his career
 * IX. Flight of Muhammad Husain Kurkán from before Sháhi Beg Khán into Khorásán; with Incidental Biographical Notices
 * X. Bábar Pádisháh's Expedition into Khorásán. Troubles and contentions in Kábul
 * XI. Bábar Pádisháh's journey into Khorásán, and his return from Khorásán to Kábul
 * XII. Brief account of Bábar Pádisháh's sojourn in Kábul, and a few Stories connected therewith
 * XIII. Expedition of Sháhi Beg into Khwárizm. His Conquest of that country. His return to Mávará-un-Nahr, and march into Khorásán
 * XIV. The reason why Muhammad Hasain Kurkán surrendered himself to Sháhi Beg Khán. His Martyrdom and that of Sultán Mahmud Khán
 * XV. Some of the Author's own Adventures
 * XVI. Hazrat Mauláná Muhmmad Kázi
 * XVII. Return to the History
 * XVIII. Advent of Sultán Said Khán in Andiján. His capture and escape to Báber Pádisháh in Kábul
 * XIX. Mirzá Khán's Life in Badakhshán. The Author goes from Badakhshán to Kábul
 * XX. Expedition of Sháhi Beg Khán against the Kazák, and the beginning of his decline
 * XXI. The beginning of hostilities between Sháhi Beg Khán and Sháh Ismail. Death of the former at the hands of the latter
 * XXII. Arrival of the news of the defeat of Sháhi Beg Khán by Sháh Ismail. March of the Emperor from Kábul to Kunduz
 * XXIII. Brief account of the proceedings of Sayyid Muhammad Mirzá, and details of the Conquest of the country of Farghána
 * XXIV. Bábar Pádisháh learns the success of Sayyid Muhammad Mirzá, and sends Sultán Said Khán to his aid in Andiján
 * XXV. Accession of Bábar Pádisháh to the Throne of Mávará-un-Nahr
 * XXVI. The Khán's Journey to Andiján and events that occurred there
 * XXVII. Short account of Mirzá Abá Bakr
 * XXVIII. The evil deeds and wicked ways of Mirzá Abá Bakr
 * XXIX. Ubaid Ullah Khán marches against Bokhárá. Is met by Bábar Pádisháh. A Battle and the events that ensued
 * XXX. Account of my Uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirzá
 * XXXI. Personal Adventures of the Author
 * XXXII. Account of Sultán Said Khán after his defeat by Suyunjuk Khán
 * XXXIII. Account of the Kazák and their Sultáns: the Origin of their Name and their End
 * XXXIV. Events that followed the Battle with Suyunjuk Khán; also Sultán Said Khán's Journey to the Kazák and to Kásim Khán
 * XXXV. Account of the Miracles of Mauláná Muhammad Kázi
 * XXXVI. Some further Details in the same Connection
 * XXXVII. Short account of Sháh Ismail's End
 * XXXVIII. Account of the Shaibáni who have reigned in succession in Mávará-un-Nahr, down to the present day
 * XXXIX. Reasons for Sultán Said Khán quitting Farghána and repairing to Káshghar
 * XL. Description of Káshghar
 * XLI. Extract from the Jahán-Kushái
 * XLII. The Martyrdom of Imám Alá-ud-Din Muhammad of Khotan, at the hands of Kushluk
 * XLIII. Return to the General Narrative
 * XLIV. Battles of Sultán Said Khán with the Army of Mirzá Abá Bakr at Káshghar
 * XLV. March of Sultán Said Khán against Yárkand, and several matters in the same connection
 * XLVI. Taking of Yángi-Hisár: the key to the Conquest of the Kingdom of Káshghar
 * XLVII. Decline of Mirzá Abá Bakr; facts connected therewith, and the End of his Dominion
 * XLVIII. The Conquest of Káshghar
 * XLIX. Story of the Amirs who went in pursuit of Mirzá Abá Bakr
 * L. Conclusion of the Story of Mirzá Abá Bakr's Offspring
 * LI. History of the Khán after the Conquest of Káshghar
 * LII. Arrival of Aiman Khwája Sultán from Turfán to wait on the Khán
 * LIII. The Khán (in spite of past ill-treatment) craves an interview with Mansur Khán and submits to him
 * LIV. Transactions of Mansur Khán
 * LV. Birth of Iskandar
 * LVI. Rebuilding of Aksu and negotiations of the Ambassadors of Mansur Khán and the Khán
 * LVII. Death of Hazrat Mauláná Muhammad Kázi
 * LVIII. Meeting of Mansur Khán and Sultán Said Khán, and conclusion of Peace between them
 * LIX. The Khán's return after the Peace—Subsequent events and visit of Bábáják Sultán
