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 Soon the queen's name became associated with that of Bothwell as responsible for the murder. As she passed out of the market of Edinburgh the voices of the market women could be heard, saying, ‘God preserve you if you are saikless of the king's death.’ Notwithstanding the widespread suspicion, it was not till the Earl of Lennox, father of Darnley, pointedly called the attention of the queen to the fact that Bothwell and others were persistently proclaimed as the murderers, and that he for his part greatly suspected these persons, that the queen, with the consent of the council, promised him a judicial examination. At a meeting of the privy council held on 28 March 1567 instructions were given for a trial to take place on 12 April, but the government carefully avoided taking the initiative. The burden of the prosecution was laid on the Earl of Lennox and other accusers of Bothwell, who were required to ‘compeir and thair persew the said Erll and his complices’ (Reg. P. C. Scotl. i. 505). Lennox, knowing that Edinburgh was crowded with the followers of Bothwell, resolved for his own protection to bring three thousand men with him; but on approaching Linlithgow a message reached him, forbidding him to enter the city with more than six followers, and he therefore declined to attend. On the day of the trial a message arrived from Elizabeth, asking for its postponement, but when the import of the message was known Drury found it impossible to get it delivered to the queen. Robert Cunningham, on behalf of Lennox, also made an application for postponement, but it was resolved to proceed. Before such a jury as that selected it was scarcely possible that Bothwell on any evidence could have been found guilty; but no jury, except one strongly biassed against him, would have gone out of its way to convict in the absence of a prosecutor. Practically no trial took place at all. A technical verdict of ‘not guilty’ arrived at in such circumstances was valueless. On the conclusion of the trial Bothwell, in accordance with ancient custom, offered by public cartel to fight any one who should challenge his innocence. All that could be done to ratify the sentence of the jury was also immediately done by parliament, for on 14 April he obtained from parliament a confirmation of his rights to various lordships and lands previously conferred on him.

Before Bothwell's trial a rumour was current that, although his wife, Lady Jean Gordon, was still alive, he intended to marry the queen, and that she had promised to become his wife ‘long before the murder was done’ (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1566–8, entry 1091). As early as 30 March Drury reports to Cecil that the ‘Earl of Huntly has now condescended to the divorce of his sister from Bothwell’ (ib. 1054). One of the documents, said to have been found in the silver casket, was a promise of marriage by the queen to Bothwell, in French, without date, and another was a marriage contract, dated Seton, 5 April 1567, said to be in the handwriting of Huntly, and professedly signed by the queen and Bothwell. Sir James Melville gives a graphic account of the danger to which Bothwell's wrath exposed Lord Herries and himself when they informed the queen of the rumours regarding her intended marriage to Bothwell (Memoirs, pp. 175–7). Neither Bothwell nor the queen wished their intentions to be made known prematurely, but after the trial no secret was made of their purpose of marriage. On the afternoon of 19 April, the day that the parliament rose, Bothwell entertained the leading protestant noblemen to supper in Ainslie's Tavern. In accepting his invitation they gave a pledge of friendliness, and when late in the evening he presented a document for their signature, the purport of which was to commit them to an assertion of his innocence, and to the support of his claims to the queen's hand, all subscribed with the exception of one or two who slipped out. It is stated that he showed them the queen's written authority for the proposal. Had the nobles supposed that Bothwell was acting without her authority, his proposal would probably have been rejected. Writing on the following day, Kirkcaldy of Grange, who was not at the supper, reported to Bedford that the ‘queen had said that she cares not to lose France, England, and her own country for him, and will go with him to the world's end in a white peticoat ere she leaves him’ (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1566–8, entry 1119).

On 21 April 1567 the queen went to visit the infant prince at Stirling, and on the 24th, when returning to Edinburgh, she was met near the city by Bothwell, and with a show of force carried to Dunbar. Sir James Melville, who was present in her train at her capture, affirmed that ‘Captain Blaikater, that was my taker, allegit that it was the quenis awen consent’ (Memoirs, p. 177). If the evidence of the ‘Casket Letters’ be accepted she had made arrangements for the capture, and there is at least no evidence that Bothwell's procedure caused her any alarm, or met with any remonstrance. Both were aware, notwithstanding the signature of the bond by the nobles, that they alone really desired the marriage. Even the soldiers at Holyrood had become mutinous (ib. 1126).


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 In general, the lover scenarios (24.4 TW by 2030, 11.2 TW by 2020, and 5.2 by 2030 ) require an energy efficiency revolution. The higher scenarios (18.8 TW by 2025, 24.7 TW by 2020, and 35.2 by 2030 ) aggravate the environmental pollution problems that we have experienced since the Second World War.

10. The economic implications of a high energy future are disturbing. A recent World Bank Study indicates that for the period 1980-95, a 4.1 per cent annual growth in energy consumption, approximately comparable to Case A in Box 7-2, would require an average annual investment of some $130 billion (in 1982 dollars) in developing countries alone. This would involve doubling the share of energy investment in terms of aggregate gross dolestic product. About half of this would have to come from foreign exchange and the rest from internal upending on energy in developing countries.

11, The environmental risks and uncertainties of a high energy future are also disturbing and give rise to several reservations. Four stand out: Along with these, a major poblem arises from the growing scarcity of fuelwood in developing countries. If trends continue, by the year 2000 around 2.4 billion people may be living in areas where wood is extremely scarce.
 * the serious probability of climate change generated by the 'greenhouse effect' of gases emitted to the atmosphere, the most important of which is carbon dioxide (CO2) produced from the combustion of fossil fuels ;
 * urban-industrial air pollution caused by atmospheric pollutants from the combustion of fossil fuels ;
 * acidification of the environment from the same causes ; and
 * the risks of nuclear reactor accidents, the problems of waste disposal and dismantling of reactors after their service life is over, and the dangers of proliferation associated with the use of nuclear energy.

12. These reservations apply at even lower levels of energy use. A study that proposed energy consumption at only half the levels of Case A (Box 7-2) drew special attention to the risks of global warming from CO2. The study indicated that a realistic fuel mix - a virtual guadrupling of coal and a doubling of gas use, along with 1.4 times as much oil - could cause significant global warming by the 2020s. No technology currently exists to remove CO2 emissions from fossil fuel combustion. The high coal use vould also increase emissions of oxides of sulphur and nitrogen, much of which turns to acids in the atmosphere. Technologies to remove these latter emissions are now required in some countries in all new end even some old facilities, but they can increase investment costs by 15-25 per cent. If countries are not prepared to incur these expenses, this path becomes even more infeasible, a limitation that applies much more to the higher energy futures that rely to /…

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 Angry mutterings and sinister rumours were heard on all sides. It was safer for both that until a divorce between Bothwell and his wife had been granted the queen should be kept in security within his own fortress of Dunbar.

Before the queen's so-called abduction, Bothwell had begun steps to obtain the two decrees needful for his divorce. In the civil commissary court action was taken ostensibly at the instance of Bothwell's wife, while in the catholic consistorial court it was taken at the instance of Bothwell. Collusion between the parties was almost self-evident. On 3 May the civil court pronounced sentence of divorce against Bothwell, on the ground of adultery, but according to catholic practice a divorce on the ground of adultery amounted only to separation, and did not permit the divorced person to marry again. The ground on which divorce was sought in the catholic court was that before his marriage he had committed fornication with his wife's near kinswoman, and thus brought himself within the forbidden degrees of consanguinity. When the sentence of divorce was passed on 7 May it was falsely stated by the court that no dispensation which would, according to the catholic canons, have made the marriage indissoluble, had been obtained before the marriage. As a matter of fact, Archbishop Hamilton, who pronounced the divorce, had himself procured such a dispensation before the marriage. Buchanan, in his ‘Detection,’ asserts that ‘all the while they kept close the pope's bull, by which the same offence was dispensed with.’ Within recent years this dispensation has been discovered at Dunrobin, whither it was apparently carried by Lady Jean Gordon, who afterwards in 1573 married Alexander, eleventh earl of Sutherland (Hist. MSS. Comm. 2nd Rep. p. 177). It has, therefore, been argued (see, A Lost Chapter in the History of Mary Queen of Scots) that since, according to catholic law, the marriage could not be annulled, Mary, when she married Bothwell, must have known that the ceremony was an empty form. On the other hand, it has been urged that the conditions on which the dispensation was granted were never fulfilled, inasmuch as the marriage was not celebrated in the face of the church (see, Mary Queen of Scots and her Marriage with Bothwell, 1883). The court, however, appear to have made no reference to the irregularity of the ceremony, but only to the absence of the dispensation. Possibly Mary sincerely believed that a decree of divorce pronounced by a catholic court absolved her from responsibility.

The divorce was speedily followed by the queen's marriage. On 3 May (Diary of the Scottish Commissioners; or 6 May, according to Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 110) Bothwell and the queen returned from Dunbar to Edinburgh. They entered by the West Port, ‘and raid up the bow to the Castle, the said Erle Bothwill leidand the quenis Majestie by the bridill as captive’ (ib. p. 111). On the 8th, the day after sentence of divorce was pronounced by the catholic court, she was proclaimed in the palace of Holyrood to be married to Bothwell, and on the following day she was proclaimed in St. Giles's Church. John Craig, the minister who proclaimed the banns, took, however, ‘heaven and earth to witness that he abhorred and detested that marriage’ (Declaration in Collections, ii. 281). On the 12th the queen passed from the castle to the palace of Holyrood, stopping by the way at the court of session, where she made what was styled the ‘declaration of the queen's liberty,’ in which, while referring in mild reprehensory terms to her abduction, she stated that ‘her highness stands content with the said earl, and has forgiven and forgives him and all other his complices.’ On the same evening he was made Duke of Orkney and Shetland with ‘great magnificence,’ the queen herself placing the ducal coronet on his head. On the 14th she formally subscribed her approval of the bond which had been given by the nobles to Bothwell in Ainslie's Tavern, and on the same day the marriage contract was signed. The marriage took place on the following day (15 May 1567) in Holyrood Palace before a gathering of the more subservient of the nobles. It was celebrated according to the protestant form, the officiating clergyman being Adam Bothwell, protestant bishop of Orkney. Probably one of Bothwell's motives in declining to have the marriage performed also according to catholic rites was to convince the protestants that protestantism was safe in his hands. To the king of France he sent with the queen's messenger, who announced the marriage, a short note couched in terms at once respectful and self-respecting. To Elizabeth he adopted an equally friendly and respectful, but a somewhat more self-assertive tone, frankly stating that he was well aware of the bad opinion she entertained of him, but protesting that it was undeserved, and expressing his readiness to do the utmost to preserve the amity between the two kingdoms.

