text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Syndicalism

SYNDICALISM.—“Syndicalism” is the name given to a form of socialist doctrine elaborated by, and born from the experience of, the members of the French syndicats or trade unions. On the one hand it is a body of social doctrine, or theory of social organization; on the other it is a plan of action for the realization of this ideal. Of all the social theories competing for existence it is the most purely proletarian in origin. One writer indeed has

it as “working-class Socialism” (le socialisme ouvrier) in contradistinction to the types of socialism originated and propagated by middle-class “intellectuals.” Without unduly stressing the importance of this fact, it may be said that syndicalism is that form of socialist theory which regards the trade-union organizations, entirely proletarian in origin and direction, as at once the foundations of the new society and the instruments by which it is to be erected.

The syndicalist starts from the assumptions common to most schools of socialist thought. He affirms the inherent injustice of the wages system and the fundamental immorality of capitalist society, which is based, in his belief, on the exploitation of labour. He accepts and pushes to its logical conclusion the Marxian dogma of the class war; he therefore affirms that solidarity of interests does not, and cannot, exist as between employer and employed, between capitalist and wage-earner. From these premises he draws the usual socialist conclusion, namely, that individual ownership of the instruments of production must be abolished and communal ownership and control substituted for it. But at this point syndicalism and socialism (as usually understood) part company. Whereas the orthodox socialist demands control by the consumers acting through the State and its dependent organs the municipalities, the syndicalist demand, until very recently, was for producers' control, acting through the organizations of their own creation—the trade unions. This is the essential feature of syndicalist theory, that which differentiates it from other revolutionary schools of thought. The arguments usually employed by its advocates may be briefly set out.

State organization and control of industry are, in their view, incompatible with true working-class emancipation. The State is, and must be, an instrument of class domination; it is indeed “the executive committee of the capitalist class.” It exists to defend the interests of that class, and is consequently as much the enemy of labour as capital itself. To extend its powers would be to twine the bonds of wage slavery ever more firmly about the workers' limbs. The State is, however, hopelessly wedded to an uncreative bureaucracy, incapable of initiative and ignorant of industrial technique. Its control, even if it were benevolent (which the syndicalist denies it could be), would necessarily be despotic and inefficient; the spirit of routine would combine with inexperience to crush out the possibility of economic progress. Here, as will be seen, the syndicalist endorses the ordinary individualistic criticism of State socialism. Producers' control, exercised through the syndicats, would, on the other hand, combine freedom with efficiency. Every worker would participate directly in the government of his industry; he would thus enjoy the substance of democracy instead of the shadow offered him by the bourgeois State. Moreover, the worker would be led to identify his personal interests with the successful conduct of the industry; he would have a pride in his work which would manifest itself in improved quality and greater output, thus producers' control would be justified both on human and economic grounds.

The form of social organization in which this ideal could be realized was, until recently, conceived somewhat as follows. The unit of organization would be the local syndicat. This would be brought into touch with the local groups by means of the Bourse du Travail, the present function of which is to act at once as an employment agency and a general centre for trade-union activities. When all the producers were thus linked together by the bourse, the administration of the latter would be able to estimate the economic capacities and necessities of the region, could coördinate production, and, being in touch through other bourses with the industrial system as a whole, could arrange for the necessary transfer of materials and commodities, inwards and outwards. A species of “economic federation” would thus replace the structure of capitalist industry, with which would necessarily disappear the political and administrative machinery of the State. Two features of this Utopia need to be emphasized: consumers as such were excluded from any share in industrial control, and a localized system of industry was envisaged.

This latter feature was a direct reflexion of French economic circumstances; both industry and trade-unionism were much

more local in range than in other and more highly developed countries. But the movement towards large-scale organization which has so profoundly affected every aspect of economic life in recent years has produced a corresponding modification in syndicalist ideals. At the same time, it has begun to be recognized by the theorists of the movement that the consumers' point of view cannot wholly be disregarded. The experience of the World War has also had its effect. The Congress of Lyons, therefore, in 1919 was moving with the times when, in demanding the “industrialized nationalization of the great services of modern economy: land and water transport, mines, water-power, and credit organizations,” it defined “nationalization” as “the confiding of national property to the interested parties, namely, the associated producers and consumers.” This clearly envisages organization on a national scale and the participation of consumers' organizations in control.

Syndicalist theory starts, as has been said, from the idea of a class war which must be waged relentlessly till a complete social transformation has been accomplished. The essential weapon in this struggle is the power of the organized workers. As the cause of the conflict is economic it must necessarily be fought out in the economic sphere. Syndicalist congresses have persistently repudiated political action, and pinned their faith to a general strike as the grand instrument of social revolution. This reliance upon industrial or “direct” methods of action flows necessarily from the fundamental notions of syndicalism as to the nature of the State, and also from strictly practical considerations. Outside the mine or factory, workingmen hold divergent religious or political opinions which make effective mass action difficult, if not impossible. Inside, the nature of their employment gives them a sense of solidarity which overrides minor differences and bands them together in the syndicat for common defence; to persuade them to pass from the defensive to the offensive is the syndicalist's task, and in the accomplishment of this political labels and controversies would be a hindrance. Moreover, the political party is not, and cannot be, a class organization. The Socialist parties swarm with men of middle-class origin whose only bond with the workers is the slender one of opinion. In any event, the political party is an inefficient instrument for revolution; it can only operate effectively at electoral periods, and even then the mass of voters do nothing more than cast a ballot and return to their customary apathy for a term of years. Political action does nothing to rouse them from that apathy, to inspire them with revolutionary élan, to train them to initiative and independent thought. On the contrary, it asks for nothing better than docile followers of self-constituted leaders. The strike, therefore, is the characteristic syndicalist weapon. However limited in its scope and object, it is an educative experience; successful, it inspires the workers with a sense of power; unsuccessful, it impresses upon them the servility of their lot and the necessity for better organization and wider aims. Thus every strike is a preparation for the revolutionary “day,” when the workers, or a fighting minority of them (for syndicalism repudiates as bourgeois the dogma of the sacredness of majority rule), shall seize the instruments of production by an “expropriatory” strike. In the meantime, they are working out from day to day, in the ordinary course of their employment, the ethics and the jurisprudence of the new social order.

The strike, of course, is not the only weapon in the syndicalist armoury. Various other means of waging the class war, known collectively as sabotage, are both preached and practised. These range from bad or slow work to the grève perlée (destruction of goods or machinery) and the chasse aux renards (assaults on “blacklegs” or jaunes). It is fair to say that many syndicalist leaders criticize these methods as destructive of the worker's moral and technical competence.

Syndicalism is essentially French in origin and reflects French working-class experience and conditions of life; nevertheless the history of Great Britain shows interesting foreshadowings of it. The idea of industrial self-government by the producers attracted for a time the mobile mind of Robert Owen; and the Grand National Consolidated Trades Union of 1834 was an attempt

to realize it in practice. James Morrison, a young self-taught operative builder, seems to have originated the syndicalist conception of class antagonism on the part of the working-classes (see Max Beer, History of British Socialism). The Building Trades Union had developed the same notion in the previous year (S. and B. Webb, History of Trade Unionism). The plan of a general strike—originated by one Benbow—for a time, under the strange title of the “Sacred Month,” made part of Chartist propaganda. There is no evidence, however, that these projects had any echo on the European continent. The syndicalist idea, as understood in France, may be said to have originated in the discussions of the International Working Men's Association. A French delegate to the Congress of Basle in 1869, for instance, prophesied that “the grouping of different trades in the city will form the commune of the future” when “government will be replaced by federated councils of syndicats and by a committee of their respective delegates regulating the relations of labour— this taking the place of politics” (Levine, Syndicalism in France). The collapse of trade-unionism in France after the sanguinary suppression of the Communalist insurrection in 1871 had as a necessary consequence the submergence of these ideals for a considerable period, and only a combination of favouring circumstances brought them once more to light. Among these the discontent of the organized workers with Socialist politics, and the anarchist propaganda of a general strike, may be particularly mentioned. These influences manifested themselves with increasing strength during the 'nineties in the two great labour organizations of the period—the General Confederation of Labour (or “C.G.T.” under its French initials) and the Federation of Bourses du Travail. The secretary of this latter organization, Pelloutier, did more perhaps than any other individual to work out the characteristic doctrines of syndicalism and spread them among his fellow-workers. When these two bodies joined forces in 1902, trade-unionism in general and syndicalism in particular received an immense accession of strength, and the doctrine subsequently remained—in spite of the efforts of political socialists to capture the syndicats for their own purposes—the characteristic expression of French revolutionary idealism.

As such, it has inevitably received much attention from observers and writers drawn from other social classes. Of these the best known is Georges Sorel, but it is a complete error to suppose that he was the originator of syndicalism, or that he has had much influence on working-class opinion. The difficult form of his writings, with their frequent obscurity and lack of continuity, would alone have made this impossible. Sorel's adaptation of the Bergsonian doctrine of the “élan vital” to syndicalist purposes, and his theory of “social myths” (of which the general strike is one), have had considerable influence upon intellectual circles, but have affected no more than a fringe of working-class readers.

