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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. company so soon? Why not wait while we have our cigars?"

The effect was electrical. The ladies (including Carrie) were in no way inclined to be deprived of Mr. Huttle's fascinating society, and immediately resumed their seats, amid much laughter and a little chaff. Mr. Huttle said: "Well, that's a real good sign; you shall not be insulted by being called orthodox any longer." Mrs. Purdick, who seemed to be a bright and rather sharp woman, said: "Mr. Huttle, we will meet you half-way—that is, till you get half-way through your cigar. That, at all events, will be the happy medium."

I shall never forget the effect the words, "happy medium," had upon him. He was brilliant and most daring in his interpretation of the words. He positively alarmed me. He said something like the following: "Happy medium, indeed. Do you know 'happy medium' are two words which mean 'miserable mediocrity'? I say, go first class or third; marry a duchess or her kitchenmaid. The happy medium means respectability, and respectability means insipidness. Does it not, Mr. Pooter?"

I was so taken aback by being personally appealed to, that I could only bow apologetically, and say I feared I was not competent 209

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. to offer an opinion. Carrie was about to say something; but she was interrupted, for which I was rather pleased, for she is not clever at argument, and one has to be extra clever to discuss a subject with a man like Mr. Huttle.

He continued, with an amazing eloquence that made his unwelcome opinions positively convincing: "The happy medium is nothing more or less than a vulgar half-measure. A man who loves champagne and, finding a pint too little, fears to face a whole bottle and has recourse to an imperial pint, will never build a Brooklyn Bridge or an Eiffel Tower. No, he is half-hearted, he is a half-measure—respectable—in fact, a happy medium, and will spend the rest of his days in a suburban villa with a stucco-column portico, resembling a four-post bedstead."

We all laughed.

"That sort of thing," continued Mr. Huttle, "belongs to a soft man, with a soft beard with a soft head, with a made tie that hooks on."

This seemed rather personal and twice I caught myself looking in the glass of the cheffonière; for I had on a tie that hooked on—and why not? If these remarks were not personal they were rather careless, and so were some of his subsequent observations, which must have made both Mr. Franching and his 210

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. guests rather uncomfortable. I don't think Mr. Huttle meant to be personal, for he added; "We don't know that class here in this country: but we do in America, and I've no use for them."

Franching several times suggested that the wine should be passed round the table, which Mr. Huttle did not heed; but continued as if he were giving a lecture:

"What we want in America is your homes. We live on wheels. Your simple, quiet life and home, Mr. Franching, are charming. No display, no pretension! You make no difference in your dinner, I dare say, when you sit down by yourself and when you invite us. You have your own personal attendant—no hired waiter to breathe on the back of your head."

I saw Franching palpably wince at this.

Mr. Huttle continued: "Just a small dinner with a few good things, such as you have this evening. You don't insult your guests by sending to the grocer for champagne at six shillings a bottle."

I could not help thinking of "Jackson Frères" at three-and-six!

"In fact," said Mr. Huttle, "a man is little less than a murderer who does. That is the province of the milksop, who wastes his evening at home playing dominoes with his wife. I've 211

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. heard of these people. We don't want them at this table. Our party is well selected. We've no use for deaf old women, who cannot follow intellectual conversation."

All our eyes were turned to Mrs. Field, who fortunately, being deaf, did not hear his remarks; but continued smiling approval.

"We have no representative at Mr. Franching's table," said Mr. Huttle, "of the unenlightened frivolous matron, who goes to a second class dance at Bayswater and fancies she is in Society. Society does not know her; it has no use for her."

Mr. Huttle paused for a moment and the opportunity was afforded for the ladies to rise. I asked Mr. Franching quietly to excuse me, as I did not wish to miss the last train, which we very nearly did, by-the-by, through Carrie having mislaid the little cloth cricket-cap which she wears when we go out.

It was very late when Carrie and I got home; but on entering the sitting-room I said: "Carrie, what do you think of Mr. Hardfur Huttle?" She simply answered: "How like Lupin!" The same idea occurred to me in the train. The comparison kept me awake half the night. Mr. Huttle was, of course, an older and more influential man; but he was like Lupin, and it made me think how dangerous Lupin 212

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. would be if he were older and more influential. I feel proud to think Lupin does resemble Mr. Huttle in some ways. Lupin, like Mr. Huttle, has original and sometimes wonderful ideas; but it is those ideas that are so dangerous. They make men extremely rich or extremely poor. They make or break men. I always feel people are happier who live a simple unsophisticated life. I believe I am happy because I am not ambitious. Somehow I feel that Lupin, since he has been with Mr. Perkupp, has become content to settle down and follow the footsteps of his father. This is a comfort. 213

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text: The Diary of a Nobody/Chapter 20

title: The Diary of a Nobody/Chapter 20


text: Category:User hi-3

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User:Deepon

Deepon Saha is pursuing M.tech in VLSI from Jadavpur University. He became an active wikipedian in early 2011 and started contributing in English Wikipedia. He loves to watch movies & is an active blogger.

 * Along with his studies, he is a research team member for SMDP-II project, Jadavpur University.
 * He also takes classes in VLSI short-term course for undergraduates in IC CENTRE at Jadavpur University.

Education

 * Deepon completed his schooling from Patha Bhavan, Kolkata.
 * He completed B.Tech in Electronics & Communication Engineering from Meghnad Saha Institute of Technology.
 * He is currently pursuing M.tech in VLSI from Jadavpur University.

Activities

 * Apart from Engineering, Photography is his passion & he doesn't travel without his camera.
 * Most of his photographs are part of the Myshutterspace photography community.
 * Deepon designs websites in his leisure time, he designed the website for IEEE Student Branch at Jadavpur University.
 * He is the webmaster for the IEEE Student Branch and Nano Device Simulation Lab at jadavpur University.

title: User:Deepon


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was, as Betty and Bob often declared, the very best uncle that ever lived! One good thing about him they thought was that he never "fussed."

"He isn't always wondering what you are going to do next and telling you not to," explained Bob to Ida Bellethorne as the party started out from Mountain Camp. "Not like a woman, oh, no!"

"Hush, bad boy!" cried Bobby. "What do you mean, throwing slurs at women?"

"You know even if Mrs. Canary had seen us start off she would have given us a dozen orders before we got out of earshot. And she's a mighty nice woman, too. Almost as nice as your mother, Bobby," finished Bob.

"Bob doesn't like chaperons," giggled Betty.

"Nor me," said Tommy Tucker, sticking close to Bobby Littell as he always did when Roberta would let him. "Uncle Dick suits me as a chaperon every time."

Uncle Dick had let the party troop away on their snowshoes without advising them when to


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146 return or asking where they were going, and presently Betty and Bob formed a sudden plan about their hike.

From one of the men working about the camp Bob had got directions regarding the nearest way to Candace Farm. Ida longed to go there. It was but seven miles away in a direct line, and now, when Betty spoke of going there, Bob said that, with the aid of his compass, he knew he could find it without difficulty.

"We didn't mention it to Uncle Dick, but he won't be bothered about it," said Bob. "We've got all day. We can tell him where we have been when we get back, which will be just the same."

"Will it, Bob?" the girl asked doubtfully. "But of course there is nothing really wrong in going."

"I—should—say—not!" exploded Bob. "I'm sure it will be all right with Uncle Dick, Betty. Remember how he let us roam and explore in Oklahoma?"

The others in the party were not troubled by doubts in the least. They went hurrying through the snow with shouts and laughter; and if any forest animals were astir that day they must have been frightened by the noise the party made scrambling along on snowshoes. Not one of them but fell at times—and the very "twistiest" kind of falls! But nobody was hurt; although at one point Bobby fell flat on her back at the verge


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Rh of a steep descent and there was no stopping her until she plunged into a deep drift at the bottom.

Tommy kicked off his snowshoes and ran down to haul her out while the others, seeing that she was unhurt, shouted their glee. Bobby was not often in a fix that she could not get out of by her own exertions. Being such an energetic and independent girl, she would not often accept help of her boy friends, especially of Tommy who hovered around her like a moth around a candle.

But when she had lost her snowshoes she found the soft snow so much deeper than she expected at the bottom of that hill that she was glad indeed to accept Tommy's aid. He dragged her out of the drift and set her upright. Even then she found that she could not climb up again by herself to where her friends were enjoying her discomfiture.

"Come on!" cried Tommy, who had kicked his own snowshoes off at the top of the slide. "Give us your hand, Bobby. We'll make it somehow."

But they did not "make it" easily. It seemed as though they could climb only so high and then slide back again. Under the shallow top snow the frozen crust was like pebbled glass. Tommy could barely kick the toes of his boots into it to make steps, and just as he had secured a footing in a particularly slippery place, Bobby would utter a shriek and slide to the bottom again.


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148 Even Betty was almost ill with laughter as this occurred over and over again. But the Tucker twin finally proved himself to be master of the situation. He was determined to get Bobby to the top of the hill, and he succeeded.