 * LX. The Khán's Holy War against Sárigh Uighur and the reason for his turning back
 * LXI. The Kirghiz Campaign and the capture of Muhammad Kirghiz
 * LXII. Daulat Sultán Khánim, daughter of Yunus Khán, comes from Badakhshán to Káshghar
 * LXIII. Celebration of the Marriages of Aiman Khwája Sultán and Sháh Muhammad Sultan
 * LXIV. Beginning of the quarrels between the Khán and Mirzá Khan. The Khán's First Invasion of Badakhshán
 * LXV. The Khán's second interview with Mansur Khán
 * LXVI. Conclusion of the affairs of Bábar Pádisháh. Death of his brother. Cause of the insubordination of his Amirs
 * LXVII. Settlement of Moghulistán and the Kirghiz. Beginning of Rashid Sultán's career
 * LXVIII. Extracts from the Jahán-Kushái of Alá-ud-Din Muhammad Juvaini
 * LXIX. Return to the thread of the History
 * LXX. The Khán's Repentance
 * LXXI. How the Khan, wishing to become a Darvish, intended to abdicate the Throne, and how he was dissuaded
 * LXXII. Khwája Táj-ud-Din
 * LXXIII. Khwája Táj-ud-Din is allowed to return to Turfán. The Khán makes peace with the Kazák-Uzbeg. Other contemporary events
 * LXXIV. Birth of Sultán Ibráhim, son of Sultán Said Khán
 * LXXV. The Khán's Second Invasion of Andiján
 * LXXVI. Last Visit of the Khán to Moghulistán. The Moghuls are brought to Káshghar from Moghulistán. Other contemporary events
 * LXXVII. Reasons for Bábá Sultán's Flight. The conclusion of his Story
 * LXXVIII. Sháh Muhammad Sultán, and conclusion of his Story
 * LXXIX. Rashid Sultán and the Author lead a Holy War into Balur
 * LXXX. Second Expedition of the Khán into Badakhshán, and the causes of certain contemporary events
 * LXXXI. Causes of the Rupture between the Khán and Aiman Khwája Sultán
 * LXXXII. The Khán becomes a disciple of Khwája Khávand Mahmud
 * LXXXIII. Genealogy and Life of Hazrát Khwája Khávand Mahmud Shaháb-ud-Din
 * LXXXIV. Journey of Hazrat Makhdumi into India and certain matters connected therewith
 * LXXXV. Miracles of Khwája Nurá
 * LXXXVI. The End of Khwája Nurá's Biography
 * LXXXVII. Conclusion of Bábar Pádisháh's History
 * LXXXVIII. Invasion of Tibet by the Khán
 * LXXXIX. Description of the position, mountains, and plains of Tibet. An account of the Customs and Religion of the Inhabitants
 * XC. Account of the curiosities of Tibet
 * XCI. Tibet and the Customs of its People
 * XCII. The Khán makes a Holy War on Tibet
 * XCIII. Arrival of the Author in Tibet and subsequent events
 * XCIV. Arrival of the Khán in Tibet, following the Author. His entrance into Bálti. Journey of the Author to Kashmir
 * XCV. The Khán's experiences in Bálti
 * XCVI. The Author's arrival in Kashmir and events connected therewith
 * XCVII. Description of Kashmir
 * XCVIII. Further Wonders
 * XCIX. Extract from the Zafar-Náma
 * C. The Conversion of Kashmir to Islám, and a short account of the Musulmán Sultáns of Kashmir
 * CI. Account of the Religious Sects of Kashmir
 * CII. Return to the main Narrative
 * CIII. Retreat from Kashmir and subsequent events
 * CIV. Return of the Khán from Máryul to his capital, Yárkand; and the Author's Mission to Ursang
 * CV. The Death of the Khán and an Epitome of his Life
 * CVI. Events in Káshghar after the Khán's death
 * CVII. Account of Muhammadi Barlás who was Amir-ul-Umará to Rashid Khán
 * CVIII. March of the Author towards Ursang. The slaying of his brother Abdullah Mirzá.Details of the Expedition
 * CIX. Sufferings in Tibet, and the Death of the Author's cousin, Mahmud Mirzá
 * CX. The Author crosses from Tibet to Badakhshán
 * CXI. Humáyun Pádisháh, son of Bábar Pádisháh, and his downfall
 * CXII. The Battle of the Ganges
 * CXIII. Flight of the Chaghatái from Hindustán to Láhur
 * CXIV. Origin of the Author's Expedition to Kashmir
 * CXV. The Author conquers Kashmir. Adventures of the Chaghatái after their departure from Hindustán
 * CXVI Parting of the Author from Humáyun Pádisháh. Conquest of Kashmir.Contemporaneous events and Conclusion

