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  as 'Vitalis Angligena' (ii. 289, 438, iii. 45, 287).

It was by the advice of Roger du Sap (d. 1123) and Guérin des Essarts (d. 1137), who were successively abbots of St. Evroul, that Orderic began to write history. His first intention was to compose the annals of St. Evroul or Ouche, but gradually his work expanded into a general history, beginning with the preaching of the gospel, and reaching down to 1141. The whole work is styled 'Historia Ecclesiastica,' and is divided into thirteen books, which were not, however, composed in the order in which they now stand. The third and fourth books were the first written, probably in 1123 and 1125, and the fifth was completed about the end of 1127 (Hist. Eccles. ii. 301. 303, 375). The next seven books followed at intervals down to 1130, when the first two books were added, and the thirteenth book was completed in 1141, at which time the whole underwent some revision. Owing, perhaps, to the manner of its composition, Orderic's work is 'clumsy, disorderly, and full of digressions'. His chronology is inaccurate, and he often repeats himself, while his style is generally turgid and marred by pedantry; he is fond of applying classical titles, like 'consul,' 'tribune,' 'centurion,' to the persons of his narrative, and of displaying his acquaintance with a few Greek words. But his defects are more than redeemed by that spirit in which he wrote: 'he had a keen eye, and an interest for details and points of character … from him we get the most lively image of what real life seemed to the dweller in a Norman monastery'. His aim was to give the truth without flattery, 'seeking no reward from conquerors or conquered' (Hist. Eccles. ii. 161). His strong sense of justice encourages him to blame freely where blame is deserved, and his lively imagination makes his narrative vivid, if sometimes inaccurate. Nothing comes amiss to him; details of war, of customs and social life, of the monastic profession, personal characteristics, local legends, and natural phenomena, are alike recorded. The 'Historia Ecclesiastica' begins to be of value soon after the Norman Conquest. Though Orderic did not write from his own knowledge till much later, his use of other authorities is marked by discrimination. For the earlier years of William I, he mainly follows William of Poitiers and William of Jumièges; for the career of the Normans in Sicily, he had recourse to the chronicle of Geoffrey Mala-Terra; and for the first crusade, to the works of Fulcher of Chartres and Baldric of Bourgueil, with the latter of whom he was personally acquainted. Orderic also made use, among other writers, of the poem of Guy of Amiens, and of Eadmer's 'Life of St. Anselm;' while his visit to Croyland in 1115 supplied him with some special information.

Orderic was deeply read in such literature as was available, in theology, the fathers, and the Latin classics. He also shows a taste for lighter literature in his knowledge of various chansons, and of much of the ephemeral Latin verse of his time. He himself enjoyed some reputation as a poet, and has inserted in his history a number of epitaphs which he had composed on persons of distinction, together with some other pieces of occasional verse. Some verses which are found in a manuscript that was formerly at St. Evroul, and are in the same handwriting as the original manuscript of the 'Historia Ecclesiastica,' M. Leopold Delisle thinks may be by Orderic; he has edited them in the 'Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire de France' i. ii. 1-13, 1863. This same handwriting can be traced in other manuscripts.

The original and possibly autograph manuscript of the 'Historia Ecclesiastica' is now in the 'Bibliotheque Nationale;' none of the other copies have any independent value (, § vii.;, ii. 217). The 'Historia Ecclesiastica' was first published in Duchesne's 'Historiæ Normannorum Scriptores' in 1619; the greater part of it is given in the 'Recueil des Historiens de la France,' vols, ix.-xii.; the whole work was re-edited by M. Le Prévost for the 'Société de l'Histoire de France,' 5 vols. 1838-55; Duchesne's text is reproduced in Migne's 'Patrologia,' clxxxviii. A French translation was published by M. Louis Dubois in Guizot's 'Collection des Mémoires relatifs à 'Histoire de France,' in 1825, and an English translation in four volumes, by Mr. T. Forester, in Bohn's 'Antiquarian Library,' 1853-5.

 ORDGAR or ORGAR (d. 971) ealdorman of Devon, was the son of an ealdorman, and was a landowner in every village from Exeter to Frome. He married an unknown lady of royal birth, by whom he had a daughter [q. v.] When King Eadgar sent a messenger to woo Ælfthryth, he found


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 her and her father, whom she completely controlled, playing at chess, which they had learned from the Danes (, ll. 3605-3725). Between 965 and 908 his signature as 'Ordgar dux' occurs in many charters, Codex Dipl. Nos. 518, 1270, &c.) according to the 'Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,' Ordgar founded the monastery of Tavistock in 961, but under the year 997 it is called Ordulf's minster, and, according to the 'Register of Tavistock' (''Mon. Angl.'' ii. 494), it was founded by Ordulf, Ordgar's son. The 'Register' says it was large enough to hold a thousand persons; that it was begun in the reign of Eadgar, and finished in 981. Ordgar had another son, Edulf, who was of gigantic strength and stature (Gesta Pontiff. pp. 202-3). Ordgar died in 971, and, according to William of Malmesbury, was buried with his son Edulf at Tavistock. Florence of Worcester (s. a.) says he was buried at Exeter (Anglo-Saxon Chron.; Chron. loc. cit.; Gesta Pontificum, ed. Hamilton;, ed. Hardy and Martin).

A second or  (fl. 1066), one of the sheriffs of Edward the Confessor, held lands in Cambridgeshire, at Chippenham and Isleham. He appears to have lost the sheriffdom under Harold, and to have commended himself to Esegar the Staller (, Norman Conquest, v. 742). He is possibly identical with the nobleman Orgar who took refuge with Hereward in the Isle of Ely (Liber Eliensis, p. 230), where Alwinus, son of Orgar, was then a monk (Gesta Herewardi, p. 391; Domesday Book, i. 197a col. 2, 199a col. 2;, Inquis. Eliensis, pp. 2, 8; Liber Eliensis, ed. D. J. Stewart (Anglia Christiana); and Gesta Herewardi in , ed. Hardy and Martin).

A third or  (d. 1097 ?), English noble, challenged Edgar Atheling [q.v.] to single combat for treason against William II. Edgar's champion was Godwine of Winchester, an English knight. When worsted in the fight, Ordgar treacherously drew a knife he had concealed in his boot against the rule of trial by battle, but Godwine snatched the knife from him, and Ordgar died of his wounds, after confessing the falsehood of the accusation he had brought. It is possible that Ordgar is identical with the king's thegn of that name, who in 1086 held two hides in Oxfordshire (Domesday Book, i. 1616, col. 1) which had been the property of one Oodwine, and perhaps also with an Ordgar who had lost a hide in Somerset (ib. p. 93;, ed. Skene, v. 22, 23; , William Rufus, ii. 116-17, and 615-17).

 ORDISH, ROWLAND MASON (1824–1886), engineer, son of John Ordish, land agent and surveyor, was born on 11 April 1824, at Melbourne, near Derby. Beyond the opportunity which he enjoyed in his fathers office of seeing building operations in progress, he seems to have had no professional training. Coming to London in 1847, he entered the office of Mr. R. E. Brounger, who employed him in making surveys for a railway in Denmark. He was afterwards engaged by Mr. (afterwards Sir) Charles Fox the Thames near Windsor. When Messrs. Fox & Henderson took the contract for the ironwork of the 1851 exhibition building, Ordish made the greater part of the working drawings; and he subsequently went to the London works, Smethwick, near Birmingham, to take part in the designing of the roof over the Birmingham railway station, then in course of construction by Fox & Henderson. He was afterwards engaged on the re-erection of the Great Exhibition building at Sydenham. According to the specification of one of his patents, he was at Copenhagen in April 1855, probably upon business connected with the Danish railway. From January 1856 to March 1858 he was chief draughtsman in the works department of the admiralty at Somerset House. He resigned this appointment to start in business on his own account, and for many years his office was at No. 18 Great George Street, Westminster, where for a considerable time he was in partnership with Mr. W. H. Le Feuvre. In April 1858 he took out a patent (No. 771) for an improvement in suspension bridges, in which the roadway consisted of a rigid girder suspended at several points by inclined straight cliains, which carried the whole of the load and the weight of the bridge. This mode of construction is now well known as Ordish's 'straight chain suspension' system. He designed a bridge upon this principle in 1862, with an opening of 821 feet, for crossing the Thames below London Bridge, but it was not until 1868 that the idea was carried out in actual practice by the construction of the Franz-Josef Bridge over the Moldau at Prague. This structure is described in the 'Mechanics' Magazine,' April 1866, p. 264; in the 'Engineer,' November 1868, pp. 343, 80; in W. Humberts 'Bridges,' 3rd edit. p. 258; and in Matheson's 'Works in Iron,' p. 81. The Albert Bridge over the Thames at Chelsea, opened in September 1873, was also constructed on the same principle. It has a central opening of 453 feet. A description

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 appeared in 'Engineering,' May 1871, p. 373; in the 'Engineer,' October and November 1873. pp. 281, 288, 301, 304, 316. 322; and in Matheson's 'Works in Iron,' p. 171. Among the numerous railway bills which Ordish and Le Feuvre brought into parliament, was one for constructing a line from Hampstead to Charing Cross, which, however, was lost in the notable year 1866, when railway enterprise was arrested throughout England.

He was entrusted by Mr. W. H. Barlow with the details of the roof of the London terminus of the Midland railway at St. Pancras. It cousists of an arch of 240 feet span, springing from a. level slightly below the platform, and is the largest work of the land in existence. In the course of a description of the station, read before the Institution of Civil Engineers on 29 March 1870, Mr. Barlow said : 'For the details of the roof the author is indebted to Mr. Ordish, whose practical knowledge and excellent suggestions enabled him, while adhering to the form, depth, and general design, to effect many improvements in its construction' (Proceeding, xxx. 82). Views and details of the roof are also given in the 'Engineer,' May and June 1867, pp. 484, 494, 505, 517, 514; and in 'Engineering,' August 1867, p. 148, In conjunction with J. W. Grover, he designed the roof of the Albert Hall at South Kensington, the space covered being an oval about 200 by 160 feet, much larger than anything previously attempted. The structure is a flat dome, of very original construction, containing about four hundred tons of iron. The execution of the work was so perfect that when the scaffolding was removed the roof only sank five-sixteenths of an inch (cf. Engineer, 31 March 1871, p. 221; Engineering, 20 Aug. 1869, p, 117).