Tom Tucker was a strong lad. Stooping, he commanded the girl to put her arms over his shoulders so that he could seize both wrists with one hand. Then he bent forward, carrying Bobby on his back and her weight upon his aided in breaking through the snow-crust and getting a footing.

He plodded up the slope, a little at a time, and after a while Betty and Bob helped them to the level brink of the hill. Tommy fell to the snow panting, and Bobby was inclined to scold for a minute. Then she gave Tommy one of her rare smiles and helped him up. She was not often so kind to him.

"You are a good child, Tommy Tucker," she proclaimed saucily, as she beat the loose snow off his coat. "In time you may be quite nice."

Betty and Ida Bellethorne praised him too; but Bob continued to laugh and when the party started on again the others learned why he was so amused.

The way to Candace Farm lay right down that slope to the bottom of which Bobby had tumbled, and all the exertion Tommy had put forth to save her was unnecessary. Bob led them along a lane


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Rh right past the spot where Tommy had pulled the girl out of the snowbank!

"That's the meanest trick that was ever played on me!" declared Bobby, in high wrath at first. Then she began to appreciate the joke and laughed with the others. "I was going to tell the folks at home how Tommy saved me from the peril of being buried in the snowbank; but I guess I'd better not," she observed. "Don't blame me, Tommy. Give it to Bob."

"I'll get square with Bob," grumbled the Tucker twin. "No fear of that."

Bobby remained kind to him however; and as Tommy frankly admired her he was repaid for his effort. But every time Bob looked at Tom he burst out laughing.

They had struck into a straight trough in the snow, with maples on either side standing gaunt and strong, and a windrow of drifted snow where the fences were supposed to be—a road which Bob said the man at Mountain Camp had told him led straight to Candace Farm.

"Wish we had brought a sled with us," Tommy said. "We could have ridden the girls on it. Aren't you tired, Bobby?"

"Not as tired as you are, I warrant," she said, laughing at him. "Poor Tommy!"

"Aw, you go fish! I could carry you a mile and not feel it. Gee! What's this coming?"


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150 Far down the snow-covered road they first heard shouts, then a cloud of snow-dust spurted into the air and hid whatever it was coming along the way toward them. Bob immediately drew Betty and Ida to one side of the road and Tommy urged Bobby to follow.

Suddenly out of the cloud of flying snow appeared a horse's head and plunging fore feet. Then another and another! They came along the road at a plunging, blundering pace, snorting and neighing. Behind them were men, evidently trying to stop the runaways.

"Colts!" shouted Bob. "Yearlings. All young horses. And just about wild. Remember that bunch we saw in Oklahoma, Betty, that was being driven to the shipping station? They are wild as bears."

Ida Bellethorne did not seem to be much disturbed by the possibility of the horses doing them any harm. She stood out before her companions and stared at the coming herd eagerly. The black mare she loved so, however, was not in this bunch of runaways.

The young stock swept past the watching party from Mountain Camp, their pace rapid in spite of the hard going. They kept to the snow-covered road, however. Behind them came half a dozen men, wind-spent already and not a little angry.

"Why didn't you stop 'em?" bawled one


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Rh fellow. "If they spread out in some open pasture we'll be all day gathering them."

"Easy to stop 'em, I guess," returned Tommy. "They'd have trampled us down."

"Could stop a snowslide easier, I guess," Bob suggested. "But I tell you: We'll give you a hand collecting them. How did they get away?"

"Went over the paddock fence like a flock of sheep. Snow is so deep, you know," said the red-faced man. "Come on, you boys, if you will. The girls can go on to the house and Mrs. Candace will let 'em warm up. It's only a little way."

The "little way" proved to be a good two miles; but the three girls did not falter. They saw the big farmhouse and the great barns and snowfilled paddocks a long way ahead.

"I'll be glad of that 'warm'," confessed Betty, as they turned in at the entrance to the lane. "And maybe Mrs. Candace will give us a cup of tea."

At that moment Bobby clutched her arm and pointed up the lane. "See there! He'll fall! Oh, look!"

Betty was as startled as her chum when she spied what Bobby had first seen. A little, crooked man was crawling out above the hay door of the main barn upon a timber that was here thrust out from the framework and to which was attached a block and fall. The rope had evidently fouled in the block and he was trying to detach it.


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152 "That's Hunchie Slattery!" gasped Betty. "What a chance he is taking!"

For everything was sheathed in ice from the effect of the rain and frost of the night before. That timber was as slippery as glass.

Ida Bellethorne set off on a run for the barn; but unlike Bobby she did not say a word. Had she thought of any way to help the crooked little man, however, she was too late. Hunchie suddenly slipped, clutched vainly at the rope, which gave under his weight, and he came down "on the run."

The rope undoubtedly broke his fall. He would have been killed had he plunged immediately to the frozen ground beneath.

As it was, when the three girls reached him, he was unconscious and it was plain by the attitude in which he lay that his leg was broken.


text: Betty Gordon at Mountain Camp/Chapter 18


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"!" murmured Ida Bellethorne. "I hope it wasn't because he was surprised to see me that he fell."

"His surprise did not make that timber slippery with ice," said Betty, looking up. "Oh! Here's a lady!"

A comfortable looking woman with a shawl over her head was hurrying from the kitchen door of the Candace farmhouse.

"What has happened to that poor man? He's been battered and kicked about so much, it would seem, there ain't much can happen to him that he hasn't already suffered.

"Ah! Poor fellow!" she added, stooping over the senseless Hunchie. "What a deal of trouble some folks seem bound to have. And not another man on the place!"

She stood up again and stared at the three girls. Her broad, florid face was all creased with trouble now, but Betty thought she must ordinarily be a very cheerful woman indeed.


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154 "They've gone chasing the young stock that broke away. Dear me! what is going to happen to this poor fellow? Bill and the rest may be gone for hours, and there's bones broke here, that's sure."

"Where's a doctor?" asked Bobby eagerly.

"Eleven miles away, my dear, if he's an inch. Dr. Pevy is the only man for a broken bone in these woods. Poor Hunchie!"

"Can't we get him into his bed?" asked Betty. "He'll freeze here."

"You're right," replied the woman, who afterward told them she was Mrs. Candace. "Yes, we'll take him into the house and put him into a good bed. Can you girls lift him?"

They could and did. And without too much effort the three transported the injured man, who was but a light weight, across the yard, into the house, and to a room which Mrs. Candace showed them. He began to groan and mutter before they managed to get him on the bed.

There was an old woman who helped Mrs. Candace in the house, and the two removed Hunchie's outer garments and made him as comfortable as possible while the girls waited in much excitement in the sitting room.

"He saw one of you girls and knows you," said Mrs. Candace, coming out of the bedroom. "But he talks about that mare, Ida Bellethorne."


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 "This is Ida Bellethorne," said Betty, pointing to the English girl.

"I declare! I thought Hunchie was out of his head. How comes you are named after that horse, girl?"

Ida explained her connection with the black mare and with Hunchie.

"You'd better go in and talk to him. Maybe it will ease his pain. But that shin bone is sticking right through the flesh of his leg. It's awful! And he's in terrible pain. If Bill don't come back soon"

"Isn't there any man on the place?" asked Betty, interrupting.

"None but them with Bill hunting the young stock."

"And the boys—our friends—have gone with them," explained Betty. "Somebody must get the surgeon."

"How are we going to do it? The telephone wires are down," explained Mrs. Candace. "And there ain't a horse properly shod for traveling on this ice. I fear some of that young stock will break their legs."

"We saw them skating all over the road," said Bobby. "But how gay and excited they were!"

"A ridin' horse would have to go at a foot pace," explained Mrs. Candace, "unless it was sharpened. I don't know"


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156 Ida had gone into the bedroom to speak with the injured man. She looked out at this juncture and excitedly beckoned to Betty. Betty ran in to find the crooked little man looking even more crooked and pitiful than ever under the blankets. He was groaning and the perspiration stood on his forehead. That he was in exceeding pain there could be no doubt.

"He says Ida Bellethorne is sharpened," gasped Ida.

"Oh! You mean she is fixed to travel on ice or frozen ground?"

"I 'ad to lead 'er up 'ere from the station, Miss. 'Ain't I saw you before, Miss?" said Hunchie, staring at Betty. "At Mr. Bolter's?"

"Yes, yes!" cried Betty. "Can the mare travel on this hard snow?"

"Yes, ma'am. I didn't draw the calks for I exercised 'er each d'y, I did. I didn't want 'er to fall. An' now I falled myself!"

The two girls looked at each other significantly. Ida was easily led out of the room. Betty put the question to her.

"That's just it, Betty," said the English girl, almost in tears. "I never learned to ride. I never did ride. My nurse was afraid to let me learn when I was little, and although I love horses, I only know how to drive them. It's like a sailor never having learned to swim."


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Rh Betty beat her hands together in excitement. "Never mind! Never mind!" she cried. "I can ride. I can ride any horse. I am not afraid of your Ida Bellethorne. And none of the boys or men is here. I'll go for the doctor."

"I don't know if it is best for you to," groaned Ida.

"Call Mrs. Candace." They were in the kitchen, and Ida ran to summon the farm woman while Betty got into her coat. Mrs. Candace came, hurrying.