 * Index

 * APPENDICES.

 * Appendix A. Extract from a paper entitled: The Square Silver Coins of the Sultáns of Kashmir, by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, M.R.A.S., &c.
 * Appendix B. The Karáwánás
 * Appendix C. Chronological Table of Events
 * Appendix to the Re-issue

title: Tarikh-i-Rashidi


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/206

186 as she sat down again, "I shall be able to manage it quite well in time."

Everything was happening so oddly that she didn't feel a bit surprised at finding the Red Queen and the White Queen sitting close to her, one on each side: she would have liked very much to ask them how they came there, but she feared it would not be quite civil. However, there would be no harm, she thought, in asking if the game was over. "Please, would you tell me" she began, looking timidly at the Red Queen.

"Speak when you're spoken to!" the Queen sharply interrupted her.

"But if everybody obeyed that rule," said Alice, who was always ready for a little argument, "and if you only spoke when you were spoken to, and the other person always waited for you to begin, you see nobody would ever say anything, so that"

"Ridiculous!" cried the Queen. "Why, don't you see, child" here she broke off with a


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/207

Rh frown, and, after thinking for a minute, suddenly changed the subject of the conversation. "What do you mean by 'If you really are a Queen'? What right have you to call yourself so? You can't be a Queen, you know, till you've passed the proper examination. And the sooner we begin it, the better."

"I only said 'if'!" poor Alice pleaded in a piteous tone.

The two Queens looked at each other, and the Red Queen remarked, with a little shudder, "She says she only said 'if'"

"But she said a great deal more than that!" the White Queen moaned, wringing her hands. "Oh, ever so much more than that!"

"So you did, you know," the Red Queen said to Alice. "Always speak the truththink before you speakand write it down afterwards."

"I'm sure I didn't mean" Alice was beginning, but the Red Queen interrupted her impatiently.


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/208

188 "That's just what I complain of! You should have meant! What do you suppose is the use of a child without any meaning? Even a joke should have some meaningand a child's more important than a joke, I hope. You couldn't deny that, even if you tried with both hands."

"I don't deny things with my hands," Alice objected.

"Nobody said you did," said the Red Queen. "I said you couldn't if you tried."

"She's in that state of mind," said the White Queen, "that she wants to deny somethingonly she doesn't know what to deny!"

"A nasty, vicious temper," the Red Queen remarked; and then there was an uncomfortable silence for a minute or two.

The Red Queen broke the silence by saying to the White Queen, "I invite you to Alice's dinner-party this afternoon."

The White Queen smiled feebly, and said "And I invite you."


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/209

Rh "I didn't know I was to have a party at all," said Alice; "but if there is to be one, I think I ought to invite the guests."

"We gave you the opportunity of doing it," the Red Queen remarked: "but I daresay you've not had many lessons in manners yet?"

"Manners are not taught in lessons," said Alice. "Lessons teach you to do sums, and things of that sort."

"Can you do Addition?" the White Queen asked. "What's one and one and one and one and one and one and one and one and one and one?"

"I don't know," said Alice. "I lost count."

"She can't do Addition," the Red Queen interrupted. "Can you do Subtraction? Take nine from eight."

"Nine from eight I can't, you know," Alice replied very readily: "but"

"She can't do Substraction [sic]," said the White Queen. "Can you do Division? Divide a loaf by a knifewhat's the answer to that?"


text:
Talk:A Book of Nursery Songs and Rhymes/A Lying Tale

"Not last but the night before" is probably a better example of a lying tale in rhyme, at least in my opinion. Lying Tales usually consist of paradoxes or unbelievable material. One features in some versions of Grimm's Fairy Tales. 92.20.146.51 07:36, 21 August 2012 (UTC)


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/210

190 "I suppose" Alice was beginning, but the Red Queen answered for her. "Bread-and-butter, of course. Try another Subtraction sum. Take a bone from a dog: what remains?"

Alice considered. "The bone wouldn't remain, of course, if I took itand the dog wouldn't remain; it would come to bite meand I'm sure I shouldn't remain!"

"Then you think nothing would remain?" said the Red Queen.

"I think that's the answer."