Ordish's name was but little known outside the engineering profession, but his resistance was constantly sought in difficult cases; and when the domes of the building for the exhibition of 1662 showed signs of weakness, he was called in to advise. He suggested the addition of a form of bracing which was entirely successful. Among the numerous works in which he was concerned, the following may be mentioned: the roof of the Dutch-Rhenish railway station at Amsterdam, 1863 (, Record, 1863. p. 23;, Works in Iron, p. 269); roof of the Dublin Winter Palace, 1860 (, Record, 1863, f. 39); winter garden for Leeds infirmary, 1868, Sir Gilbert Scott architect (, p. 240); roof of St. Enoch's railway station, Glasgow; and the railway station at Cape Town. In conjunction with Max am Ende with whom he had already been associate in other works, he prepared a design a bridge over the Neva at St. Petersburg (Engineer, January 1874, pp. 4, 6, 36, 67), for which he received a prize of 300l. In 1885 he published, with Ewing Matheson, a design for a bridge on the site of the present Tower Bridge (ib. 16 Dec. 1893, p. 547).

In addition to that already mentioned, Ordish took out the following patents: No. 832 (1855), an improved form of bridge rail No, 663 (1857), suspension bridge; No. 2511 (1858), iron permanent way; No. 2459 (1859), elastic key for holding rails in place. This was tried on the Stratford-on-Avon line and on other railways, but, though it answered well, it never came into practied use. No. 1513 (1883), pavements, partly applicable to railways; No. 4490 (1884), lifts.

Ordish became a member of the Society of Engineers in 1857, and in 1860 he filled the office of president. In 1858 be read a Saper 'On the Figure and Strength of Beams, Girders, and Trusses,' a brief abstract of which appears in the 'Transactions' of the society. Ordish had a remarkable feeling for strength and proportion in the material he handled; he was fertile in design, hardly ever repeating himself, and possessed a singular faculty of making rapid mental estimates of the cost of a buildiing. He died at Stratford Place, Camden Town, on 12 Sep. 1886, and was buried in Highgate cemetery.

 O'REILLY, ALEXANDER (1722?–1794), Spanish general, born in Ireland, of Roman catholic parents, about 1722, entered at an early age the Spanish army. As sub-lieutenant in the regiment of Hibernia he served in the campaigns against the Austrians in Italy, and received a wound that lamed him for life. In 1757 he joined the Austrian army, and took part in two campaigns against the Prussians under his countryman. Count Maurice Francis Lacy [See under ]. In 1759 he joined the French army, but was so highly commended to the king of Spain by Marshal de Broglie that he was invited to 'return to the Spanish army and granted the rank of colonel. In that capacity he served in the war with Portugal in 1762, and acquired the reputation of being one of the best officers in the Spanish service. Promoted to be brigadier on the staff and adjutant-general for instruction, he taught the Spanish troops the


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 Prussian exercises. At the peace he became a major-general and was appointed governor of Havana, which was then restored to Spain, and where he rebuilt the fortifications. Subsequently be was sent to take possession of Louisiana, where his severities the inhabitants of New Orleans renderedi him unpopular. On his return to Spain he was made inspector-general of infantry and governor of Madrid. He headed troops that rallied round Charles III after his escape from the city during the terrible emeute of 1765. He remained in high favour with the king, and was selected to command the Spanish expedition against Algiers in 1776.

The selection of a foreigner for the command provoked much jealousy among the Spanish officers. O'Reilly had under his orders forty ships of the line and 350 other vessels, carrying a force of thirty thousand troops of all arms. The ships, however, did not all arrive at once ; and the flat-bottomed for landing the troops had been forgotten. In the end, fearing that his ships would run aground, O'Reilly prepared to and put on shore a force of ten thousand troops, under the Marquis de la Romana, to cover the landing of the rest. The Spaniards fought bravely against the Algerines, entrenched behind the hedges of prickly and aloes, but lost four thousand men, it is said, and their leader, Romana (father of the Spanish commander of that name in Napoleonic epoch). Unable to carry out his plans, which had received general approval, O'Reilly returned sadly to Barcelona on 24 Aug. 1775. His failure at Algiers detracted much from his military reputation, but did not influence his relations with the king, who put him at the head of the military school, established first at Avila and afterwards at Port Sta. Marie, and subsequently made him commander-in-chief in Andalusia and governor of Cadiz. After the death of Charles III in 1788, O'Reilly fell into disgrace, was deprived of his military emoluments, and retired to Galicia on a small pension. But, despite his advancing years and his many enemies, he was thought the only man fit to lead the Spanish armies, after the death of General Ricardos, when the French National Convention declared against Spain in 1793. He was appointed to command the army in the Eastern Pyrenees, and was on his way thither when he died, rather suddenly, at a small village in Murcia, on 23 March 1794.  O'REILLY, ANDREW (1742–1832), Austrian general of cavalry, was born of Roman catholic parents at Ballinlough, co. Limerick, on 3 Aug. 1742, and entered the Austrian service in 1763, at the end of the seven years' war. He became a lieutenant in 1778, and was ober-lieutenant and captain of the infantry regiment of Calenberg in 1778-9. While major and adjutant of the 1st carabineer regiment in 1780-4, he served in the Bavarian succession war. In 1784-8 he was lieutenant-colonel of the 8th Hohenzollern cuirassiers, and in 1789 became colonel of the light horse regiment of Modena, which was made the 5th light dragoons in 1798, and was disbanded in 1801. He fought against the Turks in 1789, when the Austrians retook Belgrade ; and as a major-general in the Low Countries in 1792-4. When the French, under Moreau, crossed the Rhine in 1796, O'Reilly's skill as a cavalry commander could not save the Austrians from defeat, and he was himself wounded and made prisoner. He was soon after exchanged, and given a command in the interior.

In 1799 O'Reilly was in command at Zurich, and afterwards, as field-marshal-lieutenant (lieutenant-general), at Piacenza. He distinguished himself in the Italian campaign of 1800, at Montebello, Marengo, the Mincio, and other engagements, and received the grand cross of the Maria Theresa order. In 1805 he again distinguished himself at the head of the cavalry at Coldrerio, where the French, under Massena, were defeated after two days' hard fighting. When the war with France was renewed in 1809, O'Reilly was placed under the orders of the Archduke Maximilian, and when the archduke abandoned the defence of Vienna, which was attacked by an overwhelming force, O'Reilly was appointed governor. Deeming further resistance useless, and a conflagration of the city being feared, O'Reilly arranged for a surrender. The burgomaster presented himself before Napoleon, and terms were agreed to for a capitulation, by the fourteenth article of which the governor was to be permitted to bear the news to the Emperor Francis and explain the position of the monarchy. Old and worn out, O'Reilly took no part in the later campaigns of 1813-15. A general of cavalry and colonel-proprietor of the 3rd light horse regiment (since the 8th uhlans), O'Reilly died at Vienna, 5 July 1832, at the age of 90.

O'Reilly married, in 1784, Maria Barbara, countess of Sweerts and Spork; but, having no issue, adopted as his heir the son of his kinsman, Hugh O'Reilly of Ballinlough.


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 O'REILLY, EDMUND (1606–1669), Roman catholic archbishop of Armagh, was born in 1606 in Dublin (, Irish Pedigrees, i. 743). After pursuing his studies, perhaps at the college in Dame Street, Dublin, which was suppressed in 1629, O'Reilly was appointed to the government of a parish in his native diocese. In 1633 he went to Louvain, where he resided in the Irish secular college, and continued his studies under the Jesuits and Franciscans. Not long after, he was appointed prefect of the college of Irish secular ecclesiastics. Returning to Ireland in 1641, he again undertook the duties of a parish priest, but was soon appointed vicar-general of the diocese of Dublin, in which capacity he administered the see from 1642 to 1648, while the archbishop, Thomas Fleming [q. v.], was residing at Kilkenny.

He was an active agent of the Roman catholic party during the war, and in 1642 was governor of Wicklow. In 1649 he was deprived of the vicar-generalship, unjustly according to Renehan, but apparently on suspicion of having betrayed the English and Irish troops of Ormonde and Purcell at Baggotrath to Michael Jones [q. v.] According to D'Alton, O'Reilly's acts at this period were 'all of a violent political tendency; distrusting the sincerity of Ormonde, he joined in every uproar against cessation of hostilities and every religious cry against peace with the king.' In 1649 he was nearly killed by a band of robbers near Dublin. In the beginning of 1650 Archbishop Fleming restored him to the vicar-generalship. In 1652 he attended the synod of Leinster, held in Glenmalure Woods, and in 1653 he was arrested, imprisoned for some months, and then charged with a murder which occurred while he was governor of Wicklow. The trial lasted two days (6-7 Sept. 1654), and O'Reilly was found guilty, but received a pardon, due, according to Walsh and others, to his betrayal of the Irish troops to Michael Jones in 1049 (, Life of Ormonde, iii. 467 ;, History of the Irish Confederation, vii. 102).

O'Reilly, however, took refuge in the Irish College at Lille, where, according to Renehan, he received his promotion to the see of Armagh in 1654, and, proceeding to Brussels, was consecrated in the Jesuits' chapel. Brady, however, gives the date of his appointment as 16 April 1657, the pallium being sent him on 24 Sept. the same year. Returning from Brussels to Lille, O'Reilly proceeded to Calais, where he was introduced to Mazarin, who gave him pecuniary assistance and procured him a safe-conduct through England. He arrived in London in 1658, where, during a six weeks' stay, he secretly performed mass. Here he fell in with Peter Walsh [q.v.], whose acquaintance and enmity he had already acquired. Walsh is said to have procured an order for O'Reilly's arrest, and the archbishop again fled to France, but sailed thence, and landed in Ireland in 1659. He laboured with zeal in his diocese for a year and a half, but on the restoration of Charles II was represented to the court as an opponent of the Stuarts, and, on the intervention, of the Spanish ambassador, the pope, in/spite of a declaration in O'Reilly's favour Signed by the bishops and clergy of the province of Armagh, ordered him to withdraw from Ireland.

O'Reilly went to Rome, where he remained until 1665. In 1666 he was invited to attend the national synod of clergy at Dublin. Passing through Flanders, London, and Chester, he reached Dublin on 12 June, and vigorously opposed the 'Remonstrance,' a measure advocated by Ormonde and Walsh. Ormonde summoned him to the castle, and, in a private interview, endeavoured to win him over, but without success, and the measure was rejected unanimously by the synod. At its dissolution on 25 June, Ormonde issued an order for the arrest of all bishops who had attended it, and O'Reilly was kept in easy confinement for three months; he was then brought before the council, and ordered to leave Ireland, on the ground that he had endeavoured to excite a rebellion. On 25 Sept. he was sent to London, and thence, by way of Dover, to Calais. He now revisited the Irish Colleges at Louvain, Brussels, and Paris, where he spent most of his time. Several letters of his, dated at Paris between 1666 and 1669, in which he attacks Walsh, are given in Moran's 'Spicilegium Ossoriense.' He died at Saumur in March 1669.