Bothwell's avowed forcible abduction of the queen gave the nobles an almost providential excuse for interfering with his projects. They had promised to support him only on condition that he had the queen's consent, and by carrying her ostensibly by


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 force to Dunbar, he was declaring to the world that that consent had not been obtained. Moreover, the catholic nobles could now be appealed to for help in delivering their sovereign from one who, after murdering the king, had captured the queen, and virtually usurped the royal authority. A secret council was therefore formed, consisting of catholic as well as protestant noblemen, to ‘seek the liberty of the Queen, to preserve the life of the Prince, and to pursue them that murdered the King.’ Since the queen expressed her readiness to be in Bothwell's custody, and since Elizabeth, to whom they had applied for help, deprecated force, no effort was made to prevent the marriage. But on 1 June 1567 the nobles resolved to capture Bothwell and the queen at Holyrood. Their purpose, however, became known, and Bothwell and the queen instantly fled to Borthwick Castle. It was surrounded by Morton and Lord Home, but Bothwell made his escape by a postern gate, and went to Dunbar. The queen disdainfully refused to return to Edinburgh, and as the nobles did not dare to effect her capture, she some days afterwards joined Bothwell. After collecting a powerful force—a considerable proportion of which was composed of Bothwell's dependents—Bothwell and the queen marched on Edinburgh. They were met by the lords at Carberry Hill, but both parties apparently preferred to negotiate rather than to fight. The queen expected reinforcements, but by engaging in negotiations she virtually lost her cause. Though many were thoroughly loyal to her, the enthusiasm for Bothwell, even among his own followers, was very lukewarm. Du Croc, the French ambassador, expressed, in his letter to the king of France, high admiration both of the manner in which Bothwell bore himself and marshalled his troops, and was confident that if the troops could have been relied on he would have been victorious (letter in, ii. 312–20). Bothwell declared to Du Croc that those who had come to oppose him were simply envious at his elevation. Out of sympathy with the queen, for whose painful position he declared that he deeply felt, he was, however, willing to waive his royal rank, and to fight with any one worthy, by nobility of birth, to meet him. Knox states that he ‘came out of the camp well mounted, with a defie to any that would fight with him’ (Works, ii. 560). The queen, however, would not permit any of her subjects to engage in single combat with her husband. Meantime, while negotiations were going on, many of the troops of the queen had been leaving the field, and it became evident that a battle in such circumstances would be disastrous to her. Resigning herself to the inevitable, she appears to have made arrangements for Bothwell's escape, and in obedience to her urgent request that he should save himself by flight before it was too late, he unwillingly bade her farewell, and rode off unmolested to Dunbar.

After reaching Dunbar Bothwell sent his servants to fetch the effects which had been kept by him in the castle of Edinburgh. Among these is stated to have been the famous silver casket which the lords avowed they intercepted on 20 June, and opened next day, when it was found to contain, in addition to other documents, certain letters addressed by the queen to Bothwell (see ‘Morton's Declaration’ in, Casket Letters, pp. 112–16). The discovery, whatever its nature, apparently determined the lords to make more strenuous efforts against Bothwell. Although he remained at Dunbar, and the queen expressed her determination not to give him up, no great zeal was at first shown to effect his capture. On 26 June 1567, however, the secret council declared that they had ‘be evident pruif, alswiel of witnesses as of writinges maid manifest unto thame, that James, Erll Bothuill, was the principal deviser of Darnley's murder’ (Reg. P. C. Scotl. i. 524). On the following day, probably before he knew of the proclamation, Bothwell left Dunbar for the north, not apparently from any dread of capture, for the castle was strongly fortified, but in order if possible to create a diversion in favour of the queen. But by the queen's best and most loyal friends he was secretly detested. If any were prepared to risk their lives for her, none were prepared to risk anything for Bothwell, who, if they assumed her guilt, had led her into crime, or, if they assumed her innocence, had tarnished her fame. There were, it would appear, even limits to Huntly's debasing devotion to the interests of his former brother-in-law, and he now declined to adventure anything for him (Throckmorton to Elizabeth, 16 July 1567, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1566–8, entry 1459). One night, possibly dreading treachery, Bothwell departed suddenly from Huntly's residence, and went to the palace of his old tutor and guardian, the Bishop of Moray at Spynie. The bishop not only gave him shelter for a time, but furthered his escape.

Bothwell approached Kirkwall with two small ships, counting apparently on a favourable reception in his dukedom of Orkney, but the keeper of the castle refused to deliver it up. He had no means of capturing it, and therefore set sail for Shetland, where his claims were at once recognised by the inhabitants, and he received the gift of a sheep and an ox, which every benefice was from time immemorial in


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 the habit of paying to the feudal lord. Moreover, when it became known that the ex-high admiral of Scotland aspired to become a pirate commander, several of the pirate captains who frequented the islands placed themselves under his orders. Writing on 20 July 1567 Throckmorton reported that Bothwell meant to allure ‘the pirates of all countries to him.’ He clearly wished to collect as large a naval force as possible. Such a force could be maintained only by piracy. Professor Schiern is inclined to give some weight (Life of Bothwell, English translation, p. 303) to the denial of the contemporary writer, Adam Blackwood, that Bothwell was a pirate; but there can be no doubt whatever that Bothwell soon began to capture merchant ships. The abortive attempt of Professor Schiern to distinguish between a pirate and a privateer tends rather to inculpate than exonerate Bothwell. It was discerned that unless Bothwell's proceedings were promptly stopped he might prove a very formidable foe. The magistrates of Dundee were therefore ordered to instruct the skippers of four large vessels belonging to the port to place them at the service of Murray of Tullibardine and Kirkcaldy of Grange in order to attempt his capture (Reg. P. C. Scotl. i. 544–6). The vessels were armed with cannon, and in addition to the seamen, carried four hundred arquebusiers. In Bressay Sound, while Bothwell and part of the crew were on shore, Kirkcaldy came up with the ships of Bothwell, who had lately captured and armed a large ship of ‘Breame’ (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1566–8, entry 1640). In the eagerness to capture one of Bothwell's ships, Kirkcaldy ran his own ship on a rock, and with difficulty saved himself from drowning. Bothwell's ships then sailed to the northern isles, where Bothwell succeeded in joining them. There the enemy again came up with them. For a time all seemed going against Bothwell, but Kirkcaldy, skilled though he was in military matters, was deficient in seamanship, and a south-west wind having sprung suddenly up, Bothwell made his escape to the North Sea, leaving one of his vessels, which had become disabled, in Kirkcaldy's hands. Kirkcaldy persevered for sixty miles in his chase, but Bothwell drew rapidly away, not slackening sail till he sighted land, which proved to be the south-west coast of Norway. Here he spoke with the master of a Hanseatic vessel, who piloted him into Karm Sound.

No sooner had Bothwell cast anchor than the Danish warship Björnen made its appearance, and Bothwell's papers being found unsatisfactory, his vessels were brought to Bergen. His identity having now become known, he was permitted to take up his residence at a hostelry in the town till further orders should be received regarding him. Meanwhile he was treated with respect, and was frequently entertained by Eric Rosenkrands in the castle. By a curious coincidence Anne Thorssen, whom he had abandoned in the Netherlands, had on the death of her father come with her mother to reside in Bergen. On learning his arrival, she sued him before the court for redress, but by promising her an annuity, to be paid in Scotland, and handing over to her the smallest of his ships, he succeeded in getting proceedings quashed. Bothwell, when examined on board ship, had denied that he had with him any jewels or valuables, or even any letters or papers, but when he was led to believe that his ships would not again be delivered up to him, he stated that in his own ship there were some papers of which he wished to obtain possession. His request for them aroused suspicion, and when the letter-case was opened it was found to contain among other documents various proclamations against him as a traitor and murderer, and a letter in the handwriting of the Queen of Scots, bewailing the fate that had befallen him and her. After an examination held on 23 Sept. 1567, it was decided that Bothwell should be sent to Denmark in one of the king's own ships, accompanied by only four of his servants.

