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 Rh vie with each other in conferring medals and decorations upon him. Up to the time of the outbreak of the Civil War, he had been made a member of some 45 learned societies, about 20 of which were in foreign countries. He was made a knight of the Order of Dannebrog by the King of Denmark in 1856, and the following year a knight of the Order of St. Anne by the Czar of Russia and a commander of the Legion of Honor by the Emperor of France; while in 1859 he had conferred upon him the Order of the Tower and Sword by the King of Portugal. Moreover, between the years of 1854 and 1859 gold medals were presented to him by the rulers of Norway and Sweden, Prussia, the republic of Bremen, Holland, Austria, Sardinia, and France; and in addition a medal of honor was awarded him for his charts at the Paris Universal Exhibition of 1855, and only the year before the beginning of the Civil War the Pope sent him a set of thirteen beautiful silver medals. There were two gold medals from Prussia; namely, the medal designed for distinguished works of science and the Cosmos Medal, which had been struck by the King of Prussia to honor Humboldt upon the publication of his "Cosmos" and which was given to Maury because of the warm personal friendship that had long existed between the two great scientists.

Thus was Maury's resourcefulness and perseverance in investigating the wind and currents of the sea and in presenting the results of his research in a practical form for the use of the mariners of the world crowned with success; and whatever the future might hold in store for him, he must have then realized that he had gained for himself an entrance into that small company of the world's most distinguished scientists.

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Rh what to do!" As he uttered these words, a more thorough sense of his destitution (if he persevered in leaving the Mug) than he had hitherto felt rushed upon him; for Paul had designed for a while to throw himself on the hospitality of his Patagonian friend, and now that he found that friend was absent from London, and on so dangerous an expedition, he was a little puzzled what to do with that treasure of intellect and wisdom which he carried about upon his legs. Already he had acquired sufficient penetration—(for Charles Trywit and Harry Finish were excellent masters for initiating a man into knowledge of the world)—to perceive, that a person, however admirable may be his qualities, does not readily find a welcome without a penny in his pocket. In the neighbourhood of Thames Court he had, indeed, many acquaintances; but the fineness of his language, acquired from his education, and the elegance of his air, in which he attempted to blend, in happy association, the gallant effrontery of Mr. Long Ned with the graceful negligence of Mr. Augustus Tomlinson, had made him many enemies among those acquaintances; and he was not willing,—so

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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78 great was our hero's pride,—to throw himself on the chance of their welcome, or to publish, as it were, his exiled and crest-fallen state. As for those boon companions who had assisted him in making a wilderness of his pockets, he had already found, that that was the only species of assistance which they were willing to render him: in a word, he could not for the life of him conjecture in what quarter he should find the benefits of bed and board. While he stood with his finger to his lip, undecided and musing, but fully resolved at least on one thing—not to return to the Mug,—little Dummie, who was a good-natured fellow at the bottom, peered up in his face, and said, "Vy, Paul, my kid, you looks down in the chops: cheer up,—care killed a cat!"

Observing that this appropriate and encouraging fact of natural history did not lessen the cloud upon Paul's brow, the acute Dummie Dunnaker proceeded at once to the grand panacea for all evils, in his own profound estimation:

"Paul, my ben-cull," said he, with a knowing wink, and nudging the young gentleman in the left side, "vot do you say to a drop o'

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Rh blue ruin? or, as you likes to be conish (genteel), I doesn't care if I sports you a glass of port!" While Dunnaker was uttering this invitation, a sudden reminiscence flashed across Paul: he bethought him at once of Mac Grawler; and he resolved forthwith to repair to the abode of that illustrious sage, and petition at least for accommodation for the approaching night. So soon as he had come to this determination, he shook off the grasp of the amiable Dummie, and refusing, with many thanks, his hospitable invitation, requested him to abstract from the Dame's house, and lodge within his own, until called for such articles of linen and clothing as belonged to Paul, and could easily be laid hold of, during one of the matron's evening siestas, by the shrewd Dunnaker. The merchant promised that the commission should be speedily executed; and Paul, shaking hands with him, proceeded to the mansion of Mac Grawler.

We must now go back somewhat, in the natural course of our narrative, and observe, that among the minor causes which had conspired with the great one of gambling to bring our excellent Paul

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80 to his present situation, was his intimacy with Mac Grawler; for when Paul's increasing years and roving habits had put an end to the sage's instructions, there was thereby lopped off from the preceptor's finances the weekly sum of two shillings and sixpence, as well as the freedom of the Dame's cellar and larder; and as, in the reaction of feeling, and the perverse course of human affairs, people generally repent the most of those actions once the most ardently incurred; so poor Mrs. Lobkins, imagining that Paul's irregularities were entirely owing to the knowledge he had acquired from Mac Grawler's instructions, grievously upbraided herself for her former folly, in seeking for a superior education for her protegé; nay, she even vented upon the sacred head of Mac Grawler himself her dissatisfaction at the results of his instructions. In like manner, when a man who can spell comes to be hanged, the anti-educationists accuse the spelling-book of his murder. High words between the admirer of ignorant innocence and the propagator of intellectual science ensued, which ended in Mac Grawler's final expulsion from the Mug.

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Rh There are some young gentlemen of the present day addicted to the adoption of Lord Byron's poetry, with the alteration of new rhymes, who are pleased graciously to inform us, that they are born to be the ruin of all those who love them; an interesting fact, doubtless, but which they might as well keep to themselves. It would seem, by the contents of this Chapter, as if the same misfortune were destined to Paul. The exile of Mac Grawler,—the insults offered to Dummie Dunnaker,—alike occasioned by him, appear to sanction that opinion. Unfortunately, though Paul was a poet, he was not much of a sentimentalist; and he has never given us the edifying ravings of his remorse on those subjects. But Mac Grawler, like Dunnaker, was resolved that our hero should perceive the curse of his fatality; and as he still retained some influence over the mind of his quondam pupil, his accusations against Paul, as the origin of his banishment, were attended with a greater success than were the complaints of Dummie Dunnaker on a similar calamity. Paul, who, like most people who are good for nothing, had an excellent heart, was exceedingly grieved at

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Maury's investigations of the winds and currents of the sea led him into researches connected with all the phenomena of the ocean, the results of which were so extensive and so valuable as to win for him the right to be called the first great oceanographer of the world.

At the beginning of his work at the Depot of Charts and Instruments, he uncovered in the old log books facts relating to the Gulf Stream, which led him to certain interesting conclusions concerning this great ocean current that had not been previously recognized. In July, 1843 he gave an address before the President, the Corps Diplomatique, and important government officials on "The Gulf Stream and Its Causes", which was reread with certain variations before several different learned societies during the following year. He continued to write such scientific papers on topics bearing on oceanography, while he was engaged in astronomical work and the preparation of his wind and current charts, and these papers, after being delivered before scientific societies, were published by him in the astronomical and meteorological publications of his office. Of particular note were those which appeared in the different editions of his "Sailing Directions" under such titles as "The Influence of the Gulf Stream on the Trade of Charleston", "The Currents of the Sea", "On the Saltness of the Sea", "On the General Circulation of the Atmosphere", "Red Fogs and Sea Dust", "On the Probable Relation between Magnetism and the Circulation of the

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 abominable, and as God looks upon men only through the mediator Jesus Christ, men should also look neither upon others nor themselves except mediately through Jesus Christ. For if we do not take this course, we shall find in ourselves nothing but veritable misfortunes, or abominable pleasures; but if we regard all things in Jesus Christ, we shall find full consolation, full satisfaction, and full edification.