"What is this I hear?" she demanded. "I couldn't let you ride that horse. You will be thrown or something."

"No I shan't, Mrs. Candace. I can ride. And Hunchie says the mare is sharpened."

"So she is. I had forgotten," the woman admitted thoughtfully.

"And the poor fellow suffers so. Some lasting harm may be done if we don't get a surgeon quickly. Where does Dr. Pevy live?" demanded Betty urgently.

The fact that the injured hostler was really in great pain and possibly in some danger, caused Mrs. Candace finally to agree to the girl's demand. Betty ran out with Ida to get the mare and saddle her. Betty was not dressed properly for such a venture as this; but she wore warm undergarments and stout shoes.


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158 The black mare was so gentle with all her spirit and fire that Betty did not feel any fear. She and Ida led the beautiful creature out upon the barn floor and found saddle and bridle for her. In ten minutes Betty was astride the mare and Ida led her out of the stable.

Mrs. Candace had already given Betty clear directions regarding the way to Dr. Pevy's; but she now stood on the door-stone and called repetitions of these directions after her.

Bobby waved her fur piece and shouted encouragement too. But Ida Bellethorne ran into the house to attend the injured Hunchie and did not watch Betty and the black mare out of sight as the others did.


text: Betty Gordon at Mountain Camp/Chapter 19


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Page:The Mediaeval Mind Vol 1.djvu/128

106 Isidore composed a polemic treatise on the Catholic Faith against the Jews—De fide Catholica contra Judaeos. The good bishop had nothing to add to the patristic discussion of this weighty controversy. His book is filled with quotations from Scripture. It put the matter together in a way suited to his epoch and the coming centuries, and at an early time was translated into the German and other vernacular tongues. Three books of Sententiae follow, upon the contents of Christian doctrine—as to God, the world, evil, the angels, man, Christ and the Church. They consist of excerpts from the writings of Gregory the Great and earlier Church Fathers. A more original work is the De ecclesiastics officiis, upon the services of the Church and the orders of clergy and laity. It presents the liturgical practices and ecclesiastical regulations of Isidore's epoch.

Isidore seems to have put most pious feeling into a work called by him Synonyma, to which name was added the supplementary designation: De lamentatione animae. First the Soul pours out its lament in excruciating iteration, repeating the same commonplace of Christian piety in synonymous phrases. When its lengthy plaint is ended, Reason replies with admonitions synonymously reiterated in the same fashion. This work combined a grammatical with a pious purpose, and became very popular through its doubly edifying nature, and because it strung together so many easy commonplaces of Christian piety. Isidore also drew up a Regula for monks, and a book on the Order of Creation has been ascribed to him. This completes the sum of his extant works upon religious topics, from which we pass to those of a secular character.

The first of these is the De rerum natura, written to

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CHAP. V enlighten his king, Sisebut, "on the scheme (ratio) of the days and months, the bounds of the year and the change of seasons, the nature of the elements, the courses of the sun and moon and stars, and the signs of tempests and winds, the position of the earth, and the ebb and flow of the sea." Of all of which, continues Isidore, "we have made brief note, from the writings of the ancients (veteribus viris), and especially those who were of the Catholic Faith. For it is not a vain knowledge (superstitiosa scientia) to know the nature of these things, if we consider them according to sound and sober teaching." So Isidore compiles a book of secular physical knowledge, the substance of which is taken from the Hexaemeron of Ambrose and the works of other Fathers, and also from the lost Prata of pagan Suetonius.

Of course Isidore busied himself also with history. He made a dismal universal Chronicon, and perhaps a History of the Kings of the Goths, through which stirs a breath of national pride; and after the model of Jerome, he wrote a De virus illustribus, concerned with some fifty worthies of the Church flourishing between Jerome's time and his own.

Here we end the somewhat dry enumeration of the various works of Isidore outside of his famous "twenty books of Etymologies." This work has been aptly styled a Konversationslexikon, to use the excellent German word. It was named Etymologiae, because the author always gives the etymology of everything which he describes or defines. Indeed the tenth book contains only the etymological definitions of words alphabetically arranged. These etymologies follow the haphazard similarities of the words, and often are nonsensical. Sometimes they show a fantastic caprice indicating a mind steeped in allegorical interpretations, as, for example, when "Amicus is said to be, by derivation, animi custos; also from hamus, that is, chain of love, whence we say hami or hooks because they hold." This is not ignorance so much as fancy.

The Etymologiae were meant to cover the current

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108 of the time, doctrinal as well as secular. But the latter predominates, as it would in a Konversationslexikon. The general arrangement of the treatise is not alphabetical, but topical. To indicate the sources of its contents would be difficult as well as tedious. Isidore drew on many previous authors and compilers: to Cassiodorus and Boëthius he went for Rhetoric and Dialectic, and made frequent trips to the Prata of Suetonius for natural knowledge—or ignorance. In matters of doctrine he draws on the Church Fathers; and for his epitome of jurisprudence in the fifth book, upon the Fathers from Tertullian on, and (probably) upon some elementary book of legal Institutes. See Kübler, "Isidorus-Studien," Hermes xxv. (1890), 497, 518, and literature there cited.

An analysis of the Etymologies would be out of the question. But the captions of the twenty books into which it is divided will indicate the range of Isidore's intellectual interests and those of his time:

I. De grammatica. II. De rhetorica et dialectica. III. De quatuor disciplinis mathematicis. (Thus the first three books contain the Trivium and Quadrivium.) IV. De medicina. (A brief hand-book of medical terms.) V. De legibus et temporibus. (The latter part describes the days, nights, weeks, months, years, solstices and equinoxes. It is hard to guess why this was put in the same book with Law.) VI. De libris et officiis ecclesiasticis. (An account of the books of the Bible and the services of the Church.) VII. De Deo, angelis et fidelium ordinibus. VIII. De ecclesia et sectis diversis. IX. De linguis, gentibus, regnis, etc. (Concerning the various peoples of the earth and their languages, and other matters.) X. Vocum certarum alphabetum. (An etymological vocabulary of many Latin words.) XI. De homine et portentis. (The names and definitions of the various parts of the human body, the ages of life, and prodigies and monsters.) XII. De animalibus. XIII. De mundo et partibus. (The universe and its parts—atoms, elements, sky, thunder, winds, waters, etc.) XIV. De terra et partibus. (Geographical.) XV. De aedificiis et agris. (Cities, their public constructions, houses, temples, and the fields.) XVI. De lapidibus et metallis. (Stones, metals, and their qualities curious and otherwise.) XVII. De rebus rusticis. (Trees, herbs, etc.) XVIII. De bello et ludis. (On war, weapons, armour; on public games and the theatre.) XIX. De navibus, aedificiis et vestibus. (Ships, their parts and equipment, buildings and their decoration; garments and their ornament.) XX. De penu et instrumentis domesticis et rusticis. (On wines and provisions, and their stores and receptacles.) Glancing

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CHAP. V at the handling of topics in the Etymologies one feels it to have been a huge collection of terms and definitions. The actual information conveyed is very slight. Isidore is under the spell of words. Were they fetishes to him? did they carry moral potency? At all events the working of his mind reflects the age-long dominance of grammar and rhetoric in Roman education, which treated other topics almost as illustrations of these chief branches.

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170 weapon of war; his words he uttered: “Lo, great was thy faith, Burgundians’-friend, that Hagen’s hand would hold me to warfare, unfit me for fighting! Now fetch, if thou darest, from so battle-worn man this breastplate gray! Here it stands on my shoulders, splendid with gold, Ælfhere’s heirloom, amply studded, no evil armor for atheling’s wear if only with hands he can heart and life guard from his foes. It fails me never when cruel unkindred crowd upon me, beset me with swords, as ye sought me here! Yet One Only availeth the victory to give, ready to aid whatever is right! Whoso hopes for help from the Holy One, Grace of God, will get it surely, if his ways have earlier earned him that. Then haughty heroes may have their reward, and wield their wealth. . ..


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 CHAPTER XXI.

13.—A terrible misfortune has happened: Lupin is discharged from Mr. Perkupp's office; and I scarcely know how I am writing my diary. I was away from office last Sat., the first time I have been absent through illness for twenty years. I believe I was poisoned by some lobster. Mr. Perkupp was also absent, as Fate would have it; and our most valued customer, Mr. Crowbillon, went to the office in a rage, and withdrew his custom. My boy Lupin not only had the assurance to receive him, but recommended him the firm of Gylterson, Sons and Co. Limited. In my own humble judgment, and though I have to say it against my own son, this seems an act of treachery.

This morning I receive a letter from Perkupp, informing me that Lupin's services are no longer required, and an interview with me is desired at eleven o'clock. I went down to the office 214

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. with an aching heart, dreading an interview with Mr. Perkupp, with whom I have never had a word. I saw nothing of Lupin in the morning. He had not got up when it was time for me to leave, and Carrie said I should do no good by disturbing him. My mind wandered so at the office that I could not do my work properly.

As I expected, I was sent for by Mr. Perkupp, and the following conversation ensued as nearly as I can remember it.