Syndicalist doctrine has had considerable influence outside France. In the United States, a movement of somewhat similar character arose with the organization of the Industrial Workers of the World. The Chicago Convention of the I.W.W. in 1905 drew up a declaration, the preamble of which affirmed the reality of the class struggle, embodied the theory of social organization which this involves and further made a plan for the realization of this ideal:—

The above scheme differs very little from the general theory of syndicalism in France, and presents a simple parallel to the shop-stewards' movement in Great Britain, which indeed was based upon it. The influence of the I.W.W., it may be noted, was, largely confined to the alien immigrant workers: it never penetrated the American Federation of Labor to any serious degree.

The influence of these ideas on the trade-union movement in Great Britain and Ireland has been very pronounced, though they have taken a different direction, modified by the traditional, conservative instinct of the British working-class. In Great Britain the real cause of the permeation of certain unions by syndicalist ideas was the absorption of trade-union leaders in administration or in politics, which caused them to lose touch with the rank and file. Especially is this the case with regard to the miners, the railwaymen's unions and the engineers.

Daniel de Leon was leader of the Socialist Labour party in the United States from 1880 onwards, and his writings influenced British socialist thought, particularly in the Clyde and in the mining valleys of S. Wales. Though not a syndicalist in the strict sense, he advocated organization by industry and the general strike. It is significant that 1903 saw in England the secession of the Socialist Labour party from the Social Democratic Federation. After that date, in addition to the growing educational influence of the Independent Labour party (though this was never syndicalist), was seen the promotion of the Workers' Socialist Federation, the British Socialist party (in the post-war period) and the Communist League, all of which advocated practically the same structure of organization and policy. They all agreed in a lack of faith in political action, though not always refusing to utilize it, but their real politik was industrial action. After the Russian Revolution of 1917, they secured greater prominence; they became the stormy petrels of the labour world in Great Britain, and their effect on the political action of the Labour party was seen in the Council of Action in Aug. 1920.

In England, between 1900 and 1910, there was a growing dissatisfaction among the rank and file with political action, despite the fact that the influence of the Labour party in the House of Commons secured the trade-union movement freedom of industrial and political action by the Trades Disputes Act of 1906 and the Trade Union Act of 1913 to a greater degree than ever before, it was felt by the far-sighted among the rank and file that a speeding up was necessary, and State collectivism as a way out towards industrial democracy was discredited. James Connolly, the Irish Labour leader who was executed after the Easter rising in Ireland in 1916, started a similar organization to that of Daniel de Leon on the Clyde in 1905. In his pamphlet Socialism made Easy he enunciated the syndicalist principles “that they who rule industrially will rule politically,” and that “the functions of Industrial Unionism is to build up an industrial republic inside the shell of the political slate, in order that when the industrial republic is fully organized it may crack the shell of the political slate and step into its place in the scheme of the universe.” Tom Mann, while in France and Australia, which had imported the ideas of the I.W.W. from America, was also powerfully influenced by the same theories, while on the Rand, in S. Africa, a small but very influential group of leaders was working out the structure, forms and policy of a movement similar in character. In 1910 Tom Mann preached the new faith in all the big industrial centres and rapidly won many followers. Workmen had refused to follow their orthodox leaders from about 1908, as they felt that the trade union of the old Liberal-Labour school was behind the times. The Plebs League was founded by a group of labour students in Ruskin College, Oxford, about the same time, and in 1909 these seceded from Ruskin College and founded first a labour college in Oxford and then moved to London as the Central Labour College, financed by the S. Wales miners and the railwaymen. This educational movement organized classes in every mining area in S. Wales, led by tutors from these two colleges, and influenced largely by the new ideas. A similar movement took place on the Clyde, in the great ship-building centres like Barrow, Birkenhead, and Pembroke Dock, and also in inland engineering centres like Coventry and Sheffield. Then followed the railway strike of 1911 and the great coal strike of 1912. It is quite clear that the National Union of Railwaymen and the Miners' Federation of Great Britain became organized as two of the most powerful unions in consequence of the new thought, not because their leaders had adopted syndicalism in the form taught by de Leon and the French group of

thinkers, but because they adapted it in the peculiar British way; they made it practical and definite; they shaped it in alliance with the political and trade-union structure of Britain. They disagreed with the syndicalist view of the State, but they recognized the driving power of the theories that stated “that political power is a reflex of industrial power.” The transport workers soon had a similar federation, and after the strikes of 1911 and 1912, and the Irish transport workers' strike of 1913, the Triple Alliance (of railwaymen, transport workers, and miners) was formed in 1915. The failure of this last to function during the miners' strike in the spring of 1921 discredited “direct action,” and the British labour movement swung back towards constitutional and parliamentary methods.

(S. H.; J. M. R.)


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/87

Rh

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/87


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/280

264


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/281

Rh


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/282

266


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/194

148 we have already many instances), we may expect that its music will be carried more faithfully than anything else. • 2;font-size:smaller;

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/194


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/283

Rh


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/284

268


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/285

Rh


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/286

270


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/287

Rh


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/288

272


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/289

Rh


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/290

274


text:
Author:Sydney Herbert

Contributions to EB1922

 * (with John Morgan Rees)

title: Author:Sydney Herbert


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/73

Rh A more mechanical way is to give the twist by a spindle bearing a whorl.

Our first problem is to distinguish the different methods of spinning and state their respective distributions. In this we must proceed with hesitancy because of inadequate data, but since very little native spinning survives there is no ground for expecting important additions to our field observations. The subject is, therefore, ready for such comparative study as can be made. We have neither the time nor the special knowledge to do this now, but will discuss the most obvious points.

One of the most direct approaches is the distribution of the spindle whorl. Its known occurrence in North America is in the highlands from Panama to the Colorado River. Then with a break in continuity we find it in British Columbia and on the adjoining coast. The only other place where there is even a suspicion of its use is the lower Mississippi. This conjecture is based upon the bare mention of an improvised affair, a wad of clay upon a stick, by an early writer.

Archæological data are on the whole consistent with the foregoing facts, from which their general finality may be assumed. Pre-Columbian sites yielding undoubted spindle whorls must be our safest criteria, because we lack definite knowledge as to the exact state of spinning before white contact, and it is conceivable that the use of the European whorl could have been introduced quickly, as we have already noted in case of the horse. Peru presents a puzzling case, for notwithstanding the high development of the art, the early historical data indicate the absence of a true whorl, and objects of this nature are seldom found in excavating. However, in the northern part of the Andean region, pottery objects resembling whorls are frequent. In other parts of South America they are rare, but the modern natives use them. If we try to correlate the distribution of the whorl with that for fibers, we note that it is wanting in the distinctively bast and sinew areas. Where cotton, wool or both together are spun, we find the whorl, unless Peru should prove to be an exception.

Outside of the whorl area we have defined, bast and sinew thread are given the final twist by rolling under the palm of

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/73


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/291

Rh


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/292

276


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/187

Rh Unfortunately, the study of aboriginal verse has not been attempted. The field is particularly difficult, for since the essence of verse is lost when translated, the multiplicity of native languages effectively bars progress. We cannot, therefore, compare our data or draw satisfactory conclusions as to the relative place of Inca or any other type of verse in the New World as a whole. As a suggestion, the reader may compare the following selections:—

AN INCA HYMN

O Uira-cocha! Lord of the universe,

Whether thou art male,

Whether thou art female,

Lord of reproduction,

Whatsoever thou mayest be,

O Lord of divination,

Where art thou?

Thou mayest be above,

Thou mayest be below,

Or perhaps around

Thy splendid throne and sceptre.

Oh hear me!

From the sky above,

In which thou mayest be,

From the sea beneath,

In which thou mayest be,

Creator of the world,

Maker of all men;

Lord of all Lords,

My eyes fail me

For longing to see thee;

For the sole desire to know thee.

Might I behold thee,

Might I know thee,

Might I consider thee,

Might I understand thee.

Oh look down upon me,

For thou knowest me.

The sun—the moon—

The day—the night—

Spring—winter,

Are not ordained in vain

By thee, O Uira-cocha!

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/187


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/293

Rh


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/294

278


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/77

Rh the shortness and other characteristics of the fiber. In this case, the fiber must be made into a roving and then twisted from each end under the necessary draft, or tension. Thus, in the New World, we find that wherever cotton or wool are spun, a stick or spindle is used to facilitate the twist and to wind the finished thread. In Europe, spinning was by the whorl and distaff method; the spindle, being provided with a whorl or fly-wheel, was twirled and dropped, its weight providing the draft, and the momentum of the whorl the twist. There is yet no reason to believe that this method was practised in the New World before its discovery, the draft here being given by a pull of the hands, the spindle resting in a bowl on the ground, or simply held in the hands. The New World whorl is, therefore, not a true whorl, and was often dispensed with, as seems to have been the case in parts of Peru.

The uniformity of the aboriginal method of spinning cotton is clear when we compare such studies as Roth's for the less cultured peoples of South America with the processes used in Old Peru. On this account we are scarcely left any other alternative than to conclude that the cotton complex of the entire New World is essentially one, as is the maize complex (p. 28), and that it was likewise diffused from a single center. Just what may be the relation between the wool and cotton complexes is not clear, for we have the salmon area peoples spinning wool and not cotton, and again the buffalo-hair spinning of the Mississippi Valley. As to how the latter was spun, we have no precise data, but in the salmon area a form of the characteristic New World spindle method was used. Cotton could not be raised there, obviously.