Bothwell arrived at Copenhagen on 30 Sept. Representations made to the Danish government by the regent Moray induced the high steward, in the absence of King Frederick II, to send him to the castle, and the king subsequently gave instructions that he should be detained there till further orders. Bothwell now ingeniously explained in a letter to the king of Denmark that when he was seized at Karm Sound he was really on his way to Copenhagen to lay before him the wrongs committed against the Queen of Scots, the king's near relative, and that he intended to proceed thence to France on a like errand. To the French king he also wrote in a similar strain. The Danish king's ministers had advised that he should be sent to a castle in Jutland, but Bothwell's letter produced so favourable an impression that the king ordered that he should remain in Copenhagen. On 30 Dec. the king, in answer to a request for his surrender, sent by Moray in the name of James VI, replied that Bothwell had informed him that he had been legally acquitted of the murder, and therefore he would not agree to do more than keep him in close confinement, with which he hoped the Scottish king would be satisfied (ib. For. Ser. entry 1889). For greater security he was removed to Malmoe in Sweden, where an old apartment in the north wing is still


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 pointed out as the one he occupied. Previous to his removal he had composed in the castle of Copenhagen a narrative of his doings (published by the Bannatyne Club, under the title ‘Les Affaires du Conte de Boduel’), intended to show that he was the victim of ill-will on the part of the Scottish nobility. As this exposition of his wrongs did not produce an adequate impression on the king, he, on 13 Jan. 1568, stated that if the king would aid him, he was empowered to offer him as a recompense the islands of Orkney and Shetland. It had long been the ambition of the Danish sovereign to win back these islands from Scotland, and although Bothwell's offer was not accepted, simply because it was difficult to render it effective, the fact that it had been made secured the king's goodwill, and probably was the main reason why he refused to deliver Bothwell up or agree to his execution, although repeatedly pressed to do so both by Moray and Elizabeth. Meanwhile a proposal had been mooted for the marriage of Queen Mary to Norfolk, and on this account Queen Mary empowered Lord Boyd to take measures to obtain her divorce from Bothwell on the ground that the marriage ‘was for divers respects unlawful.’ The matter came before a convention held at Perth on 29 July 1569, when by a large majority liberty to take action in the matter was refused, the Earl of Huntly, Atholl, and other catholics voting for granting it, while Moray and Morton declined to vote (Reg. P. C. Scotl. ii. 8–9). Sentence of divorce was, however, passed in September 1570 by the pope, on the ground that she had been ravished previous to the marriage (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1569–71, entry 1412). Bothwell is said to have given a mandate signifying his assent to the divorce. According to Chalmers (Mary Queen of Scots, 1st ed. ii. 242), the mandate remained among the papers of the Boyd family until 1746, but no such paper has yet been brought to light. Nor was a mandate from Bothwell likely to have any effect in enabling the queen to obtain a divorce. It would simply have proved collusion between the parties. In any case it would appear that the proposals for a divorce caused no break in the friendship between Bothwell and the queen, for on 19 Jan. 1571 Thomas Buchanan reports to Cecil that they constantly corresponded (Cal. State Papers, Scott. Ser. i. 310).

After the queen's cause in Scotland became completely lost, Bothwell was treated with less respect by the Danish king, and in June 1573 was removed to Drachsholm in Zeeland, described as ‘a much worse and closer’ prison. From this time he would appear to have been cut off from all communication with the outside world. The rigour of his confinement, the despair of deliverance from it, and the uncertainty as to whether at any moment he might not be sent to execution, gradually broke down his iron nerve. Accustomed as he was to an active outdoor life, his physical health suffered, and this doubtless also contributed to the overthrow of his mental balance. In any case the statements that he passed his latter years in insanity are made by so many contemporaries—Buchanan, Sir James Melville, De Thou, Lord Herries, &c.—that they must be accepted as conclusive. The Danish authorities give the year 1578 as that of his death, the ‘Calendar of Eiler Brockenhaus’ naming 14 April as the day. The so-called deathbed confession by Bothwell, exonerating Mary from the murder of Darnley, was professedly written when at Malmoe in 1575 (only abstracts of this document are known to exist); this must be regarded as conclusive against its genuineness, for he was removed from Malmoe in 1573, and died, not in 1575, but in 1578. He was buried in Faareveile Church. A coffin, indicated by tradition as his, was opened on 31 May 1858, and a portrait which was then taken of the head of the body is now in the museum of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. Nothing was discovered, however, clearly to identify the body as Bothwell's, and as a large number of Scottish prisoners have been buried there, the matter is enveloped in considerable doubt. No portrait of Bothwell is now known to exist. He was famed for bodily strength. The tradition as to his ugliness rests wholly on the statements, more or less vituperative in form, of Brantôme and Buchanan. He left no lawful issue. His wife, Lady Jean Gordon, was married on 13 Dec. 1573 to Alexander Gordon, twelfth earl of Sutherland [see under {{sc|Gordon, John]], eleventh {{sc|Earl of Sutherland}}, 1526?–1567], and after his death in 1594 to Alexander Ogilvy of Boyne. She survived till 1629. {{smaller block/s}}[The principal original authorities for the main facts of Bothwell's life have been quoted in the text. The narrative of his proceedings in the Darnley murder is chiefly gathered from the evidence of the subordinate agents, but the main purport of their statements is corroborated by a variety of circumstantial evidence. The latter part of Bothwell's career in Scotland being closely associated with Queen Mary, is fully dealt with by all the queen's biographers and all writers on both sides of the Marian controversy. Bothwell's own narrative, Les Affaires du Conte de Boduel (first published by the Bannatyne Club, 1829, and reprinted in Labanoff's Pièces et Documents relatifs au Comte de Bothwell, 1856, and in Teulet's Lettres de Maria {{smaller block/e}}


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 Stuart, 1859), contains, notwithstanding much misrepresentation of facts, some interesting information of an authentic kind. The Memoirs of James, Earl of Bothwell, added by Chalmers to his Life of Mary Queen of Scots, though professedly founded on original authorities, is as frequently as not contradictory of them. For all that concerns Bothwell's later life in Denmark, Schiern's Life of Bothwell, published in Danish, 1863, 2nd ed. 1875, and translated into English in 1880, must be regarded as the standard authority, but as a narrative of his career in Scotland it is of minor value. There is also interesting information about Bothwell's life in Denmark in Ellis's Later Years of James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, 1861. A fantastic vindication of Bothwell is attempted in Dr. Phil. A. Petrick's Zur Geschichte des Graffen Bothwell, St. Petersburg, 1874; and by J. Watts de Peyster in his Vindication of James Hepburn, 1882 (founded on the former work). Bothwell is the subject of a long poem by the late Professor Aytoun and of a drama by Mr. Swinburne. His maritime adventures are said to have suggested to Byron his poem ‘The Corsair.’]  HEPBURN, JAMES (1573–1620), in religion, linguist, born in 1573 in the shire of East Lothian, Scotland, was fourth son of Thomas Hepburn, rector of Oldhamstocks. He was educated in the university of St. Andrews, where, after completing his studies in humanity and philosophy, he applied himself to the oriental languages. He soon joined the communion of the Roman church, went to France and Italy, and subsequently travelled through Turkey and the East. He mastered so many languages that he was credited with being able to speak to the people of every nation in their own tongue. On returning to Europe he entered the order of Minims at Avignon. Afterwards he lived in retirement at Rome for five years in the French monastery of the Holy Trinity, belonging to his order. He was for six years keeper of the oriental books and manuscripts in the Vatican Library. He died at Venice in October 1620.

Dempster enumerates twenty-nine works by Hepburn, all of which he claims to have seen. They include Hebrew and Chaldaic dictionaries and translations from Hebrew manuscripts, many of which are not known in print. Hepburn published: 1. ‘Alphabetum Arabicum et Exercitatio Lectionis,’ an Arabic grammar, Rome, 1591, 4to. 2. A translation from Hebrew into Latin of the ‘“Kettar Malcuth” of Rabbi Solomon, the son of Tsemach,’ which Dempster entitles ‘Diadema Regni,’ printed at Venice. 3. ‘Virgo Aurea septuaginta duobus encomiis cœlata,’ a large print engraved at Rome in 1616, and dedicated to Paul V. At the top is a representation of the Madonna, beneath are seven columns, in the first and last of which the author explains in Latin and Hebrew his design of eulogising the Blessed Virgin in seventy-two languages, as well as in emblems.

 HEPBURN, JAMES (d. 1637), Scottish soldier of fortune, was the son and heir of Hepburn of Waughton, Haddingtonshire, and cousin of Sir John Hepburn [q. v.] He served under Sir John in Germany and France, attended his funeral, and, although objected to as a protestant, succeeded to his rank as commander of the Scots brigade. Richelieu wished Lord James Douglas (1617–1645) [q. v.] to be appointed, but Cardinal de la Valette, the general in command, apparently decided in favour of Hepburn. Hepburn served under Châtillon in Lorraine in 1637, and on 16 Oct., while he was fighting in the breach effected by blowing up a mine at Damvillers, a musket-ball passed through his chest. He died on 7 Nov. at Damvillers, which had capitulated the day after he was wounded. Lord James Douglas succeeded him.

 HEPBURN, JOHN (d. 1522), prior of St. Andrews and founder of St. Leonard's College, was the fourth son of Adam Hepburn, second lord Hailes, by Helen, eldest daughter of Alexander, first lord Home [q. v.] According to Dempster, he studied in Paris and wrote an elegant poem on hunting. He succeeded William Carron as prior of the convent in 1482. On 16 June 1488 he obtained from the king the custody of the castle of Falkland for five years (Reg. Mag. Sig. i. 1732). He was for some time keeper of the privy seal, and is mentioned on 31 May 1504 as vicar-general of St. Andrews (ib. 2789). In 1512 he, in concurrence with the archbishop and the king, founded the college of St. Leonard's (Charter in Hist. of St. Andrews, ii. 243–4), which he endowed partly with the tithes of St. Leonard's parish, and partly with certain funds of a hospital situated within the precincts of the monastery. Originally the college was a purely monastic institution, being under the entire charge of the prior and conventual chapter, and supplied with teachers from the inmates of the monastery. In 1514 Hepburn was a competitor with Gavin Douglas [q. v.] and Andrew Forman [q. v.] for the archbishopric of St.