Mr. Perkupp said: "Good-morning, Mr. Pooter! This is a very serious business. I am not referring so much to the dismissal of your son, for I knew we should have to part sooner or later. I am the head of this old, influential, and much-respected firm; and when I consider the time has come to revolutionise the business, I will do it myself."

I could see my good master was somewhat affected, and I said: "I hope, sir, you do not imagine that I have in any way countenanced my son's unwarrantable interference?" Mr. Perkupp rose from his seat and took my hand, and said: "Mr. Pooter, I would as soon suspect myself as suspect you." I was so agitated that in the confusion, to show my gratitude I very nearly called him a "grand old man ."

Fortunately I checked myself in time, and 215

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. said he was a "grand old master." I was so unaccountable for my actions that I sat down, leaving him standing. Of course, I at once rose, but Mr. Perkupp bade me sit down, which I was very pleased to do. Mr. Perkupp, resuming, said: "You will understand, Mr. Pooter, that the high-standing nature of our firm will not admit of our bending to anybody. If Mr. Crowbillon chooses to put his work into other hands—I may add, less experienced hands—it is not for us to bend and beg back his custom."

"You shall not do it, sir," I said with indignation. "Exactly," replied Mr. Perkupp; "I shall not do it. But I was thinking this, Mr. Pooter. Mr. Crowbillon is our most valued client, and I will even confess—for I know this will not go beyond ourselves—that we cannot afford very well to lose him, especially in these times, which are not of the brightest. Now, I fancy you can be of service."

I replied: "Mr. Perkupp, I will work day and night to serve you!"

Mr. Perkupp said: "I know you will. Now, what I should like you to do is this. You yourself might write to Mr. Crowbillon—you must not, of course, lead him to suppose I know anything about your doing so—and explain to him that your son was only taken on as a clerk—quite an inexperienced one in fact—out of 216

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Rh “. . . a better sword save only this, which I as well have kept concealed in the stone-bright case. I know that Theodric thought to send it to Widia himself, with wealth of treasure, of gold with that glaive, and gifts enow precious:—so Widia was paid his reward that the kinsman of Nithhad from cruel straits, son of Wayland, saved his lord, who journeyed fast from the giants’ land.”

Waldere spake, warrior famous, held in his hand the help-in-battle,


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174 made ready their battle-weeds, belted the sword o’er their ring-mail, the heroes, who rode to the fray. Hildebrand spake, Herebrand’s son,— . . . he was riper in years, the older man: to ask he commenced, though few his words, who his father was of human folk. . . . . . “or of what race thou mayst be, if thou namest one only, the others I know. All kindred I ken in this kingdom, O youth!” Hathubrand spake, Hildebrand’s son:— “Trusty people have told to me, who, old and wise, knew ancient ways, my father was Hildebrand: Hathubrand I! Long ago went he eastward; from Otacher’s hate with Theotrich fled he, and thanes in plenty. In his land he left forlorn behind him bride in bower and boy ungrown, reft of inheritance: rode he yet eastward! Theotrich later, in thronging perils, of my father had need: ’twas so friendless a man!


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Rh Boundlessly angry at Otacher was he, the trustiest thane in Theotrich’s service, ever front in the folk-rank, too fain for battle, famous was he among fighting-men bold! I believe not he lives.”. . . Hildebrand spake, Herebrand’s son: — “But High-God knows, in heaven above, that thou never yet with such near-kin man, hero brave, hast held thy parley!”

He unwound from his arm the winding rings, of kaiser-gold wrought, that the king had given him, Lord of the Huns: “In love now I give it thee.” Hathubrand spake, Hildebrand’s son:— “With the spear should a man receive his gifts, point against point. . . Thou art over-crafty, thou agéd Hun,— enthrallst me with speech to o’erthrow me with spear. Old as thou’st grown, bear’st only guile! Seafaring folk have said to me, come west over Wendelsea,—War hath seized him. Dead is Hildebrand, Herebrand’s son!”


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176 Hildebrand spake, Herebrand’s son. . . “Well can I see by thy war-gear now, the ruler thou hast at home is rich, nor under this king wast thou cast into exile. . . . Wellaway, God all-wielding, fate’s woe is upon us! I was summers and winters full sixty a-wandering, and still was I chosen with chief of the troops; yet at no burg was death ever dealt me by man. Now my own sweet son with sword must hew me, fell me with falchion, or fall at my hands! — Yet ’tis easily done, if thou doughty be, from so old a man his arms to take, to seize the spoil, if such strength be thine.


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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. the respect the firm had for you, Mr. Pooter. This is, of course, a fact. I don't suggest that you should speak in too strong terms of your own son's conduct; but I may add, that had he been a son of mine, I should have condemned his interference with no measured terms. That I leave to you. I think the result will be that Mr. Crowbillon will see the force of the foolish step he has taken, and our firm will neither suffer in dignity nor in pocket."

I could not help thinking what a noble gentleman Mr. Perkupp is. His manners and his way of speaking seem to almost thrill one with respect.

I said: "Would you like to see the letter before I send it?"

Mr. Perkupp said: "Oh no! I had better not. I am supposed to know nothing about it, and I have every confidence in you. You must write the letter carefully. We are not very busy; you had better take the morning tomorrow, or the whole day if you like. I shall be here myself all day to-morrow, in fact all the week, in case Mr. Crowbillon should call."

I went home a little more cheerful, but I left word with Sarah that I could not see either Gowing or Cummings, nor in fact anybody, if they called in the evening. Lupin came into the parlour for a moment with a new hat on, 217

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Rh Most infamous were he of East-Goth folk who should keep thee from combat so keenly desired, from fight with foe! Let the fated one try whether now his trappings be taken from him, or both of these breast-plates he boast as his own.”

Charging with ash-spears, clashed they first, with sharpest shafts the shields that clove. Then strode to the struggle those sturdy-warriors, hewed in hate on the white-faced shields, until both of the lindens little grew, all worn with weapons. . ..


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184 surely not a translation of the same sort as the Lament; it can hardly pass as a translation at all. Its refrain line is originative, is the core and suggestion of the poem. Indeed, this refrain looks as if it might serve, and had served, in other cases. Any number of exempla could be fitted to it and it could be shifted to another singer’s account. Many another poem, by such a refrain line, could draw lessons from a legendary past, of which the Englishman was once as fond as he was of maxim and moral. Moreover, the autobiographical part of Deor is too old in its allusions for a translation out of the Norse; and it is particularly this singer’s voice from the Germanic past which interests the student of songcraft in days before the epic. For this purpose, and in this sense, Deor surely seems to be an original English poem and a document, precious beyond words, of Germanic minstrelsy. Its value is not destroyed by the juxtaposition of Signy’s Lament.

Deor consoles himself by recounting the sufferings and trials of sundry characters in Germanic tradition. He begins with Wayland, smith divine, a favorite in epic and other old verse. Beowulf’s breastplate is “Wayland’s work”; in the Waldere, Mimming is best of swords and also “work of Wayland.” Gest and romance continue to speak of him into the fifteenth century; and King Alfred had called him greatest of goldsmiths. Localities were named after him. The famous Franks Casket, which Professor Napier assigns to Northumbria for place and the beginning of the eighth century for time, represents


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Rh “holding in a pair of tongs the head of one of Nithhad’s sons over an anvil,”—making a drinking-cup of the skull. In front of Wayland is Beaduhild, King Nithhad’s daughter, who went to the captive smith to have her ring mended. Wayland’s brother Egil is shooting birds; with wings made of their feathers, Wayland is to escape. Now this scene, which answers to the story of Wayland in a Norse saga, is also indicated by Deor’s allusions. Wayland is taken into bondage by the crafty King Nithhad, fettered (by some accounts, hamstrung), and robbed of the ring which gave him power to fly. But Beaduhild, daughter of his captor, and the sons as well, come to him; he mends the rings for the daughter and so recovers his own ring, and his old power—or, by more prosaic accounts, constructs wonderful pinions that enable him to escape. First, however, he kills the king’s sons, and puts the daughter to shame. Here are two “cases” for the bard,—first Wayland, and then Beaduhild herself. The next case is extremely difficult; but Hild, if the name shall stand, was unhappy, and so were the exiles, whether Goths or whatever else ingenuity can suggest. Theodric is Theodoric the Goth, “Dietrich of Bern”; for traditions of Germanic verse knew that he was banished to the court of Attila for the thirty winters named by Deor’s song. But the allusion here is too vague for precise inference, and the text is evidently marred. Eormanric, again, is the typical tyrant, cruel and remorseless king, of the same traditions; led astray by evil counsel, he puts his only


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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. and asked my opinion of it. I said I was not in the mood to judge of hats, and I did not think he was in a position to buy a new one. Lupin replied carelessly: "I didn't buy it; it was a present."

I have such terrible suspicions of Lupin now that I scarcely like to ask him questions, as I dread the answers so. He, however, saved me the trouble.