The making of string readily suggests nets, a form of textile almost as world-wide as fiber twisting. Accompanying the art are two implements: the shuttle and the mesh gauge. Unfortunately, no careful study of the net technique and the distribution of the implements is available, but one who reads Rau's searching paper on modes of fishing will see at a glance the importance of the problem. First, the manner of tying

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/77


text:
Page:Index To Short Stories 1923.djvu/295

Rh


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/188

142 They all travel

To the assigned place;

They all arrive

At their destined ends,

Whithersoever thou pleasest.

Thy royal sceptre

Thou holdest.

Oh hear me!

Oh choose me!

Let it not be

That I should tire,

That I should die.

Far removed, geographically, from this beautiful verse, but of almost equal merit, is the following Navajo prayer chant:—

A NAVAJO PRAYER

Tsegihi.

House made of the dawn.

House made of evening light.

House made of the dark cloud.

House made of male rain.

House made of dark mist.

House made of female rain.

House made of pollen.

House made of grasshoppers.

Dark cloud is at the door.

The outward trail is dark cloud.

The zigzag lightning stands high up on it.

Male deity!

Your offering I make.

I have prepared a smoke for you.

Restore my feet for me.

Restore my legs for me.

Restore my body for me.

Restore my mind for me.

Restore my voice for me.

This very day take out your spell for me.

Your spell remove for me.

You have taken it away for me.

Far off it has gone.

Happily I recover.

Happily my interior becomes cool.

Happily I go forth.

My interior feeling cold, may I walk.

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/188


text: Index to Short Stories/Index to Short Stories/J


text:
Author:John Morgan Rees

Works

 * Trusts in British Industry, 1914-1921 (1922)
 * Unemployment as an International Problem (1926)

Contributions to EB1922

 * (with Sydney Herbert)

title: Author:John Morgan Rees


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/78

50 the meshes of the net is very much the same everywhere. This may be because the trait is as old and fundamental as the firedrill or merely due to the fact that there is but one good way by which a net can be formed. In the absence of investigation, speculation on this point is useless, yet we seem to have here an unusually promising subject for weighing the relative merits of the independent origin and diffusion theories of culture.

In the New World, fish nets seem to have been in use, wherever possible, from Cape Horn to Alaska and their antiquity is vouched for by the excavation of notched pebbles used as sinkers. Stefánsson, however, secured archæological data from the northernmost coast of Alaska and western Canada, indicating that nets were of relatively recent introduction among the Eskimo of those districts. In view of the data supporting their antiquity elsewhere and their present universal distribution, this appears as a localized exception.

The netting shuttle and mesh gauge are found chiefly in North America where they have a continuous distribution with Siberia and adjacent parts of the Old World. The precise forms of eastern Siberia are found in Alaska, but as we move southward along the coast toward California, the forms show more variation, as also eastward over the Great Lake area. So far, such implements have not been reported from South America, where nets are frequently made of cotton and woven upon a frame, as is the case with hammocks. The most recent contribution to the subject is Moore's theory that the so-called bannerstone found east of the Mississippi is a mesh gauge.

The closely allied techniques of lace making and tatting are found in many parts of the great cotton-using area, but have not been studied in detail.

It is doubtful if any people exist who do not understand the art of intertwining twigs or other elements; likewise most of them show some conception of basketry. Even such an extreme marginal group as the Tasmanians made some progress

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/78


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/189

Rh No longer sore, may I walk.

Impervious to pain, may I walk.

With lively feelings may I walk.

As it used to be long ago, may I walk.

Happily may I walk.

Happily with abundant dark clouds, may I walk.

Happily with abundant showers, may I walk.

Happily with abundant plants, may I walk.

Happily on a trail of pollen, may I walk.

Happily may I walk.

Being as it used to be long ago, may I walk.

May it be happy (or beautiful) before me.

May it be beautiful behind me.

May it be beautiful below me.

May it be beautiful above me.

May it be beautiful all around me.

In beauty it is finished.

In beauty it is finished.

Going still farther afield we have the following poetical gem from the Eskimo:—

No doubt these verses are quite freely translated, but linguists have recorded very similar examples in the original, and Mr. James R. Murie has furnished us the texts and translations for two short Pawnee songs:—

WAR SONG OF THE PAWNEE IRUSKA SOCIETY

Kira  katu   kari   rarixa

Kira  katu   kari   rarixa

Kira  katu   kari   rarixa

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/189


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Rhondda, David Alfred Thomas, Viscount

RHONDDA, DAVID ALFRED THOMAS, (1856-1918), British colliery owner and Food Controller in the World War, was a Welshman, born March 26 1856 in Aberdare, grandson of a Monmouthshire yeoman farmer, and son of a Merthyr grocer. His father had prospered in his trade, and in later life enriched himself by speculations in coal. Young Thomas was sent to Clifton College, and afterwards to Caius College, Cambridge, where he graduated as a senior optime in the mathematical tripos in 1880, and immediately joined his father in the coal business. He threw himself with great energy and ability both into that and into local Liberal politics; and was so successful in both spheres that he was returned to Parliament for Merthyr in 1888. His extraordinary commercial gifts, his insight, his foresight, and the sympathy which he brought to bear on the conditions of life in the mining industry, soon made him a prominent, and eventually the leading, figure in the industrial world of S. Wales. “D.A.,” as he was always called, by his initials, in his own part of the country, endeared himself to the miners by becoming their champion in the 'nineties against the undercutting of prices by middlemen, and by the generous wages which he paid in the collieries under his control; and though in subsequent years he sometimes had differences with the men, he always retained their respect. His business combinations brought him great wealth and culminated in the Cambrian super-combine, which produced some six million tons of steam coal a year. Other important undertakings in which he took a leading share were the Ebbw Vale Steel, Iron and Coal Co., the Rhymney Iron Co., and the Taff Vale Railway Company. So extensive were the ramifications of his interests that, when he accepted office in 1916, the number of directorships from which he retired was no fewer than forty. He had much longer to wait for success in the political than in the commercial field. Though he sat in the House of Commons for Merthyr for 22 years and afterwards for some months for Cardiff, no use was made by the political chiefs of his party of his great capacities for public service, and he therefore retired from Parliament in 1910.

The outbreak of the World War gave him his opportunity. He rendered substantial help to Mr. Lloyd George both at the Exchequer and in the office of munitions, by organizing British industrial resources for war. He took a lead in “capturing German trade,” carrying through, for instance, the acquisition of the Sanatogen business. He went to America to complete important war contracts for the Government, and on his return was saved, with his daughter, Lady Mackworth, from the sinking of the “Lusitania.” He went back to America almost immediately, and spent seven months there at his own expense, expediting the output of munitions, and regulating and systematizing the prices charged. He was created a baron, as Lord Rhondda, for his services in Jan. 1916; and it was natural that, when Mr. Lloyd George, in forming his ministry in the following Dec., made up his mind to introduce captains of industry into office, he should turn at once to his old ally, who became president of the Local Government Board. His principal business in this post was to prepare for the establishment of the Ministry of Health. Before this was effected he accepted, in June 1917, at the Prime Minister's pressing request, the onerous burden of the Food Controllership, vacated by Lord Devonport. He was no respecter of persons, and immediately took strong steps to put an end to the speculation in the necessities of life which was becoming a public scandal. Then he

gradually fixed prices and brought supplies under control, in regard to almost all articles of food except vegetables. Thus he eliminated profiteering in food-stuffs. He also carried through a great decentralization in the administration of his office. But he will be mainly remembered as the author of the system of compulsory food rationing, which was carried out with absolute fairness and impartiality, putting an end to the queues waiting at butchers' and bakers' shops that had rendered the housekeeper's life a burden. As Food Controller, Lord Rhondda ran the biggest trading organization that the world had ever seen. The turnover of his Ministry, apart from the work of the wheat and sugar commissions, amounted to 1,200 millions sterling; with them 2,733 millions sterling. Supplies never failed, and in spite of the German submarine menace there was no hunger in the United Kingdom. His strenuous labours affected his health, and in April 1918 he tendered his resignation; but his work was so invaluable that pressure was put upon him to remain, and he was created a viscount. But the strain was too great. He was attacked by pneumonia and died on July 3. Tributes to his work and to the public loss sustained by his death were paid in both Houses of Parliament.

He married Sybil Margaret Haig, a cousin of Lord Haig, who survived him. They had one child, a daughter, who married Sir Humphrey Mackworth, and who succeeded to the viscounty of Rhondda under a special remainder. (G. E. B.)


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/80

52 while those of private students are equally rich; there is also an abundant literature. Notwithstanding all this, the subject presents many unsolved problems.

Baskets can be readily classified as woven or coiled (sewed). The basic concepts for these different classes seem to have nothing in common, from which it is fair to assume that they have separate histories. Under these heads many techniques may be distinguished. From our point of view, coiled basketry reaches its highest development in California, where the Pomo are generally given the first rank. Aesthetically considered, these baskets are probably the finest in the whole world. From this center, coiling extends to the interior highlands among the Shoshoni-speaking tribes, thence northward through the inland salmon area and the Déné portion of Canada. Even the Eskimo of Alaska use it, and also the natives of eastern Siberia. To the east, it stops in the plains, but extends southward among the Pima, Navajo, Apache, and other non-pueblo-dwelling tribes. Of the Pueblo peoples only one section of the Hopi uses the process and elsewhere there are but the crudest of attempts. In Mexico the technique disappears and does not come to notice again until we reach Patagonia. While in California a few of the coast tribes were coilers, the main distribution is inland, for beginning with the upper part of California, the entire coast belt including the Aleutian chain is exclusively devoted to woven basketry. In the eastern part of North America coiling is rare, a few of the northern Algonkin tribes following the lead of their Déné neighbors.