Let us, then, consider death in Jesus Christ, and not without Jesus Christ. Without Jesus Christ it is horrible, detestable, the horror of nature. In Jesus Christ it is altogether different; it is benignant, holy, the joy of the faithful. Every thing is sweet in Jesus Christ, even to death: and this is why he suffered and died to sanctify death and suffering; and, in common with God and man, he has been all that was great, and all that was abject, in order to sanctify in himself all things except sin, and to be the model of every condition.

To consider the nature of death, and of death in Jesus Christ, it is necessary to see what rank it holds in his continual and uninterrupted sacrifice, and for this to remark that in sacrifices the most important part is the death of the victim. The oblation and sanctification which precede are the details; but the accomplishment is the death, in which, by the annihilation of life, the creature renders to God all the homage of which it is capable, in annihilating itself before the face of his majesty, and in adoring his sovereign existence, which alone exists in reality. It is true that there is another part, after the death of the victim, without which its death would be useless, that is, God's acceptance of the sacrifice. This is what is said in the Scripture: Et odoratus est Dominus suavitatem. "And the Lord smelled a sweet sacrifice." This it is that really consummates the oblation; but it is rather an action of God towards the creature than of the creature towards God, and does not hinder the last act of the creature from being death.

All these things have been accomplished in Jesus Christ. In entering the world, he offered himself: ''Obtulit semetipsum per Spiritum Sanctum. Ingrediens mundum, dixit: Hostiam noluisti…Tunc dixi: Ecce venio. In capite,'' etc. "Through

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82 Mac Grawler's banishment on his account; and he endeavoured to atone for it by such pecuniary consolations as he was enabled to offer. These Mac Grawler (purely, we may suppose, from a benevolent desire to lessen the boy's remorse,) scrupled not to accept; and thus, so similar often are the effects of virtue and of vice, the exemplary Mac Grawler conspired with the unprincipled Long Ned and the heartless Henry Finish, in producing that unenviable state of vacuity, which now saddened over the pockets of Paul.

As our hero was slowly walking towards the Sage's abode, depending on his gratitude and friendship for a temporary shelter, one of those lightning flashes of thought which often illumine the profoundest abyss of affliction, darted across his mind. Recalling the image of the critic, he remembered that he had seen that ornament of the Asinæum receive sundry sums for his critical lucubrations.

"Why," said Paul seizing on that fact, and stopping short in the street—"Why should I not turn critic myself?"

The only person to whom one ever puts a

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Rh with a tolerable certainty of receiving a satisfactory answer is one's self. The moment Paul started this luminous suggestion, it appeared to him that he had discovered the mines of Potosi. Burning with impatience to discuss with the great Mac Grawler the feasibility of his project, he quickened his pace almost into a run, and in a very few minutes, having only overthrown one chimney-sweeper and two applewomen by the way, he arrived at the Sage's door.

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Copy of engraving furnished by Captain E. T. Pollock, U. S. N. Superintendent Naval Observatory.

Copy of an Engraving of Maury Which Hangs in the Superintendent's Office at the United States Naval Observatory

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text: Paul Clifford/Volume 1/Chapter 4

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 the Eternal Spirit he offered himself. When He cometh into the world, he saith, sacrifice and offering thou wouldst not. Then said I, Lo, I come." This is his oblation. His sanctification was immediate upon his oblation. This sacrifice lasted all his life, and was accomplished by his death. "Ought he not to have suffered these things, and to enter into his glory?" "Though he were a son, yet learned he obedience by the things which he suffered." But "in the days of his flesh, when he had offered up prayers and supplications, with strong cries and tears unto him that was able to save, he was heard in that he feared: "and God raised him from the dead, and sent him his glory, prefigured formerly by the fire from heaven that fell upon the victim to burn and consume his body, and to make it live the spiritual life of glory. This is what Jesus Christ has obtained, and what has been accomplished through his resurrection.

Thus this sacrifice being perfected by the death of Christ, and consummated even in his body by his resurrection, in which the image of sinful flesh was absorbed by glory, Jesus Christ had wholly finished his part; it remained only that the sacrifice should be accepted of God, that, as the smoke ascended and carried the odor to the throne of God, thus Jesus Christ was, in this state of perfect immolation, offered, carried to, and accepted at the throne of God himself: and this it is that has been accomplished in the ascension, in which he mounted on high and by his own power and by the power of his Holy Spirit, which surrounded him on every side, was carried away; as the smoke of the victims, the emblem of Jesus Christ, was carried on high by the air that sustained it, the type of the Holy Spirit: and the Acts of the Apostles indicate to us expressly that he was received up into heaven, in order to assure us that this holy sacrifice accomplished on earth was welcome and acceptable to God, and was received into the bosom of God, to shine in glory through ages upon ages.

This is the state of things as regards our sovereign Lord. Let us consider them now in ourselves. From the moment we enter the Church, which is the world of the Faithful and especially of the elect, into which Jesus Christ entered at the moment of his incarnation by a privilege peculiar to the

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 Rh Atmosphere", "Of Clouds and Equatorial Cloud Rings", "On the Geological Agency of the Winds", and "Deep Sea Soundings".

The last-mentioned paper was made possible by the cooperation afforded by the government in authorizing in 1849 the Secretary of the Navy to detail three suitable vessels to assist in Maury's wind and current investigations and to order all ships of the navy to coöperate in so far as it was compatible with the public interest. Maury had long had a desire to explore the bottom of the ocean, and he now saw to it that these ships especially detailed to help him were equipped and thoroughly instructed for making soundings. The first attempts were made by the schooner Taney, under the command of Lieutenant J. C. Walsh, in the autumn of 1849. But her work was of negligible value, as she succeeded only in losing some 5700 fathoms of line as well as her deepsea sounding apparatus, and then proved so unseaworthy that she had to be condemned and sent back home under escort. Later, however, the results secured particularly by Captain Charles T. Piatt in the sloop of war Albany and by Lieutenants S. P. Lee and O. H. Berryman in the brig Dolphin were of great importance. So extensive was the data regarding soundings at Maury's command by the close of the year 1853 that he was able to publish in the sixth edition of his "Sailing Directions" (1854) ninety pages of matter under the heading of "Physical Geography of the Sea".