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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henton, Simon


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henty, Edward


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henwood, William Jory


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, Francis (1779-1835)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, Francis Stewart


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, George Buchan


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, James (1536?-1578)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, James (1573-1620)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hepburn, James (d.1637)


text: Category:Works originally in Ancient Egyptian


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 rotary, and should be of gun-metal or one of the new bronze-alloys which take a patina in salt water. For the circulating pipes many materials have been tried. Vulcanite is not only expensive and brittle, but has other disadvantages; common iron pipes, coated internally with cement or asphalt or glazed internally, with all unions and joints cemented, have been used with more or less success. Probably best of all is common lead piping, the joints being served with red-lead; water should be circulated through such pipes till they become coated with insoluble carbonate, for some time before animals are put into the tanks. For small installations glass may be used, the joints being made with marine glue or other suitable cement.

In building the tanks themselves, regard must be had to their special purposes. If intended for show-tanks for popular admiration, or for the study of large animals, they must be large with a plate-glass front; for ordinary scientific work small tanks with all sides opaque are preferable from every point of view. According to their character, size and position, fixed tanks may be of brickwork, masonry or rock, coated in each case with cement; asphalting the sides offers no particular advantages, and often gives rise to great trouble and expense. All materials, and especially the cements, must be of the finest quality procurable. For smaller and movable tanks, slate slabs bolted or screwed together have some disadvantages, notably those of expense, weight and brittleness, but are often used. Better, cheaper and lighter, if less permanent, are tanks of wood bolted together, pitched internally. Glass bell-jars, useful in particular cases, should generally have their sides darkened, except when required for observation. Provision should always be made for cleaning every part of the tanks, pipes and reservoirs; all rock-work in tanks should therefore be removable. As regards the lighting of fixed tanks, it should always be directly from above. In all tanks with glass sides, whether large or small, as much light as possible should be kept from entering through the glass; otherwise, with a side-light, many animals become restless, and wear themselves out against the glass, affected by even so little light as comes through an opposite tank.

In cases where distance from the sea or other causes make it impracticable to allow the overflow from the tanks to run to waste, special precautions must be taken to keep the water pure. Chemically speaking, the chief character of the water in an aquarium circulation, when compared with that of the open sea, lies in the excessive quantity of nitrogen present in various forms, and the reduced alkalinity; these two being probably connected. The excess of nitrogen is referable to dead animals, to waste food and to the excreta of the living organisms. The first two of these sources of contamination may be reduced by care and cleanliness, and by the maintenance of a flow of water sufficient to prevent the excessive accumulation of sediment in the tanks. The following experiment shows the rapid rise of nitrogen if unchecked. A tank with a considerable fauna was isolated from the general circulation and aerated by four air-jets, except during hours 124–166 of the experiment; column I. shows per 100,000 the nitrogen estimated as ammonia, column II. the total inorganic nitrogen:—

During this time the alkalinity was reduced to the equivalent of 30 mg. CaCO3 per litre, ocean water having an alkalinity equivalent to 50–55 mg. per litre. It has been suggested that the organic nitrogen becomes oxidized into nitrous, then into nitric acid, which lowers the carbonate values. A great deal of reduction of this nitrogenous contamination can be effected by filtration, a method first introduced successfully at Hamburg, where a most thriving aquarium has been maintained by the local Zoological Society for many years on the circulation principle, new water being added only to compensate for waste and evaporation. The filters consist of open double boxes, the inner having a bottom of perforated slate on which rests rough gravel; on the latter is fine gravel, then coarse, and finally fine sand. Filtration may be either upwards or downwards through the inner box to the outer. Such filters, intercalated between tanks and reservoir, have been shown by analysis to stop a very large proportion of nitrogenous matter. It is doubtful whether aquarium water will not always show an excess of nitrogenous compounds, but they must be kept down in every way possible. In small tanks, well lighted, seaweeds can be got to flourish in a way that has not been found practicable in large tanks with a circulation; these, with Lamellibranchs and small Crustacea as scavengers, will be found useful in this connexion. Slight or occasional circulation should be employed here also, to remove the film of dust and other matters, which otherwise covers the surface of the water and prevents due oxygenation.

In such small tanks for domestic use the fauna must be practically limited to bottom-living animals, but for purposes of research it is often desired to keep alive larval and other surface-swimming animals (plankton). In this case a further difficulty is presented, that of helping to suspend the animals in the water, and thus to avoid the exhaustion and death which soon follow their unaided efforts to keep off the bottom; this duty is effected in nature by specific gravity, tide and surface current. In order to deal with this difficulty a simple but efficient apparatus has been devised by Mr E. T. Browne; a “plunger,” generally a glass plate or filter funnel, moves slowly up and down in a bell-jar or other small tank, with a period of rest between each stroke; the motive power is obtained through a simple bucket-and-siphon arrangement worked by the overflow from other tanks. This apparatus (first used at the Plymouth Laboratory of the Marine Biological Association in 1897, and since introduced into similar institutions), by causing slight eddies in the water, keeps the floating fauna in suspension, and has proved very successful in rearing larvae and in similar work.

AQUARIUS (the “Water-bearer” or “Cup-bearer”), in astronomy, the eleventh sign of the (q.v.), situated between Capricornus and Pisces. Its symbol is ♒, representing part of a stream of water, probably in allusion to the fact that when the sun is in this part of the heavens (January, February) the weather is rainy. It is also a constellation mentioned by Eudoxus (4th century ) and Aratus (3rd century ); Ptolemy catalogued forty-five stars, Tycho Brahe forty-one, Hevelius forty-seven. Aquarii is a well-defined binary, having both components of the fourth magnitude; it is probably of long period. AQUATINT (Lat. aqua, water, and tincta, dyed), a kind of (q.v.) which imitates washes with a brush. There are many ways of preparing a plate for aquatint, the following being recommended by P. G. Hamerton. Have three different solutions of rosin in rectified alcohol, making them of various degrees of strength, but always thin enough to be quite fluid, the weakest solution being almost colourless. First pour the strongest solution on the plate. When it dries it will produce a granulation; and you may now bite as in ordinary etching for your darker tones, stopping out what the acid is not to operate upon, or you may use a brush charged with acid, perchloride of iron being a very good mordant for the purpose. After cleaning the plate, you proceed with the weaker solutions in the same way, the weakest giving the finest granulation for skies, distances, &c. The process requires a good deal of stopping-out, and some burnishing, scraping, &c., at last. Aquatint may be effectively used in combination with line etching, and still more harmoniously with soft ground etching in which the line imitates that of the lead pencil. AQUAVIVA, CLAUDIO (1542–1615), fifth general of the Jesuits, the youngest son of the duke d’Altri, was born at Naples. He joined the Jesuits at Rome in 1567, and his high administrative

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Aquarium

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Aquarium


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9. How practical are any of these scenarios? Energy analysts have conducted many studies of global energy futures to the years 2020-2030. Such studies do not provide forecasts of future energy needs, but they explore how various technical, economic, and environmental factors may interact with supply and demand. Two of these are reviewed in Box 7-2, though a much wider range of scenarios - from 5 TW up to 63 TW – are available. /…

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Aquatint

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Aquatint


text: A Girl of the Limberlost/Chapter 5

title: A Girl of the Limberlost/Chapter 5


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 to $1,165,700; leaving an excess of revenue over Ordinary Expenditure of $120,800. The Extraordinary Expenditure of 1888 was defrayed from the accumulated Balances, and included the

The Estimated Balance to the credit of the Colony on the 31st December, 1883, was $1,095,505.

7. Hongkong is probably the only State or Colony of importance which the present day is not only without a Public Debt, but which possesses invested Assets nearly to its annual revenue. However, the existing Balances will not be sufficient to carry out several Public Works which are urgently required by this Community, in addition to those "strong and complete measures of sanitation" which Mr. (the Civil Engineer recently sent out from England) has reported to be absolutely necessary "for the benefit of the public health." Under these circumstances, I concur with the Executive Council in what appears to be the general opinion of the Colony, viz., that the present generation of Colonists ought not to be deprived of the advantages referred to, while it cannot of course be expected to defray the entire cost of works of a permanent and reproductive character; and that, consequently, it will be expedient to raise, on the exhaustion of the existing assets, a moderate loan, not much exceeding the revenue of a single year. This question will not have to be decided in its details during the present Session; but I desire to elicit the opinion of the Council on the principle involved.

8. The Estimates for 1884 have been already voted. The Estimates for 1885 will be laid before you in next November; which seems to be the most general convenient period for the opening of the annual Session.

9. With regard to Legislative measures;—The following Ordinances, among others, have already become law since I assumed this Government in the spring of last year, viz.: Ordinances to provide for the better Regulation of Vehicles and Public Traffic; To organise the construction of certain lines of Tramways; To constitute a Sanitary Board; To continue the operation of the French Mail Streamers Ordinance; To authorise the construction of certain Piers and Wharves. The principal Bills which will be laid before you during the present session will be the following:—


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 "Oh, thank you!" said the girl, and sitting down she held out the ribbon.

Her mother stood back and looked at her critically.

"You haven't got that like Mag Sinton had it last night," she announced. "You little idiot! You've tried to plaster it down to suit me, and you missed it. I liked it away better as Mag fixed it, after I saw it. You didn't look so peeled."

"Oh, mother, mother!" laughed Elnora, with a half sob in her voice.

"Hold still, will you?" cried Mrs. Comstock. "You'll be late, and I haven't packed your dinner yet."

She untied the string and shook out the hair. It rose with electricity and clung to her fingers and hands. Mrs. Comstock jumped back as if bitten. She knew that touch. Her face grew white, and her eyes angry.

"Tie it yourself," she said shortly, "and then I'll put on the ribbon. But roll it back loose like Mag did. It looked so pretty that way."

Almost fainting, Elnora stood before the glass, divided off the front parts of her hair, and rolled them as Mrs. Sinton had done; tied it at the nape of her neck, then sat while her mother arranged the ribbon.