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/211

Rh "Wrong, as usual," said the Red Queen: "the dog's temper would remain."

"But I don't see how"

"Why, look here!" the Red Queen cried. "The dog would lose its temper, wouldn't it?"

"Perhaps it would," Alice replied cautiously.

"Then if the dog went away, its temper would remain!" the Queen exclaimed triumphantly.

Alice said, as gravely as she could, "They might go different ways." But she couldn't help thinking to herself, "What dreadful nonsense we are talking!"

"She can't do sums a bit!" the Queens said together, with great emphasis.

"Can you do sums?" Alice said, turning suddenly on the White Queen, for she didn't like being found fault with so much.

The Queen gasped and shut her eyes. "I can do Addition," she said, "if you give me timebut I can't do Substraction, under any circumstances!"


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/212

192 "Of course you know your ?" said the Red Queen.

"To be sure I do," said Alice.

"So do I," the White Queen whispered: "we'll often say it over together, dear. And I'll tell you a secretI can read words of one letter! Isn't that grand? However, don't be discouraged. You'll come to it in time."

Here the Red Queen began again. "Can you answer useful questions?" she said. "How is bread made?"

"I know that!" Alice cried eagerly. "You take some flour"

"Where do you pick the flower?" the White Queen asked. "In a garden, or in the hedges?"

"Well, it isn't picked at all," Alice explained: "it's ground"

"How many acres of ground?" said the White Queen. "You mustn't leave out so many things."

"Fan her head!" the Red Queen anxiously


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/213

Rh interrupted. "She'll be feverish after so much thinking." So they set to work and fanned her with bunches of leaves, till she had to beg them to leave off, it blew her hair about so.

"She's all right again now," said the Red Queen. "Do you know Languages? What's the French for fiddle-de-dee?"

"Fiddle-de-dee's not English," Alice replied gravely.

"Who ever said it was?" said the Red Queen.

Alice thought she saw a way out of the difficulty this time. "If you'll tell me what language 'fiddle-de-dee' is, I'll tell you the French for it!" she exclaimed triumphantly.

But the Red Queen drew herself up rather stiffly, and said "Queens never make bargains."

"I wish Queens never asked questions," Alice thought to herself.

"Don't let us quarrel," the White Queen said in an anxious tone. "What is the cause of lightning?"


text:
Page:Thompson Motif-Index 2nd 1.djvu/113

Rh


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/214

194 "The cause of lightning," Alice said very decidedly, for she felt quite certain about this, "is the thunderno, no!" she hastily corrected herself. "I meant the other way."

"It's too late to correct it," said the Red Queen: "when you've once said a thing, that fixes it, and you must take the consequences."

"Which reminds me" the White Queen said, looking down and nervously clasping and unclasping her hands, "we had such a thunderstorm last TuesdayI mean one of the last set of Tuesdays, you know."

Alice was puzzled. "In our country," she remarked, "there's only one day at a time."

The Red Queen said "That's a poor thin way of doing things. Now here, we mostly have days and nights two or three at a time, and sometimes in the winter we take as many as five nights togetherfor warmth, you know."

"Are five nights warmer than one night, then?" Alice ventured to ask.

"Five times as warm, of course."


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/215

Rh "But they should be five times as cold, by the same rule"

"Just so!" cried the Red Queen. "Five times as warm, and five times as coldjust as I'm five times as rich as you are, and five times as clever!"

Alice sighed and gave it up. "It's exactly like a riddle with no answer!" she thought.

"Humpty Dumpty saw it too," the White Queen went on in a low voice, more as if she were talking to herself. "He came to the door with a corkscrew in his hand"

"What did he want?" said the Red Queen.

"He said he would come in," the White Queen went on, "because he was looking for a hippopotamus. Now, as it happened, there wasn't such a thing in the house, that morning."

"Is there generally?" Alice asked in an astonished tone.

"Well, only on Thursdays," said the Queen.

"I know what he came for," said Alice: "he wanted to punish the fish, because"


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/216

196 Here the White Queen began again. "It was such a thunderstorm, you can't think!" ("She never could, you know," said the Red Queen.) "And part of the roof came off, and ever so much thunder got inand it went rolling round the room in great lumpsand knocking over the tables and thingstill I was so frightened, I couldn't remember my own name!"

Alice thought to herself, "I never should try to remember my name in the middle of an accident! Where would be the use of it?" but she did not say this aloud, for fear of hurting the poor Queen's feelings.