He said: "I met a friend, an old friend, that I did not quite think a friend at the time; but it's all right. As he wisely said, 'all is fair in love and war,' and there was no reason why we should not be friends still. He's a jolly, good, all-round sort of fellow, and a very different stamp from that inflated fool of a Perkupp."

I said: "Hush, Lupin! Do not pray add insult to injury."

Lupin said: "What do you mean by injury? I repeat, I have done no injury. Crowbillon is simply tired of a stagnant stick-in-the-mud firm, and made the change on his own account. I simply recommended the new firm as a matter of biz—good old biz!"

I said quietly: "I don't understand your slang, and at my time of life have no desire to learn it; so, Lupin, my boy, let us change the subject. I will, if it please you, try and be interested in your new hat adventure." 218

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. Lupin said: "Oh! there's nothing much about it, except I have not once seen him since his marriage, and he said he was very pleased to see me, and hoped we should be friends. I stood a drink to cement the friendship, and he stood me a new hat—one of his own."

I said rather wearily: "But you have not told me your old friend's name?"

Lupin said, with affected carelessness: "Oh! didn't I? Well, I will. It was Murray Posh."

14.—Lupin came down late, and seeing me at home all the morning, asked the reason of it. Carrie and I both agreed it was better to say nothing to him about the letter I was writing, so I evaded the question.

Lupin went out, saying he was going to lunch with Murray Posh in the City. I said I hoped Mr. Posh would provide him with a berth. Lupin went out laughing, paying: "I don't mind wearing Posh's one-priced hats, but I am not going to sell them." Poor boy, I fear he is perfectly hopeless.

It took me nearly the whole day to write to Mr. Crowbillon. Once or twice I asked Carrie for suggestions; and although it seems ungrateful, her suggestions were none of them to the point, while one or two were absolutely idiotic. Of course I did not tell her so. I got the letter 219

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, or to recount how they first bathed their hands in kangaroo blood, or what petty privations they submitted to when they were not fortunate in falling in with a bush hut. We lose sight of them till they arrive on the shores of the bay of Westerport, ten days after leaving Melbourne. Here it was considered advisable to dismiss their guide, as he was anxious to find some of his tribe, upon whose trail they had fallen. Benbo was accordingly told he could leave, and being presented with a little tobacco, took his departure, and he and his wife (whom he had named Kitty, as being more convenient and euphonious than her original designation, Montgurryburruckuck), were soon hidden by the trees.

"And now," said Slinger, "here we are dependent upon ourselves and a small pocket compass to point our way back again. I think we may venture to take a few days' shooting on the borders of the bay; there are lots of swans in a lagoon to the southward, so Benbo told me, and there is a cattle station beyond it, where we can get provisions if we run short."

"We may as well have all the fun we can, now we are out," chimed in Hugh, who had recovered his wonted spirits.

They travelled all that day, meeting with indifferent sport, as one swan and a duck were the only trophies they carried with them when they arrived in the evening at the bank of a creek, near which they determined to sleep.

"There's a snug-looking hollow tree," said Slinger, "and roomy, so we shall be comfortable enough;" and he advanced to the opening, but sprung back several paces, and raised his gun, as a man advanced from the hollow and cried, "stand!" after regarding them for a moment, he said, "What are you after here? "

"Anything which comes in the way," said Slinger.—"We are out for sport."

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186 son to death, has his wife torn to pieces, and ruins the happiness of many individuals and, at last, of his realm. From these luckless folk Deor turns to the picture of the Sorrowful Person, and for the first time theology peers over the shoulder of our cheerful bard. Then he tells of himself, his loss, his bad outlook; with a last and personal change rung on his brave refrain, and waking a fervent desire in the reader that the second clause of it “came true,” this sane and sound old singer ends his song.

Wayland learned bitterly banishment’s ways, earl right resolute; ills enduréd; had for comrades Care and Longing, winter-cold wanderings; woe oft suffered when Nithhad forged the fetters on him, bending bonds on a better man. That he surmounted: so this may I!

Beaduhild mourned her brother’s death less sore in soul than herself dismayed when her plight was plainly placed before her,— birth of a bairn. No brave resolve might she ever make, what the end should be. That she surmounted: so this may I!


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User talk:Reindra

— billinghurst  sDrewth  13:16, 25 March 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Reindra


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Rh We have heard from many of Hild’s disgrace, how heroes of Geat were homeless made till sorrow stole their sleep away. That they surmounted: so this may I!

Theodric waited for thirty winters in Merings’ burg: to many ’twas known. That he surmounted: so this may I!

We have often heard of Eormanric, his wolfish mind; wide was his rule o’er realm of Goths: a grim king he! Sat many a subject sorrow-bound, waiting but woe, and wished full sore that the time of the king might come to end. That they surmounted: so this may I!

Sitteth one sorrowful, severed from joys; all’s dark in his soul; he deems for him endless ever the anguish-time! Yet let him think that through this world


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188 the wise God all awards with difference, on many an earl great honor lays, wealth at will, but woe on others. —To say of myself the story now, I was singer erewhile to sons-of-Heoden, dear to my master, Deor my name. Long were the winters my lord was kind; I was happy with clansmen; till Heorrenda now by grace of his lays has gained the land which the haven-of-heroes erewhile gave me. That he surmounted: so this may I!

  HIS word, beyond reasonable doubt, means “far-wanderer”; the poem surely describes the life and defines the vocation of a typical roving singer of the older times. How its parts were put together, what credit goes to its historical and biographical statements, how one is to reconstruct the wanderer’s itinerary, are questions still under lively debate; they are not to be discussed now


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Rh beyond their quite incidental bearing upon the personality of the scop himself.

Widsith is introduced by the usual formula as about to speak and as a man worth hearing. He comes of good stock; is champion rover in his profession; and once went on an important mission with persons of the very highest rank. But the first outcome of his “word-hoard” is disappointing. For some forty lines he is very dull; the speech does not belong to him, one is fain to think, but is rather a poetical list of kings and peoples, like those made for children in modern times, easy to remember by means of the rime-scheme into which the names must fit. Saxo uses such a list of alliterating names in telling of those who fought at Bravalla; but he fills out the original Norse. With these English versus memoriales also is mingled other stuff. There is a moral reflection, at which the modern hearer of sermons and lectures would do well not to scoff; and there are two passages which go into legendary details,—one about Offa and one about Hrothgar and Hrothwulf. With the fiftieth line, a good sounding verse, by the way, the Far-Wanderer drops his impersonal and hearsay information, and for the rest of the poem speaks of things he has seen for himself. It is a miscellaneous account, not only in matter, but in style, spirit, and effect. Apart from the impossible Israelites and Assyrians of his itinerary, the singer betrays either the plurality of his origins or his incapacity to tell a good, cheerful, likely lie such as one expects from a forerunner of Mandeville; a travelled man, moreover, he now stammers along as the most helpless of artists, and now breaks


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Rh work that should promise him a living, though he clung to the hope of ultimately making the law his profession. As it happened, his journey ended at Buffalo, New York. Near this city dwelt an uncle, Lewis F. Allen, who was then engaged in compiling an "American Herd Book," in which task he asked his nephew to help him. After completing this work he succeeded in securing through the assistance of his uncle a place with the law firm of Rogers, Bowen and Rogers, of Buffalo. He worked for a number of months without any compensation save the opportunity to study for the legal profession. There is a story told of some especial interest and significance in illustrating his earnestness in the study of the law. It is to the effect that in his first day's reading he became so absorbed in a law book and his presence in the office was so little regarded that when the dinner hour arrived he looked up from his book to find the office empty and that he was locked in. As a boy he evidently possessed the capacity for steady work and the resolute purpose which marked his later life and so often insured success. With these were a practical wisdom and a sturdy devotion to what he considered his duty which were his chief characteristics in his remarkable career.

He was admitted to the bar in 1859, but remained with Rogers, Bowen and Rogers as their managing clerk until 1862, when advancement came, through his appointment as assistant district attorney of Erie county. He entered upon the duties of this position on the first of January, 1863. The Civil war was then in progress and the ranks of the army were being filled by conscription. His father had died ten years before, two of his brothers were in the military service, and the duty of supporting his mother and sisters fell upon him; and that they might not he left in destitution when he was drafted for military service, he borrowed the money necessary to hire a substitute, thus incurring a debt which it took him several years to pay.

In 1865 he was candidate for the office of district attorney, but was defeated. He now formed a legal partnership with Isaac V. Vanderpool, this firm being followed in 1869 by that of Lanning, Cleveland and Folsom. Diligence, intelligence and practical knowledge of the law had by this time won him a successful practice, while he had gained a prominence in the councils of his party, the Democratic, which brought him in 1870 the nomination for sheriff of Erie county. His election followed, and during his three years in this office he made a favorable impression upon all with whom he had


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The New International Encyclopædia/New Testament Chronology

NEW TESTAMENT CHRONOLOGY. The science which deals with the dates and order of events in the life of Christ and the Apostolic Age.

I.. The main data are to be found in the Gospels and checked by comparison with the contemporary events of secular history.