Notwithstanding the high development in the coil area, it is itself a part of the great western twined area. (Twine is a form of woven basketry.) The Pomo, for example, also make fine baskets of this weave, which can be said of most coil workers. In other words, coiled basketry seems to be a smaller area overlying a larger one of twined basketry. The Pueblo peoples do not make it, but do produce a kind of wickerwork like the tribes of northern Mexico, while their non-Pueblo neighbors, the Apache, Walapai, etc., make twined as well as coiled baskets.

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/80


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Rhys, Sir John

RHYS, SIR JOHN (1840-1915), British archaeologist and Celtic scholar, was born in Cardiganshire, the son of a yeoman farmer, and educated at the Bangor Normal College and Jesus College, Oxford. In 1877 he was elected professor of Celtic at Oxford, the first occupant of the newly created chair, and he held that post till his death. In 1895 he became principal of Jesus College. He was Hibbert lecturer in 1886, Rhind lecturer in archaeology at Edinburgh in 1899 and president of the anthropological section of the British Association in 1900. He also served on several royal commissions and was knighted in 1907. He died at Oxford Dec. 16 1915. His published works include Lectures on Welsh Philology (1877); Celtic Britain (1882, last ed. 1904); Celtic Heathendom (1886); Studies in the Arthurian Legend (1891); Celtic Folk-lore (1901); as well as editions of Welsh texts (with J. G. Evans); The Welsh People (with D. B. Jones, 1900), and numerous other papers and studies of Celtic inscriptions and literature. For his work on the Arthurian legend see, ,.


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Riaz Pasha

RIAZ PASHA (1835-1911), Egyptian statesman (see ), died June 18 1911.

title: 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Riaz Pasha


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Ribot, Alexandre Félix Joseph

RIBOT, ALEXANDRE FELIX JOSEPH (1842-), French statesman (see ). On Jan. 3 1909 M. Ribot was elected a member of the French Senate, and in Feb. of the following year was offered, but refused, the Ministry for Foreign Affairs in the Monis Cabinet. After the formation of M. Poincaré's Government on Jan. 14 1912 he took the place of M. Léon Bourgeois as president of the committee appointed to deal with the Franco-German treaty, the necessity for the ratification of which he demonstrated. In 1913 he was an unsuccessful candidate for the presidency of the Republic, and on the fall of M. Barthou's Government was invited by President Poincaré to form a Cabinet, but refused. In 1914 he became, with M. Jean Dupuy, leader of the Left Republican group which refused to accept the decisions of the Radical Socialist congress at Pau in Oct. 1913. On June 9 1914 he became prime minister and Minister of Justice, but his Government was bitterly assailed by the Radical Socialists as well as other groups, and only lasted one day.

With the outbreak of the World War M. Ribot's great reputation as an expert in finance and foreign affairs brought him effectively into office. On Aug. 27 1914 he became Minister of Finance in M. Viviani's Ministry of National Defence, an office which he retained when, on Oct. 28 1915, M. Briand succeeded M. Viviani as prime minister. On Feb. 7 1916 he visited London and held a conference with the Chancellor of the Exchequer at the Treasury. When Briand reconstituted his Cabinet, in Dec. 1916, Ribot retained the portfolio of Finance. On the fall of the Briand Ministry (March 17 1917) President Poincaré again

called upon M. Ribot to form a Government, and this time he consented, himself taking the portfolio of Foreign Affairs in addition to the premiership (March 19). In the statement of his policy made to the Chamber on March 21 he declared this to be “to recover the provinces torn from us in the past, to obtain the reparations and guarantees due to France, and to prepare a durable peace based on respect for the rights and liberty of peoples.” On July 31, in a reply to the German Chancellor Michaelis, he admitted that in 1917 an agreement had been made with the Tsar to erect the German territories on the left bank of the Rhine into an autonomous state, but denied that there had been any question of their annexation to France. His Government resigned office on Sept. 7; but he accepted the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Painlevé Cabinet constituted six days later. He resigned office finally on Oct. 16, owing to the violent criticism of his refusal to fall into the “trap” of the German peace offers.


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Ribot, Théodule Armand

RIBOT, THÉODULE ARMAND (1839-1916), French psychologist (see ), died in 1916.


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Richards, Theodore William

RICHARDS, THEODORE WILLIAM (1868-), American chemist, son of the artist William Trost Richards (see ), was born at Germantown, Pa., Jan. 31 1868. He was educated at home, at Haverford College (S.B. 1885), Harvard (A.B. 1886; Ph.D. 1888), Göttingen, Leipzig and the Dresden Technical School. After passing through the various grades of promotion he was appointed professor of chemistry at Harvard in 1901 and was made director of the Wolcott Gibbs Memorial Laboratory in 1912. He was best known for his researches on atomic weights, of which he revised over a score, including that of radioactive lead. The results were generally accepted and for his contributions he received the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1914. He also gave much time to physicochemical investigation, especially concerning electrochemistry and chemical thermodynamics, piezochemistry and surface tension. Of these his contributions to atomic compressibility, to the relation between the change of heat capacity and the change of free and total energy, and to the thermodynamics of amalgams have perhaps been the most noteworthy. In 1907 he was Harvard exchange professor at Berlin, and in 1908 Lowell lecturer. He was president of the American Chemical Society (1914), the American Association for the Advancement of Science (1917) and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (1919). He was a member of the National Academy of Sciences and of most of the European academies. He received hon. degrees from Yale, Harvard, Haverford, Pittsburgh, Clark, Pennsylvania, Oxford, Manchester, Christiania, Prague and Berlin. He was awarded the Davy (1910), Faraday (1911), Willard Gibbs (1912), and Franklin (1916) medals. He was made a member of the National Research Council in 1916.


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/93

Rh of the continent, however, cannot boast anything that rises to the true cloth standard.

This seems a convenient place to note one of the most characteristic developments of New World technique, viz., feather-work. The center of the art seems to have been in Mexico, where highly decorative schemes were carried out by overlaying cloth with feathers. A few specimens have been preserved for us, but our real insight into this trait-complex is from historical accounts, particularly Sahagun. Cloaks and mantles for distinguished persons, headdresses for war leaders, and other badges of distinction were in feather mosaics. The less distinguished persons sometimes wore mantles of turkey feathers, an art extending to the Pueblo tribes of the United States, thence eastward through the Gulf States and northward as far as the Hudson River. On the Pacific Coast feather mosaics reach a high state of development in California basketry. Feather insignia and headdresses were conspicuous among some of the warlike tribes of the bison area.

Turning southward from Mexico, we find a fair development of feather mosaics in Peru; then out into the Amazon country where true mosaic work is rare we find one of the most characteristic traits to be brilliant feather-head decorations. Thus, taking Mexico as the center, we see a radiation of feather-work into both continents. We may also be reminded of the very striking parallel in Hawaii and the possibility of an historical connection between the two.

To describe the different styles of clothing for the various groups of natives is impossible in a few pages, but some of the general characteristics may be noted. The most completely clothed are the Eskimo and the caribou hunters of Canada. These people cut out and fit pieces of prepared skin together somewhat like a modern tailor. Moreover, their patterns are equally intricate and their skill in fitting gives distinct local styles. The southern limits of tailored skin

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/93


text:
Talk:Criminal Code Act 1995 (Australia, unsourced)/Chapter 10/10.7

The Explanatory Memorandum that inserted Part 10.7 appears to indicate that an offence will only be committed against section 478.1 where the alleged offender "hacks" into the relevant computer system. That is, if I lawfully bypass the access system by entering my username and password, and subsequently leave my computer unattended, and then you come along and access or modify data in that computer, an offence against section 478.1 will not have been committed, because the data is not "restricted data" in the sense that is envisaged by the definition.

I would be interested in any comments, or authorities that confirm or dispel this view.


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Richborough

RICHBOROUGH, a port on the left bank of the mouth of the Stour river, Kent, England, 1 m. N. of Sandwich, created by the Government during the World War as a base for the expedition of matériel to the armies in France and Flanders. The port was planned in June 1916, primarily to relieve Dover of this class of transport. The site chosen consisted of an expanse of marshland through which the Stour flowed as an insignificant stream. The work of construction was under the control of the Inland Waterways and Docks Section of the Royal Engineers, and involved the reclamation of a large tract of swampy foreshore, the widening and deepening of the waterway, the construction of a wharf and jetty nearly a mile in length equipped with powerful cranes and of docks for the building and repair of certain kinds of craft, the erection of acres of hutments and store-sheds, and the laying of some 50 m. of railway sidings. The work was rapidly pushed forward, the workers at one time numbering 20,000; and eventually a self-contained cantonment arose, having its own postal, police, lighting and other services.

The base was operated in a comparatively small way at first but developed into an undertaking of gigantic proportions. At the outset, steamers and barges were used to convey the war material across, until the French ports became congested; then special barges were introduced to take goods direct into the

French canals and thence as close to the firing line as possible. In 1917, speed of transport of material becoming extremely urgent, it was decided to establish a train-ferry service; it came into operation at the end of that year, and the hoisting of cargoes by cranes into barges was largely superseded. Three ferries plied incessantly between Richborough and Calais and Dunkirk, connecting railhead in England with railhead in France. In all, 4,000 barge loads of ammunition, 17,818 guns and limbers, and over 1 million tons of other stores were sent across.