"Your Majesty must excuse her," the Red Queen said to Alice, taking one of the White Queen's hands in her own, and gently stroking it: "she means well, but she can't help saying foolish things, as a general rule."

The White Queen looked timidly at Alice, who felt she ought to say something kind, but really couldn't think of anything at the moment.

"She never was really well brought up," the


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/217

Rh Red Queen went on: "but it's amazing how good-tempered she is! Pat her on the head, and see how pleased she'll be!" But this was more than Alice had courage to do.

"A little kindnessand putting her hair in paperswould do wonders with her"

The White Queen gave a deep sigh, and laid her head on Alice's shoulder. "I am so sleepy!" she moaned.

"She's tired, poor thing!" said the Red Queen. "Smooth her hairlend her your nightcapand sing her a soothing lullaby."

"I haven't got a nightcap with me," said Alice, as she tried to obey the first direction: "and I don't know any soothing lullabies."

"I must do it myself, then," said the Red Queen, and she began:


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/218

198 "And now you know the words," she added, as she put her head down on Alice's other shoulder, "just sing it through to me. I'm getting sleepy too." In another moment both Queens were fast asleep, and snoring loud.

"What am I to do?" exclaimed Alice, looking about in great perplexity, as first one round head, and then the other, rolled down from her shoulder, and lay like a heavy lump in her lap. "I don't think it ever happened before, that any one had to take care of two


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/219

Rh Queens asleep at once! No, not in all the History of Englandit couldn't, you know, because there never was more than one Queen at a time. Do wake up, you heavy things!" she went on in an impatient tone; but there was no answer but a gentle snoring.

The snoring got more distinct every minute, and sounded more like a tune: at last she could even make out words, and she listened so eagerly that, when the two great heads suddenly vanished from her lap, she hardly missed them.

She was standing before an arched doorway over which were the words QUEEN ALICE in large letters, and on each side of the arch there was a bell-handle; one was marked "Visitors' Bell," and the other "Servants' Bell."

"I'll wait till the song's over," thought Alice, "and then I'll ring thethewhich bell must I ring?" she went on, very much puzzled by the names. "I'm not a visitor, and I'm not a servant. There ought to be one marked 'Queen,' you know"


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/220

200 Just then the door opened a little way, and a creature with a long beak put its head out for a moment and said "No admittance till the week after next!" and shut the door again with a bang.

Alice knocked and rang in vain for a long time, but at last a very old Frog, who was sitting under a tree, got up and hobbled slowly towards her: he was dressed in bright yellow, and had enormous boots on.

"What is it, now?" the Frog said in a deep hoarse whisper.

Alice turned round, ready to find fault with anybody. "Where's the servant whose business it is to answer the door?" she began angrily.

"Which door?" said the Frog.

Alice almost stamped with irritation at the slow drawl in which he spoke. "This door, of course!"

The Frog looked at the door with his large dull eyes for a minute: then he went nearer and rubbed it with his thumb, as if he were


text:
Page:Thompson Motif-Index 2nd 1.djvu/114

108


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/221

Rh trying whether the paint would come off; then he looked at Alice.

"To answer the door?" he said. "What's it been asking of?" He was so hoarse that Alice could scarcely hear him.

"I don't know what you mean," she said.


text:
Page:Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There.djvu/222

202 "I speaks English, doesn't I?" the Frog went on. "Or are you deaf? What did it ask you?"

"Nothing!" Alice said impatiently. "I've been knocking at it!"

"Shouldn't do thatshouldn't do that" the Frog muttered. "Wexes it, you know." Then he went up and gave the door a kick with one of his great feet. "You let it alone," he panted out, as he hobbled back to his tree, "and it'll let you alone, you know."

At this moment the door was flung open, and a shrill voice was heard singing:

And hundreds of voices joined in the chorus:


text:
Page:Thompson Motif-Index 2nd 1.djvu/115

Rh


text:
Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Eve

Eve (Heb. CHWH, hawwah).— The name of the first woman, the wife of Adam, the mother of Cain, Abel, and Seth. The name occurs only five times in the Bible. In Gen., iii, 20, it is connected etymologically with the verb CHYH or CHWH, "to live": "And Adam called the name of his wife Eve [CHWH, hawwah]: because she was the mother of all the living". The Septuagint rendering in this passage is Zoe (=life, or life-giver), which is a translation; in two other passages (Gen., iv, 1 and 25) the name is transliterated Eu a. The Biblical data concerning Eve are confined almost exclusively to the second, third, and fourth chapters of Genesis (see Adam).