(1) The Date of the Nativity. — From Matthew we learn that the birth of Jesus took place “in the days of Herod the King” (ii. 1). The visit of the wise men, the flight of the Holy Family into Egypt, and the massacre of the children under two years of age all preceded Herod's death (ii. 3-18). Thus Herod's death gives us a date later than which the birth of Jesus cannot be placed. According to data in Josephus, it is beyond all doubt that Herod died not long before the Passover of B.C. 4. The star of the wise men may have been the conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn, which occurred in B.C. 7. The Nativity was, however, after the first appearance of the star. Since several events took place between the Nativity and Herod's death, the evidence in Matthew is conclusive only for a date between B.C. 7 and B.C. 4. In Luke ii. 1 the data are more definite. “In those days there went forth a decree from Cæsar Augustus that the [Roman] world should be enrolled. This was the first enrollment made when Quirinius was Governor of Syria.” The meaning seems to be that this enrollment was the first one of the kind in those regions, and that it was taken while Quirinius was Governor. This definite statement has been the subject of much discussion. The main points in dispute are: whether Augustus ordered an enrollment in Palestine before the famous one of A.D. 6 (which was, curiously enough, while Quirinius was Governor of Syria), and, if so, whether Quirinius was the Roman official intrusted with its execution. As to the first question, documents recently discovered in Egypt supplement our former imperfect knowledge of Augustus's various censuses, so that we are now reasonably sure that about B.C. 9-8 a census was ordered to be taken in Palestine as a part of the second general census of the Empire, in which Palestine was now, for the first time, included. From B.C. 23, for a number of years, a census was taken every fourteen years. It is likely that the census ordered for the year B.C. 9-8 did not actually take place in Palestine, owing to its peculiar circumstances, until B.C. 7. As to the second question, there is a possibility

that Luke has made a mistake in naming Quirinius instead of Saturninus as the Governor of Syria at the time. Thus both Luke and Matthew agree to the effect that the Nativity took place about B.C. 7 or A.U.C. 747. It would seem that further aid might be derived from Luke iii. 1-3 and 23, which verses apparently state that Jesus was thirty years of age in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Cæsar. But this is not the case. We are uncertain (1) from what date Luke reckoned the reign of Tiberius; (2) how much latitude is to be allowed to the expression “about thirty years;” and (3) how close the connection is between v. 23 and vv. 1-3. For these reasons we must be content with the result stated above, and date the Nativity about B.C. 7.

There are no data for determining the month and day of the birth of Jesus. Ancient tradition wavered between two dates, January 6th and December 25th, each of which seems to have been the result of calculation, not based on trustworthy tradition.

(2) The Date of Jesus' Baptism. — From Luke we learn that John the Baptist took up his work in the fifteenth year of Tiberius. Such, at least, seems to be the meaning of Luke iii. 1-3. “Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Cæsar. . . the word of God came unto John. . . in the wilderness.” If Luke reckoned the reign of Tiberius from the death of Augustus, the year August A.D. 28-August A.D. 29 would be the year intended. If he counted from A.D. 12, when Tiberius was associated with Augustus, as the first year, then A.D. 26-27 would be the year indicated. Accordingly, the baptism of Jesus was either in A.D. 27 or in A.D. 29. In the Gospel of John we have a datum which enables us to decide between these two dates. In John ii. 20, at the time of Jesus' first public appearance in Jerusalem, which was not long after the beginning of His public ministry, there is the statement that the Temple had been, at the time, forty-six years in the process of construction. Since the reconstruction of the Temple was begun by Herod in B.C. 20-19, the baptism of Jesus could not have been later than A.D. 27. Early in the year A.D. 27 seems, then, the most probable date for this event.

(3) The Duration of the Ministry. — The first three Gospels give us only the vaguest hints as to the length of the Lord's public ministry. They begin their narrative of His public life with His work in Galilee after the imprisonment of John the Baptist. But Mark i. 11 ("Now after that John was delivered up, Jesus came into Galilee") seems to imply that some time elapsed between the Temptation and John's imprisonment. This gap is partially filled by the Gospel of John, which also gives a well-ordered arrangement of the events of the ministry narrated by it. Its data are as follows:

ii. 13 sqq., Jesus in Jerusalem at a Passover, after His baptism and a brief sojourn in Galilee.

iii. 23 sqq., a brief sojourn, length not stated, in Judea, before John was imprisoned.

iv. 1-35, Jesus retires into Galilee. On the way, in Samaria, He says to His disciples, “Do ye not say that there are yet four months and the harvest comes?”

v. 1, Jesus goes up to Jerusalem to attend a feast (unnamed).

vi. 1-4, Jesus is again in Galilee at the time of a Passover.

vii. 2 sqq., Jesus goes to Jerusalem to a Feast of Tabernacles. After this there is no mention of a return to Galilee.

x. 22, Jesus is in Jerusalem at the Feast of Dedication; thence He retires beyond Jordan. While here He is called to Bethany by the death of Lazarus. He then goes to Ephraim in Judea.

xii. 1, six days before the (last) Passover Jesus arrives at Bethany.

Two of these data are somewhat uncertain. The reference in iv. 3.5 to the “four months, and then Cometh the harvest,” may indicate the actual season of the year when the words were spoken. In that case Jesus must have passed through Samaria in December or January after His first Passover (John ii. 13 sqq.). If the first Passover was that of A.D. 27, the events narrated in chap. iv. took place in December, A.D. 27, or in January, A.D. 28. But it is possible that the statement in iv. 35 may have been a mere proverbial expression used by Jesus to point a lesson. In that case it has no chronological significance, and the journey through Samaria may have taken place in May, A.D. 27. The unnamed feast of v. 1 (“After these things there was a feast of the Jews, and Jesus went up to Jerusalem”) introduces the greatest element of uncertainty. The main question is whether it was a Passover. If it was, then John's Gospel gives us four Passovers in Jesus' public ministry. There are two weighty reasons against taking the reference in this sense. First, John's usus loquendi would lead us to expect him to have expressly stated that it was a Passover, if such had been the case. Second, a Passover is expressly indicated in the next chapter (John vi. 1-4). If v. 1 refers to a Passover, we have not only a whole year passed over in complete silence by John, but we also have two whole years and more of active public ministry to place before the Passover of John vi. Since the narrative of John at this place meets that of the other Gospels (Mark vi. 30 and parallels), this does not seem very probable. For such reasons it seems better to take John v. 1 as referring to some minor feast between the two Passovers of ii. 13 sqq. and vi. 1-4. The evidence of the Gospel of John, then, is to the effect that there were three Passovers in the public ministry of Our Lord, those of the years A.D. 27, 28, and 29.

(4) The Date of the Crucifixion. — All the Gospels agree that the day of the week was Friday. It is a question whether this Friday was the Passover day or the day after the Passover. Since the Passover always came on the fourteenth day of the Jewish [lunar] month Nisan, the question is, Was Jesus crucified on the 14th or on the 15th of Nisan? On this point the evidence of the Gospels appears contradictory. The Synoptic Gospels positively state that Jesus ate his last supper with His disciples on the Passover evening, i.e. on the 14th of Nisan, and that He was crucified on the next or 15th day. But the Gospel of John in several passages, xiii. 1-2, xviii. 28, xix. 13 and 31, appears to place the Crucifixion on the Passover day. Of the references noted, xviii. 28, “they themselves [the Jews] entered not into

the prætorium, that they might not be defiled, but might eat the Passover,” and xix. 14, “Now it was the Preparation (παρασκευή) of the Passover,” are the most important. It is to be noted, however, that the Gospel of John uses the term τὸ πάσχα, the Passover, in an inclusive sense to indicate the whole Passover season, just as the Synoptic Gospels use the term τὰ ἅζυμα, the [Feast of] Unleavened Bread, in the same broad sense. It is also to be noted that in xix. 31 and 42 the word παρασκευή, literally ‘preparation day,’ is used in its common significance of Friday. It is therefore possible that in verse 14 we should interpret so as to read “it was the Friday of the Passover season.” So understood, there is no conflict between John and the Synoptists. If there is actual disagreement, the evidence may be represented as follows:

If the year of the Crucifixion was A.D. 29, the Passover was either in April (17th or 18th) or March (18th). The latter is the more probable date.

We therefore arrive at the following results:

These results differ from those most commonly accepted, mainly in that they make the ministry cover but two years and a little over instead of three years or more. The main specific difference is in regard to the feast of John v. 1, which is usually taken as a Passover. The most commonly accepted year for the Crucifixion is A.D. 30 instead of A.D. 29, as given above.

II. . The Apostolic Age began immediately after the Lord's Ascension. Its close may be considered as marked by the passing away of the Apostles and their companions. Our main authority for this period is the Book of Acts. Incidentally, the Epistles furnish some valuable hints. In Acts we are presented with a sketch of the progress of

(1) in the city of Jerusalem, chaps. i.-vii.; (2) among the Jewish population of Palestine and Syria, with the transition to work among the Gentiles, chaps, viii.-xii.; and (3) among the Gentiles through the missionary labors of Paul, chaps. xiii.-xxviii. Since the data in reference to Paul's career are more numerous and exact than those connected with the earlier events, we shall make the chronology of Paul's labors the basis of our investigations. We have to consider the evidence furnished by the following data:

(1) ''Acts ix. 23 sqq.'' Paul's escape from the Jews at Damascus ‘many days’ after his conversion. In II. Cor. xi. 32 Paul refers to this event, noting that it took place while Aretas was ethnarch of Damascus. In Gal. i. 18 Paul says that he did not leave Damascus for Jerusalem until three years after his conversion.