"If I pull it down till it comes tight in these creases where she had it, it will be just right won't it?" queried Mrs. Comstock, and the amazed Elnora stammered "Yes."

When she looked in the glass the bow was perfectly tied, and how the gold tone of the brown did match the

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 5. The period ahead must be regarded as transitional from an era in which energy has been used in an unsustainable manner. A generally acceptable athway to a safe and sustainable energy future has not yet been found. We do not believe that these dilemmas have yet been addressed by the international community with a sufficient sense of urgency and in a global perspective.

{{c|

Ⅰ. ENERGY, ECONOMY, AND ENVIRONMENT
}}

6. The growth of energy demand in response to industrialization, urbanization, and societal affluence has led to an extremely uneven global distribution of primary energy consumption. The consumption of energy per person in industrial market economies, for example, is more than 80 times greater than in sub-Saharan Africa. (See Table 7-1.) And about a quarter of the world's population consumes three-quarters of the world's primary energy.

7. In 1980, global energy consumption stood at around 10 TW. (See Box 7-1.) If per capita use remained at the same levels as today, by 2025 a global population of 8.2 billion would need about 14 TW (over 4 TW in developing and over 9 TW in industrial countries) - an increase of 40 per cent over 1980. But if energy consumption per head became uniform worldwide at current industrial country levels, by 2025 that same global population would require about 55 TW.

8. Neither the 'low' nor the 'high' figure is likely to prove realistic, but they give a rough idea of the range within which energy futures could move, at least hypothetically, any other scenarios can be generated in-between, some of which assume an improved enerqy base for the developing world. For instance, if the average enerqy consumption in the low- and middle-income economies trebled and doubled, respectively, and if consumption in the high-income oil-exporting and industrial market and non-market countries remained the same as today, then the two groups would be consuming about the same amounts of energy. The low- and middle-income categories would need 10.5 TW and the three 'high' categories would use 9.3 TW - totalling 20 TW globally, assuming that primary energy is used at the same levels of efficiency as today.

/…

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 lustre of the shining hair! "That's awful pretty," commented Mrs. Comstock's soul, but her stiff lips had said all that could be forced from them for once. Just then Wesley Sinton came to the door.

"Good morning," he cried heartily. "Elnora, you look a picture! My, but you're sweet! If any of them city boys get sassy you tell your Uncle Wesley, and he'll horsewhip them. Here's your Christmas present from me." He handed Elnora the leather lunch box, with her name carved across the strap in artistic lettering.

"Oh, Uncle Wesley!" and that was all Elnora could say.

"Your Aunt Maggie filled it for me for a starter," he said. "Now, if you are ready, I'm going to drive past your way and you can ride almost to Onabasha with me, and save the new shoes that much."

Elnora was staring at the box. "Oh, I hope it isn't impolite to open it before you," she said. "I just feel as if I must see inside."

"Don't you stand on no formality with the neighbors," laughed Sinton. "Look at your box if you want to!"

Elnora slipped the strap and turned back the lid.

This disclosed the knife, fork, napkin, and spoon, the milk flask, and the interior packed with dainty sandwiches wrapped in tissue paper, and the little compartments for meat, salad, and the custard cup.

"Oh, mother!" cried Elnora. "Oh, mother. Isn't it fine? What made you think of It, Uncle Wesley? How will I ever thank you? No one will have a finer lunch

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 box than I. Oh, I do thank you! That's the nicest gift I ever had. How I love Christmas in September!"

"It's a mighty handy thing," assented Mrs. Comstock, taking in every detail with sharp eyes. "I guess you are glad now you went and helped Mag and Wesley when you could, Elnora?"

"Deedy, yes," laughed Elnora, "and I'm going again first time they have a big day if I stay out of school to do it."

"You'll do no such thing!" said the delighted Sinton. "Come now, if you're going!"

"If I ride, can you spare me time to run into the swamp to my box just a minute?" asked Elnora.

The light she had seen the previous night troubled her.

"Sure," said Wesley largely. He was having such a good time nothing could hurry him. So they drove away and left a white-faced woman watching them from the door, her heart just a little sorer than usual.

"I'd give a pretty to hear what he'll say to her!" she said bitterly. "Always sticking in, always doing things I can't ever afford. Where on earth did he get that thing and what did it cost?"

Then she entered the cabin and began the day's work, but mingled with the brooding bitterness of her soul was the vision of a sweet young face, glad with a gladness never before seen on it, and over and over she repeated, "I wonder what he'll say to her!"

What he said was that she looked as fresh and sweet

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 gifts marked him out for the highest posts. He was soon nominated provincial of Naples and then of Rome; and during this office he offered to join the Jesuit mission to England that set out under (q.v.) in the spring of 1580. The following year, being then only thirty-seven years old, he was elected, by a large majority, general of the society in succession to Mercurian, to the great surprise of Gregory XIII.; but the extraordinary political ability he displayed, and the vast increase that came to the Society during his long generalate, abundantly justified the votes of the electors. He, together with Lainez, may be regarded as the real founder of the Society as it is known to history. A born ruler, he secured all authority in his own hands, and insisted that those who prided themselves on their obedience should act up to the profession. In his first letter “On the happy increase of the Society” (25th of July 1581), he treats of the necessary qualifications for superiors, and points out that government should be directed not by the maxims of human wisdom but by those of supernatural prudence. He successfully quelled a revolt among the Spanish Jesuits, which was supported by Philip II., and he made use in this matter of Parsons. A more difficult task was the management of Sixtus V., who was hostile to the Society. By consummate tact and boldness Aquaviva succeeded in playing the king against the pope, and Sixtus against Philip. For prudential reasons, he silenced Mariana, whose doctrine on tyrannicide had produced deep indignation in France; and he also appears to have discountenanced the action of the French Jesuits in favour of the League, and was thus able to secure solid advantages when Henry IV. overcame the confederacy. To him is due the Jesuit system of education in the book Ratio atque institutio studiorum (Rome, 1586). But the Dominicans denounced it to the Inquisition, and it was condemned both in Spain and in Rome, on account of some opinions concerning the Thomist doctrines of the divine physical premotion in secondary causes and predestination. The incriminated chapters were withdrawn in the edition of 1591. In the fierce disputes that arose between the Jesuit theologians and the Dominicans on the subject of grace, Aquaviva managed, under Clement VIII. and Paul V., to save his party from a condemnation that at one time seemed probable. He died at Rome on the 31st of January 1615, leaving the Society numbering 13,000 members in 550 houses and 15 provinces. The subsequent influence exercised by the Jesuits, in their golden age, was largely due to the far-seeing policy of Aquaviva, who is undoubtedly the greatest general that has governed the Society.

AQUEDUCT (Lat. aqua, water, and ducere, to lead; Gr.  ), a term properly including artificial works of every kind by means of which water is conveyed from one place to another, but generally used in a more limited sense. It is, in fact, rarely employed except in cases where the work is of considerable magnitude and importance, and where the water flows naturally by gravitation. The most important purpose for which aqueducts are constructed is that of conveying pure water, from sources more or less distant, to large masses of population. Aqueducts are either below ground, on the surface, or raised on walls either solid or pierced with arches; to the last the term is often confined in popular language. The choice of method naturally depends on the contour of the country.

I. Ancient Aqueducts.—In Egypt, Babylonia and Assyria—flat countries traversed by big rivers and subject to floods—water was supplied by means of open canals with large basins. In Persia devices of all kinds were adopted according to the nature of the country. In relation to the achievements of Greece and Rome, the Phoenicians are the most important among pre-classical engineers. In Cyprus water was supplied to temples by rock-cut subterranean conduits carried across intervening valleys in siphons. Such conduits have been found near Citium, Amathus, &c. (Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 187, 341). In Syria the most striking of Phoenician waterworks is the well of Ras-el-Ain near Tyre, which consisted of four strong octagonal towers through which rises to a height of 18 to 20 ft. the water from four deep artesian wells. The water thus accumulated was carried off in conduits to reservoirs near the shore, and thence in vessels or skins to the island. The aqueduct across to the island is, of course, of Roman work.

It is not possible in all cases to find a satisfactory date for the numerous conduits which have supplied Jerusalem; some probably go back to the times of the kings of Judah. The principal reservoir consists of the three Pools of Solomon which supplied the old aqueduct; the highest is about 20 ft. above the middle one and 40 above the lowest. These pools collected the water from Ain Saleh and other springs, and sent it to the city by two conduits. The higher of these—probably the older—was partly a rock-cut canal, partly carried on masonry; the siphon-pipe system was adopted across the lower ground near Rachel’s Tomb, where the pipe (15 in. wide) is formed of large pierced stones embedded in rubble masonry. The lower conduit is still complete; it winds so much as to be altogether some 20 m. long. Near the Birket-es-Sultan it passes over the valley of Hinnom on nine low arches and reaches the city on the hill above the Tyropeon valley. It enters the Haram enclosure at the Gate of the Chain (Bāb es-Silsila), outside which is a basin 84 ft. by 42 by 24 deep. It is interesting to note in the case of the underground tunnel which brought water from the Virgin’s Fountain to the pool of Siloam, that the two boring parties had no certain means of keeping the line; there is evidence that they had to make shafts to discover their position, and that ultimately the parties almost passed one another. Though the direct distance is 1100 ft., the length of the conduit is over 1700 ft. Perrot and Chipiez incline to attribute the Pools of Solomon to the Asmonaeans, followed by Roman governors, whereas the earlier tunnels of the Kedron and Tyropeon valley may be Punic-Jewish (see also Palest. Explor. Fund Mem., “Jerusalem,” pp. 346-365). Besides these conduits excavation has discovered traces of many other cisterns, tunnels and conduits of various kinds. Many of them point to periods of great prosperity and engineering enterprise which gave to the city a water-supply far superior to that which exists at present.