O'Reilly must not be confused with his predecessor and kinsman, Hugh O'Reilly (1580-1653), son of one Mulmore O'Reilly, by his wife Honora, and uncle of O'Reilly, Philip MacHugh (DNB00) [q. v.] Hugh was made bishop of Kilmore on June 1625, and translated to the archbishopric of Armagh on 5 May 1628. He took little part in the civil war, but declared against Ormonde's treaty of 1646. He buried Owen Roe O'Neill [q. v.] at Cavan, and died himself on Trinity Island in Lough Erne in February 1652-3. His remains were, however, removed, and interred in the same grave as his kinsman, another Mulmore O'Reilly, 'the slasher,' and Owen Roe O'Neill, in the Franciscan monastery at Cavan (cf., Franciscan Monasteries, passim ; , Episcopal Succession, i. 324-6, ii. 282 ; , Series


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 ;, Spicilegium Ossoriense, pasim, and ''Catholic Archb. of Dublin, pp. 344, 354;, Hibern. Dom.'' pp. 884, 890).

O'REILLY, EDMUND JOSEPH (1811–1878), Roman catholic divine, was born in London on 30 April 1811. His mother was a daughter of Edmund O'Callaghan of Killegorey, co. Clare, and one of her sisters married the third Lord Kenmore. O'Reilly, with his parents, settled in Ireland at Mount Catherine, near Limerick, when he was six years old. His father died soon afterwards, and he was sent to the jesuits' school at Clongoweswood, near Kildare. He afterwards studied metaphysics at Maynooth. About 1830 he entered the Irish College at Rome, of which Cullen was then rector. Cullen became his lifelong friend. In 1835 he graduated as doctor in sacred theology, and, after acting as assistant to Cullen, was ordained in 1838. Soon afterwards he returned to Ireland, and was appointed professor of theology at Maynooth College. He held the position for upwards of twelve years, his lectures being distinguished both for learning and lucidity.

In August 1850 O’Reilly became ‘theologian’ to Cullen, who had just been appointed archbishop of Armagh, at the synod of Thurles, where his services were of great value. He acted in a similar capacity to Bishop Brown of Shrewsbury at the synod of Oscott, and to Bishop Furlong of Ferns at the synod of Maynooth. In the summer of 1851 he passed his novitiate at Naples. Having become a full member of the society, O'Reilly was appointed teacher of theology at the Jesuits’ college of St. Beuno's, near St. Asaph. His lectures here attracted attention, and in the summer of 1868 he was selected by Newman and the Irish bishops as teacher of divinity in the newly founded catholic university of Ireland. Early in the next year, however, his society again claimed his services, and appointed him superior of their new house of retreat at Milltown Port, Dublin, where he passed the rest of his life. From 1863 to 1870 he was Irish provincial of his society. He died at Milltown Port. on 10 Nov. 1878, in the same year as his friend Cardinal Cullen, and was buried at Glasnevin.

Newman, in his ‘Letter to the Duke of Norfolk’ in the Vatican controversy, mentioned Vatican controversy as ‘one of the first theologians of the day;' and W. G. Ward, writing in the ‘Dublin Review' in praise of his essays, regretted that he had published so little. O'Reilly's knowledge of patristic theology was especially extensive, and he was continually referred to by the Irish bishops and clergy as a high authority. Even in questions of civil law his opinion was thought to be of value. He was scrupulously truthful in controversy, and in private life he charmed all who knew him by his courtesy and geniality.

O'Reilly contributed one essay to the 'Illustrated Monitor,' and others to the ‘Irish Monthly,' in 1873–4. From 1875 till his death he assisted Matthew Russell, the editor of the ‘Irish Monthly,' in revising the accepted articles. O'Reilly's essays were posthumously collected and edited by Father Russell in 1892, under the title ‘The Relations of the Church to Society.' Four of them deal with ‘Papal Infallability;' three with ‘The Church's Legislation;' and a similar number with 'The Clergy,’ 'The Obedience due to the Pope,' and ‘The Pope's Temporal Power;' while two treat of ‘Education,' and two of the 'Council of Constance.' In the last he attempts to answer the contentions of Mr. Gladstone in his Vatican pamphlets. O'Reilly also revised a ‘Catechism of Scripture History' compiled by the sisters of mercy of Limerick, and published in 1852.

O’REILLY, EDWARD (d. 1829), lexicographer, was member of a branch of an Irish sept which in ancient times dominated part of Ulster now known as co. Cavan. O'Reilly appears to have settled in Dublin about 1790, and to have there commenced the study of Irish. After the death of William Holiday in 1812, the collections


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 which he had made for lexicographic purposes came into the hands of O'Reilly, who combined them with materials of his own, and arranged the whole to form a dictionary of the Irish language. He met little encouragement, but succeeded in printing the work by subscription at Dublin in 1817, with the following title: ‘An Irish-English dictionary, containing upwards of twenty thousand words that never appeared in any former Irish lexicon, with copious quotations from the most esteemed ancient and modern writers to elucidate the meaning of obscure words, and numerous Comparisons of the Irish words with those of similar orthography, sense, or sound in the Welsh and Hebrew languages.’ In their proper places in the ‘Dictionary’ are inserted the Irish names of indigenous plants, with the names by which they are commonly known in English and Latin. The work extended to 466 pages 4to, in double columns, with a supplement of forty-two pages. Prefixed was ‘A concise introduction to Irish grammar.’ O'Reilly's ‘Dictionary’ was reissued in 1821, and with a supplement by [q. v.] in 1864.

In 1818 O'Reilly was appointed assistant secretary to the Iberno-Celtic Society established in that year at Dublin. The principal objects of this body were the ‘preservation of the remains of Irish literature by collecting, transcribing, illustrating, and publishing the numerous fragments of the laws, history, topography, poetry, and music of ancient Ireland; the elucidation of the language, antiquities, manners, and customs of the Irish people, and the encouragement of works tending to the advancement of Irish literature.’ The only book published by the society was a compilation by O'Reilly, which appeared at Dublin in 1820, with the title of ‘A chronological account of nearly four hundred Irish writers, commencing with the earliest account of Irish history, and carried down to the year 1750, with a descriptive catalogue of such of their works as are still extant, in verse or prose, consisting of upwards of one thousand separate Tracts.’

In 1824 O'Reilly received from the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin, a prize for an essay on ‘The nature and influence of the ancient Irish institutes, commonly called Brehon laws, and on the number and authenticity of the documents whence information concerning them may be derived; accompanied by specimens of translations from some of their interesting parts.’ A further prize was awarded by the same academy to O'Reilly in 1829 for an essay on ‘The authenticity of the poems of Ossian, as given in Macpherson's translation, and as published in Gaelic in 1807, under the sanction of the Gaelic Society of London.’ O'Reilly contemplated the publication of ‘Irish Annals,’ a ‘History of Ireland,’ and other works. He prepared catalogues of Irish-language manuscripts in Dublin libraries, assisted Sir [q. v.] in some genealogical and antiquarian researches, and was employed in connection with Irish nomenclature for the maps of the Ordnance Survey of Ireland. His death took place in August 1829.

O'Reilly possessed many manuscripts in the Irish language, which were sold by auction at Dublin in 1830. Several of them, with some of his own compilations and translations, are now in the libraries of the British Museum and the Royal Irish Academy, Dublin. The latter institution possesses O'Reilly's copy of his ‘Dictionary,’ with copious manuscript additions by him; also his holograph catalogue of his manuscripts, with particulars of the contents of each of the volumes. An inaccurate reprint of O'Reilly's ‘Dictionary’ was issued at Dublin in 1864. O'Reilly's efforts as a grammarian and lexicographer have not received the approval of scientific Celtologists; and Eugene O'Curry has called attention to his inaccuracies in his ‘Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish.’

O'REILLY, HUGH (d. 1694?), historical writer. [See .]

O'REILLY, JOHN BOYLE (1844–1890), Irish revolutionist. and author, born on 28 June 1814, at Dowth Castle on the Boyne four miles from Drogheda,was son of William David (O’Reilly,who for thirty-five years was master of the national school attached to the Netterville institution for widows and orphans at Dowt h Castle. His mother, Eliza Boyle, was the daughter of a Dublin tradesman. The family consisted of five daughters and three sons. John received the rudiments of his education from his father. His elder brother, William, was hound as an apprentice compositor in 1854 in the ‘Argus’ newspaper office. Drogheda, but after six months he was obliged to leave on account of ill-health, and, in order that the premium of 50l. might not be lost, John, although only eleven, was sent to fill his brother's place.

The death of the proprietor of the newspaper brought the apprenticeship to an end


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 in 1858. In the autumn of 1859 he went to Preston, where his mother's sister resided, and obtained employment as a compositor on the ‘Guardian’ newspaper, published in that town. Mastering shorthand, he was soon promoted to the position of reporter. He left Preston for Ireland in March 1863, and in the following May enlisted as a trooper in the 10th hussars—the ‘Prince of Wales's own’—which, under the command of Colonel Valentine Baker, was stationed in Drogheda at the time. O'Reilly was then in his nineteenth year. He had previously become a member of the Irish republican brotherhood—the fenian organisation—and he enlisted in the army as an agent of that association, for the purpose of securing the adhesion of the Irish soldiers to the revolutionary movement. O'Reilly soon established himself as a general favourite in the regiment. ‘Treasonable songs and ballads,’ writes Mr. Jeffrey Roche in his biography of O'Reilly, ‘were chanted in the quarters of his troop (D), and spread amongst other companies. With boyish recklessness, O'Reilly embroidered rebel devices on the underside of his saddle-cloth and in the lining of his military overcoat.’ In 1865, the year in which the government began operations against the fenians by seizing in September their newspaper, the ‘Irish People,’ the 10th hussars were quartered at Island Bridge Barracks, Dublin. The work of winning recruits in the army for the revolutionary movement was controlled by John Devoy, afterwards a journalist in New York, who, in the capacity of fenian organiser, passed through as many as three regiments. Devoy states that he succeeded in sapping the loyalty of all the regiments of the Dublin garrison in 1865, except the 10th hussars, the men of which were mainly English; but that, thanks to the exertions of O'Reilly, that regiment too became disaffected in due course. ‘He brought in some eighty men, sworn in,’ writes Devoy of O'Reilly, ‘had them divided into two prospective troops, obtained possession of the key of an unused postern gate, and had everything ready to take his men, armed and mounted, out of barracks at a given signal’ (Life, Poems, and Speeches of John Boyle O'Reilly, p. 16). Early in 1866 the authorities discovered that the garrisons throughout Ireland were honeycombed with ‘circles’ or lodges of the Irish republican brotherhood, and most of the disaffected Irish regiments were removed from the country.