The first account of the creation (Gen. i, "P") sets forth the creation of mankind in general, and states simply that they were created male and female. The second narrative (Gen., ii, "J") is more explicit and detailed. God is represented as forming an individual man from the slime of the earth, and breathing into his nostrils the breath of life. In like manner the creation of the first woman and her relation to man is described with picturesque and significant imagery. In this account, in which the plants and animals appear on the scene only after the creation of man, the loneliness of the latter (Gen., ii, 18), and his failure to find a suitable companion among the animals (Gen., ii, 20), are set forth as the reason why God determines to create for man a companion like unto himself. He causes a deep sleep to fall upon him, and taking out one of his ribs, forms it into a woman, who, when she is brought to him, is recognized at once as bone of his bone and flesh of his flesh. A discussion of the arguments in favor of the historical, or the more or less allegorical character of this narrative would be beyond the scope of the present notice. Suffice it to say that the biblical account has always been looked upon by pious commentators as embodying, besides the fact of man's origin, a deep, practical and many-sided significance, bearing on the mutual relationship established between the sexes by the Creator.

Thus, the primitive institution of monogamy is implied in the fact that one woman is created for one man. Eve, as well as Adam, is made the object of a special creative act, a circumstance which indicates natural equality with him, while on the other hand her being taken from his side implies not only her secondary role in the conjugal state (I Cor., xi, 9), but also emphasizes the intimate union between husband and wife, and the dependence of the latter on the former "Wherefore a man shall leave father and mother, and shall cleave to his wife: and they shall be two in one flesh." The innocence of the newly created couple is clearly indicated in the following verse, but the narrator immediately proceeds to relate how they soon acquired, through actual transgression, the knowledge of good and evil, and with it the sense of shame which had been previously unknown to them. In the story of the Fall, the original cause of evil is the serpent, which in later Jewish tradition is identified with Satan (Wisdom, ii, 24). He tempts Eve presumably as the weaker of the two, and she in turn tempts Adam, who yields to her seduction. Immediately their eyes are opened, but in an unexpected manner. Shame and remorse take possession of them, and they seek to hide from the face of the Lord.

For her share in the transgression, Eve (and woman-kind after her) is sentenced to a life of sorrow and travail, and to be under the power of her husband. Doubtless this last did not imply that the woman's essential condition of equality with man was altered, but the sentence expresses what, in the nature of things, was bound to follow in a world dominated by sin and its consequences. The natural dependence and subjection of the weaker party was destined inevitably to become something little short of slavery. But if woman was the occasion of man's transgression and fall, it was also decreed in the Divine counsels, that she was to be instrumental in the scheme of restoration which God already promises while in the act of pronouncing sentence upon the serpent. The woman has suffered defeat, and infinitely painful are its consequences, but henceforth there will be enmity between her and the serpent, between his seed and her seed, until through the latter in the person of the future Redeemer, who will crush the serpent's head, she will again be victorious.

Of the subsequent history of Eve the Bible gives little information. In Gen., iv, 1, we read that she bore a son whom she named Cain, because she got him (QNH—to acquire, possess) through God—this at least is the most plausible interpretation of this obscure passage. Later she gave birth to Abel, and the narrative does not record the birth of another child until after the slaying of Abel by his elder brother, when she bore a son and called his name Seth; saying: "God hath given me [SYT—put or appoint] another seed, for Abel whom Cain slew". Of daughters no specific mention is made in this account, but in Gen., v, 4 ("P") we find the general statement that "the days of Adam, after he begot Seth, were eight hundred years: and he begot sons and daughters".

Eve is mentioned in the Book of Tobias (viii, 8; Sept., viii, 6) where it is simply affirmed that she was given to Adam for a helper; in II Cor., xi, 3, where reference is made to her seduction by the serpent, and in I Tim., ii, 13, where the Apostle enjoins submission and silence upon women, arguing that "Adam was first formed; then Eve. And Adam was not seduced, but the woman being seduced, was in the transgression".

As in the case of the other Old Testament personages, many rabbinical legends have been connected with the name of Eve. They may be found in the "Jewish Encyclopedia", s.v. (see also, Adam), and in Vigouroux, "Dictionnaire de la Bible", I, art. "Adam". They are, for the most part, puerile and fantastic, and devoid of historical value, unless in so far as they serve to illustrate the mentality of the later Jewish writers, and the unreliability of the "traditions" derived from such sources, though they are sometimes appealed to in critical discussions.