In all probability Aretas was not ethnarch of Damascus until after the death of Tiberius, March 10, A.D. 37. It is certain that he did not hold this position in A.D. 34. Therefore Paul's conversion was not before A.D. 31, probably not before A.D. 34.

(2) ''Acts xi. 27-30 and xii. 25''. Agabus, a prophet, predicted a famine. In consequence, the Christians of Antioch sent aid to Jerusalem by Barnabas and Paul, active workers in the Antioch church. This visit was probably not long before the famine was at its height. Notices in Josephus (Ant., xx. 2, 3 and 5, 2) show that there was such a famine about A.D. 47. The prophecy may well have been uttered two or three years earlier, and the visit may be placed in A.D. 46-47.

(3) ''Acts xiii. 7.'' Sergius Paulus is mentioned as proconsul of Cyprus. The name of this official has been discovered on an inscription of Cyprus, but his date has not been determined. All that is certain is that he was not proconsul of the island in the years A.D. 51 and 52.

(4) ''Acts xviii. 2 and 12''. Paul, soon after his arrival in Corinth on his second missionary journey, meets Aquila and Priscilla, Jews lately banished from Rome in consequence of a decree of the Emperor Claudius. Paul stays in Corinth upward of two years, during which time Gallio was proconsul of Achaia. We have here two data: Claudius's decree and Gallio's proconsulship. The edict of expulsion is mentioned by Suetonius and probably referred to by Tacitus and Dio Cassius, but in such a way that its date cannot be exactly fixed. Orosius (fifth century, A.D.) places it in A.D. 49. As to Gallio,

all that can be said is that he was probably not appointed to the office before the recall of his famous brother Seneca from banishment (A.D. 49). Thus A.D. 49-50 may be accepted provisionally as the most satisfactory date for these facts.

(5) ''Acts xx. 6-7.'' Paul, on his way to Jerusalem, returning from his third missionary journey, kept the Feast of Unleavened Bread at Philippi, Macedonia. Leaving Philippi, in five days he reached Troas. Here he stayed seven days, leaving on Monday. Reckoning back, it becomes probable, but not certain, that the Passover of that year was on Thursday. In that case, the year was probably either A.D. 56 or 57, the probability being in favor of 56.

(6) Acts xxiv: 27. After Paul had been detained as a prisoner for two years, Felix, the Roman Governor of Palestine, was succeeded by Festus. Felix was appointed in A.D. 52 by Claudius, having already been in charge of Samaria for some time. In Acts xxiv. 10, two years before Felix's removal, Paul addresses him as having been for ‘many years’ judge of the nation. The Apostle may have included in the ‘many years’ the time that Felix spent in Samaria, and the statement should not be pressed as necessitating as many as five or six years after A.D. 52 as the time when they were uttered. Josephus says that Felix, when recalled, had to answer serious charges before Nero, and would have been condemned, had not his wealthy brother Pallas interceded for him. Though Pallas was dismissed from office soon after Nero's accession (A.D. 54), he was for some years a wealthy and influential man. Eusebius's Chronicle places the appointment of Festus in the year September 56 - September 57. The accuracy of this statement is not beyond doubt. Paul's words in Acts xxiv. 10, as well as the general representation of Felix's administration in Josephus, seem to require a date not earlier than A.D. 58 for the recall of Felix and the appointment of Festus. This date will harmonize with the conclusion reached under No. 5 above.

(7) The Death of Paul. All that can be said here is that the most ancient tradition of the Church represents that Paul closed his career by suffering martyrdom at Rome under Nero. As to the date, it is most probable that this took place in the cruel persecution by which Nero sought to divert from himself the suspicion of having burned Rome, i.e. in A.D. 64 or 65.

(8) The Period Covered by Acts i.-xii. (in reference to the doings of the Jewish-Christian Church of Palestine). The only fixed date we have is the death of Herod Agrippa I. (Acts xii. 19 sqq.) in A.D. 44. From this we see that the period covered by these chapters is about fifteen years, since the Crucifixion took place A.D. 29. Within the period we have the probable date, A.D. 34, as that for the conversion of Paul. On the basis of the results thus reached we may construct the following table:

The table given above differs from the most commonly received chronology (Wieseler's), mainly in that it dates the chief events of Paul's life about two years earlier. Ramsay's dates are, in the main, about one year later than those given above, Harnack's two years earlier.

. Of the large body of literature bearing on New Testament Chronology, particular mention may be made of the following: Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie (Berlin, 1825); Wieseler, Chronologische Synopse der vier Evangelien (Hamburg, 1843; Eng. trans., 2d ed., London, 1878); id., Chronologie des apostolischen Zeitalters (Göttingen, 1848); id., Beiträge zur richtigen Würdigung der Evangelien (Gotha, 1869); Lewin, Fasti Sacri (London, 1865); Schürer, Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes im

Zeitalter Jesu Christi (Leipzig, 1886-90; Eng. trans., New York, 1891); Harnack, Chronologie der altchristlichen Litteratur (Leipzig, 1897); Ramsay, Saint Paul the Traveler and the Roman Citizen (New York, 1896); id., Was Christ Born in Bethlehem? (London, 1898).


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12 dealings, and added largely to his standing and popularity in the community. On his return to practice in 1874 he entered the firm Bass, Cleveland and Bissell, subsequently Cleveland and Bissell, and continued in practice until 1881, which year brought him to the great turning point in his career. It would then have seemed beyond the bounds of possibility that this plain Buffalo lawyer, whose name was scarcely known beyond the borders of Erie county, should within three years become President of the United States.

Cleveland's Democracy seemed to exclude him from office in a Republican city such as Buffalo, but there was just then a popular demand for a change in the municipal administration which had been deeply invaded by corrupt practices. He was overpersuaded by his party to accept the nomination for mayor, and was elected by the largest majority Buffalo had ever given a candidate, although the Republican state ticket was successful in the city that year. Now was the opportunity to put into effect that sturdy devotion to public duty which has been a living principle in his character. He had declared that if elected he would endeavor to conduct the business of the city as a good business manbusinessman [sic] managed his private affairs, and this he earnestly sought to do, going fearlessly to work to check corruption and prevent illegal use of the public funds. In the first few months of his term of office he saved Buffalo $1,000,000, and by his impartial attention to the best interest of the city he won for himself the honorable title of the "The Veto Mayor."

Grover Cleveland has never been blindly subservient to party machinery, but has rather been predisposed against political manipulation. His nomination for governor in 1882 was brought about by a group of young men, many of whom were lieutenants of Samuel J. Tilden, impressed with his belief that Democratic national success could be obtained only by advocacy of the policy of rigid economy in public expenditures and low taxation. Mayor Cleveland's brief record made him the most conspicuous practical exponent in the state at the time of that policy. Although his antagonist, Judge Charles J. Folger, then secretary of the treasury, was among the state's most highly respected citizens, Cleveland's plurality for governor reached the then unprecedented total of 192,854. To this result, as to his election as mayor in the past and to his later election as president, direct Republican support and dissensions among Republicans contributed. On the day of his election as governor


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Good biography is entertaining literature. The personal element in it insures for it interest and influence. Standard collections of brief biographies are indispensable as books of reference and are most stimulating reading for young people in the public library and in the home.

The opening of new fields of activity with the broadening of our national life has increased the number of men whose names are brought prominently before the American public. New collections of biography are needed at comparatively brief intervals.

"Men of Mark in America" is a series of volumes, national in its scope, and marked by certain new features which the publishers believe give to it exceptional value. In collecting the material for these biographies the publishers have secured an autobiographical element which gives vital and personal interest to the work. Expecting to make these volumes a source of inspiration and encouragement to readers who love and believe in our American ideals, and especially to the young, we have requested the subject of each biography to describe briefly his surroundings in childhood and youth; to mention any difficulties which he was obliged to overcome; to indicate the influences which awakened his ambition and strengthened his power of achievement; to tell his readers by what methods of study and work he has been enabled to reach his present position of usefulness and honor. But no man has been asked or allowed to write his own biography. We have also asked for brief suggestions to young readers regarding principles to be adopted and plans to be followed by the young if they would make their lives effective. Our editorial writers by incorporating these facts, counsels and suggestions into i


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202 Cain, B. 107, 1261.

Dæghrefn, B. 2501. Deor, D. 37.