See the publications of the Palestine Exploration Fund; A. S. Murray’s Handbook to Syria and Palestine (1903), pp. 63-67; Perrot and Chipiez, History of Art in Sardinia, Judaea, &c. (Eng. trans., 1890), pp. 321 ff.; other authorities quoted under.

The earliest attempts in Europe to solve the problems of water-supply were made by the Greeks, who perhaps derived their ideas from the Phoenicians. It has generally been held, partly on the strength of a passage in Strabo (v. 3. 8, p. 235), and partly owing to the comparative unimportance of the remains discovered, that the Greek works were altogether inferior to the Roman. Research in the Greek towns of Asia Minor, together with a juster appreciation of the remains as a whole, must be held to modify this view. Among the earliest examples of Greek work are the tunnels or emissaria which drained Lake Copais in Boeotia; these, though not strictly aqueducts, were undoubtedly the precursors of such works, consisting as they did of subterranean tunnels ( ) with vertical shafts ( ), sixteen of which are still recognizable, the deepest being about 150 ft. They may be compared with that described by Polybius as conveying water from Taurus to Hecatompylos, and with numerous other remains in Asia Minor, Syria, Phoenicia and Palmyra. Popular legend ascribed them to Cadmus, just as Argos referred the irrigation of its lands to Danaüs. They are undoubtedly of great antiquity.

The insufficiency of water, supplied by natural springs and cisterns hewn in the rock, which in an early age had satisfied the small communities of Greece, had become a pressing public question by the time of the Tyrants, of whom Polycrates of Samos and Peisistratus of Athens were distinguished for their wisdom and enterprise in this respect. The former obtained the services of Eupalinus, an engineer celebrated for the skill with which he had carried out the works for the water-supply of Megara (see Athen. Mittheil. xxv., 1900, 23) under the direction of the Tyrant Theagenes (c. 625 ). At Samos the difficulty lay in a hill which rose between the town and the water source. Through this hill Eupalinus cut a tunnel 8 ft. broad, 8 ft. high

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Rh more liberal and equitable forms of government, than were known to their ancestors.

At first, their progress was slow and almost imperceptible. The Saracens, indeed, reposing under the sunny skies of Andalusia, so congenial with their own, seemed willing to relinquish the sterile regions of the north, to an enemy whom they despised. But, when the Spaniards, quitting the shelter of their mountains, descended into the open plains of Leon and Castile, they found themselves exposed to the predatory incursions of the Arab cavalry, who, sweeping over the face of the country, carried off in a single foray the hard-earned produce of a summer's toil. It was not until they had reached some natural boundary, as the river Douro, or the chain of the Guadarrama, that they were enabled, by constructing a line of fortifications along these primitive bulwarks, to secure their conquests, and oppose an effectual resistance to the destructive inroads of their enemies.

Their own dissensions were another cause of their tardy progress. The numerous petty states, which rose from the ruins of the ancient monarchy, seemed to regard each other with even a fiercer hatred than that with which they viewed the enemies of their faith; a circumstance that more than once brought the nation to the verge of ruin. More Christian blood was wasted in these national feuds, than in all their encounters with the infidel. The soldiers of Fernan Gonçalez, a chieftain of the tenth century, complained, that their master made them lead the life of very devils, keeping


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 as a posy, and to be careful not to step in the mud or scratch her shoe when she went to the case.

Elnora found her key and opened the door. Not where she had placed it, but conspicuously in front lay her little heap of bills, and a crude scrawl of writing beside it. Elnora picked up the note in astonishment.

Elnora began to tremble. She hastily glanced about. The damp earth before the case had been trodden by large, roughly shod feet. She caught up the money and the note, thrust them into her, locked the case, and ran for the road.

She was so breathless and her face so white Sinton noticed it.

"What in the world's the matter, Elnora?" he asked as he helped her into the carriage.

"I am half afraid!" she panted.

"Tut, tut, child!" said Wesley Sinton. "Nothing in the world to be afraid of. What happeneedhappened [sic]?"

"Uncle Wesley," said Elnora, "I had more money than I brought home last night, and I put it in my case. Some one has been there. The ground is all trampled, and they left this note."

"And took your money, I'll wager, " said Sinton angrily.

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 "No," answered Elnora. "Read the note and, oh. Uncle Wesley, tell me what it means!"

Sinton's face was a study. "I don't know what it means," he said. "Only one thing is clear. It means some beast who doesn't really want to harm you has got his eye on you, and he is telling you, plain as he can, not to give him a chance. You got to keep along the roads, in the open, and not let the biggest moth that ever flew toll you out of hearing of us, or your mother. It means that, plain and distinct."

"Just when I can sell them! Just when everything is so lovely on account of them! I can't! I can't stay away from the swamp. The Limberlost is going to buy the books, the clothes, pay the tuition, and even start a college fund. I just can't!"

"You've got to," said Sinton. "This is plain enough. You go far in the swamp at your own risk, even in daytime."

"Uncle Wesley," said the girl in a whisper, "last night before I went to bed I was so happy I tried to pray, and I thanked God for hiding me 'under the shadow of His wing.' But how in the world could any one know it?"

Wesley Sinton's heart gave one great leap in his breast. His face was whiter than the girl's now.

"Was you praying out loud, honey?" he almost whispered.

"I might have said words," answered Elnora. "I know I do sometimes. I've never had any one to talk to, and I've played with and talked to myself all my life.

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 You've caught me at it often, but it always makes mother angry when she does. She says it's silly. I forget and do it, when I'm alone. But, Uncle Wesley, if I said anything last night, you know it was the merest whisper, because I'd have been so afraid of waking mother. Don't you see? I sat up late, and did two lessons."

Sinton was steadying himself. "I'll stop and examine the case as I come back," he said. "Maybe I can find some clue. That other—that was just accidental. It's a common expression. All the preachers use it. If I was going to pray, that would be the very first thing I'd say."

The colour came back to Elnora's face.

"Did you tell your mother about this money, Elnora?" he asked.

"No, I didn't," said Elnora. "It's dreadful not to, but I was afraid. You see they are clearing the swamp so fast. Every year it grows harder to find things, and Indian stuff gets scarcer. I want to graduate, and that's four years unless I can double on the course. That means twenty dollars tuition each year, and new books, and clothes. There won't ever be so much at one time again, that I know. I just got to hang to my money. I was afraid to tell her, for fear she would want it for taxes, and she really must sell a tree or some cattle for that, musn't she. Uncle Wesley?"

"On your life, she must!" said Wesley. "You put your little wad in the bank all safe, and never mention it to a living soul. It don't seem right, but your case is

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 peculiar. Every word you say is a true word. Each year you will get less from the swamp, and things everywhere will be scarcer. If you ever get a few dollars ahead, that can start your college fund. You know you are going to college, Elnora!"

"Of course I am," said Elnora. "I settled that as soon as I knew what a college was. I will put all my money in the bank, except what I owe you. I'll pay that now."

"If your arrows are heavy," said Wesley, "I'll drive on to Onabasha with you."

"But they are not. Half of them were nicked, and this little box held all the good ones. It's so surprising how many are spoiled when you wash them."

"What does he pay?"

"Ten cents for any common perfect one, fifty for revolvers, a dollar for obsidian, and whatever is right for enormous big ones."

"Well, that sounds fair," said Sinton. "It's more than I would want to give for the things. You can come down Saturday and wash up the stuff at our house, and I'll take it in when we go marketing in the afternoon."

Elnora jumped from the carriage. She soon found that with her books, her lunch box, and the points she had a heavy load. She was almost to the bridge crossing the culvert when she heard the distressed screams of a child. Across an orchard of the suburbs came a small boy, after him a big dog, urged by a man in the background. Elnora's heart was with the small flying figure in any event

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 whatever. She dropped her load on the bridge, and with practised hand caught up a stone and flung it at the dog. The beast curled double with a howl. The boy reached the fence, and Elnora was there to help him over. As he touched the top she swung him to the ground, but he clung to her, clasping her tightly, sobbing and shivering with fear. Elnora carried him to the bridge, and sat with him in her arms. For a time his replies to her questions were indistinct, but at last he became quieter and she could understand.

He was a mite of a boy, nothing but skin-covered bones, his burned, freckled face in a mortar of tears and dust, his clothing unspeakably dirty, one great toe in a festering mass from a broken nail, and sores all over the visible portions of the small body.

"You won't let the mean old thing make his dog get me!" he wailed.

"Indeed no," said Elnora, hugging him closely.

"You wouldn't set a dog on a boy for just taking a few old apples when you fed 'em to pigs with a shovel every day, would you?"

"No, I would not," said Elnora hotly.

"You'd give a boy all the apples he wanted, if he hadn't any breakfast, and was so hungry he was all twisty inside, wouldn't you?"

"Yes, I would," said Elnora.

"If you had anything to eat you would give me something right now, wouldn't you?"

"Yes," said Elnora. "There's nothing but just

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xxxviii them in the harness day and night, in wars, not against the Saracens, but one another.

These circumstances so far palsied the arm of the Christians, that a century and a half elapsed after the invasion, before they had penetrated to the Douro, and nearly thrice that period before they had advanced the line of conquest to the Tagus, notwithstanding this portion of the country had been comparatively deserted by the Mahometans. But it was easy to foresee that a people, living, as they did, under circumstances so well adapted to the developement of both physical and moral energy, must ultimately prevail over a nation oppressed by despotism, and the effeminate indulgence, to which it was naturally disposed by a sensual religion and a voluptuous climate. In truth, the early Spaniard was urged by every motive, that can give efficacy to human purpose. Pent up in his barren mountains, he beheld the pleasant valleys and fruitful vineyards of his ancestors delivered over to the spoiler, the holy places polluted by his abominable rites, and the crescent glittering on the domes, which were once consecrated by the venerated symbol of his faith. His cause became the cause of Heaven. The church published her bulls of crusade, offering liberal indulgences to those who served, and Paradise to those who fell in battle, against the infidel. The ancient Castilian was


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 stones in the package. But my dinner is in that case. I'll gladly divide."