This edition of the "Sailing Directions" was brought out by E. C. and J. Biddle of Philadelphia, and when Maury's nephew, Dabney Maury, went to see the publishers about some question connected with its publication, one of the firm called his attention to the fact


text: Blaise Pascal/Letters/To His Sister Jacqueline


text: Blaise Pascal/Letters/To Mme. Perier

title: Blaise Pascal/Letters/To Mme. Perier


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Page:Note of a meeting held on 21 January 1980 Welsh Language Broadcasting.pdf/1

 NOTE OF A MEETING HELD ON 21 JANUARY 1980

WELSH LANGUAGE BROADCASTING

Present:

The meeting had been arranged at the request of Mr Dafydd Elis Thomas to discuss the Home Secretary's proposals for Welsh language broadcasting on the fourth channel.

2. Mr Morgan thanked the Home Secretary for meeting the delegation and explained that they represented a large body of opinion in Wales, which was firmly in favour of the "fourth channel plan" (ie the concentration of all Welsh language programmes on the fourth channel). Both the Crawford and the Annan Committees recommended this course and Mr Morgan argued that the Conservative Party had also advocated it in their Manifesto for Wales and in The Queen's Speech. Last September, however, the Home Secretary had suddenly announced a change of policy in his speech to the Royal Television Society, and this had been received with considerable disappointment in Wales. Mr Morgan argued that the next 20 years would be of crucial importance for the survival and development of the Welsh language and that Westminster owed a debt to the Welsh people to help save their language. This, he argued, could best be achieved by concentrating all Welsh language programmes on one channel, a solution which Mr Morgan considered would be fair to Welsh and non-Welsh speakers alike.

3. Other members of the delegation reinforced the points made by Mr Morgan. In particular it was argued that many people in Wales had voted for the Conservative Party in the belief that they would institute a Welsh language channel, and it was suggested that if a referendum were held on this subject the majority of the people in Wales would prefer this solution. Radio Cymru, which broadcasts all its Welsh language programmes on one channel, was cited as an example of the success of such an arrangement. It was argued that television had an even greater influence than radio on the public, and in particular on children, and that the survival of the Welsh language would be more easily assured if children were able to watch more Welsh language programmes. The cultural needs of the Welsh people were emphasised and Mr Thomas argued that there was no reason why the arrangements for the fourth channel in Wales should be the same as those throughout the rest of Great Britain: indeed, it was suggested that in Wales there was room for greater /public service input


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2. public service input and that the simple solution would be to broadcast all Welsh language programmes on one channel, with the BBC sharing the channel for this purpose. He recognised that this arrangement would be costly in terms of lost advertising revenue but suggested that the revenue from ITV1 should be sufficient to fund the channel.

4. A note of warning was sounded on behalf of the Welsh Language Society, who argued that both Labour and Conservative Governments had promised Welsh language programmes and had assured the Society that they respected the rights of both Welsh and non-Welsh speakers; nevertheless the Government had now broken this pledge and this was seen generally as a cynical and dishonest manoeuvre which was likely to encourage further unrest on the part of young people in Wales.

5. In response to the points made by the delegation, the Home Secretary said that it was his intention to introduce as soon as possible a Bill on the lines set out in his September speech, and that rumours of delay were entirely unfounded; he recognised that when the Bill was discussed in Parliament, arguments in favour of using the fourth channel for Welsh language programmes would be put forward and he would of course listen carefully to these. If he was convinced that the case was a sound one, he would be prepared to change his policy, although at present he found it difficult to believe that the people of Wales would actually be better off with a fourth channel devoted to Welsh language programmes. He corrected Mr Morgan's assertion that such a channel had been promised in The Queen's Speech, although he accepted that it had been envisaged in the Manifesto. He pointed out that in the circumstances it would have been easier for him to adhere to the Manifesto commitment rather than announce a change of policy which he knew would meet with opposition; nevertheless he was firmly convinced that the arrangements which he now proposed provided the best solution. This was, however, a matter of judgement and he accepted that others held different views. Mr Roberts agreed with the Home Secretary and emphasised that the present plan offered a better deal for the Welsh language. He pointed out that the Welsh language would be treated on a par with the English language and that competition would therefore be created, causing the BBC and the IBA to put more resources into the production of Welsh language programmes. He also argued that if all Welsh language programmes were concentrated on one channel, there might be a danger that they would be scrapped in times of financial difficulties and that they would therefore be safer on two channels. Non-Welsh speakers also had to be considered and Mr Roberts pointed out that they would have cause for complaint if they did not get the benefit of a fourth channel.

6. Mr Thomas took issue with Mr Roberts on the question of competition and argued that while Mr Roberts' view might hold good for the United Kingdom as a whole, it did not make sense in Wales, /where, instead of


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3. where, instead of competition, all that resulted was a wasteful duplication of resources. So far as English speakers were concerned, he argued that they need not be deprived of programmes on the fourth channel since these could easily be re-scheduled and shown on ITV1. Even if this could not be done, he objected to the proposition that the deprivation of English speakers was of greater importance than the deprivation of Welsh language speakers. He argued, moreover, that as the number of channels available to the public increased, it would become more important to set aside one channel where Welsh language programmes could be assured, and he suggested that any financial difficulty might be overcome by having separate funding from a different source for Welsh language programmes. In conclusion, he emphasised the strong support which existed in Wales for a separate channel for the Welsh language and argued that the fourth channel plan would help to lessen tension and conflict.

7. Summing up, both the Home Secretary and Mr Roberts pointed out that under the present proposals there would be an increase in the number of Welsh language programmes which were shown on television. They both believed that Welsh language speakers would benefit most from the proposal to split Welsh language programmes between two channels, although the Home Secretary repeated that he would listen to any arguments put forward during the passage of the Bill through Parliament. The meeting concluded.

Private Office

23 January 1980

cc


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 have already pointed out that Modern Feminism has two sides or aspects. The first formulates definite political, juridical and economic demands on the grounds of justice, equity, equality and so forth, as general principles; the second does not formulate in so many words definite demands as general principles, but seems to exploit the traditional notions of chivalry based on male sex sentiment, in favour of according women special privileges on the ground of their sex, in the law, and still more in the administration of the law. For the sake of brevity we call the first Political Feminism, for, although its demands are not confined to the political sphere, it is first and foremost a political movement, and its typical claim at the present time, the Franchise, is a purely political one; and the second Sentimental Feminism, inasmuch as it commonly does not profess to be based on any general principle whatever, whether of equity or otherwise, but relies exclusively on the traditional and conventional 51

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 sex sentiment of Man towards Woman. It may be here premised that most Political Feminists, however much they may refuse to admit it, are at heart also Sentimental Feminists. Sentimental Feminists, on the other hand, are not invariably Political Feminists, although the majority of them undoubtedly are so to a greater or lesser extent. Logically, as we shall have occasion to insist upon later on, the principles professedly at the root of Political Feminism are in flagrant contradiction with any that can justify Sentimental Feminism.