The ferries, specially designed and built at the works of Sir W. G. Armstrong, Whitworth & Co. of Elswick, were of 363 ft. overall length, 61 ft. beam and 3,654 tons displacement. Four lines of rails on deck gave accommodation for 54 ten-ton wagons carrying an average load of 900 tons. A lifting bridge at the wharf-end, which the ferry approached stern on, enabled accurate connection of rails at all states of the tide, the process of embarking a train requiring ordinarily not more than 15 minutes.

For the protection of the base, a monitor was stationed in Pegwell Bay, and searchlights and heavy and anti-aircraft guns were mounted at many points. Repeated air-raids took place in the vicinity and there were several bombardments from the sea, but Richborough itself was never seriously damaged, the low-lying, featureless character of the marshland probably affording its best protection, more especially at night.

For a year after the Armistice, Richborough continued to deal with vast quantities of material returned from the western front. After the sale and disposal of the surplus military stores and equipment, the port, with the remaining equipment and the fleet of ferries and barges, was sold by the Disposal Board for £1,407,000 (plus the cost up to £40,000 of acquiring the land by the Government) to the Queenborough Development Co., who thus acquired 1,500 ac. of land including 250 ac. that were reclaimed from the swampy foreshore. In 1921, the company proposed to work Richborough as a barge and train-ferry port, ancillary to Queenborough, both centres to serve the requirements of a comprehensive scheme of industrial development in the surrounding districts including the Kent coal-fields.


text:
Page:Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation (22 September 1862 draft).djvu/2

 That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any state, or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall than be in rebellion against the United States; shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States will,, recognize such persons, , and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and parts of states, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any state, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the


text:
Page:Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation (22 September 1862 draft).djvu/3

 qualified voters of such state shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such state, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.

That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress entitled "" approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:

Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled "An Act to suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and Rebellion, to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are:

". And be it further enacted, That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the government of the United States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them and coming under the control of the government of the United States; and all slaves of such persons found [or] being within any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves.

. And be it further enacted, That no slave escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or some offence against the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person engaged in the military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service.


text:
Author:John Richard Houlding

Works

 * Australian Capers (1867)
 * Christopher Cockle's Australian Experiences. (1913 update of Australian Capers)

title: Author:John Richard Houlding


text:
Page:Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation (22 September 1862 draft).djvu/4

 And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the act and sections above recited.

And the executive will recommend that all citizens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the rebellion, shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation between the United States, and their respective states, and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves.

 * In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
 * Done at the City of Washington, this twenty second day of September, in the year of our Lord, one thousand, eight hundred and sixty two, and sixty two, [sic] and of the Independence of the United States the eighty seventh.

3em
 * By the President
 * Secretary of State.
 * Secretary of State.


text: Author talk:John Richard Houlding

title: Author talk:John Richard Houlding


text:
Author:Karl Reginald Cramp

Works

 * The State and Federal Constitutions of Australia. (1913)

title: Author:Karl Reginald Cramp


text: Author talk:Karl Reginald Cramp

title: Author talk:Karl Reginald Cramp


text:
Page:While the Billy Boils, 1913.djvu/372

 LIFE OF LAPÉROUSE.

The French nation has had no greater sailor than Lapérouse, and no better choice could have been made when Louis XVI. selected this disciple and ardent admirer of the great Captain Cook to conduct an enterprise in the Pacific. The story of Lapérouse's splendid work as an explorer, and his close association with Australia, render this one of the most important contributions to our history, while the noble character of the man gives the book special value for presentation purposes. The illustrations are from authentic sources and are very interesting.

THE STATE AND FEDERAL CONSTITUTIONS OF AUSTRALIA.

CHRISTOPHER COCKLE'S AUSTRALIAN EXPERIENCES.

Originally published under the title "Australian Capers," this volume has been out of print for many years, and copies which have come into the market secondhand have been purchased at enhanced prices. The author has at last consented to its republication and has thoroughly revised it. As a picture of Australian life thirty or forty years ago the book is worthy of a permanent place in our literature, and it contains plenty of fun and humour for both old and young.


text:
Author talk:Dorothy M. Watkins

Probate

 * Dun's gazette for New South Wales (1913)

possible death
Name Registration Number Father's Given Name(s) Mother's Given Name(s) District
 * NSW BDM

WATKINS DOROTHY MAY 18981/1948 GEORGE MARIA JANE CHATSWOOD

Year	Reg#	First name(s)	Last name	Father	Mother 1913	C296	Dorothy Margaret	Watkins	Francis Thomas Watkins 	Rosalie Ann Thorne
 * Qld BDM

newspaper

 * http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article215533401
 * THE LATE MISS DOROTHY WATKINS. (1913, July 19). The Bundaberg Mail and Burnett Advertiser (Qld. : 1892 - 1917), p. 7. died in a riding accident in Tantitha, Qld. Was of Parramatta area NSW

 * http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-page8966887
 * A Fatal Holiday. (1913, July 19). The Cumberland Argus and Fruitgrowers Advocate (Parramatta, NSW : 1888 - 1950), p. 6. further detail of life and noting that was B.Sc.

 * http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article238984475
 * THE LATE MISS WATKINS. (1913, July 23). The Daily Telegraph (Sydney, NSW : 1883 - 1930), p. 12 designed medals for St. John's centenary, so artist

possible birth
Name Registration Number Father's Given Name(s) Mother's Given Name(s) District
 * NSW BDM

WATKINS DOROTHY M 19172/1887 FRANCIS T ROSALIE ANN PARRAMATTA

title: Author talk:Dorothy M. Watkins


text: Index:Cordell Hull to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194937


text: Index:Franklin D. Roosevelt to Winston Churchill - NARA - 194938


text: Index:Cordell Hull to Joseph Kennedy - NARA - 194939


text: Index:Cordell Hull to Joseph Kennedy - NARA - 194940


text: Index:Winston Churchill to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194947


text: Index:Winston Churchill to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194949


text: Index:Winston Churchill to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194950


text: Index:Franklin D. Roosevelt to Chief of Operations - NARA - 194952


text: Index:Cordell Hull to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194954


text:
Page:While the Billy Boils, 1913.djvu/373

WHERE THE DEAD MEN LIE AND OTHER POEMS.

, in : "Boake's work is often praised for its local colour; but it has something better than that. It has atmosphere―Australian atmosphere, that makes you feel the air of the place breathe the breath of the life."

 * "There is no question, can be none, of the intimate faithfulness of every touch that gives us landscape, atmosphere."

 * "An essential publication, full of human interest."

 * "There is enough merit in these remains to show that Boake was, to say the least, a writer of promise, and to make us regret that his life was cut short in so sad and untimely a manner."

THE POETICAL WORKS OF BRUNTON STEPHENS.


text: Index:Winston Churchill to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194958


text: Index:Winston Churchill to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194960


text: Index:Winston Churchill to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194966


text: Index:Lord Halifax to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194967


text: Index:Lord Halifax to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194968


text: Index:Winston Churchill to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194969


text:
Page:The climate of Western Australia, from meteorological observations made during the years 1876-1899.djvu/9

The following statistics are given for each station :— Mean Monthly Barometer. ""Temperature. Highest Temperature in month. Lowest "" No. of days over 90° and nights under 40°. Monthly Rainfall. "No. of Wet Days.


text: Index:Insert A - NARA - 194918

title: Index:Insert A - NARA - 194918


text:
Page:The European Concert in the Eastern Question.djvu/316

 so far as it is concerned, of the Sublime Porte in the engagements which the latter has contracted as well towards Austria-Hungary as towards the Company for the working of the railways of Turkey in Europe, in respect to the completion and connection, as well as the working of the railways to be constructed on the territory newly acquired by the Principality.

The Conventions necessary for settling these questions shall be concluded, immediately after the signature of the present Treaty, between Austria-Hungary, the Porte, Servia, and, within the limits of its competency, the Principality of Bulgaria.

XXXIX. Mussulmans possessing property in the territories annexed to Servia, who may wish to reside outside the Principality, may retain their real property, either by farming it out or by having it administered by third parties.

A Turco-Servian Commission shall be appointed to settle, within a period of three years, all questions relative to the mode of alienation, working, or use, on the account of the Sublime Porte, of the property belonging to the State and religious foundations (Vakoufs), as well as of the questions regarding the interests of private persons engaged therein.

XL. Until the conclusion of a Treaty between Turkey and Servia, Servian subjects travelling or residing in the Ottoman Empire shall be treated according to the general principles of international law.

XLI. The Servian troops shall be bound to evacuate within fifteen days from the exchange of the ratifications of the present Treaty the territory not comprised within the new limits of the Principality.

''The Ottoman troops shall evacuate the territories ceded to Servia within the same period of fifteen days. A supplementary term of an equal number of days shall, however, be granted to them as well for evacuating the fortresses and withdrawing the provisions and material of war as for drawing up the inventory of the implements and objects which cannot be removed at once.''


text: Index:L. Berney to Grace Tully - NARA - 194908


text:
Page:While the Billy Boils, 1913.djvu/180

At least two hundred poor beggars were counted sleeping out on the pavements of the main streets of Sydney the other night―grotesque bundles of rags lying under the verandahs of the old Fruit Markets and York-street shops, with their heads to the wall and their feet to the gutter. It was raining and cold that night, and the unemployed had been driven in from Hyde Park and the bleak Domain―from dripping trees, damp seats, and drenched grass―from the rain, and cold, and the wind. Some had sheets of old newspapers to cover them―and some hadn't. Two were mates, and they divided a Herald between them. One had a sheet of brown paper, and another (lucky man!) had a bag―the only bag there. They all shrank as far into their rags as possible―and tried to sleep. The rats seemed to take them for rubbish, too, and only scampered away when one of the outcasts moved uneasily, or coughed, or groaned―or when a policeman came along.