O'Reilly's part in the movement was soon suspected, and he was arrested at Island Bridge Barracks on 13 Feb. 1866. On 27 June 1866, the eve of his twenty-second birthday, his trial by court-martial began at the Royal Barracks, Dublin. The charge against the prisoner was ‘for having in Dublin, in January 1866, come to the knowledge of an intended mutiny in her majesty's forces in Ireland, and not giving information of the said intended mutiny to his commanding officer.’ After a twelve days' trial O'Reilly was convicted, and on 9 July was sentenced to be shot. This sentence, however, was commuted to twenty years' penal servitude.

In October 1867, after visiting many English convict prisons and making several ineffectual attempts to escape, O'Reilly was despatched to Western Australia, and was attached to the convict settlement of Bunbury. Owing to his good conduct, he was appointed a constable to aid the officers of the settlement; but in April 1869 he managed, with the aid of the Roman catholic pastor, Patrick McCabe, to escape on an American whaler, the Gazelle.

O'Reilly spent seven months on board the whaler, on a cruise in the Indian Ocean, when, meeting with the American barque Sapphire, bound to Liverpool from Bombay, he became a seaman on board, and was thus conveyed to England. In November 1869 he reached the United States. O'Reilly's first book of poems, ‘Songs from the Southern Seas’ (Boston, 1873), is dedicated ‘to Captain David R. Gifford of the whaling bark Gazelle of New Bedford.’

O'Reilly settled in Boston as a journalist, and became editor and part proprietor of the ‘Pilot,’ published in that town, and one of the most influential Roman catholic and Irish-American newspapers in the United States. He took part in the ‘fenian invasion’ of Canada, under General John O'Neill, in June 1870. Another fenian expedition with which O'Reilly was prominently concerned was more successful. This was the rescue of all the military political prisoners—O'Reilly's comrades of 1866—from the convict settlements of Western Australia in April 1876. The expedition of the American whaler Catalpa (Captain Anthony), which conveyed the prisoners to the United States, was secretly organised by O'Reilly, assisted by John Devoy and John Breslin. It cost twenty-five thousand dollars.

But O'Reilly was not merely an Irish revolutionist; he was also a man of letters, and he soon filled a distinguished place in the literary society of Boston. He was selected to write odes in commemoration of many national celebrations, such as the reunion of the army of the Potomac at Detroit in June 1885, at which General Grant presided, when he read his poem entitled ‘America;’ and the


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 Ormonde, vols. i.–iii. passim; Memoirs of the Irish Rebellion, ed. Harris, 1767, pp. 169–90; Moran's Spicilegium Ossoriense, ii. 33, &c.; Hist. MSS. Comm. 4th Rep. App. p. 558, 10th Rep. App. pt. v. p. 145; Hill's Macdonnells of Antrim, pp. 256–7; Hickson's Ireland, throughout; Lodge's Peerage, ed. Archdall, ii. 33; Meehan's Rise and Fall of the Irish Franciscan Monasteries, ed. 1877, pp. 179, &c.; Froude's English in Ireland, i. 106; Official Returns of Members of Parl. ii. 607; Lingard's Hist. of England, vii. 261; Lecky's Hist. of England, ii. 131, 161.]

OREM, WILLIAM (fl. 1702), historian of Aberdeen, belonged to a family who had a long connection with Old Aberdeen. On 7 Sept. 1691 he was admitted conjunct clerk of Old Aberdeen, and he is said to have died soon after 1725. A Thomas Orem, ‘baile in Old Aberdeen,’ died there on 9 July 1730, and the name occurs several times in the local burial records. William Orem wrote ‘A Description of the Chanonry, Cathedral, and King's College of Old Aberdeen in the years 1724 and 1725,’ which has been much quoted by later local historians. The book remained in manuscript for several years after the author's death, and many transcripts of it were made before it was printed by J. Chalmers at Aberdeen in 1791; another edition appeared at Aberdeen in 1830. It was first publicly referred to in Gough's ‘British Topographia’ (1780), ii. 643, where extracts are made from it. Gough bought a transcript made by James Dalgarno, in 360 pp. 12mo, at Aberdeen in 1771.

ORFORD,. [See, 1653–1727; , first (of the Walpole family), 1670–1746;  fourth , 1717–1797.]

ORFORD, ROBERT (d. 1310), bishop of Ely, was a monk of Ely on 6 April 1290, when he was one of those who brought the news of the death of John Kirkby [q. v.] to Edward I, and received license to elect a successor (Cal. Pat. Rolls, Edw. I, 1281–92, p. 349). He was afterwards sub-prior of his house, and was elected prior in succession to John Salmon [q. v.] in July 1299. On 14 April 1302 Orford was elected bishop of Ely by the monks as a compromise (Anglia Sacra, i. 640). Copies of the formal letters announcing his election are given in the Ramsey ‘Chartulary’ (i. 33–8). Orford is there described as ‘of approved learning, life, and morals, of lawful age, and in priest's orders, born in lawful matrimony.’ Archbishop Winchelsey, however, refused to confirm Orford on the ground that he was not sufficiently learned, and on 16 July quashed the election (Annales Monastici, iv. 552). Orford and his monks promptly appealed to the pope, and Orford went in person to Rome. The pope referred the case to three cardinals; after their examination, Orford of his own free will resigned all his rights, and was then reappointed by the pope, who directed the bishop of Albano to consecrate him (Cal. Papal Registers, i. 605; ap. Anglia Sacra). Orford was accordingly consecrated on 28 Oct. (, Reg. Sacr. Angl. p. 50). The anonymous monk of Ely amplifies this official account by stating that the cardinals decided that the election was due, and the bishop-elect competent; the pope then required Orford's attendance in the consistory, where Orford, by his naive explanation of how he evaded Archbishop Winchelsey's third question, provoked the pope and cardinals to laughter; Boniface, declaring that Orford was ‘not vain, but full of goodness and learning,’ ordered his consecration. Orford, on his return to England, made his canonical profession to Archbishop Winchelsey, but declined the archbishop's proposal to enthrone him, declaring that the see was already his by apostolic authority. The temporalities of the see were restored on 4 Feb. 1303. The relations between Orford and Winchelsey continued strained, and to the time of his death Orford refused to provide a clerk with a benefice on the archbishop's nomination in accordance with the usual custom (Litteræ Cantuarienses, i. 33–6). Orford's journey to Rome encumbered him with a debt of 15,000l.; while still at Rome the pope had granted him a license to contract a loan for thirteen thousand florins to meet his expenses. On 8 Oct. 1306 he made a return to the pope concerning the relics preserved at Scone Abbey. Orford died at Downham on 21 Jan. 1310, and was buried before the great altar in the cathedral. He gave the convent an embroidered alb and other vestments.

Another (fl. 1290) was a Dominican friar; he studied at either Oxford or Cambridge, and is said to have been a bachelor of divinity. Afterwards he was at Paris, where he wrote in support of Thomas Aquinas against Henry of Ghent and Gilles de Rome. Pits, who calls him Robert of Oxford, adds that he wrote against James of Viterbo together with some ‘Determinations.’ Leander Albertus gives his date as 1242, but more likely it was fifty years later.


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ORGER, MARY ANN (1788–1849), actress, born in London on 25 Feb. 1788, was daughter of William Ivers, a musician in a country company. Her mother was occasionally seen on the stage. While an infant she was taken on the stage as the child in ‘King Henry VIII.’ In 1793, at Newbury, she was the girl in the ‘Children of the Wood.’ During some years she remained with Henry Thornton, manager of a company playing in Croydon, Reading, Windsor, Gosport, Newbury, and Chelmsford. The only part associated during this period with her name is Miss Blandford in ‘Speed the Plough.’ In July 1804, upon marrying George Orger, a quaker, of High Wycombe, she retired from her profession, which soon afterwards, with her husband's consent, she resumed. In the autumn of 1805 she played, in Glasgow, Amelia Wildenhaim in ‘Lovers' Vows’ to the Frederick of Master Betty. Some favour was shown her in Edinburgh, where her benefit, in the ‘Heir at Law,’ brought her 78l. For the benefit of Mrs. Rosoman Mountain [q. v.] she played, in what city is not mentioned, Caroline Sedley in Kenney's ‘False Alarm.’ In Aberdeen and elsewhere she met John Bannister [q. v.], playing Nell to his Jobson in ‘The Devil to Pay,’ Ann Lovely to his Colonel Feignwell in ‘A Bold Stroke for a Wife,’ and supporting him in other parts. His recommendation proved effectual, and on 4 Oct. 1808, as ‘Mrs. Orger from Edinburgh,’ she made at Drury Lane, as Lydia Languish in the ‘Rivals,’ her first appearance in London. Her reception was favourable, but not enthusiastic; and, as the company was full, few opportunities were afforded her. On the destruction by fire of the theatre, 24 Feb. 1809, she went with the company to the Lyceum, where she played an original part in ‘Temper, or the Domestic Tyrant,’ an alleged alteration of Sedley's ‘Grumbler.’ On 20 Nov. 1809 she was the original Mrs. Lovell in ‘Not at Home,’ by R. C. Dallas; on 12 Jan. 1810 played Flippanta in the ‘Confederacy;’ and on the 23rd Lady Lambert in the ‘Hypocrite.’ As Madge, an original part, in Arnold's opera ‘Up all Night, or the Smuggler's Cave,’ she rose in public estimation. Eliza in ‘Riches, or the Wife and Brother,’ adapted by Sir James Bland Burgess from Massinger's ‘City Madam;’ Amaranta in the ‘Kiss,’ altered from Fletcher's ‘Spanish Curate;’ and Tittilinda in ‘Quadrupeds, or the Manager's Last Kick,’ followed. When the new Drury Lane theatre was opened, she played, on 18 Feb. 1813, Mrs. Lovemore in the ‘Way to keep him.’ A long list of secondary parts—Susan in the ‘School for Authors,’ Bell in ‘The Deuce is in him,’ Jane in ‘Wild Oats,’ &c.—followed, and she played many original secondary parts in forgotten works of Thomas Dibdin, Poole, Arnold, and Henry Siddons. A prohibition against playing at the Lyceum led her in 1816 into a published correspondence with Arnold and Douglas Kinnaird, M.P. This is dated from Charles Street, Cavendish Square. She played thenceforward regularly at Drury Lane. She appeared on 18 June 1823 at the Haymarket as the original Mrs. Sophia Smith in ‘Mrs. Smith, or the Wife and the Widow.’ This is not noticed as a first appearance at that house, though no earlier has been traced. She played here some unimportant parts, including Miss Carolina Wilhelmina Amelia Skeggs in an adaptation by T. Dibdin of the ‘Vicar of Wakefield.’ She played with Madame Vestris [see ] at the Olympic and Covent Garden. In 1845 she is mentioned in the ‘Sunday Times’ as having retired. She died on 1 Oct. 1849.