Now both the orders of Feminism referred to have been active for more than a generation past in fomenting a crusade against the male sex—an Anti-Man Crusade. Their efforts have been largely successful owing to a fact to which attention has, perhaps, not enough been called. In the case of other classes, or bodies of persons, having community of interests this common interest invariably interprets itself in a sense of class, caste, or race solidarity. The class or caste has a certain esprit de corps in its own interest. The whole of history largely turns on the conflict of economic classes based on a common feeling obtaining between members of the respective classes; on a small scale, we see the same thing in the solidarity of a particular trade or profession. But it is unnecessary to do more than call attention here to this fundamental sociological law upon which alike the class

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Rh struggles of history, and of modern times, the patriotism of states from the city-state of the ancient world to the national state of the modern world, is based. Now note the peculiar manner in which this law manifests itself in the sex question of the present day. While Modern Feminism has succeeded in establishing a powerful sex-solidarity amongst a large section of women as against men, there is not only no sex-solidarity of men as against women, but, on the contrary, the prevalence of an altogether opposed sentiment. Men hate their brother-men in their capacity of male persons. In any conflict of interests between a man and a woman, male public opinion, often in defiance of the most obvious considerations of equity, sides with the woman, and glories in doing so. Here we seem to have a very flagrant contradiction with, as has already been said, one of the most fundamental sociological laws. The explanations of the phenomena in question are, of course, ready to hand:—Tradition of chivalry, feelings, perhaps inherited, dating possibly back to the prehuman stage of man's evolution, derived from the competition of the male with his fellow-male for the possession of the coveted female, etc.

These explanations may have a measure of validity, but I must confess they are to me scarcely adequate to account for the intense hatred which the large section of men seem to entertain towards

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54 their fellow-males in the world of to-day, and their eagerness to champion the female in the sex war which the Woman's “sex union,” as it has been termed, has declared of recent years. Whatever may be the explanation, and I confess I cannot find one completely satisfactory, the fact remains. A Woman's Movement unassisted by man, still more if opposed energetically by the public opinion of a solid phalanx of the manhood of any country, could not possibly make any headway. As it is, we see the legislature, judges, juries, parsons, specially those of the non-conformist persuasion, all vie with one another in denouncing the villainy and baseness of the male person, and ever devising ways and means to make his life hard for him. To these are joined a host of literary men and journalists of varying degrees of reputation who contribute their quota to the stream of anti-manism in the shape of novels, storiettes, essays, and articles, the design of which is to paint man as a base, contemptible creature, as at once a knave and an imbecile, a bird of prey and a sheep in wolf's clothing, and all as a foil to the glorious majesty of Womanhood. There are not wanting artists who are pressed into this service. The picture of the Thames Embankment at night, of the drowned unfortunate with the angel's face, the lady and gentleman in evening dress who have just got out of their cab—the lady

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Rh with uplifted hands bending over the dripping form, and the callous and brutal gentleman turning aside to light a cigarette—this is a typical specimen of Feminist didactic art. By these means, which have been carried on with increasing ardour for a couple of generations past, what we may term the anti-man cultus has been made to flourish and to bear fruit till we find nowadays all recent legislation affecting the relations between the sexes carrying its impress, and the whole of the judiciary and magistracy acting as its priests and ministrants.

On the subject of Anti-man legislation, I have already written at length elsewhere, but for the sake of completeness I state the case briefly here. (1) The marriage laws of England to-day are a monument of Feminist sex partiality. If I may be excused the paradox, the partiality of the marriage laws begins with the law relating to breach of promise, which, as is well known, enables a woman to punish a man vindictively for refusing to marry her after having once engaged himself to her. I ought to add, and this, oftentimes, however good his grounds may be for doing so. Should the woman commit perjury, in these cases, she is never prosecuted for the

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56 offence. Although the law of breach of promise exists also for the man, it is well known to be totally ineffective and practically a dead letter. It should be remarked that, however gross the misrepresentations or undue influences on the part of the woman may have been to induce the man to marry her, they do not cause her to lose her right to compensation. As, for instance, where an experienced woman of the world of thirty or forty entraps a boy scarcely out of his teens. (2) Again, according to the law of England, the right to maintenance accrues solely to the woman. Formerly this privilege was made dependent on her cohabitation with the man and generally decent behaviour to him. Now even these limitations cease to be operative, while the man is liable to imprisonment and confiscation of any property he may have. A wife is now at full liberty to leave her husband, while she retains her right to get her husband sent to gaol if he refuses to maintain her—to put the matter shortly, the law imposes upon the wife no legally enforceable duties what-ever towards her husband. The one thing which it will enforce with iron vigour is the wife's right of maintenance against her husband. In the case of a man of the well-to-do classes, the man's property is confiscated by the law in favour of his wife. In the case of a working man the law compels her husband to do corvée for her, as the

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Rh feudal serf had to do for his lord. The wife, on the other hand, however wealthy, is not compelled to give a farthing towards the support of her husband, even though disabled by sickness or by accident; the single exception in the latter case being should he become chargeable to the parish, in which case the wife would have to pay the authorities a pauper's rate for his maintenance. In a word, a wife has complete possession and control over any property she may possess, as well as over her earnings; the husband, on the other hand, is liable to confiscation of capitalised property or earnings at the behest of the law courts in favour of his wife. A wife may even make her husband bankrupt on the ground of money she alleges that she lent him; a husband, on the other hand, has no claim against his wife for any money advanced, since a husband is supposed to give, and not to lend, his wife money, or other valuables. (3) The law affords the wife a right to commit torts against third parties—e.g. libels and slanders—the husband alone being responsible, and this rule applies even although the wife is living apart from her husband, who is wholly without knowledge of her misdeeds. With the exception of murder, a wife is held by the law to be guiltless of practically any crime committed in the presence of her husband. (4) No man can obtain a legal separation or divorce from his wife (save under the Licensing

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58 Act of 1902, a Police Court separation for habitual drunkenness alone) without a costly process in the High Court. Every wife can obtain, if not a divorce, at least a legal separation, by going whining to the nearest police court, for a few shillings, which her husband, of course, has to pay. The latter, it is needless to say, is mulcted in alimony at the “discretion of the Court.” This “discretion” is very often of a queer character for the luckless husband. Thus, a working man earning only twenty shillings a week may easily find himself in the position of having to pay from seven to ten shillings a week to a shrew out of his wages.

In cases where a wife proceeds to file a petition for divorce, the way is once more smoothed for her by the law, at the husband's expense. He has to advance her money to enable her to fight him. Should the case come on for hearing the husband finds the scale still more weighted against him; every slander of his wife is assumed to be true until he has proved its falsity, the slightest act or a word during a moment of irritation, even a long time back, being twisted into what is termed “legal cruelty,” even though such has been provoked by a long course of ill treatment and neglect on the part of the wife. The husband and his witnesses can be indicted for perjury for the slightest exaggeration or

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Rh them the logical structure is common. (Like the two youths, their two horses and their lilies in the story. They are all in a certain sense one) " (4.014). The possibility of a proposition representing a fact rests upon the fact that in it objects are represented by signs. The so-called logical "constants" are not represented by signs, but are themselves present in the proposition as in the fact. The proposition and the fact must exhibit the same logical "manifold," and this cannot be itself represented since it has to be in common between the fact and the picture. Mr Wittgenstein maintains that everything properly philosophical belongs to what can only be shown, to what is in common between a fact and its logical picture. It results from this view that nothing correct can be said in philosophy. Every philosophical proposition is bad grammar, and the best that we can hope to achieve by philosophical discussion is to lead people to see that philosophical discussion is a mistake. "Philosophy is not one of the natural sciences. (The word 'philosophy' must mean something which stands above or below, but not beside the natural sciences.) The object of philosophy is the logical clarification of thoughts. Philosophy is not a theory but an activity. A philosophical work consists essentially of elucidations. The result of philosophy is not a number of 'philosophical propositions,' but to make propositions clear. Philosophy should make clear and delimit sharply the thoughts which otherwise are, as it were, opaque and blurred" (4.111 and 4.112). In accordance with this principle the things that have to be said in leading the reader to understand Mr Wittgenstein's theory are all of them things which that theory itself condemns as meaningless. With this proviso we will endeavour to convey the picture of the world which seems to underlie his system.