One or two rose occasionally and rooted in the dust-boxes on the pavement outside the shops―but they didn't seem to get anything. They were feeling 'peckish,' no doubt, and wanted to see if they could 156


text:
Author:Lois M. Berney

Works

 * Note from L. Berney to Grace Tully

title: Author:Lois M. Berney


text: Page:The climate of Western Australia, from meteorological observations made during the years 1876-1899.djvu/10


text:
Page:While the Billy Boils, 1913.djvu/181

 get something to eat before the corporation carts came along. So did the rats.

Some men can't sleep very well on an empty stomach―at least, not at first; but it mostly comes with practice. They often sleep for ever in London. Not in Sydney as yet―so we say.

Now and then one of our outcasts would stretch his cramped limbs to ease them but the cold soon made him huddle again. The pavement must have been hard on the men's 'points,' too; they couldn't dig holes nor make soft places for their hips, as you can in camp out back. And then, again, the stones had nasty edges and awkward slopes, for the pavements were very uneven.

The Law came along now and then, and had a careless glance at the unemployed in bed. They didn't look like sleeping beauties. The Law appeared to regard them as so much rubbish that ought not to have been placed there, and for the presence of which somebody ought to be prosecuted by the Inspector of Nuisances. At least, that was the expression the policeman had on his face.

And so Australian workmen lay at two o'clock in the morning in the streets of Sydney, and tried to get a little sleep before the traffic came along and took their bed.

The idea of sleeping out might be nothing to bushmen, not even an idea; but 'dossing out' in the city and 'camping' in the bush are two very different things. In the bush you can light a fire, boil your billy, and make some tea―if you have any; also fry a chop (there are no sheep running round in the city).


text:
Page:While the Billy Boils, 1913.djvu/182

 You can have a clean meal, take off your shirt and wash it, and wash yourself―if there's water enough―and feel fresh and clean. You can whistle and sing by the camp fire, and make poetry, and breathe fresh air, and watch the everlasting stars that keep the mateless traveller from going mad as he lies in his lonely camp on the plains. Your privacy is even more perfect than if you had a suite of rooms at the Australia; you are at the mercy of no policeman; there's no one to watch you but God―and He won't move you on. God watches the 'dossers-out,' too, in the city, but He doesn't keep them from being moved on or run in.

With the city unemployed the case is entirely different. The city outcast cannot light a fire and boil a billy―even if he has one―he'd be run in at once for attempting to commit arson, or create a riot, or on suspicion of being a person of unsound mind. If he took off his shirt to wash it, or went in for a swim, he'd be had up for indecently exposing his bones―and perhaps he'd get flogged. He cannot whistle or sing on his pavement bed at night, for, if he did, he'd be violently arrested by two great policemen for riotous conduct. He doesn't see many stars, and he's generally too hungry to make poetry. He only sleeps on the pavement on sufferance, and when the policeman finds the small hours hang heavily on him, he can root up the unemployed with his big foot and move him on―or arrest him for being around with the intention to commit a felony; and, when the wretched 'dosser' rises in the morning, he cannot shoulder his swag and take the track―he must cadge a breakfast


text:
Page:While the Billy Boils, 1913.djvu/183

 at some back gate or restaurant, and then sit in the park or walk round and round, the same old hopeless round, all day. There's no prison like the city for a poor man.

Nearly every man the traveller meets in the bush is about as dirty and ragged as himself, and just about as hard up; but in the city nearly every man the poor unemployed meets is a dude, or at least, well dressed, and the unemployed feels dirty and mean and degraded by the contrast―and despised.

And he can't help feeling like a criminal. It may be imagination, but every policeman seems to regard him with suspicion, and this is terrible to a sensitive man.

We once had the key of the street for a night. We don't know how much tobacco we smoked, how many seats we sat on, or how many miles we walked before morning. But we do know that we felt like a felon, and that every policeman seemed to regard us with a suspicious eye; and at last we began to squint furtively at every trap we met, which, perhaps, made him more suspicious, till finally we felt bad enough to be run in and to get six months' hard.

Three winters ago a man, whose name doesn't matter, had a small office near Elizabeth Street, Sydney. He was an hotel broker, debt collector, commission agent, canvasser, and so on, in a small way―a very small way―but his heart was big. He had a partner. They batched in the office, and did their cooking over a gas lamp. Now, every day the man-whose-name-doesn't-matter would carefully collect the scraps of food, add a slice or two of bread and butter, wrap it all up in a


text:
Page:While the Billy Boils, 1913.djvu/184

 piece of newspaper, and, after dark, step out and leave the parcel on a ledge of the stonework outside the building in the street. Every morning it would be gone. A shadow came along in the night and took it, This went on for many months, till at last one night the man-whose-name-doesn't-matter forgot to put the parcel out, and didn't think of it till he was in bed. It worried him, so that at last he had to get up and put the scraps outside. It was midnight. He felt curious to see the shadow, so he waited until it came along. It wasn't his long-lost brother, but it was an old mate of his.

Let us finish with a sketch:―

The scene was Circular Quay, outside the Messageries sheds. The usual number of bundles of misery―covered more or less with dirty sheets of newspaper―lay along the wall under the ghastly glare of the electric light. Time―shortly after midnight. From among the bundles an old man sat up. He cautiously drew off his pants, and then stood close to the wall, in his shirt, tenderly examining the seat of the trousers. Presently he shook them out, folded them with great care, wrapped them in a scrap of newspaper, and laid them down where his head was to be. He had thin, hairy legs and a long grey beard. From a bundle of rags he extracted another pair of pants, which were all patches and tatters, and into which he engineered his way with great caution. Then he sat down, arranged the paper over his knees, laid his old ragged grey head back on his precious Sunday-go-meetings―and slept.


text: Page:While the Billy Boils, 1913.djvu/185


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/82

54 Almost all of the twine and coil basket weavers are stone boilers, that is, they cook in baskets by dropping hot stones into their contents. Close fine twining and coiling is thus a necessity, for cooking baskets must be water-tight. In the pottery region of the Pueblos and southward, basketry is open and coarser. This undoubtedly accounts for the very high development of the art in California and northward.

Returning to the concentric distribution of the coil and twine technique, one must wonder which is the older. Some of the Déné coiled globular baskets are almost identical with a Chinese style, but this is more likely due to similar materials, for the intervening Siberian styles are more like those of the Eskimo. Thus coil seems to center in California and twine on the coast of the north, thus indicating their most probable centers of dispersion. We must, however, allow for more complex conditions, since archæological remains in certain cliff-houses indicate a high development of coil in prehistoric times. The studies of Kroeber and Barrett, as to the direction of the spiral coil in making the basket, suggest that central California and Arizona are of one type, while southern California (the Shoshoni-speaking tribes) and the interior as well as on northward, are of another. The meaning of this is not quite clear, but can be most readily explained as due to differentiation from two centers of influence. Hence, the chronological relation of coil and twine basketry remains a problem for the future.

The central portion of the bison area marks a hiatus between the basketry of the east and the west. Down the Mississippi and south from the Great Lakes, across the Antilles and on into the manioc or Amazon area of South America, basketry has one common characteristic in that it is made of flat or splint-like materials. Basketry of this sort is also found in the Andean region, but seems not to have been the prevailing style. The material is usually cane, which is probably responsible for the observed distribution. North of the Ohio River and in New England where suitable cane was not to be had, we find wood splints in use. These are made from the easily separated annual layers of certain trees. It seems a

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/82


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/83

Rh assumption that a historical connection exists between those two forms, and since basketry of cane is very widely distributed and the materials more readily prepared, we may suspect this to be the parent form.

In this connection birchbark vessels may be noted. They are an associate of the birchbark canoe from Nova Scotia to northern Russia. At no place in America, however, do they entirely displace woven or coil techniques.

Though closely analogous to splint basketry, matting does not always accompany it. Yet there are few peoples outside of the great hunting areas who do not use mats in some form. In the main we have two kinds: those woven of flat flexible materials, and those made by binding together long reeds or even twigs.

We can make one clear distinction between basketry and cloth, for the latter is formed by the weaving of spun or twisted materials. It is therefore made of string, or yarn. We have noted that some knowledge of thread-making is universal among mankind, but it is otherwise with the weaving of cloth. Such weaving in the New World may be comprehended under two designations: loom weaving and finger weaving, or upward weaving and downward weaving. In the loom, the weaver begins at the bottom and builds the fabric upward, driving the weft home with a downward stroke; in the other, the warp threads are hung loosely from a horizontal support and the fabric built from the top, the weft being pushed upward into place. In loom weaving, a sword or batten is used to beat down the weft and also as a shedding device, though an additional shedding device may be used. In downward weaving there are neither battens nor shedding devices, the fingers taking their place, though a bodkin or other pointed instrument may be used to force the weft into position.