During her last years she had a pension of 120l. annually from the Drury Lane theatrical fund. Her efforts were generally restricted to second-rate characters, but in those she excelled. William Henry Oxberry [q. v.] boasts that she was too useful to be prized at her full worth, and Macready praises her obliging disposition. She was above middle height, with hazel eyes, light brown hair, an exquisitely fair complexion, and ‘a voluptuous beauty in her general appearance’. A portrait of her by Clint, in the Garrick Club, as Fanny in ‘Lock and Key,’ shows a bright and attractive face. It is one of Clint's best works, associating her with Munden as Old Brummagem, Edward Knight as Ralph, and Miss Cubitt as Laura. A portrait of her as Audrey accompanies her life in Oxberry's ‘Dramatic Chronology.’ Her best parts were in burlesque—Molledusta in ‘Amoroso, King of Little Britain;’ the servant in ‘High Notions, or a Trip to Exmouth;’ Dorothea in the ‘Tailors,’ &c. In this line she is credited with having created a school of acting alike original and excellent. In broad farce she was not less good. In low comedy she was inferior to Miss Kelly, Mrs. Davison, and Mrs. Gibbs. Her singing chambermaids were unexceptionable. She was author of a piece, ‘Change Partners,’


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Hadad

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Hadad


text:
Executive Order 12216

By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and statutes of the United States of America, and in order to create in accordance with the Federal Advisory Committee Act (5 U.S.C. App. I) an advisory committee on United States participation in the International Labor Organization, it is hereby ordered as follows:

Jimmy Carter The White House, June 18, 1980. [Filed with the Office of the Federal Register, 3:15 p.m., June 18, 1980]

title: Executive Order 12216


text:
Author:Publius Terentius Afer

Comedies

 * Andria, The Girl from Andros (166 BCE)
 * Hecyra, The Mother-in-Law (165 BCE)
 * Heauton Timorumenos, The Self-Tormentor (163 BCE)
 * Phormio (161 BCE)
 * Eunuchus, The Eunuch (161 BCE)
 * Adelphoe, The Brothers (160 BCE)

Compilations

 * Terence's Comedies Made English: With His Life, and Some Remarks at the End (1733) by Laurence Echard external scan
 * Comedies. by Mr. Thomas Cooke vol 1, vol 2
 * Comedies (1767), by Samuel Patrick vol 1, vol 2
 * The Comedies of Terence, in 2 vols., trans. George Colman the Elder
 * First edition (1765)
 * Second edition (1768) Vol. I, Vol. II
 * A new translation of the Heautontimorumenos, and Adelphi of Terence: in prose (1777) external scan
 * Four comedies of Terence (1824), by George Sackville Cotter external scan
 * The Andrian, Heautontimoreumenos, and Hecyra of Terence (1836), by Jonathan Adair Phillips (short work) external scan
 * The Comedies of Terence, and the Fables of Phædrus (1853), trans. Henry Thomas Riley
 * Comedies of Publius Terentius Afer (1870), trans. John Benson Rose
 * Terence: with an English translation (1918), by John Sargeaunt vol 1, vol 2

Books

 * Plautus and Terence by William Lucas Collins, 1873.

On his works

 * On the Relative Value of the Mss. of Terence by Ernest M. Pease Published January 1, 1887 (short work) external scan
 * The Treatment of Nature in the plays of Plautus and Terence, M.A. thesis by Lillian Effie Case (1900) external scan
 * The illustrated Terence manuscripts, by Karl E. Weston, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 14: 37-54. (January 1, 1903) external scan
 * The Art of Terence, by Gilbert Norwood (1923) external scan

On his language and prosody

 * Archaisms of Terence Mentioned in the Commentary of Donatus, by Kirby Flower Smith (1890) external scan
 * The Substantives of Terence, by Moses Stephen Slaughter (1891) external scan
 * An Introduction to the Verse of Terence, by Herman Wadsworth Hayley (1894) external scan
 * The Interjections in Terence. by Walter Russell Newton (1899) external scan

Unsorted

 * An inquiry into the nature and history of Greek and Latin poetry; by John Sidney Hawkins, 1817. external scan

title: Author:Publius Terentius Afer


text:
Category:Korean Professional Responsibility

The Rules of Professional Responsibility for Korean lawyers


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Page:Ruth Fielding at Briarwood Hall.djvu/108

was some movement downstairs now. Ruth Fielding heard a door open and a voice speak in the lower corridor. Perhaps it was Miss Scrimp, the matron. But every one of the skylarkers had cut to bed, and the dormitories were as still as need be.

"Oh, Ruth!" gasped Helen, from her muffling bed clothes. "Did you hear it?"

"Did I hear what?" panted Ruth.

"Oh! I was so frightened. There is something dreadful about that fountain. I heard whisperings and rustlings there; but the harp"

"They did it to scare us," declared Ruth, in both anger and relief. She had been badly frightened, but she was getting control of herself now.

"Then they frightened themselves," declared Helen, sitting up in bed. "You heard the harp?"

"I should say so!"


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Rh "We were all at the window listening to hear if you would be frightened and run," whispered Helen. "Oh, Ruthie!"

"What's the matter, now?" demanded her chum.

"I—I tried to help them. It was mean. I knew they were trying to scare you, and I helped them. I wasn't so scared myself as I appeared when I came in."

"?"

"I don't know what's made me act so mean to you this evening," sobbed Helen. "I'm sure I love you, Ruth. And I know you wouldn't have treated me so. But they said they were just going to have some fun with you"

"Who said?" demanded Ruth.

"Mary Cox—and—and the others."

"They told you they were coming to haze us?"

"The Upedes—ye-es," admitted Helen. "And of course, it wouldn't have amounted to anything if thatOh, Ruth! was it truly the harp that sounded?"

"How could that marble harp make any sound?" demanded Ruth, sharply.

"But I know the girls were scared—just as scared as I was. They expected nothing of the kind. And the twang of the strings sounded just as loud as—as—well, as loud as that fat man's


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102 playing on the boat sounded. Do you remember?"

Ruth remembered. And suddenly the thought suggested by her frightened chum entered her mind and swelled in it to vast proportions. She could, in fact, think of little else than this new idea. She hushed Helen as best she could. She told her she forgave her—but she said it unfeelingly and more to hush her chum than aught else. She wanted to think out this new train of thought to its logical conclusion.

"Hush and go to sleep, Helen," she advised. "We shall neither of us be fit to get up at rising bell. It is very late. I—I wish those girls had remained in their own rooms, that I do!"

"But there is one thing about it," said Helen, with half a sob and half a chuckle. "They were more frightened than we were when they scuttled out of this room before you returned. Oh! you should have seen them."

Ruth would say no more to her. There had been no light lit in all this time, and now she snuggled down into her own bed. The excitement of the recent happenings did not long keep Helen awake; but her friend and room-mate lay for some time studying out the mystery of the campus.

Miss Picolet was out of her room.

The old Irishman, Tony Foyle, had mentioned


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Rh chasing itinerant musicians off the grounds that very evening—among them a harpist.

The evil-looking man who played the harp on board the steamship, and who had so frightened little Miss Picolet, had followed the French teacher ashore.

Had he followed her to Briarwood Hall? Was he an enemy who plagued the little French teacher—perhaps blackmailed her?

These were the various ideas revolving in Ruth Fielding's head. And they revolved until the girl fell asleep from sheer exhaustion, and they troubled her sleep all through the remainder of the night. For that the man with the harp and Miss Picolet had a rendezvous behind the marble figure on the campus fountain was the sum and substance of the conclusion which Ruth had come to.

In the morning Ruth only mentioned these suppositions to Helen, but discussed them not at all with the other girls, her new school-fellows. Indeed, those girls who had set out to haze the two Infants, and had been frightened by the manifestation of the sounding harp upon the campus, were not likely to broach the subject to Ruth or Helen, either. For they had intended to surround their raid upon the new-comers' peace of mind with more or less secrecy.

However, sixteen frightened girls (without


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104 counting Ruth and Helen) could not be expected to keep such a mystery as this a secret among themselves. That the marble harp had been sounded—that the ghost of the campus had returned to haunt the school—was known among the students of Briarwood Hall before breakfast time. Jennie Stone was quite full of it, although Ruth knew from the unimpeachable testimony of Jennie's nose that she was not among the hazers; and the sounding of the mysterious harp-strings in the middle of the night really endangered Heavy's appetite for breakfast.

The members of the Upedes who had been so pleasant with them at the evening meeting seemed rather chary of speaking to Ruth and Helen now; and, anyway, the chums had enough to do to get their boxes unpacked and their keepsakes set about the room, and to complete various housekeeping arrangements. They enjoyed setting up their "goods and chattels" quite as much as they expected to; and really their school life began quite pleasantly despite the excitement and misunderstanding on the first night of their arrival.

If the crowd that Ruth was so sure had hazed them were slow about attending on the two Infants in the West Dormitory (as their building was called) there were plenty of other nice girls who looked into the duet in a friendly way, or


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Rh who spoke to Ruth and Helen on the campus, or in the dining room. Miss Polk and Madge Steele were not the only Seniors who showed the chums some attention, either; and Ruth and Helen began secretly to count the little buttons marked "F. C." which they saw, as compared with the few stars bearing the intertwined "U" and "D" of the Upedes.

Just the same, Helen Cameron's leaning toward the lively group of girls in their house who had (it seemed) formed their club in protest against the Forward Club, was still marked. The friends heard that the last named association was governed by the Preceptress and teachers almost entirely. That it was "poky" and "stuffy." That some girls (not altogether those who formed the membership of the Upedes) considered it "toadying" to join the Forward Club. And on this second day Ruth and Helen saw that the rivalry for membership between the clubs was very keen indeed. A girl couldn't have friends among the members of both the F. C.'s and the Upedes—that was plain.

Many new girls arrived on this day—mostly from the Lumberton direction. That was another reason, perhaps, why Ruth and Helen were, shown so little attention by the quartette of girls next door to them. They were all busy—even Heavy herself—in herding the new girls whom


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106 they had entangled in the tentacles of the Upedes. The chums found themselves untroubled by the F. C.'s; it seemed to be a settled fact among the girls that Ruth and Helen were pledged to the Upedes.

"But we are not," Ruth Fielding said, to her friend. "I don't like this way of doing business at all, Helen—do you?"

"Well—but what does it matter?" queried Helen, pouting. "We want to get in with a lively set; don't we? I'm sure the Upedes are nice girls."

"I don't like the leadership of them," said Ruth, frankly.

"Miss Cox?"

"Miss Cox—exactly," said the girl from the Red Mill.

"Oh—well—she isn't everything," cried Helen.

"She comes pretty near being the boss of that club—you can see that. Now, the question is, do we want to be bossed by a girl like her?"

"Then, do you want to be under the noses of the teachers, and ing to them all the time?" cried Helen.