The world consists of facts : facts cannot strictly speaking be defined, but we can explain what we mean by saying that facts are what make propositions true, or false. Facts may contain parts which are facts or may Rh


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Rh inaccuracy in their statements, while the most calculated falsity in the evidence of the wife and her witnesses is passed over. Not the grossest allegation on the part of the wife against the husband, even though proved in court to be false, is sufficient ground for the husband to refuse to take her back again, or from preventing the court from confiscating his property if he resists doing so. Knowledge of the unfairness of the court to the husband, as all lawyers are aware, prevents a large number of men from defending divorce actions brought by their wives. A point should here be mentioned as regards the action of a husband for damages against the seducer of his wife. Such damages obviously belong to the husband as compensation for his destroyed home life. Now these damages our modern judges in their feminist zeal have converted into a fund for endowing the adulteress, depriving the husband of any compensation whatever for the wrong done him. He may not touch the income derived from the money awarded him by the jury, which is handed over by the court to his divorced wife. It would take us too long to go through all the privileges, direct and indirect, conferred by statute or created by the rulings of judges and the practice of the courts, in favour of the wife against the husband. It is the more unnecessary to go into them here as they may be found in detail with

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text: Index:Note of a meeting between the Secretary of State and Lady Plowden 30 July 1979.pdf


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60 illustrative cases in the aforesaid pamphlet in which I collaborated, entitled “The Legal Subjection of Men” (mentioned in the footnote to p. 55).

At this point it may be well to say a word on the one rule of the divorce law which Feminists are perennially trotting out as a proof of the shocking injustice of the marriage law to women: that to obtain her divorce the woman has to prove cruelty in addition to adultery against her husband, while in the case of the husband it is sufficient to prove adultery alone. Now to make of this rule a grievance for the woman is, I submit, evidence of the destitution of the Feminist case. In default of any real injustice pressing on the woman the Feminist is constrained to make as much capital as possible out of the merest semblance of a grievance he can lay his hand on. The reasons for this distinction which the law draws between the husband and the wife, it is obvious enough, are perfectly well grounded. It is based mainly on the simple fact that while a woman by her adultery may foist upon her husband a bastard which he will be compelled by law to support as his own child, in the husband's case of having an illegitimate child the wife and her property are not affected. Now in a society such as ours is, based upon private property-holding, it is only natural, I submit, that the law should take account of this fact. But not

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Rh only is this rule of law almost certainly doomed to repeal in the near future, but in even the present day, while it still nominally exists, it is practically a dead letter in the divorce court, since any trivial act of which the wife chooses to complain is strained by the court into evidence of cruelty in the legal and technical sense. As the matter stands, the practical effect of the rule is a much greater injustice to the husband than to the wife, since the former often finds himself convicted of “cruelty” which is virtually nothing at all, in order that the wife's petition may be granted, and which is often made the excuse by Feminist judges for depriving the husband of the custody of his children. Misconduct on the wife's part, or neglect of husband and children, does not weigh with the court which will not on that ground grant relief to the husband from his obligation for maintenance, etc. On the other hand, neglect of the wife by the husband is made a ground for judicial separation with the usual consequences—alimony, etc. “Thus,” as it has been put, “between the upper and the nether millstone, cruelty on the one hand, neglect on the other, the unhappy husband can be legally ground to pieces, whether he does anything or whether he does nothing.” Personal violence on the part of the husband is severely punished; on the part of wife she will be let off with impunity. Even if she should in an extreme case be imprisoned, the

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 RoyalBadgeOfWales BW 1953.PNG

NOTE OF A MEETING BETWEEN THE SECRETARY OF LADY PLOWDEN (CHAIRMAN, INDEPENDENT BROADCASTING AUTHORITY) HELD AT GWYDYR HOUSE ON MONDAY 30 JULY 1979

Present:

Secretary of State

1 OFFICIAL PRESENT

Lady Plowden Sir Bryan Young (Director General) Mr Tony Pragnell (Deputy Director General)

1The Secretary of State said that the question of Welsh Language television and the Fourth Channel was a major political issue in the Principality. English speakers were just as concerned as Welsh speakers about it since the arrangements made would clearly influence both their viewing patterns. Over recent years a consensus had emerged which favoured Welsh language broadcasting being concentrated on the Fourth Channel. The Government were firmly committed to such an arrangement. The Election Manifesto, the Queen's Speech and his own subsequent speech to the Conservative Party Conference in Wales had endorsed this approach. While therefore it was by no means out of the question to move away from that solution, it was absolutely essential to do so on a basis which preserved as far as possible the consensus and provided a real answer to those who would allege that a change represented a shift away from support for the language in broadcasting.

2Once the new Channel was operating there was clearly a likelihood that some people's opinions would change. No-one questioned for a moment that increased Welsh language broadcasting would deprive people in Wales of programmes available in England. The objective, however, should be to ensure that people knew exactly where and when they could find (and avoid) Welsh programmes. Unless this was done the very significant problem of people in Wales turning their aerials to English stations would continue. Welsh broadcasting had to be removed from the main channels in his view, but he suspected that if people discovered that it remained on two rather than one channel there would be resentment.

3He had three personal targets:

 * 1That the timescale for introducing the new programmes should be the same as that to which the previous Government had been committed;

 * 2that there should be the same amount of broadcasting as they had aimed for;

 * 3that the broadcasting should go out at peak hours.


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Rh contain no such parts; for example : "Socrates was a wise Athenian," consists of the two facts, "Socrates was wise," and "Socrates was an Athenian." A fact which has no parts that are facts is called by Mr Wittgenstein a Sachverhalt. This is the same thing that he calls an atomic fact. An atomic fact, although it contains no parts that are facts, nevertheless does contain parts. If we may regard "Socrates is wise" as an atomic fact we perceive that it contains the constituents "Socrates" and "wise." If an atomic fact is analysed as fully as possibly (theoretical, not practical possibility is meant) the constituents finally reached may be called "simples" or "objects." It is not contended by Wittgenstein that we can actually isolate the simple or have empirical knowledge of it. It is a logical necessity demanded by theory, like an electron. His ground for maintaining that there must be simples is that every complex presupposes a fact. It is not necessarily assumed that the complexity of facts is finite; even if every fact consisted of an infinite number of atomic facts and if every atomic fact consisted of an infinite number of objects there would still be objects and atomic facts (4.2211). The assertion that there is a certain complex reduces to the assertion that its constituents are related in a certain way, which is the assertion of a fact : thus if we give a name to the complex the name only has meaning in virtue of the truth of a certain proposition, namely the proposition asserting the relatedness of the constituents of the complex. Thus the naming of complexes presupposes propositions, while propositions presupposes the naming of simples. In this way the naming of simples is shown to be what is logically first in logic.