She opened the box. The famished child gave a little cry and reached both hands. Elnora caught them back.

"Did you have any supper?"

"No."

"Any dinner yesterday?"

"An apple and some grapes I stole."

"Whose boy are you?"

"Old Tom Billings's."

"Why don't your father get you something to eat?"

"He does most days, but he's drunk now."

"Hush, you must not!" said Elnora. "He's your father!"

"He's spent all the money to get drunk, too," said the boy, "and Jimmy and Belle are both crying for breakfast. I'd a got out all right with an apple for myself, but I tried to get some for them, and the dog got too close. Say, you can just throw, can't you?"

"Yes," admitted Elnora. She poured half the milk into the cup. "Drink this," she said, holding it to him.

The boy gulped the milk and swore joyously, gripping the cup with shaking fingers.

"Hush!" cried Elnora. "That's dreadful!"

"What's dreadful?"

"To say such awful words."

"Huh! pa says worser 'an that every breath he draws."

Elnora stared into the quaint little face, and saw that

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 the child was older than she had thought. He might have been forty by his hard, unchildish expression.

"Do you want to be like your father?"

"No, I want to be like you. Couldn't a angel be prettier 'an you. Can I have more milk?"

Elnora emptied the flask. The boy drained the cup. He drew a breath of satisfaction as he gazed into her face.

"You wouldn't go off and leave your little boy, would you?" he asked.

"Did some one go away and leave you?" questioned Elnora in return.

"Yes, my mother went off and left me, and left Jimmy and Belle, too," said the boy. "You wouldn't leave your little boy, would you?"

"No."

The boy looked eagerly at the box. Elnora lifted a sandwich and uncovered the fried chicken. The boy gasped with delight.

"Say, I could eat the stuff in the glass, and the other box and carry the bread and the chicken to Jimmy and Belle," he offered.

Elnora silently uncovered the custard with preserved cherries on top and handed it and the spoon to the child. Never did food disappear faster. The salad went next, and a sandwich and half a chicken breast followed.

"I better leave the rest for Jimmy and Belle," he said, "they're 'ist fightin' hungry."

Elnora gave him the remainder of the carefully

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xl the Spaniard looked upon himself, as in a peculiar manner the care of Providence. For him the laws of nature were suspended. He was a soldier of the Cross, fighting not only for his country, but for Christendom. Indeed, volunteers from the remotest parts of Christendom eagerly thronged to serve under his banner; and the cause of religion was debated with the same ardor in Spain, as on the plains of Palestine. Hence the national character became exalted by a religious fervor, which in later days, alas! settled into a fierce fanaticism. Hence that solicitude for the purity of the faith, the peculiar boast of the Spaniards, and that deep tinge of superstition, for which they have ever been distinguished above the other nations of Europe.

The long wars with the Mahometans served to keep alive in their bosoms the ardent glow of patriotism; and this was still further heightened by the body of traditional minstrelsy, which commemorated in these wars the heroic deeds of their ancestors. The influence of such popular compositions on a simple people is undeniable. A sagacious critic ventures to pronounce the poems of


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 lunch. The boy clutched it and ran with a side-wise hop like a wild thing.

Elnora covered the dishes and cup, polished the spoon, replaced it, and closed the beautiful case. She caught her breath in a tremulous laugh.

"If Aunt Margaret knew that, she'd never forgive me," she said. "It seems as if secrecy is literally forced upon me, and I hate it. What will I do for lunch? I'll have to go sell my arrows and keep enough money for a restaurant sandwich."

So she walked hurriedly into town, sold her points at a good price, deposited her funds, and went away with a neat little bank book and the note from the Limberlost carefully folded inside. Elnora passed down the great hall that morning, and no one paid the slightest attention to her. The truth was she looked so like every one else that she was perfectly inconspicuous. But in the coat room there were members of her class. Surely no one intended it, but the whisper was too loud.

"Look at the girl from the Limberlost in the clothes that woman gave her!"

Elnora turned on them. "I beg your pardon," she said unsteadily, "I couldn't help hearing that! No one gave me these clothes. I paid for them myself."

Some one muttered, "Pardon me," but incredulous faces greeted her.

Elnora felt driven. "Aunt Margaret selected them, and she meant to give them to me," she explained, "but I

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 wouldn't take them. I paid for them myself." There was a dead silence.

"Don't you believe me?" panted Elnora.

"Really, it is none of our affair," said another girl. "Come on, let's go."

Elnora stepped before the girl who had spoken. "You have made this your affair," she said, "because you told a thing which was not true. No one gave me what I am wearing. I paid for my clothes myself with money I earned selling moths to the Bird Woman. I just came from the bank where I deposited what I did not use. Here is my credit." Elnora drew out and offered the little red book. "Surely you will believe that," she said.

"Why, of course," said the girl who first had spoken. "We met such a lovely woman in Brownlee's store, and she said she wanted our help to buy some things for a girl, and that's how we came to know."

"Dear Aunt Margaret," said Elnora, "it was like her to ask you. Isn't she splendid?"

"She is indeed," chorused the girls. Elnora set down her lunch box and books, unpinned her hat, hanging it beside the others, and taking up the books she reached to set the box in its place and dropped it. With a little cry she snatched at it and caught the strap on top. That pulled from the fastening, the cover unrolled, the box fell away as far as it could, two porcelain lids rattled on the floor, and the one sandwich rolled like a cartwheel across the room. Elnora lifted a ghastly face. For once no one laughed. She stood an instant staring.

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 "It seems to be my luck to be crucified at every point of the compass," she said at last. "First two days you thought I was a pauper, now you will think I'm a fraud. All of you will believe I bought an expensive box, and then was too poor to put anything but a restaurant sandwich in it. You must stop till I prove to you that I'm not."

Elnora gathered up the lids, and kicked the sandwich into a corner.

"I had milk in that bottle, see! And custard in the cup. There was salad in the little box, fried chicken in the large one, and nut sandwiches in the tray. You can see the crumbs of all of them. A man set a dog on a child who was so starved he was stealing apples. I talked with him, and I thought I could bear hunger better, he was such a little boy, so I gave him my lunch, and got the sandwich at the restaurant."

Elnora held out the box. The girls were laughing by that time. "You goose," said one, "why didn't you give him the money, and save your lunch?"

"He was such a little fellow, and he really was hungry," said Elnora. "I often go without anything to eat at noon in the fields and woods, and never think of it."

She closed the box and set it beside the lunches of other country pupils. While her back was turned, into the room came the girl of her encounter on the first day, walked to the rack, and with an exclamation of approval took down Elnora's hat.

"Just the thing I have been wanting!" she said. "I

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 never saw such beautiful quills in all my life. They match my new broadcloth to perfection. I've got to have that kind of quills for my hat. I never saw the like! Whose is it, and where did it come from?"

No one said a word, for Elnora's question, the reply, and her answer, had gone the rounds of the high school. Every one knew that the Limberlost girl had come out ahead and Sadie Reed had not felt amiable, when the little flourish had been added to Elnora's name in the algebra class. Elnora's swift glance was pathetic, but no one helped her. Sadie Reed glanced from the hat to the faces around her and wondered.

"Why, this is the Freshman section, whose hat is it?" she asked again, this time impatiently.

"That's the tassel of the cornstock," said Elnora with a forced laugh.

The response was genuine. Everyone shouted. Sadie Reed blushed, but she laughed also.

"Well, it's beautiful," she said, "especially the quills. They are exactly what I want. I know I don't deserve any kindness from you, but I do wish you would tell me at whose store you got those quills."

"Gladly!" said Elnora. "You can't get quills like those at a store. They are from a living bird. Phœbe Simms gathers them in her orchard as her peacocks shed them. They are wing quills from the males."

Then there was a perfect silence. How was Elnora to know that not a girl there would have told that?

"I haven't a doubt but I can get you some," she

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Rh remarkable for his independent resistance of papal encroachment; but the peculiarity of his situation subjected him in an uncommon degree to ecclesiastical influence at home. Priests mingled in the council and the camp, and, arrayed in their sacerdotal robes, not unfrequently led the armies to battle. They interpreted the will of Heaven as mysteriously revealed in dreams and visions. Miracles were a familiar occurrence. The violated tombs of the saints sent forth thunders and lightnings to consume the invaders; and, when the Christians fainted in the fight, the apparition of their patron, St. James, mounted on a milk-white steed, and bearing aloft the banner of the cross, was seen hovering in the air, to rally their broken squadrons, and lead them on to victory. Thus


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 offered "She gave Aunt Margaret a great bunch, and those are part of them. I am quite sure she has more, and would spare some."

Sadie Reed laughed shortly. "You needn't trouble," she said, "I was fooled. I thought they were expensive quills. I wanted them for a twenty-dollar velvet toque to match my new suit. If they are picked off the ground, really, I couldn't use them."

"Only in spots!" said Elnora. "They don't just cover the earth. Phœbe Simms's peacocks are the only ones within miles of Onabasha, and they moult but once a year. If your hat only cost twenty dollars, it's hardly good enough for those quills. You see, the Almighty made and coloured those Himself; and He puts the same kind on Phoebe Simms's peacocks that He put on the head of the family in the forests of Ceylon, away back in the beginning. Any old manufactured quill from New York or Chicago will do for your little twenty-dollar hat. You ought to have something infinitely better than that to be worthy of quills that are made by the Creator."