"If that is what is meant by belonging to the Forward Club, I certainly do not," admitted Ruth.

"Then I don't see but you will have to start a


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Rh secret society of your own," declared Helen, laughing somewhat ruefully.

"And perhaps that wouldn't be such a bad idea," returned Ruth, slowly. "I understand that there are nearly thirty new girls coming to Briarwood this half who will enter the Junior classes. Of course, the Primary pupils don't count. I talked with a couple of them at dinner. They feel just as I do about it—there is too much pulling and hauling about these societies. They are not sure that they wish to belong to either the Upedes or the F. C.'s."

"But just think!" wailed Helen. "How much fun we would be cut out of! We wouldn't have any friends"

"That's nonsense. At least, if the whole of us thirty Infants, as they call us, flocked together by ourselves, why wouldn't we have plenty of society? I'm not so sure that it wouldn't be a good idea to suggest it to the others."

"Oh, my! would you dare?" gasped Helen. "And we've only just arrived ourselves?"

"Self-protection is the first selfish law of nature," paraphrased Ruth, smiling; "and I'm not sure that it's a bad idea to be selfish on such an occasion."

"You'd just make yourself ridiculous," scoffed Helen. "To think of a crowd of freshies getting up an order—a secret society."


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108 "In self-protection," laughed Ruth.

"I guess Mrs. Tellingham would have something to say about it, too," declared Helen.

It was not the subject of school clubs that was the burden of Ruth Fielding's thought for most of that day, however. Nor did the arrival of so many new scholars put the main idea in her mind aside. This troubling thought was of Miss Picolet and the sound of the harp on the campus at midnight. The absence of the French teacher from the dormitory, the connection of the little lady with the obese foreigner who played the harp on the Lanawaxa, and the sounding of harp-strings on the campus in the middle of the night, were all dovetailed together in Ruth Fielding's mind. She wondered what the mystery meant.

She saw Tony Foyle cleaning the campus lanterns during the day, and she stopped and spoke to him.

"I heard you tell Jennie Stone last night that you had to drive street musicians away from the school grounds, sir?" said Ruth, quietly. "Was there a man with a harp among them?"

"Sure an' there was," declared Tony, nodding. "And he was a, at that! 'Tis well I'm a mon who kapes his temper, or 'twould ha' gone har-r-rd wid him."

"A big man, was he, Mr. Foyle?" asked Ruth.

"What had that to do wid it?" demanded


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Rh the old man, belligerently. "When the Foyles' dander is riz it ain't size that's goin' to stop wan o' that name from pitchin' into an' wallopin' the biggest felly that iver stepped. He was big," he added; "but I've seen bigger. Him an' his red vest—and jabberin' like the foreign monkey he was. I'll show him!"

Ruth left Tony shaking his head and muttering angrily as he pursued his occupation. Ruth found herself deeply interested in the mystery of the campus; but if she had actually solved the problem of the sounding of the harp at midnight, the reason for the happening, and what really brought that remarkable manifestation about, was as deep a puzzle to her as before.


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Rh sprinkling on of water has in the extinguishing of burning coals. Indeed, one can scarcely imagine anything more congenial to the formation of desperate and malignant resolutions, than to be forcibly snatched up—as some of us can remember to have been—thrust, struggling, into a dark and unoccupied room, and there locked up, and left; so that, scream as we would (and few, under such circumstances, would not do their best), the sound of our distress was beyond the reach of any human ear.

Happily for the human race, however, these times are past, and the too severe application of direct and unsparing punishment is not the fashion of the present day. I say happily for the human race, because it is not possible for the most unbounded indulgence, as a system, to produce consequences so lamentable in their general effects, as a system of harshness and severity practised upon the tender and susceptible nature of youth. To those kind and gentle mothers who consider mere authority as too stern an instrument to work with in the training of their children, we must then in justice grant, that theirs is the lesser evil of the two.

Where this evil on the, mother's part arises from excessive tenderness, and unwillingness to give pain, it will perhaps be a little startling to hear it asserted, that if she set herself to devise a plan for ensuring the future misery of her child, next in degree of efficacy, though widely different in nature, to that which has already been alluded to, she could not find one more effectual than that of neglecting to instil into its mind the necessity of implicit obedience. Once convinced of this necessity, which it easily may be, by never being allowed to call in question the authority of those under whose care it is placed, the child grows up without the least idea that the rule of obedience is a hardship, or in fact without any idea of obedience at all; for it submits habitually to rightful authority, just as we submit every day to those circumstances over which we have no control. In this manner the habit of submitting the natural will is imperceptibly acquired, a world of fruitless and painful contention is avoided, and the child really enjoys the advantage of being constantly under the direction of wisdom, forethought, and experience, superior to its own.

title: Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/26


text: Ruth Fielding at Briarwood Hall/Chapter 12


text:
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22 The maintenance of this unyielding authority on the part of the mother, requires, it would seem, some little tact and skill; for some who are the most imperative in their commands, are in reality the least obeyed. That hasty slaps, loud talking, and harsh words, have nothing whatever to do with the system of discipline here recommended, it is scarcely necessary to say; neither that weakest and most fruitless sort of pleading, which consists of a perpetual repetition of "Now do," and "Now don't;" and still less do threatenings and bribes enter into the scheme proposed; but a steady and consistent method being in early infancy, and never on any occasion whatever departed from, of requiring obedience to the parent's wishes, simply as such, accompanied by a strict regard to clearness, consistency, and truth, in making those wishes known.

To a child trained up in this manner, obedience is so easy, that it no more thinks of questioning the mother's right to direct its actions, than it quarrels with the nurse because she stretches out her arms to prevent its falling. Nor is there more severity in the exercise of such authority, than in the protecting care which preserves an infant from corporeal harm. Ninety-nine out of every hundred of the whims and wishes of a child, would, if it were possible to gratify them, be productive of more pain than pleasure; and thus it is necessary, even for its happiness, that they should be subjected to the decision of another. Let the little hero, before he is able to walk, thrust away the hand of the nurse as he will, she suffers no symptoms of vexation on his part to prevent her necessary assistance, because she knows, and in this she judges for herself without consulting him, that the child would be more hurt by a fall, than by being the subject of a mere momentary vexation. And the mother knows, or rather she ought to know, that upon the same principle her child would suffer more by discovering that he had the power to contradict and oppose his mother's wishes, than by being deprived of some little gratification of fancy or desire, which in all probability would please him only for a moment.

By the habit of obedience too, when practised toward a judicious and consistent mother, the child soon learns.

title: Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/27


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adapts itself easily and naturally to all change. Ruth Fielding and her chum, before that second evening at Briarwood Hall drew in, felt as though they had known the place for months and some of the girls all their lives. It was thus the most natural thing in the world to assemble at meals when the school-bell tapped its summons, to stand while the grace was being said, to chatter and laugh with those at the table at which they sat, to speak and laugh with the waitresses, and with old Tony Foyle, and with Miss Scrimp, the matron of their house, and to bow respectfully to Miss Picolet, Miss Kennedy, the English teacher; Miss O'Hara, before whom Ruth and Helen would come in mathematics, and the other teachers as they learned their names.

Dr. Tellingham, although affording some little amusement for the pupils because of his personal peculiarities, was really considered by the girls in general a deeply learned man, and when he


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Rh chanced to trot by a group of the students on the campus, in his stoop-shouldered, way, their voices became hushed and they looked after him as though he really was all he pretended to be—or all he thought he was. He delved in histories—ate, slept, and seemed to draw the breath of his nostrils from histories. That the pamphlets and books he wrote were of trivial importance, and seldom if ever saw the light of print, was not made manifest to the Briarwood girls in general.

Ruth and Helen were not unpopular from the start. Helen was so pretty and so vivacious, that she was bound to gather around her almost at once those girls who were the more easily attracted by such a nature; while for Ruth's part, the little Primes found that she was both kind and loving. She did not snub the smaller girls who came to her for any help, and before this day was over (which was Friday) they began to steal into the chums' duet, in twos and threes, to talk with Ruth Fielding. It had been so at the school near the Red Mill, and Ruth was glad the little folk took to her.

Late in the afternoon the two friends from Cheslow went out to the main entrance of the grounds to meet Old Dolliver's stage from Seven Oaks. It had been noised abroad that a whole nursery of Infants was expected by that


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112, and Mary Cox and Madge Steele, each with her respective committee, were in waiting to greet the new-comers on behalf of their separate societies.

"And we'll welcome them as fellow-infants," whispered Ruth to Helen. "Let's hold a reception in our room this evening to all the newcomers. What say, Helen?"

Her chum was a little doubtful as to the wisdom of this course. She did not like to offend their friends in the Upedes. Yet the suggestion attracted Helen, too.

"I suppose if we freshmen stick together we'll have a better time, after all," she agreed.

As the time for the appearance of the stage drew near, approximately half the school was gathered to see the Infants disembark from Old Dolliver's Ark. Mary Cox arranged her Upedes on one side of the path and they began to sing:


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Rh Old Dolliver, all one wide grin and flapping duster, drove his bony horses to the stopping place with a flourish.

"Here we be!" he croaked. "The old craft is jest a-bulgin' over with Infants.

Mary Cox pulled open the door and the first new-comer popped out as though she had been clinging to the handle when The Fox made the movement.

And there really [sic] was Heavy to receive the new-comer with open arms, who said while the others chanted the refrain:

"My name's Jennie Stone, and you're very welcome to Briarwood, and what's your name, Infant?"

The girls in the stage-coach had been forewarned by Old Dolliver as to their probable greeting, and they took this all in good part. They disembarked with their bags and parcels, while Tony Foyle appeared to help Old Dolliver down with the heavier luggage that was strapped upon the roof and in the boot behind. Mary Cox continued to line out the doggerel, inventing


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114 some telling hits as she went along, while the Upedes came in strongly on the refrain.

There was much laughter and confusion; but the arriving Infants were lined up two by two between the long rows of Briarwood girls and were forced to march toward the Hall by this narrow path.

"Come! we are Infants, too," exclaimed Ruth, pulling Helen by the sleeve. "We will lead the march."

She drew her chum away with her, and they introduced themselves to the girls at the head of the column of freshies.

"We are Helen Cameron and Ruth Fielding," said Ruth, cordially. "We only got here yesterday, so we are Infants, too. We will take you to the office of the Preceptress."

So the chums bore their share of the indignity of being marched up through the grounds like culprits, and halted the file at the steps of the main building.

"We have Duet Number 2 in the West Dormitory," said Ruth, boldly, to the new-comers. "When you have found your rooms and got settled—after supper, that will be,—you are all invited to come to our room and get acquainted with the other Infants. We're going to get as many together this evening as we can. Now, do come!"


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Rh "Oh, Ruth!" whispered Helen, when they were out of ear-shot of the others. "What will the Upedes say?"