The world is fully described if all atomic facts are known, together with the fact that these are all of them. The world is not described by merely naming all the objects in it; it is necessary also to know the atomic facts of which these objects are constituents. Given this total of atomic facts, every true proposition, however complex, Rh


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62 husband, if a poor man, on her release will be compelled to take her back to live with him. The case came under the notice of the writer a few years ago in which a humane magistrate was constrained to let off a woman who had nearly murdered a husband on the condition of her graciously consenting to a separation, but she had presumably still to be supported by her victim.

The decision in the notorious Jackson case precluded the husband from compelling his wife to obey an order of the court for the restitution of conjugal rights. The persistent Feminist tendency of all case-law is illustrated by a decision of the House of Lords in 1894 in reference to the law of Scotland constituting desertion for four years a ground ipso facto for a divorce with the right of remarriage. Here divorce was refused to a man whose wife had left him for four years and taken her child with her. The Law Lords justified their own interpretation of the law on the ground that the man did not really want her to come back. But inasmuch as this plea can be started in every case where it cannot be proved that the husband had absolutely grovelled before his wife, imploring her to return, and possibly even then—since the sincerity even of this grovelling might conceivably be called in question—it is clear that the decision practically rendered this old Scottish law inoperative for the husband.

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RoyalBadgeOfWales BW 1953.PNG 4He saw two main questions. The first was whether it would be technically possible to cover Wales adequately on both channels within the timetable to which the Government were committed. The second and far more significant point was that of scheduling. There would clearly be problems with a single service. Two complementary services seemed likely to him to be much more difficult to organise without overlap (which would also reduce the amount of programmes in Welsh which any individual viewer could see in a week).

5If the public were to be persuaded to accept any solution, but particularly a new solution, they had to be convinced about the practical arrangements for scheduling. In his view whatever arrangements were come to there had to be some kind of co-ordinating body which would tackle overlap problems between the IBA and the BBC. Public acceptance of this committee, and possibly the standing of its Chairman, could be the key to the whole issue. With two channels broadcasting Welsh its role would be both more difficult and even more important.

6Clearly there was going to be a good deal of discussion from now on. His other anxiety was to ensure that, in view of the political significance of the issue in Wales, the Welsh Office were fully involved in all these future discussions.

7Lady Plowden and her colleagues made the following points in reply:-

/They -2-


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8

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30 July 1979

Distribution:

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Rh can theoretically be inferred. A proposition (true or false) asserting an atomic fact is called an atomic proposition. All atomic propositions are logically independent of each other. No atomic proposition implies any other or is inconsistent with any other. Thus the whole business of logical inference is concerned with propositions which are not atomic. Such propositions may be called molecular.

Wittgenstein's theory of molecular propositions turns upon his theory of the construction of truth-functions.

A truth-function of a proposition p is a proposition containing p and such that its truth or falsehood depends only upon the truth or falsehood of p, and similarly a truth-function of several propositions p, q, r … is one containing p, q, r … and such that its truth or falsehood depends only upon the truth or falsehood of p, q, r … It might seem at first sight as though there were other functions of propositions besides truth-functions; such, for example, would be "A believes p," for in general A will believe some true propositions and some false ones: unless he is an exceptionally gifted individual, we cannot infer that p is true from the fact that he believes it or that p is false from the fact that he does not believe it. Other apparent exceptions would be such as "p is a very complex proposition" or "p is a proposition about Socrates." Mr Wittgenstein maintains, however, for reasons which will appear presently, that such exceptions are only apparent, and that every function of a proposition is really a truth-function. It follows that if we can define truth-functions generally, we can obtain a general definition of all propositions in terms of the original set of atomic propositions. This Wittgenstein proceeds to do.

It has been shown by Dr Sheffer (Trans. Am. Math. Soc., Vol. XIV. pp. 481-488) that all truth-functions of a given set of propositions can be constructed out of either of the two functions "not-p or not-q" or "not-p and not-q." Wittgenstein makes use of the latter, assuming a  Rh


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Rh of Dr Sheffer's work. The manner in which other truth-functions are constructed out of "not-p and not-q" is easy to see. ** Not-p and not-p" is equivalent to "not-p," hence we obtain a definition of negation in qerms of our primitive function: hence we can define p or q," since this is the negation of "not-p and not-q," i.e. of our primitive function. The development of other truth-functions out of "not-p" and "p or q" is given in detail at the beginning of Principia Mathematica, This gives all that is wanted when the propositions which are arguments to our truth-function are given by enumeration. Wittgenstein, however, by a very interesting analysis succeeds in extending the process to general propositions, i.e. to cases where the propositions which are arguments to our truth-function are not given by enumeration but are given as all those satisfying some condition. For example, let fx be a propositional function (i.e. a function whose values are propositions), such as "x is human"—then the various values of fx form a set of propositions. We may extend the idea "not-p and not-q" so as to apply to simultaneous denial of all the propositions which are values of fx. In this way we arrive at the proposition which is ordinarily represented in mathematical logic by the words "fx is false for all values of x." The negation of this would be the proposition "there is at least one x for which fx is true" which is represented by "$$(\exists x).fx$$." If we had started with not-fx instead oi fx we should have arrived at the proposition "fx is true for all values of x" which is represented by $$(x).fx$$." Wittgenstein's method of dealing with general propositions [i.e. "$$(x).fx$$" and "$$(\exists x).fx$$"] differs from previous methods by the fact that the generality comes only in specifying the set of propositions concerned, and when this has been done the building up of truth-functions proceeds exactly as it would in the case of a finite number of enumerated arguments "p, q, r, …"

Mr Wittgenstein's explanation of his symbolism at this point is not quite fully given in the text. The symbol Rh


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E.R. NOTE OF A MEETING HELD ON 11 SEPTEMBER 1979

WELSH LANGUAGE BROADCASTING

Present:

Home Secretary

Mr Wyn Roberts (Minister of State Welsh Office)

Mr. Roberts had requested a meeting with the Home Secretary to discuss Welsh language aspects of Government policy on the fourth channel in advance of the Home Secretary's speech to the Royal Television Society. He was particularly concerned that the present proposals differed markedly from those contained in the Conservative Party's Welsh election manifesto. Once they became known there would undoubtedly be an outcry in Wales.