How those girls did laugh! One of them walked by Elnora to the auditorium, sat with her during exercises, and tried to talk whenever she dared, to keep Elnora from seeing the curious and admiring looks bent upon her. For the brown-eyed boy whistled, and there was pantomime of all sorts going on behind Elnora's back that day. Happy with her books, no one knew how much she saw, and from her absorption in her studies it was evident she cared too little to notice. It soon developed

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 that to be inconspicuous and to work was all Elnora craved.

After school she went again to the home of the Bird Woman, and together they visited the swamp and took away more specimens. This time Elnora asked the Bird Woman to keep the money until noon of the next day, when she would call for it and have it added to her bank account. She slowly walked home, for the visit to the swamp had brought back full force the experience of the morning. Again and again she examined the crude little note, for she did not know what it meant, yet it bred vague fear. The only thing on earth of which Elnora knew herself afraid was her mother; when with wild eyes and ears deaf to childish pleading, she sometimes lost control of herself in the night and visited the pool where her husband had sunk before her, calling his name in unearthly tones and begging of the swamp to give back its dead.

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 older"—his fierce, challenging eyes swept the trio as if he dared a possible contradiction—"and it is best that you are aware of these accounts, which are relative to the business of the château,"

"He flung back his head—whimpering,"

"Non, non!" chorused all three. "You are as young as ever, papa!"

"Sacre blue! Do you name me a liar, my children? Attend, Pierre!"

"Yes, papa."

"I have work for you this night."

The elder son's forehead wrinkled. "But the work, it is over. Our tasks are completed. The workers have been checked, the last cart is in the shed——"

"This is a special task, one which requires the utmost diligence of you all. It is of the wolf."

"The werewolf!" exclaimed Jacques, crossing himself. 37


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Page:Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties between States and International Organizations or Between International Organizations (1986).djvu/14

1.A treaty enters into force in such manner and upon such date as it may provide or as the negotiating States and negotiating organizations or, as the case may be, the negotiating organizations may agree.

2.Failing any such provision or agreement, a treaty enters into force as soon as consent to be bound by the treaty has been established for all the negotiating States and negotiating organizations or, as the case may be, all the negotiating organizations.

3.When the consent of a State or of an international organization to be bound by a treaty is established on a date after the treaty has come into force, the treaty enters into force for that State or that organization on that date, unless the treaty otherwise provides.

4. The provisions of a treaty regulating the authentication of its text, the establishment of consent to be bound by the treaty, the manner or date of its entry into force, reservations, the functions of the depositary and other matters arising necessarily before the entry into force of the treaty apply from the time of the adoption of its text.

1. A treaty or a part of a treaty is applied provisionally pending its entry into force if:

(a) the treaty itself so provides; or

(b) the negotiating States and negotiating organizations or, as the case may be, the negotiating organizations have in some other manner so agreed.

2. Unless the treaty otherwise provides or the negotiating States and negotiating organizations or, as the case may be, the negotiating organizations have otherwise agreed, the provisional application of a treaty or a part of a treaty with respect to a State or an international organization shall be terminated if that State or that organization notifies the States and organizations with regard to which the treaty is being applied provisionally of its intention not to become a party to the treaty.


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HE other brothers remained silent, but mingled expressions of wonder and dislike passed across their features. Ever since the coming of the wolf the topic of its depredations had been an unwelcome one in the household of the Château Doré.

"Mon Dieu, Jacques!" exploded the head of the house. "Have you, too, been listening to the old wives' tales? Must you be such an imbecile, and I your father? Rubbish! There can be no werewolves; has not the most excellent Father Cromecq flouted such stones ten thousand times? It is a common wolf; a large one, true, but nevertheless a common mongrel, a beast from the distant mountain. Of its ferocity we are unfortunately well aware; so it must be dispatched with the utmost alacrity."

"But, the workers say, papa, that there have been no wolves in the fields for more than a hundred——"

"Peste! The ever verbose workers! The animal is patently a vagrant, a stray beast driven from the mountains by the lash of its hunger. And I, Etienne Delacroix, have pronounced that it must die!"

The father passed a heavy hand across his forehead, for he was weary from his unaccustomed labor over the accounts. His hands trembled slightly, the result of an old nervous disorder. The fingers were thick, and blunt from the hardy toil of earlier years; the blue veins were still corded from the strength which he had once possessed.

"It is well," said Pierre in his own level tones. "Since the wolf came upon and destroyed poor little Marguerite D'Estourie, tearing her throat to shreds, and the gendarmes who almost cornered it were unable to slap it because they could not shoot straight, and it persists in——"

"It slashed the shoulder of old Gavroche who is so feeble he cannot walk without two canes!" interrupted François, excitedly.

"——ravaging our ewes," concluded the single-minded Pierre, who was not to be side-tracked once he had chosen his way, whether in speech or action. "The damage to our flocks has been great, papa. It is just that we should take action, since the police have failed. I have thought this wolf strange, too, although I place no faith in demons. If it but seeks food, why must it slay so wantonly and feed so little? It is indeed like a great, gray demon in appearance. Twice have I viewed it, leaping across the meadows in the moonlight, its long, gray legs hurling it an unbelievable distance at every bound. And Marie Polydore, of the kitchens, found its tracks only yesterday at the very gates of the château!"

"I have been told," revealed Jacques, flinging his hands about in adolescent earnestness, "that the wolf is the beast-soul of one who has been stricken by the moon-demons. By day he is as other men, but by night, though he has the qualities of a saint he cannot help himself. Perhaps he is one with whom we walk and talk, little guessing his dreadful affliction."

"Silence!" roared Monsieur Delacroix. One of his clenched fists struck the desk a powerful blow and the sons were immediately quieted. "Must I listen to the ranting and raving and driveling of fools and imbeciles? Am I not still the master of the Château Doré? I will tend to the accursed matter as I have always, will I not? I have always seen to the welfare of the dwellers in the shadow of the Château Doré! And with the help of the good God I shall continue to do so, until the last drop of my blood has dried away from my bones. You comprehend?"

In a quieter tone, after the enforced silence, he continued: "I have given orders to both the foreman and Monsieur the mayor that this night, the night of the full moon by which we may detect the marauder, all the people of the vineyards and of the town beyond must remain behind locked windows and barred doors. If they have obeyed my orders—and may the


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Page:Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties between States and International Organizations or Between International Organizations (1986).djvu/15

Every treaty in force is binding upon the parties to it and must be performed by them in good

1. A State party to a treaty may not invoke the provisions of its internal law as justification for its failure to perform the treaty.

2. An international organization party to a treaty may not invoke the rules of the organization as justification for its failure to perform the treaty.

3. The rules contained in the preceding paragraphs are without prejudice to article 46.

Unless a different intention appears from the treaty or is otherwise established, its provisions do not bind a party in relation to any act or fact which took place or any situation which ceased to exist before the date of the entry into force of the treaty with respect to that party.

Unless a different intention appears from the treaty or is otherwise established, a treaty between one or more States and one or more international organizations is binding upon each State party in respect of its entire territory.

1. The rights and obligations of States and international organizations parties to successive treaties relating to the same subject matter shall be determined in accordance with the following paragraphs.


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 (b) any subsequent practice in the application of the treaty which establishes the agreement of the parties regarding its interpretation;

(c) any relevant rules of international law applicable in the relations between the parties.

4. A special meaning shall be given to a term if it is established that the parties so intended.

Recourse may be had to supplementary means of interpretation, including the preparatory work of the treaty and the circumstances of its conclusion, in order to confirm the meaning resulting from the application of article 31, or to determine the meaning when the interpretation according to article 31:

(a) leaves the meaning ambiguous or obscure; or

(b) leads to a result which is manifestly absurd or unreasonable.

1. When a treaty has been authenticated in two or more languages, the text is equally authoritative in each language, unless the treaty provides or the parties agree that, in case of divergence, a particular text shall prevail.

2. A version of the treaty in a language other than one of those in which the text was authenticated shall be considered an authentic text only if the treaty so provides or the parties so agree.

3. The terms of a treaty are presumed to have the same meaning in each authentic text.

4.Except where a particular text prevails in accordance with paragraph 1, when a comparison of the authentic texts discloses a difference of meaning which the application of articles 31 and 32 does not remove, the meaning which best reconciles the texts, having regard to the object and purpose of the treaty, shall be adopted.

A treaty does not create either obligations or rights for a third State or a third organization without the consent of that State or that organization.


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Nothing in articles 34 to 37 precludes a rule set forth in a treaty from becoming binding upon a third State or a third organization as a customary rule of international law, recognized as such.

1. A treaty may be amended by agreement between the parties. The rules laid down in Part II apply to such an agreement except insofar as the treaty may otherwise provide.

2. The consent of an international organization to an agreement provided for in paragraph 1 shall be governed by the rules of that organization.

1.Unless the treaty otherwise provides, the amendment of multilateral treaties shall be governed by the following paragraphs.

2. Any proposal to amend a multilateral treaty as between all the parties must be notified to all the contracting States and all the contracting organizations, each one of which shall have the right to take part in:

(a) the decision as to the action to be taken in regard to such proposal;

(b) the negotiation and conclusion of any agreement for the amendment of the treaty.

3.Every State or international organization entitled to become a party to the treaty shall also be entitled to become a party to the treaty as amended.

4. The amending agreement does not bind any State or international organization already a party to the treaty which does not become a party to the amending agreement; article 30, paragraph 4 (b), applies in relation to such State or organization.

5. Any State or international organization which becomes a party to the treaty after the entry into force of the amending agreement shall, failing an expression of a different intention by that State or that organization:

(a) be considered as a party to the treaty as amended; and