.

title: Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Eve


text:
Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Eve of a Feast

Eve of a Feast (or ; Lat. Vigilia; Gr. pannuchis).— In the first ages, during the night before every feast, a vigil was kept. In the evening the faithful assembled in the place or church where the feast was to be celebrated and prepared themselves by prayers, readings from Holy Writ (now the Offices of Vespers and Matins), and sometimes also by hearing a sermon. On such occasions, as on fast days in general, Mass also was celebrated in the evening, before the Vespers of the following day. Towards morning the people dispersed to the streets and houses near the church, to wait for the solemn services of the forenoon. This vigil was a regular institution of Christian life and was defended and highly recommended by St. Augustine and St. Jerome (see Pleithner, Aeltere Geschichte des Breviergebetes, pp. 223 sq.). The morning intermission gave rise to grave abuses; the people caroused and danced in the streets and halls around the church (Durandus, "Rat. Div. off.", VI, 7). St. Jerome speaks of these improprieties (Epist. ad Ripuarium).

As the feasts multiplied, the number of vigils was greatly reduced. But the abuses could be stopped only by abolishing the vigils. And where they could not be abrogated at once and entirely they were to begin in the afternoon. A synod held at Rouen in 1231 prohibited all vigils except those before the patronal feast of a church (Hefele, "Conciliengeschichte", V, 1007). In place of nocturnal observances, the bishops introduced for the laity a fast on the day before the feast, which fast Durandus (loc. cit.) calls "jejunium dispensations". Honorius of Auxerre, in 1152 (Gemma Animae, III, 6), and others explain in this way the origin of this fast. It existed, however, long before the abolition of the nocturnal meetings. The fast on Christmas Eve is mentioned by Theophilus of Alexandria (d. 412), that before the Epiphany by St. John Chrysostom (d. 407), that before Pentecost by the Sacramentary of St. Leo I. Pope Nicholas I (d. 867), in his answer to the Bulgarians, speaks of the fast on the eves of Christmas and of the Assumption. The Synod of Erfurt (932) connects a fast with every vigil. The very fact that the people were not permitted to eat or drink before the services of the vigil (Vespers and Matins) were ended, after midnight, explains the excesses of which the councils and writers speak.

The Synod of Seligenstadt (1022) mentions vigils on the eves of Christmas, Epiphany, the feasts of the Apostles, the Assumption of Mary, St. Laurence, and All Saints, besides the fast of two weeks before the Nativity of St. John. After the eleventh century the fast, Office, and Mass of the nocturnal vigil were transferred to the day before the feast; and even now the liturgy of Holy Saturday (vigil of Easter) shows, in all its parts, that originally it was not kept on the morning of Saturday, but during Easter Night. The day before the feast was henceforth called vigil. A similar celebration before the high feasts exists also in the Orthodox (Greek) Church, and is called pannuchis or agrupnia. In the Occident only the older feasts have vigils; even the feasts of the first class introduced after the thirteenth century (Corpus Christi, the Sacred Heart) have no vigils, except the Immaculate Conception, which Pope Leo XIII (November 30, 1879) singled out for this distinction. The number of vigils in the Roman Calendar besides Holy Saturday is seventeen, viz., the eves of Christmas, the Epiphany, the Ascension, Pentecost, the Immaculate Conception, the Assumption, the eight feasts of the Apostles, St. John the Baptist, St. Laurence, and All Saints. Some dioceses and religious orders have particular vigils, e.g. the Servites, on the Saturday next before the feast of the Seven Dolors of Our Lady; the Carmelites, on the eve of the feast of Mount Carmel. In the United States only four of these vigils are fast days: the vigils of Christmas, Pentecost, the Assumption, and All Saints.

The vigils of Christmas, the Epiphany, and Pentecost are called vigilioe majores; they have a proper Office (semi-double), and the vigil of Christmas, from Lauds on, is kept as a double feast. The rest are vigilioe minores, or communes, and have the ferial office. On the occasion of the reform of the Breviary, in 1568, a homily on the Gospel of the vigil was added, an innovation not accepted by the Cistercians. If a vigil falls on a Sunday, according to the present rubrics, it is kept on the preceding Saturday; during the Middle Ages in many churches it was joined to the Sunday Office. If it occurs on a double or a semi-double feast, it is limited to a commemoration in the Lauds and Mass (a feast of the first class excludes this commemoration), the ninth lesson in the Breviary, and the last Gospel in Mass. If it occurs on a day within an ordinary octave, the Mass is said of the vigil, the Office of the octave; if it occurs on a feria major, the vigil is omitted in the Breviary and commemorated only in the Mass, if the feria has a proper mass; if not (e.g. in Advent), the mass is said of the vigil, the feria is commemorated. In the Ambrosian Liturgy of Milan only the vigils of Christmas and Pentecost are kept, at least by a special Mass; the other vigils exist only in the Calendar, but are not kept in the liturgy. In the Mozarabic Rite only Christmas has a vigil; three days before Epiphany and four days before Pentecost a fast is observed; the other vigils are unknown.