TIMING

2. Priority had in the past been given to the introduction of the fourth channel in Wales and it was important that the Welsh language service should not lag behind the introduction of the general service elsewhere. In discussion, it was pointed out that the present Government's commitment was to the simultaneous introduction of the service: priority could not be given to Wales. There was already a reference in the Home Secretary's speech to the fact that the fourth channel could not start until a substantial proportion of the population throughout the country could receive the broadcasts. The Home Secretary agreed that this part of his speech could be expanded to explain the importance of adequate coverage in Wales, particularly in the northern part, where the majority of Welsh language speakers were concentrate

BALANCE BETWEEN THE BBC AND THE IBA

3. The Conservative Party's Welsh election manifesto had promised that all Welsh language programmes would be concentrated on one channel. There had in the past been criticism from English speakers in Wales of the use of BBC 1 for Welsh language programmes. Mr. Roberts was therefore concerned that if they were now to be shown on BBC and the fourth channel, the BBC should be encouraged to concentrate them on BBC 2. Although the Home Secretary could not direct the BBC, he assured Mr. Roberts that they would without doubt comply with the request to restrict Welsh language broadcasts to BBC 2.

4. Although the present proposals meant that there would not be a complete Welsh language service, the Home Secretary pointed out that Welsh speakers would in fact get a better service since the competition between the two channels would ensure better quality. There would also have been difficulty in attracting advertisers if it had been decided that the fourth channel should be the sole vehicle for Welsh language programmes. Mr. Roberts accepted these points, but asked that the reference in the Home Secretary's speech to the Home Office Working Party should be deleted since this might unnecessarily draw attention to the difference between the Government's present proposals and those in its manifesto: it was agreed that this reference should be deleted.


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2. CONSULTATIVE MACHINERY

5. The Government proposed that a consultative body should be set up to ensure that Welsh language programmes on the two channels should not overlap. Mr. Roberts felt that a body of some strength would be needed for this purpose, drawing from the BBC, the IBA and independent producers, and argued that it should be a statutory body which might also be given responsibility for programme quality. The Home Secretary was anxious to avoid setting up any body which might resemble a Quango but agreed that a general requirement to set up consultative machinery could be written into the Bill. It would, however, be extremely difficult to give such a body responsibility for programme quality since this would interfere with the editorial independence of the IBA and BBC. Mr. Roberts accepted this point.

6. There was some discussion of the possibility of introducing a statutory minimum limit on the number of hours to be devoted to Welsh language broadcasts (at present expected to be about 22 hours). Mr. Roberts accepted, however, that the introduction of such a minimum limit might be counter-productive in leading to inflexibility. The meeting.

Private Office

13.9.79.

c.c.


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text: Note of a Meeting held on 11 September 1979 Welsh Language Broadcasting


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 pumpkin pie, with tea for the elders and nice sweet milk for Golden Hair and the Tiny Bear.

The grandmother liked the three bears so well and the bears were so delighted with the comforts of home that they all decided to live together for the general good.

Papa Bear would do the chores and stand guard over the house at night; Mamma Bear would do the housework under the direction of Golden Hair; while the Tiny Bear would wait upon grandmother and run errands for the household.

And so it came about that the three moved their three bowls and their

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 of those who might plunder her), some of whom thought proper to go into the town against all the efforts used by the officers and myself to prevent them; I represented this to Mr. Campbell, showed him the men walking away, asked what I was to do? how I could act? was in a manner laughed at by him; during that day I was employed in looking after magistrates, sending constables after my people; still unable to clear my ship for sea—I threatened again to write the Governor on the subject. The next day I received information that my clearance was made out, on getting which I had to pay £20 16s. without any reason given why, nor could I gain any information on the subject, nor even a receipt for the money. The departments of Government receive with pleasure the penalties and forfeitures on the ship and crew, without a wish or effort to assist the captain in the execution of his duty, though robberies of every description are practised to (and) from his ship."

To supply the Colony with a sound currency had been one of the problems before each Governor since the time of its foundation. In the very early days there had been no metal coinage at all. Two legitimate substitutes—the Government store receipts and bills on the Treasury—and the promissory notes of individuals, the so-called "Colonial Currency," had competed at a considerable disadvantage with the rum-currency. The former—the Government bills—were the more stable of the two, for the colonial currency was subject to continual fluctuations. Attempts were several times made by colonists to regulate the value of these notes by combining among themselves to raise or lower their exchange against the Government issues. To prevent this Macquarie forbade these combinations, and also the issue of promissory notes with the exchange value named upon them. This was in 1813, when a supply of silver dollars had been received from India, and from that time it was declared that only those notes which were payable on sight in sterling money were to be legal tender. To keep the silver coins in the country


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 three beds to the home of Golden Hair and her grandmother, the very next day; and from all accounts they were happy ever after. At any rate the fame of Golden Hair and the three bears spread far and wide through all the countryside, so that on holidays troops of children came to play with the four jolly friends.

The good natured bears were always anxious to please the children; they would get up games under the greenwood trees in the summer, and merry sports upon the icy lake or snowy hills in winter. They did their best to make life for all, one glad round of joy. Just how long they lived thus, no one seems to know; for it was a long, long time ago and nothing is left but a joyous memory of a happy golden time.

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text: Index:Independent Broadcasting Legislative Proposals.pdf


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Treasury Chambers, Parliament Street. SW1P 3AG

The Rt Hon William Whitelaw CH MC MP

Home Secretary

Home Office

50 Queen Anne's Gate

LONDON

SW1H 9AT

2 November 1979

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INDEPENDENT BROADCASTING : LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS

I understand that your officials, after consulting officials in the Treasury and other Departments, have issued instructions to Counsel to prepare legislation to implement H Committee decisions on the framework and administration of the Fourth TV Channel. The Committee agreed at the end of our discussion of this subject on 31 July that the Minister of State, Home Office would report back on the outstanding matters on which we did not reach a conclusion, including the proposals on finance and the treatment of the Welsh language.

Broadly speaking I am content with the proposed financial arrangements and the legislative framework to give effect to them. And we shall have an opportunity for a further collective discussion in due course. But I would like to raise with you now two matters on the financial aspects which concern me and on which you might reflect further.

First I am concerned about the future viability of the Channel. I am sure we all expect the Fourth Channel to be commercially successful. Most of us also believe that there is sufficient buoyancy in the advertising industry to provide revenue to ensure this. But this is essentially an act of faith. Advertising may be discouraged by the minority appeal of the Channel, particularly in Wales, and the revenue may not build up fast enough to sustain a successful new channel.

This may not matter. Under your proposals the programme contractors would be required by the IBA to provide whatever sums are necessary to meet the Fourth Channel expenditure. If they are not getting sufficient advertising revenue, they will no doubt demand that IBA restrict expenditure accordingly. But can we be sure that they will have sufficient clout to keep the Fourth Channel budget within bounds, particularly if the IBA has power to control their share of programmes on the Channel?