Loom weaving begins with the Pueblo peoples and extends southward over the entire area of intense maize culture. Finger weaving is found in the salmon area, the Chilkat

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/83


text:
User:Thamizhpparithi Maari

Maa. Thamizhpparithi

 * Professor of Journalism and Mass Communication
 * Deapartment of Journalism and Mass Communication, Periyar University, Salem-636011, Tamil Nadu, India

My Uploads

மா. தமிழ்ப்பரிதி

 * தமிழ் விக்கிப்பீடியாவின்(ta.wikipedia) அறிமுகப்பக்கம்.
 * பணி: பல்கலைக்கழக ஆசிரியர்
 * பணியிடம்: இதழியல் மற்றும் மக்கள் தொடர்பியல் துறை, பெரியார் பல்கலைக்கழகம், சேலம்-636011 தமிழ் நாடு, இந்திய ஒன்றியம்

title: User:Thamizhpparithi Maari


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/88

58 complex, which we have closely associated with cotton. The chances are, therefore, that this whole loom complex spread as a unit.

The distribution of downward weaving will repay further study. Thus in the Aleutian Islands flexible baskets are woven suspended, and the Ojibway and other Central Algonkin tribes wove flexible wallets and soft bags in the same way. This, with the Chilkat blanket, gives us a broad sweep across the continent. In the main, too, this region is also the area of spinning without a spindle.

Turning aside for a moment, we find a peculiar type of sagebrush bark weaving in the plateaus among the Shoshoni and Salish in which parallel twisted strands are joined by widely separated rows of twined thread in pairs. Among the Kwakiutl and neighboring tribes, cedarbark is used in the same way. A similar technique for bags and mats is found around the Great Lakes and eastward. A few specimens from the Salish suggest that wild goat wool was sometimes treated in a similar fashion.

It appears, then, that north of the area of intense maize culture we have in general a basketry-like basis for weaving, and that when weaving is attempted with twisted elements, it is with suspended warp as for baskets and mats. Consistent with this is the rarity of the spindle.

Our problem is not simple, however, because among the modern Salish we find a frame for weaving coarse wool blankets. This may have been introduced by whites, but as the batten and shedding devices are absent and the weave is downward, we still have one of the weaving characteristics of the area. Very widely spread is the weaving of blankets from twisted strips of rabbit fur, a method which has a continuous distribution from Yucatan northward in Mexico and thence over the great plateau area of the United States to Canada where it traverses about the whole of the caribou area and reaches far down into the eastern maize area. This blanket is usually woven on a frame, but also without a batten or shedding device. The similarities between the Salish goat wool blanket and the rabbitskin blanket are so striking that

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/88


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/89

Rh one must suspect some reactionary influence. Returning to our subject, it is clear that the loom and upward weaving is a development of the South, presumably the area of intense maize culture, and that from there it was diffused around the north coast of South America and down the east side. Also the spindle method of spinning is definitely associated with the loom, though in one instance its distribution is wider.

Space forbids going into details as to the quality of the product. From early accounts it appears that there was a remarkably high development in the Andean region. It seems that at the time of the Spanish Conquest the textile art was the chief social interest and that the whole governmental machinery was directed toward the encouragement of its production. Thus taxes, fines and tributes were levied in fine cloth. As to the qualities, we have not only the testimony of early observers, but in the desert burial grounds of Peru we have immense storehouses of prehistoric cloth preserved completely in the original forms and colors. Recent studies of

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/89


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/90

60 museum collections by a textile expert have shown that the fineness of weave exceeds that of any other known part of the world. As to forms of weave, we find the same techniques as in the Old World, even to the pile and gauze. Outside of America, the known weaves can mostly be traced to southern Asia; hence, it is peculiar that we should find two disconnected world centers of textiles and that each should develop the same techniques. As to the weaves and qualities of Mexico and Central America, we are far less certain, since nature has not preserved samples for us, but from historical statements we infer that they also were of a high order. In southwestern United States we have an environment analogous to that of Peru, but which has less perfectly preserved examples of cliff-house textiles. This, however, is the extreme margin of the area where, consequently, we cannot expect very high development. Our museums contain a few specimens, but they have not been studied by a textile expert. The surviving Pueblos of Arizona and New Mexico and the Navajo still weave, but to what extent they have been influenced by white contact we are not certain. For a long time they have used the wool of the domestic sheep almost exclusively, and though their work is highly prized by collectors, it is very coarse when compared with Peruvian types. Of the cotton cloth in the manioc area we have very little data. The early accounts of the southern half of the eastern maize area indicate a fair degree of textile development. While the information available is not specific, the statements of early observers lead us to suspect that tapestry and double cloth were known, and that while the typical suspended, or downward, weaving was used, some tribes used a true loom, the two-barred loom, and a loom with three cross rods for twilling buffalo-hair cord. Woven feather-work was common, and there is mention of painted cloth. Perhaps the most distinctive textile of this area was buffalo-hair weaving, this art extending far up into the Mississippi Valley. The Chilkat blanket of the North Pacific Coast is quite coarse in weave, though somewhat finer than the fabrics of the immediate interior. The remainder

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/90


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/94

62

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/94


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/95

Rh garments are practically those of the caribou area, but in modified form they extend down into the most nomadic part of the bison area. Also, in some of the inland districts of the salmon area variants appear. The whole Pacific Coast plain from the Tlingit of Alaska to Lower California was occupied by bare-footed, scantily clothed peoples, among whom the true coat and trousers were unknown. In the southern part of the eastern maize area, the costume consisted of little more than a breech or loin cloth. When needed, a robe or kind of loosely fitted cape was put on. Notwithstanding its ill adaptation to winter climate, this form of costume extended into New England, where, while leggings and moccasins protected the feet, the trunk was covered by a robe so arranged as to leave one arm free. This was covered by a muff-like sleeve. In the bison area, as far north as Dakota, where the winters are severe, the bison robe was the only upper garment. It is quite clear, therefore, that tailored skin clothing is an associate of the caribou or reindeer area, and that the only definite intrusion it makes is in the western part of the bison area and the contiguous parts of the salmon area.

In the great weaving area of Mexico and the Andes, clothing is of woven cloth. The peculiarity of such clothing is that it was never cut and fitted, but each garment was worn in the form in which it came from the loom. Thus a poncho, or shirt, is rectangular, with one slit for the neck and two for the arms. In some cases very short sleeves were added, formed by folding a rectangular piece of cloth and sewing. Thus, in the textile area we find the tailor's art at its lowest. That this is not entirely a matter of environment is suggested by the weakness of tailoring among the skin-wearing tribes of Patagonia, who do little more than muffle themselves in a robe. Originally this robe was worn over one shoulder like the Algonkins of the Atlantic plain.

When we look to the Old World we find a similar distribution. In Siberia and northern Europe, we have tailoring of reindeer skins. Across southern Asia and around the Mediterranean is the great historical textile area from which all our own fine textiles seem to have been derived. As we

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/95


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/96

64

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/96


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/97

Rh southward into Africa and Australia we meet with peoples who wear skins, but who do not cut them into garments. While there is a climatic factor here, there are still other influences to be considered. Europeans and their New World offspring are the only peoples except the Chinese who specialize in the cutting and fitting of cloth. History shows that tailored garments came into Europe relatively late, whereas in China they seem to be very ancient. Now the Chinese and Europeans were in contact with the reindeer hunters of the North and when we have such continuity for the distribution of a trait we usually consider it a case of diffusion from one center. The continuity of the trait in Siberia and America is also clear. We see, then, that the whole tailoring art of the world has a continuous geographical distribution and centers around skin garments rather than those of cloth.

It has been noted that certain peculiar styles of garment in the bison area were due to the natural form of the skins. This seems to be the natural consequence with a people who, lacking tailoring traditions, worked out a more complete costume of skins. We have noted that in the case of textiles the rectangular form necessitated by the technique of loom weaving, together with the lack of the tailoring idea, gave a characteristic form to the woven garments. In the bison area we find a skin poncho which follows so closely the main form of the textile poncho to the south that it is difficult to deny a historical relation, though, as stated above, the similarity is disguised by the peculiar contour of the edges of the skin.

There are many other interesting problems in costume, but we have no space for their discussion. For example, a study of footgear is highly suggestive. Thus we find in both the Old and New World that the sandal is a correlative of textile clothing. In the bison area, moccasins have hard soles in contrast to those of the forest regions, which, considering the geographical relations, suggests the intrusion of the sandal idea, though denied by Hatt. Going barefoot is peculiarly prevalent on the west coast of the salmon area and is the rule in the southern half of the eastern maize area and thence

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/97


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/143

Rh • 2;font-size:smaller;

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/143


text:
Author:Bertram William Mathyson Francis Stevens

Works

 * Single Tax
 * Native Companion
 * Art in Australia
 * Lone Hand
 * An Anthology of Australian Verse
 * The Golden Treasury of Australian Verse


text: Author talk:Bertram William Mathyson Francis Stevens


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 1.djvu/32

xxii read, but to be read again and again, translations of sacred books require to be studied with much greater care, before we can hope to gain a real understanding of the intentions of their authors or venture on general assertions.