F. G. HOLWECK


text:
Page:Thompson Motif-Index 2nd 1.djvu/116

110


text:
Catholic Encyclopedia (1913)/Evesham Abbey

Evesham Abbey, founded by St. Egwin, third Bishop of Worcester, about 701, in Worcestershire, England, and dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. The founder's charter of endowment, dated 714, records that a herdsman of the bishop, named Eoves, was one day favored with a vision of Our Lady. St. Egwin, being informed, visited the spot and there the Mother of God appeared to him also, commanding him to erect in that place a monastery in her honor for Benedictine monks. The bishop at once set about the task, being liberally assisted in the work by Ethelred and Kenred, successive kings of Mercia, and others. The derivation of the name Evesham is accounted for by the above legend. It is stated, though contemporary charters make the fact doubtful, that St. Egwin resigned his see in order to become first abbot of the new foundation, which he ruled until his death in 717. He was buried in the abbey church and his shrine, beautified by subsequent abbots, became in after years one of the richest and most popular in the West of England, and many miracles are recorded as having taken place there. In 941, after the havoc wrought by the Danes, the few remaining monks who had survived were ejected and secular canons installed in their place. Their possession of the abbey, however, did not last long, for in 960 St. Dunstan and St. Ethelwold, then engaged upon their great reform of the English monasteries, restored the Benedictines to their own. A second expulsion occurred in 977 and it was not until 1014 that the monks effected their final return. With the Norman conquest and the consolidation of the kingdom of England, Evesham grew and prospered, and enjoying royal favor became one of the most important abbeys of Black Monks in the country, so much so, indeed, that the jealousy of the bishops of Worcester was aroused.

As in the case of many other monasteries they claimed rights of visitation and diocesan authority over the monks. The dispute continued for a longtime, but eventually the exemption from Episcopal jurisdiction, originally obtained by St. Egwin, was confirmed by Rome in 1206. In this as in other matters, the internal history of the abbey, as recorded in the "Evesham Chronicle", differs only in detail from that of any other great Benedictine house of the same period. A succession of worthy abbots, seldom broken, guided its fortunes wisely and religiously through the eight centuries of its existence. The use of abbatial pontificalia was obtained in 1160 by Abbot Adam from the reigning pope. At the height of its prosperity the abbey was one of the largest and most stately in England. It had two dependent "cells"—Penwortham, in Lancashire, and Alcester, in Warwickshire—besides another in Denmark; the abbots were also the patrons of seventeen neighboring parishes; they had a seat in the House of Lords; and they exercised civil jurisdiction within the bounds of the monastic territory. The great abbey church, which, besides the magnificent shrine of St. Egwin, contained fifteen altars, was commenced in the eleventh century by Abbot Walter and gradually completed by several subsequent abbots. It was cruciform, with a central tower, and was nearly 300 feet in length. The previous campanile having fallen, after being struck by lightning, a magnificent bell tower, still standing, was built by Abbot Clement Lichfield about 1533.

Within the abbey precincts and under the very shadow of its minster, were two parish churches, erected by the monks for the use of the people of the town which had grown up around its walls. That of St. Lawrence dates from the thirteenth century and that of All Saints is of a century later. The last of the great abbots of Evesham, Clement Lichfield, who reigned from 1514 to 1539, added chantries to both of these churches. Unwilling to yield to the rapacity of Henry VIII, when the suppression of the monasteries was threatening, he resigned his abbacy, acting, it is said, at Cromwell's suggestion. His unworthy successor was Philip Hawford, who surrendered the abbey into the king's hands in the same year, 1539. For this service he was rewarded with a pension of £240, and afterwards became first Protestant Dean of Worcester, in which cathedral his tomb may still be seen. The revenues of the abbey at the time of its suppression are given by Dugdale as £1183. The demolition of the buildings commenced almost immediately, and the ruins became, as in the case of so many others, a stone quarry for the neighborhood. Besides the two parish churches and the bell tower, only a gateway, a cloister arch, the almonry, and a few other isolated fragments remain intact to show what manner of building the once glorious abbey of Evesham was.

G. CYPRIAN ALSTON