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CONFIDENTIAL

Clearly this is an uncertain area which we shall need to watch very carefully. At this stage I think we can only do our best to see that the legislative framework provides no impediments to commercial viability (beyond the necessary constraints to ensure that our objectives on quality and programme balance are met), and that you are in a position to prevent the IBA from incurring expenditure on the Fourth Channel beyond a level the programme contractors are prepared to support, or indeed to wind up the Channel altogether if it proves continuously unviable. I should be glad to have your assurance on this point.

My second concern is that you propose no change in the levy system, at present related to profits. The argument that a profits-based levy does nothing to check waste and inefficiency on the part of the TV companies is a familiar one. After paying levy at its present rate, and corporation tax, a company only retains 17 per cent of any marginal surplus of revenue over expenditure. This is particularly relevant to increases in pay, and their impact on the BBC. The new Bill provides an opportunity to look at this again and take action if we choose to do so. I can appreciate the arguments against making a further change, which may be unpopular with the companies. But I should like H Committee to have an opportunity for a collective discussion of this subject, when your further proposals are put before them. One way of arranging this would be for me to circulate a paper.

I should also like to register one other point about the legislative proposals, which in my view should be considered collectively in H Committee. The PAC asked the Government to consider whether final statutory authority for levy assessments should continue to rest with the IBA alone, or whether this should be changed in the new legislation - which could require the Authority to consult the Home Office and the Treasury. Given that the levy is a form of tax payable to the Consolidated Fund, I think there is a strong case for making this change; and I hope you will agree to include a discussion of the merits in your H Committee paper.

I am sending copies of this letter to the other members of H Committee and Sir Robert Armstrong.

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JOHN BIFFEN


text: Denslow's Three Bears

title: Denslow's Three Bears


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Author:William Wallace Denslow

Works

 * The Wonderful Wizard of Oz (1900) (illustrator)
 * Denslow's Three Bears (1903)
 * Denslow's Humpty Dumpty (1903)
 * The Pearl and the Pumpkin, by Paul West (1904)
 * Denslow's 5 Little Pigs (1905)

title: Author:William Wallace Denslow


text: Independent Broadcasting Legislative Proposals


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 Macquarie mutilated each by cutting out a small coin for exchange. The value of the large coin was 5s. and of the small 1s. 3d.

The Proclamation insisting that the notes should be immediately payable in sterling money was a failure, and the courts were unable to enforce it. Its objects were made more unattainable by the action of Commissary Allan, who arrived in June, 1813. He persuaded the Governor to allow him to replace the old system of store receipts at the Commissariat by the issue of promissory notes signed by the Commissary, pointing out the greater convenience and simplicity of the method. But Allan issued notes for private as well as public purposes, and improved his own while injuring the Government's credit. Had he kept, as he promised to do, within his monthly estimate, he would have run no risk. But he did not, and Macquarie was practically forced to restore the old custom of store receipts. He did it, however, so suddenly as to cause Allan great financial embarrassment, and to procure him the sympathy of the whole settlement. In 1816 a determined effort was made to do away with the depreciated paper currency. At the end of November the tender of sterling money for the face value of the currency notes was again made compulsory, but finding that this could not be enforced, on the 7th December a Proclamation was issued containing a schedule of the rates at which they were to be exchanged, and this was carried out very leniently. Wylde in his desire to find a stable currency to replace the promissory notes proposed that a bank should be established, a scheme


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 We believe what we believe, not because we have been convinced by such and such arguments, but because we are of such and such a disposition. C.E.M.

The mind of the ordinary man is in so imperfect a condition that it requires a creed; that is to say, a theory concerning the unknown and the unknowable in which it may place its deluded faith and be at rest. Author:William Winwood Reade.

Generations followed and what had been offered as hypothetical theological suppositions were through custom and tradition taken for granted as unquestioned truth. Author:Llewelyn Powys.

Martian has had his attention drawn to the statement that religion in some form or other has existed from most primitive times down to the present day. The theologians point to this as a proof of the existence of a supreme being. An investigation of this assertion leads the Martian to the conclusion that religions have continued to exist mainly because of the power which inherited superstitions wield over mankind. Men are born with a marked tendency towards superstitions.

Certain isolated families of men are born with an inherited tendency towards tuberculosis. Most of these are born, not with an active tuberculosis, but some as yet imperfectly understood tendency, a defect in their 115


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 which had long been advocated by Macquarie but opposed by the Colonial Office. Now, however, without further consultation with Downing Street, Macquarie went straight ahead. The project was mooted in November, and the foundation of the Bank of New South Wales was decided upon at a meeting held on 22nd of that month, 1816. Macquarie granted a Charter of Incorporation, and in 1817 the bank opened for ordinary business and for the issue of notes. In 1820 it had a capital of £20,000 in shares of £100 each, of which 120 were paid up and the shares stood at par. The expectations of the founders had been fulfilled and the circulating medium of the Colony for the first time placed on a satisfactory basis.

Macquarie granted the charter for seven years with "the usual rights and privileges of a corporation … provided the same shall meet … the approbation of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent". This was the only support lent by the Government, except that after 1819 the colonial revenues were deposited with it.

The Governor considered that his Commission empowered him to grant the charter and Wylde agreed with him. The latter based his opinion on the fact that the Commission "allowed the Governor to raise boroughs, create turn-pikes and tolls, impose port duties and imposts, and determine from time to time the legal tender, regulate the value of the sterling medium and of the public money and interest thereon, establish and direct public markets, and to dispose at discretion of the Crown lands of the territory". But Wylde would gladly have made a reference home upon the question before taking any steps had he not thought the delay likely to hasten the "almost inevitable final consequences of such a fictitious capital and circulating medium". Only by the establishment of a bank could the colonial currency be checked. An attempt had indeed been made to check it, but had met with signal


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116 make-up that renders them an easy prey to the tubercle bacillus if they are exposed to it. Similarly, generations of men have been born with a weakened mental vitality towards superstition; a weakened mental capacity that renders their minds an easy prey to that fear which manifests itself in superstition, creed, religion—the God-idea. It was Karl Marx who remarked that, "The tradition of all the generations of the past weighs down like an Alp upon the brain of the living."

Since the days of our racial childhood, our beliefs have been handed down from generation to generation, and they have persisted since in all ages it was forbidden to question their existence. Man has persuaded himself that it is so just because he has said it for so long and so often. The force of repetition is great; it is, in fact, taken by a vast majority of men as the equivalent of proof.

Most men have to accept their religions ready made. Their daily tasks leave them no time or opportunity for a personal search. The toil for bread is incessant, there is not sufficient leisure to verify the sources of their religious beliefs. Moreover, the ecclesiastic's answers to the riddles of life are easier, by far, to grasp than the answers of science. These two factors, of innate mental inertia and force of repetition, are well manifested by the present tactics of advertising. The manufacturer of any product well knows that constant repetition and the dangling of his product before the eyes of the public will lead to a widespread acceptance of the advertising slogans propounded for his article.

The force of so-called authority has aggravated this mental inertia. It takes a tremendous amount of will power and mental courage for any individual to assert an opinion that runs counter to the accepted mode of thinking. It is much easier and much more pleasant to give oneself passively to that delusion of grandeur,