"We're not interfering with either of the school clubs," declared her chum, emphatically. "But I guess it won't hurt us to become acquainted with those who are as new here as ourselves. The old girls don't feel strange, or lost; it is these new ones that need to be made to feel at home."

Timid for herself, Ruth had begun to develop that side of her character which urged her to be bold for the general good. She appreciated keenly how awkward she had felt when she arrived at Briarwood the day before. Helen, although not lacking in kindliness, was less thoughtful than her chum; and she was actually less bold than her chum, too.

Ruth made it a point to see and speak with all the new scholars whom she could find, repeating her invitation for a meeting in her room. Whether Helen helped in this matter she did not know. Her chum was not enthusiastic in the task, that was certain. And indeed, when the hour came, after supper, Helen was closeted with Mary Cox in the quartette room next door to the chamber and study which she and Ruth Fielding shared together.

That Ruth felt more than a little hurt, it is


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116 unnecessary to say. She had felt the entering wedge between them within a few hours of their coming to the school. The Upedes were much more friendly to Helen than to herself, and Helen was vastly interested in Mary Cox, Belle Tingley, Lluella Fairfax, and some of the other livelier members of the Up and Doing Club.

But, after a while Helen strolled into her own room and mingled with the Infants who had there assembled. They had come almost to their full strength. There were no sessions of either the F. C.'s or the Upedes on this evening, and Miss Picolet, to whom Ruth had spoken about the little reception to be held in her room, approved of it. Helen was bound to be popular among any crowd of girls, for she was so gay and good-tempered. But when somebody broached the subject of school clubs, Ruth was surprised that Helen should at once talk boldly for the Upedes. She really urged their cause as though she was already a member.

"I am not at all sure that I wish to join either the Forwards or the Up and Doings," said Ruth, quietly, when one of the other Infants asked her what she intended doing.

"But you'll have no friends here—not among the Juniors and Seniors, at least—if you don't join some club!" Helen exclaimed.

"There are enough of us right here to found


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Rh a society, I should say," laughed Ruth. "And we're all in the same boat, too."

"Yes!" agreed Sarah Fish, one of the Infants just arrived. "And what do these older girls really care about us? Very little, I am sure, except to strengthen their own clubs. I can see that," she continued, being a very practical, sensible girl, and downright in speech and manner. "Two of them came into our room at once—the girl they call The Fox, and Miss Steele. One argued for the Forwards and the other for the Up and Doings. I don't want either."

"I don't want to join either," broke in another girl, by name Phyllis Short. "I think it would be nicer for us Infants, as they call us, to keep together. And we're no younger than a good many of the Juniors!"

Ruth laughed. "We expect to take all that good-naturedly. But I don't like the idea of being driven into one society, or the other. And I don't mean to be," she said, emphatically.

"Hear! hear!" cried Miss Fish.

"Well, I don't think it will be nice at all," said Helen, in some heat, "to refuse to associate with the older girls here. I, for one, want to get into the real school society"

"But suppose we start a club of our own?" interrupted the practical Sarah.

"Why, what could just a handful of new girls


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118 do in a society? It would look silly," cried Helen.

"We won't keep the older girls out of it, if they want to join," laughed Sarah.

"And there has to be a beginning to everything," rejoined Phyllis Short.

"I don't believe those Upedes have many more members than are right in this room to-night," said Ruth, quietly. "How many do we number here—twenty-six?"

"Twenty-six, counting your room-mate," said Sarah.

"Well, you can count her room-mate out," declared Helen, sharply. "I am not going to make myself a laughing-stock of the school by joining any baby society."

"Well," said Phyllis Short, calmly. "It's always nicer, I think, to be a big frog in a little puddle than to be an unrecognised croaker in a great, big pool."

Most of the girls laughed at that. And the suggestion of a separate club for the Infants seemed to be well received. Ruth, however, was very much troubled by Helen's attitude, and she would say no more beyond this:

"We will think of it. There is plenty of time. Only, those who feel as we do"

"As you do!" snapped Helen.

"As I do, then, if you insist," said Ruth,


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Rh bravely, "would better not pledge themselves to either the F. C.'s or the Upedes until we have talked this new idea over."

And with that the company broke up and the new girls went away to their rooms. But Helen and Ruth found a barrier raised between them that evening, and the latter sprinkled her pillow with a few quiet tears before she went to sleep.


text: Ruth Fielding at Briarwood Hall/Chapter 13


text:
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Rh :of facts, cannot be represented, 4.0312 (2)
 * possibility in, 5.473 (2)
 * precedes every experience, 5.552 (2)
 * "primitive propositions " of, arbitrary in number, 6.1271
 * problems of, concrete, (2)
 * process and result equivalent in, 6.1261
 * proof in, 6.126 (2-4), 6.1262
 * propositions of, say nothing, 5.43 (2)
 * reflects the world, 6.13 (1)
 * role of postulation in, 6.1223
 * searches for regularity, 6.3
 * simplicity of, 5.4541
 * whole philosophy of, 6.113
 * why called theory of forms, 6.1224
 * "zero-method" in, 6.121 (2)

Logical, equated with formal, 6.12 (1)

Logical constants
 * disappearance of, 5.441
 * do not represent, 4.0312 (2)
 * only one of them, 5.47 (4),
 * there are none, 5.4

Logical coordinates, as determining logical place, 3.41

Logical forms, are anumerical, 4.128 (1)

Logical grammar, 3.325 (1) (See also Logical syntax)

"Logical objects", there are no, 4.441, 5.4

Logical place (See also Logical space)
 * denial as determining, 4.0641
 * proposition determines one, 42 (1)
 * relation to propositional sign and logical coordinates, 3.41

Logical properties of propositions, demonstrated by producing tautologies, 6.121

Logical propositions
 * as forms of a proof, 6.1264 (1)
 * as modus ponens, 6.1264 (2)
 * connection with the world of, 6.124
 * dispensable, 6.122
 * have a peculiar place among all propositions, 6.112
 * have equal rank, 6.127 (1)
 * not confirmable by experience, 6.1222
 * not distinguished by generality, 6.1231 (1)
 * present the scaffolding of the world, 6.124
 * their truth discernible in the symbol, 6.113
 * "treat" of nothing, 6.124

Logical space {See also Logical place)
 * and the world, 1.13
 * everything is in, 2.013
 * facts in, 1.13
 * given with every proposition, 3.42 (1)
 * pictures present facts in, 2.11, 2.202
 * place in, determined by proposition, 3.4

Logical syntax
 * and rules of translation, 3.344
 * implies all logical propositions, 6.124
 * meanings of signs plays no role in. 3.33
 * need for obeying, 3.325 (1)
 * rules of, 3.334

Mathematics
 * has no need for theory of classes, 6.031 (1)
 * intuition in, place of, 6.233
 * is a logical method 6.2 (1), 6.234

Rh


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time!

Until Saturday morning Ruth and Helen had not realized how vital that hour was when the mail-bag came out from the Lumberton post office and the mail was distributed by one of the teachers into a series of s in a tiny "office" built into the corridor at the dining-room door. The mail arrived during the breakfast hour. One could get her letters when she came out of the dining-room, and on this Saturday both Ruth and Helen had letters.

Miss Cramp, her old teacher, had written to Ruth very kindly. There was a letter, too, from Aunt Alviran, addressed in her old-fashioned hand, and its contents shaky both as to spelling and grammar, but full of love for the girl who was so greatly missed at the Red Mill. Uncle Jabez had even declared the first night that it


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Rh seemed as though there had been a death in the house, with Ruth gone.

Helen had several letters, but the one that delighted her most was from her twin brother.

"Although," she declared, in her usual sweet-tempered manner, "Tom's written it to both of us. Listen here, Ruthie!"

The new cadet at Seven Oaks began his letter: "Dead [sic] Sweetbriars," including Ruth as well as Helen in his friendly and brotherly effusion. He had been hazed with a vengeance on the first night of his arrival at the Academy; he had been chummed on a fellow who had already been half a year at the school and whose sister was a Senior at Briarwood; he had learned that lots of the older students at Seven Oaks were acquainted with the Seniors at Briarwood, and that there were certain times when the two schools intermingled socially.

"Dear old Tom!" exclaimed Helen. "Nice of him to call us 'Sweetbriars'; isn't it? I guess there's a good many thorns on this 'sweetbriar'; 'eh, Ruthie?" and she hugged and kissed her chum with sudden fierceness.

"And Tom says he can get permission to come over and see me some Saturday afternoon if Mrs. Tellingham will allow it. I'll have to get her to write to Major Paradell, who commands at Seven Oaks. My! it sounds just as though poor old


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122 Tom was in the army; doesn't it?" cried Helen.

"It will be nice to have him over," said Ruth, agreeing. "But I suppose we'll have to meet him in the office? Or can we walk out with our 'brother'?" and she laughed.

"We'll go to Triton Lake; Tom will take us," said Helen, decidedly.

"I guess Mrs. Tellingham will have something to say about that, my dear."

Helen seemed to have forgotten the little difficulty that had troubled her chum and herself the night before, and Ruth said nothing further about the Infants forming a society of their own. At least, she said nothing about it to Helen. But Sarah Fish and Phyllis Short, and some of the other Infants, seemed determined to keep the idea alive, and they all considered Ruth Fielding a prime mover in the conspiracy. It was noised abroad that neither the F. C.'s nor the Upedes were getting many new names enrolled for membership.

Saturday morning the remainder of the expected new girls arrived at Briarwood, and with then came the last of the older scholars, too. There was an assembly called for two o'clock which Mrs. Tellingham addressed. She welcomed the new-comers, greeted the returning pupils, and briefly sketched the plans for the school year then beginning. She was a quick, briskly-speaking


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Rh woman, who impressed the most rattle-pated girl before her that she meant to be obeyed and that no wild prank would go unpunished.

"Proper amusement will be supplied in due time, young ladies. For the present we shall all have enough to do getting settled into our places. I have heard something regarding picnics and outings for the near future. Postpone all such junketing until we are pulling well together. And beware of demerits. Remember that ten of them, for whatever cause, will send a girl home from Briarwood immediately."

This about the picnics hit the Upedes. Ruth and Helen knew that they were planning just such amusements. Helen took this interference on Mrs. Tellingham's part quite to heart.

"Isn't it mean of her?" she asked of Ruth. "If it had been the Fussy Curls who wanted to go to Triton Lake, it would have been another matter. And—besides—I was going to write to Tom and see if he couldn't meet us there."

"Why, Helen; without asking Mrs. Tellingham?" cried Ruth.

"I suppose Tom and some of his chums could happen to go to Triton Lake the same day we went; couldn't they?" Helen asked, laughing. "Dear me, Ruthie! Don't you begin to act the Miss Prim—please! We'll have no fun at all if you do."