Such general assertions, if once made, are difficult to extirpate. It has been stated, for instance, that the religious notion of sin is wanting altogether in the hymns of the Rig-veda, and some important conclusions have been based on this supposed fact. Yet the gradual growth of the concept of guilt is one of the most interesting lessons which certain passages of these ancient hymns can teach us. It has been asserted that in the Rig-veda Agni, fire, was adored essentially as earthly sacrificial fire, and not as an elemental force. How greatly such an assertion has to be qualified, may be seen from a more careful examination of the translations of the Vedic hymns now accessible. In many parts of the Avesta fire is no doubt spoken of with great reverence, but those who speak of the Zoroastrians as fire-worshippers, should know that the true followers of Zoroaster abhor that very name. Again, there are certainly many passages in the Vedic writings which prohibit the promiscuous communication of the Veda, but those who maintain that the Brahmans, like Roman Catholic priests, keep their sacred books from the people, must have


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 1.djvu/33

Rh the many passages in the Brâhmanas, the Sûtras, and even in the Laws of Manu, where the duty of learning the Veda by heart is inculcated for every Brâhmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya, that is, for every man except a Sûdra. These are a few specimens only to show how dangerous it is to generalise even where there exist complete translations of certain sacred books. It is far easier to misapprehend, or even totally to misunderstand, a translation than the original; and it should not be supposed, because a sentence or a whole chapter seems at first sight unintelligible in a translation, that therefore they are indeed devoid of all meaning.

What can be more perplexing than the beginning of the Khândogya-upanishad? 'Let a man meditate,' we read, or, as others translate it, 'Let a man worship the syllable Om.' It may seem impossible at first sight to elicit any definite meaning from these words and from much that follows after. But it would be a mistake, nevertheless, to conclude that we have here vox et præterea nihil. Meditation on the syllable Om consisted in a long-continued repetition of that syllable with a view of drawing the thoughts away from all other subjects, and thus concentrating them on some higher object of thought of which that syllable was made to be the symbol. This concentration of thought, ekâgratâ or one-pointedness, as the Hindus called it, is something to us almost unknown. Our minds are like kaleidoscopes of thoughts in constant motion; and to shut our mental eyes to everything else, while dwelling on one thought only, has become to most of us almost as impossible as to apprehend one


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/142

98 many basket makers of California. Its strongest development is in the Southwest which is, perhaps, the center of its northern dispersion. Among the Navajo we note that because of their sacred character the true symbols are not used in blankets, and in the Plains we further note that the conventional and æsthetic relations are practically never modified to meet the demands of interpretation; it is always the latter that is sacrificed. All this indicates that we are dealing with decoration primarily, upon which is occasionally grafted some symbolism. The facts are that practically all of the religious art of the

New World is highly realistic and, therefore, stands apart from the art of ordinary decoration.

In conclusion, we may recall our initial question: Is the pattern name at its inception symbolic, or even representative? We can safely say that in most cases it was certainly neither. The suggestion is that symbolic art is primarily realistic, and that many true symbols may be explained as derived from pictures; but true symbols are relatively rare in the geometric designs we have studied and we have consequently no good reason for assuming that many of these as a class were once realistic. In short, the problem is an historical one. We have seen that geometric art is sometimes under pressure from realistic art and perhaps is always so. Hence, the feeling that its designs should be representative may universally arise and so account for all these design interpretations as secondary phenomena.

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/142


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 1.djvu/34

xxiv musical note without harmonics. With the life we are leading now, with telegrams, letters, newspapers, reviews, pamphlets, and books ever breaking in upon us, it has become impossible, or almost impossible, ever to arrive at that intensity of thought which the Hindus meant by ekâgratâ, and the attainment of which was to them the indispensable condition of all philosophical and religious speculation. The loss may not be altogether on our side, yet a loss it is, and if we see the Hindus, even in their comparatively monotonous life, adopting all kinds of contrivances in order to assist them in drawing away their thoughts from all disturbing impressions and to fix them on one subject only, we must not be satisfied with smiling at their simplicity, but try to appreciate the object they had in view.

When by means of repeating the syllable Om, which originally seems to have meant 'that,' or 'yes,' they had arrived at a certain degree of mental tranquillity, the question arose what was meant by this Om, and to this question the most various answers were given, according as the mind was to be led up to higher and higher objects. Thus in one passage we are told at first that Om is the beginning of the Veda, or, as we have to deal with an Upanishad of the Sâma-veda, the beginning of the Sâma-veda, so that he who meditates on Om, may be supposed to be meditating on the whole of the Sâma-veda. But that is not enough. Om is said to be the essence of the Sâma-veda, which, being almost entirely taken from the Rig-veda, may itself be called the essence of the Rig-veda. And more than that. The Rig-veda stands for all speech, the Sâma-veda for all breath or life, so that Om may be conceived again as the


text:
Author:William Heneage Ogilvie

Works

 * Fair Girls and Gray Horses, with Other Verses.
 * Hearts of Gold, and Other Verses.

title: Author:William Heneage Ogilvie


text:
User talk:Kl462

All the works that we host must have a verifiable source. Where was Cornell Concert Commission Director Interview published? We also need an appropriate license to indicate a work's status under the copyright laws of the US. Beeswaxcandle (talk) 05:12, 5 October 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Kl462


text: Author talk:William Heneage Ogilvie

title: Author talk:William Heneage Ogilvie


text:
Page:While the Billy Boils, 1913.djvu/374

 THE GOLDEN TREASURY OF AUSTRALIAN VERSE.

 * "It is a vast improvement on its predecessor. Certain copyright restrictions have been removed, and Mr. Stevens has been allowed to help himself to some excellent work which was inaccessible to him three years ago…Mr. Stevens has shown himself once more a man of excellent taste and discrimination, and has laid lovers of poetry who also love Australia under a heavy obligation to him for this most pleasant book."

FAIR GIRLS AND GRAY HORSES, WITH OTHER VERSES.

 * "Its verses draw their natural inspiration from the camp, the cattle trail, and the bush; and their most characteristic and compelling rhythms from the clatter of horses' hoofs."

 * "Nothing could be better than his bush ballads, and he writes of horses with the fervour of Lindsay Gordon."

HEARTS OF GOLD, AND OTHER VERSES.

 * "Will be welcomed by all who love the stirring music and strong masculine feeling of this poet's verse. Mr. Ogilvie has gone back to Scotland, but his verse written in Australia lives still, and is not forgotten when the camp fires are burning."


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Goodenough, Commodore James Graham


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Goold, Most Rev. James Alipius


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Gordon, Adam Lindsay


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Gordon, Hon. Sir Arthur Hamilton


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Gordon, Hon. John Hannah


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Gordon, Major James Miller


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Gordon, William Montgomerie


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Gore, Sir Ralph St. George Claude


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Gore, Sir St. George Ralph


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Gore, Hon. St. George Richard


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Gorst, Right Hon. Sir John Eldon


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Gosman, Rev. Alexander


text:
Page:The Urantia Book, 1st Edition.djvu/427

Rh universe there are to be found something of everyone and someone of almost every class of intelligent beings existing in the central universe except the Universal Father. Although the Universal Father is not personally present in a local universe, he is personally represented by its Creator Son, sometime vicegerent of God and subsequently supreme and sovereign ruler in his own right.

The farther down the scale of life we go, the more difficult it becomes to locate, with the eye of faith, the invisible Father. The lower creatures—and sometimes even the higher personalities—find it difficult always to envisage the Universal Father in his Creator Sons. And so, pending the time of their spiritual exaltation, when perfection of development will enable them to see God in person, they grow weary in progression, entertain spiritual doubts, stumble into confusion, and thus isolate themselves from the progressive spiritual aims of their time and universe. In this way they lose the ability to see the Father when beholding the Creator Son. The surest safeguard for the creature throughout the long struggle to attain the Father, during this time when inherent conditions make such attainment impossible, is tenaciously to hold on to the truth-fact of the Father's presence in his Sons. Literally and figuratively, spiritually and personally, the Father and the Sons are one. It is a fact: He who has seen a Creator Son has seen the Father.

The personalities of a given universe are settled and dependable, at the start, only in accordance with their degree of kinship to Deity. When creature origin departs sufficiently far from the original and divine Sources, whether we are dealing with the Sons of God or the creatures of ministry belonging to the Infinite Spirit, there is an increase in the possibility of disharmony, confusion, and sometimes rebellion—sin.

Excepting perfect beings of Deity origin, all will creatures in the superuniverses are of evolutionary nature, beginning in lowly estate and climbing ever upward, in reality inward. Even highly spiritual personalities continue to ascend the scale of life by progressive translations from life to life and from sphere to sphere. And in the case of those who entertain the Mystery Monitors, there is indeed no limit to the possible heights of their spiritual ascent and universe attainment.

The perfection of the creatures of time, when finally achieved, is wholly an acquirement, a bona fide personality possession. While the elements of grace are freely admixed, nevertheless, the creature attainments are the result of individual effort and actual living, personality reaction to the existing environment.

The fact of animal evolutionary origin does not attach stigma to any personality in the sight of the universe as that is the exclusive method of producing one of the two basic types of finite intelligent will creatures. When the heights of perfection and eternity are attained, all the more honor to those who began at the bottom and joyfully climbed the ladder of life, round by round, and who, when they do reach the heights of glory, will have gained a personal experience which embodies an actual knowledge of every phase of life from the bottom to the top.

In all this is shown the wisdom of the Creators. It would be just as easy for the Universal Father to make all mortals perfect beings, to impart perfection by his divine word. But that would deprive them of the wonderful experience of the adventure and training associated with the long and gradual inward climb,