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124 "But we don't want to make the bad beginning of getting Mrs. Tellingham and the teachers down on us right at the start," said Ruth, in a worried manner.

"I don't know but that you are a Miss Prim!" ejaculated Helen.

Ruth thought, probably, from her tone of voice, that Helen had heard some of her friends among the Upedes already apply that term to her, Ruth. But she said nothing—only shook her head. However, the girl from the Red Mill did her best to dodge any subject in the future that she thought might cause Helen to compare her unfavorably with the girls next door.

For Ruth loved her chum dearly—and loved her unselfishly, too. Helen and Tom had been so kind to her in the past—all through those miserable first weeks of her life at the Red Mill—that Ruth felt she could never be really angry with Helen. It only made her sorrowful to think that perhaps Helen, in this new and wider school life, might drift away from her.

The regular program of the working days of the school included prayers in the chapel before the girls separated for their various classes. These were held at nine o'clock. But on Sunday Ruth found that breakfast was an hour later than usual and that at ten o'clock several wagonettes, besides Old Dolliver's Ark, were in waiting to take those


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Rh girls who wished to ride to the churches of the several denominations located in Lumberton. A teacher, or a matron, went in each vehicle, and if any of the pirls preferred to walk in pleasant weather there was always a teacher to walk with them—for the distance was only a mile.

Dinner was at half-past one, and at three there was a Sabbath School, conducted by Mrs. Tellingham herself, assisted by most of the teachers, in the large assembly hall. At night there was a service of music and a lecture in the chapel, too. The teacher of music played the organ, and there was a small string orchestra made up of the girls themselves, and a chorus to lead the singing.

This service Ruth found delightful, for she had always loved music and never before had she had the opportunity of studying it under any teacher. Her voice was sweet and strong, however; and she had a true ear. At the end of the service Miss Maconahay, the organist, came and spoke to her and advised her that, providing she would give some time to it, there was a chance for her to become a member of the chorus and, if she showed improvement, she might even join the Glee Club.

On Monday school began in earnest. Ruth and Helen were side by side in every class. What study one took up, the other voted for. The


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126 fact that they had to work hard—especially at first—kept Ruth and Helen together, and during the first week neither had much time for any society at all. Between supper and bedtime each evening they faithfully worked at their lessons for the ensuing day and every hour of daylight brought its separate duty. There seemed to be little opportunity for idle hands to find mischief at Briarwood Hall.

Mrs. Tellingham, however, did not propose that the girls should be so closely confined by their studies that their physical health would be neglected. Those girls who stood well in their classes found at least two hours each day for outdoor play or gym work. The tennis courts at Briarwood were in splendid shape. Helen already was a fair player; but Ruth had never held a racket in her hand until she was introduced to the game by her chum during this first week at school.

The girl from the Red Mill was quick and active. She learned the rules of play and proved that her eye was good and that she had judgment before they had played an hour. She knew how to leap and run, too, having been country bred and used to an active life.

"Oh, dear me!" gasped Helen, out of breath. "You are tireless, Ruth. Why, you'll be an athlete here."


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Rh "This is great fun, Helen," declared her chum, "I believe I can learn to play this game."

"Learn to play!" gasped Helen. "Why, all you want is practice to beat Tom himself, I believe. You'll be a crack player, Ruthie," prophesied her friend.

It was while they were loitering on the tennis courts after the game that Sarah Fish and Phyllis Short, with a number of the other Infants, joined them. Sarah came out bluntly with:

"When are we going to form our club, Ruth Fielding? I think we should do it at once. I've told both the Forwards and the Upedes that I am not in the market. I guess they'll let me alone now."

"I think they will," said Helen, sharply. "At least, the Upedes don't want you, Miss."

"You seem to knew exactly what they do want," said Sarah, good-naturedly. "Have you joined them?"

"I intend to," declared Helen.

"Oh, Helen!" ejaculated Ruth.

"Yes, I am," said Miss Cameron. "And I am not going to join any baby society," and so walked off in evident ill-humor.

Therefore the new club was not formed in the Number 2 Duet Room in the West Dormitory. The Infants considered Ruth the prime mover in the club, however, and that evening she was put


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128 in the chair to preside at the informal session held in the quartette in the East Dormitory occupied by Sarah Fish and three other Infants. She was made, too, a member of the Committee on Organization which was elected to draw up a Constitution and By-Laws, and was likewise one of three to wait on Mrs. Tellingham and gain permission to use one of the small assembly rooms for meetings.

And then came up the subject of a name for the society. It was not intended that the club should be only for new scholars; for the new scholars would in time be old scholars. And the company of girls who had gathered in Sarah's room had no great or important motive in their minds regarding the association. Its object was social and for self-improvement simply.

"And so let's find a name that doesn't sound bigger than we are," said Sarah. "The Forward Club sounds very solid and is quite literary, I understand. What those Upedes stand for except raising particular Sam Hill, as my grandmother would say, I don't know. What do you say, Ruth Fielding? It's your idea, and you ought to christen it."

"I don't know that I ought," Ruth returned. "I don't believe in one person doing too much in any society."

"Give us a name. It won't hurt you if we vote it down," urged Sarah.


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Rh Mathematics — continued
 * method of, working with equations, 6.234 (1)
 * no accidental generality in, 6.031 (2)
 * proof in, significance of, 6.232 (1)
 * propositions of
 * all self-evident, 6.234 (1)
 * are equations, 6.2 (2)
 * as links in inference, 6.211
 * express no thoughts, 6.21
 * show logic of the world, 6.22
 * uses method of substitution, 6.24 (1)

Mauthner, 4.0031

Mechanics
 * its generality, 6.3432
 * nature of, 6.343
 * relation to logic, 6.342

Microcosm, the, 5.63

Meaning
 * of names, 3.3
 * of primitive signs, 3.263

Modus Ponens, 6.1264 (2)

Multiplicity
 * and number of dimensions of signs, 5.474
 * and symbol for generality, 4.0411 (3)
 * cannot be represented, 4.04 (1)
 * the same in the proposition and the state of affairs represented, 4.04

Mystical, the, 6.44, 6.45, 6.522

Names
 * are primitive signs, 3.26
 * are simple signs, 3.202
 * are simple symbols, 4.24 (1)
 * are unanalysable, 3.26
 * cannot be defined, 3.261 (2)
 * cannot express sense, 3.142
 * dispensable in describing the world, 5.526
 * elementary proposition a connexion of 4.22
 * have meaning only in context of proposition, 3.3
 * how they occur in propositions, 4.23
 * index of, 5.02 (i)
 * no composition essential, 3.3411
 * resemble points, 3.144 (2)
 * the " real ", 33411
 * variable, 3.314 (2)

Natural sciences
 * are the totality of true propositions, 4. i (1)
 * do not include philosophy, 4.111

Necessity: only logical necessity, 6.37

Negation (See Denial)

Negation (= Simultaneous denial)
 * introduced, 5.5
 * symbolized, 5.502

Newtonian mechanics, 6.341, 6.342 (2)

Nonsense (Unsinn)
 * examples of, 5.5303, 5.5351 (2)
 * impossible to judge, 5. 5422

Nonsensical, logical propositions not, 4.461 (1)

Notation (See also Language)
 * arbitrariness of, 3.342
 * essence of, 3.342
 * "Number", a formal concept, 4.1272 (7, 8)

Number
 * concept of, 6.022
 * concept of equality of, 6.1022 (3)
 * general form of, 6.022 (1), 6.03

Numbers
 * as exponents of operation, 6.021
 * definitions of, 6.02
 * ordered by internal relation, 4.1252 (2)

"Object", a pseudo-concept, 4.1272 (1) Rh


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Page:Ruth Fielding at Briarwood Hall.djvu/137

Rh Now Ruth had been thinking of a certain name for the new society for some days. It had been suggested by Tom Cameron's letter to Helen. She was almost afraid to offer it, but she did.

"Sweetbriars," she said, blushing deeply.

"Dandy!" exclaimed Phyllis Short.

"Goody-good!" cried somebody else. "We're at Briarwood Hall, and why not Sweetbriars?"

"Good name for initials, too," declared the practical Sarah Fish. "Make two words of it—Sweet and Briars. The 'S. B.'s'—not bad that, eh? What say?"

It was unanimous. And so the Sweetbriars were christened.


text: Ruth Fielding at Briarwood Hall/Chapter 14


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Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/28

Rh as if by a sort of instinct, what is the general nature of its mother's wishes, so that it will often combine the pleasure of anticipating them, with the duty of compliance.

All weak persons unacquainted with the world, and disappointed in their own experience, are naturally miserable when unsupported, and left to themselves. What then must be the suffering of a child whose own will is its only law, and who has not learned what is right and wrong, nor even what is possible and impossible to be had, or done! We see its sufferings written on its anxious, irritated countenance. We behold in its manner, alternately irresolute and determined, the caprice and waywardness by which it is disturbed. We hear the agony of its disappointment after each successive attempt to do what was impracticable, or what was fraught with danger and pain; and we ask of the mother, in common kindness, to establish for her child a rule of safety and of peace, and to let that rule be—implicit obedience to her own authority.

It is distressing even to the casual observer, to mark, in the impatient, feverish, irritable character of such a child, the wretchedness which is preparing for it in after life; and not in after life alone, for each day is fraught with suffering to the little being who is thus allowed to be a law unto itself, before it has the means of understanding what is right or safe, pleasant or possible, to possess. Yes, we can many of us feelingly attest what it was to spend a day—and happy for those with whom a day was all—in company with the child who was suffered to crush the hot patty into its mouth, to make tea for its mamma, and consequently to pour the scalding water upon its breast, to climb the edge of the round table upon which soup had been placed, to burn its fingers by roasting its own apple at the fire, to eat more at every meal than it had power to digest, and to allay the cravings of a diseased appetite by having one hand perpetually supplied with sugar-candy, and the other with sweet-cake; to finish all, by sitting up late at night because it did not choose to go to bed.

Nor need we add to this catalogue those offences of which the child takes no cognizance, such as gingerbread stuck upon the visiter's chair, and butter smeared upon her dress; nor those dreadful eruptions of passion and distress

title: Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/28


text:
Author:Madeleine de Scudéry

Works

 * Artamènes; or, The Grand Cyrus

title: Author:Madeleine de Scudéry


text: Author:Georges de Scudéry

title: Author:Georges de Scudéry


text: Page:Mrs Beeton's Book of Household Management.djvu/69


text:
Page:The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina.djvu/187

182


text:
Page:The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina.djvu/188

183


text:
Page:The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina.djvu/189

184


text: Blaise Pascal/New Fragment of the Treatise on Vacuum


text:
Page:The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina.djvu/190

185


text: Blaise Pascal/Preface to the Treatise on Vacuum