Eadgils, B. 2392. Eadgils, Wi. 93. Eadwine (Audoin), Wi. 74, 98; 117. Ealhhild, Wi. 5, 97. Eanmund, B. 2611. Eawa (Ms. Eaha), F. 17. Ecglaf, B. 499, 590, 980, 1465, 1808. Ecgtheow, Beowulf, son of, B. 529, 631, 957, 1383, 1473, 1651, 1817, 1999, 2425. Ecgtheow, the son of, B. 1550, 2177, 2367, 2398, 2587. Ecgtheow, B. 263, 373. Eofor, B. 2486, 2993, 2997. Eomer, B. 1960. Eormenric, B. 1201; D. 21; Wi. 8, 18, 88, 111.

Finn, Fin Folcwalding, B. 1068, 1081, 1096, 1128, 1146, 1152, 1156; F. 38; Wi. 27. Fitela, B. 879, 889; see also p. 181. Folcwalda, B. 1089. Freawaru, B. 2022. Froda, B. 2025.

Garmund, B. 1962. Garulf, F. 20, 33. Grendel, B. 102, 127, 151, 195, 384, 409, 424, 474, 478, 483, 527, 591, 666, 678, 711, 819, 836, 927, 930, 1054, 1253, 1258, 1266, 1282, 1334, 1354, 1391, 1538, 1577, 1586, 1639, 1648, 1775, 1997, 2002, 2006, 2070, 2078, 2118, 2139, 2353, 2521. Guthere, F. 20. Guthhere (Gunther, Guntharius), W. A, 25; Wi. 66. Guthlaf (Dane), B. 1148. Guthlaf (“?), F. 18, 35.

Hæreth, 1929, 1981. Hagen (Hagena), W. B, 15; Wi. 21. Halga, B. 61. Hama, B. 1198; Wi. 124, 130. Hathubraud, H. 3, 15, 18, 38. Healfdene, B. 57. Healfdene (in patronjrmic designation of Hrothgar), B. 190, 268, 344, 645, 1009, 1020, 1040, 1064, 1474, 1652, 1699, 1867, 2011, 2143, 2147. Heardred, 2202, 2375, 2388. Heatholaf, B. 460. Helm, Wi. 29; cf. B. 620. Hemming, B. 1944, 1961. Hengest, B. 1083, 1091, 1096, 1127; F. 19. Heoden, D. 36; Wi. 21. Heorogar, B. 61, 467, 2158. Heoroweard, B. 2161. Heorrenda (Horant), D. 39. Herebeald, B. 2434, 2463. Herebrand, H. 7, 46, 47. Heremod, B. 901, 1709. Hereric, B. 2206. Hild (?), D. 14. Hildebrand, H. 3, 7, 15, 18, 31, 38, 46, 47. Hildeburh, B. 1071, 1114. Hildeguth (?), W. A, 1. Hnæf, B. 1069, 1114; F. 42; Wi. 29. Hoc, B. 1076. Hondscio, B. 2076. Hrethel, B. 374, 454 (7), 2191, 2430, 2442 (?), 2474. Hrethel, in patronymic for Hygelac, B. 1485, 1847, 2358, 2992. Hrethling, name for Geatish warriors, B. 2960. Hrethling, name for sons of Hrethel, B. 1923, 2925. Hrethric, 1189, 1836. Hrothgar, B. 61, 64, 152, 235, 277, 335, 339, 356, 367, 371, 396, 407, 417, 456, 613, 653, 662, 717, 826, 863, 925, 1017, 1066, 1236, 1296, 1321, 1399, 1407, 1456, 1483, 1580, 1592, 1646, 1687, 1816, 1840, 1884, 1899, 1990, 2010, 2020, 2129, 2155, 2351; Wi. 45. Hrothmmid, B. 1189. Hrothwulf, Hrothulf, B. 1017, 1181; Wi. 45. Hun (?), B. 1143. Hwala, Wi. 14. Hygd, B. 1926, 2172, 2369. Hygelac, B. 452, 1202, 1483, 1820, 1830, 1970, 1983, 2000, 2151, 2169, 2201, 2355, 2372, 2434, 2914, 2943, 2952, 2958, 2988.


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 ii the biographies, have given, we believe, exceptional value and interest to the work. In some cases where no material was furnished by the subject of the sketch, the biography is necessarily less full.

The first and the second (the "Washington") volumes contain for the most part names of men whose life-work has been national in its import and connects itself naturally with our National Capital, or who are actual residents of Washington. Succeeding volumes will contain biographies of eminent men from all parts of the United States.

The selection of names has been carefully made, and in every case has been approved by the Advisory Board whose names appear on a following page. The members of this Board were chosen by the publishers in advance. The appearance of biographies of the Advisory Board in these volumes is due not to their own vote and approval, but to the insistent wish of the publishers.

"Men of Mark in America" is for the most part made up of biographies of men who are now in active life, to whom the country is indebted for its progress in the last half century. We particularly note the work of the younger men who have become prominent in the development of the nation into a "world-power" within the last decade.

The introductory essay by that most deservedly popular literary exponent of "true Americanism," Edward Everett Hale, author of "The Man Without a Country," illustrates the hope and the purpose of the publishers in bringing out this series of volumes. For the second volume, Hamilton W. Mabie, the distinguished essayist and editor, has prepared an introductory essay upon "American Ideals in Literature."

The selection and approval of names for this list of biographies has been made with reference to the achievements and the character of the men whose biographies have been written.

December 15, 1905. Washington, D.C.


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text: Author:Edward Everett Nourse

title: Author:Edward Everett Nourse


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Rh Hygelac, in name for Beowulf, B. 194, 407, 737, 758, 914, 1530, 1574. Hygelac, in patronymic for Heardred, B. 2386. Hygelac, in name for Eofor, B. 2977. Hygelac, in name for Geatish warriors, B. 261, 342. Hygelac Hrethling, B. 1923.

Ingeld, B. 2064; Wi. 48.

Nithhad, W. B, 8; D. 5.

Offa, B. 1949, 1957; Wi. 35, 37, 38, 44. Ohthere, Ohtere, in patronymic, B. 2380, 2394, 2612. Ohthere, in names of parents, B. 2928, 2932. Onela, B. 2616, 2932. Ongentheow, B. 2486, 2924, 2951, 2961, 2985; Wi. 31. Ongentheow, in patronymic, B. 2387, 2475. Ongentheow, in name for Eofor, B. 1968. Otacher (Odoacer), H. 19, 26.

Scilling, Wi. 103. Scyld, B. 4, 27. Scyld, in patronymic for Beowulf the Dane, B. 19. Sigeferth, F. 17, 26. Sigemund, B. 875, 884. Signy, see Introduction to Deor; also B. 62, note “Sigeneow.” Swerting, B. 1202.

Theodric, Theotrich (Goth), W. B, 4; D. 18; H. 20, 24, 27. Theodric (Frank), Wi. 24. Thryth (?), B. 1931.

Unferth, B. 499, 530, 1165, 1488. Unwen (Hunuil), in name of Ostrogotha, Wi. 114.

Wada, Wi. 22. Wæls, in patronymic, B. 897. Waldere, W. B, 11. Wayland, Wēland, B. 455; W. A, 2; D. 1. Wayland, in patronymic, W. B, 9. Wealhtheow, B. 612, 664, 1162, 1215, 2173. Weohstan, B. 2614, 2620. Weohstan, in patronymic, B. 2602, 2752, 2862, 2907, 3076, 3110, 3120. Widia, Wudga, W. B, 5, 7; Wi. 124, 130. Wiglaf, B. 2602, 2631, 2745, 2852, 2862, 2906, 3076. Withergield (?), B. 2051; Wi. 124. Wonred, in patronymic, B. 2971. Wulf, B. 2965, 2993. Wulfgar, B. 348, 360, 390.

Yrmenlaf, B. 1324.

Hrunting, B. 1457, 1490, 1659, 1807. Lafing, B. 1143. Mimming, W. A, 3. Nægling, B. 2680.


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The New International Encyclopædia/Nordhoff, Charles

NORDHOFF,, Author:Charles Nordhoff (1830-1901). An American journalist, descriptive and miscellaneous writer, born in Erwitte, Westphalia. He came to America in 1835, was educated in Cincinnati, and was for nine years at sea, in the navy and merchant service; from 1853 to 1857 in various newspaper offices; was then employed editorially by the Harpers (1861), and for the next ten years on the staff of the New York Evening Post. From 1871 to 1873 Nordhoff traveled in California and visited Hawaii. He then became Washington correspondent of the New York Herald. The more noteworthy of his books are: Man-of-War Life, largely autobiographical (1855); The Merchant Vessel (1855); Whaling and Fishing (1856), both the result of personal experience, as was also Nine Years a Sailor (1857); then for ten years politics and sociology were his themes in Secession Is Rebellion (1860); The Freedmen of South Carolina (1863); America for the Working Men (1865). To sociology he contributed: Politics for Young Americans (1875), perhaps the best known and most useful of his books; The Communistic Societies of the United States (1875). Later volumes are God and the Future Life (1881) and Peninsular California (1888). Nordhoff died in California in July, 1901.


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After the first settlements of the American colonies it was natural that the fathers should look to Europe, and especially to England, for their examples and inspirations. The illustrations in physical matters are curious, sometimes amusing. When the comfortably rich gentlemen of Boston wanted to plant trees on their Common which they had reserved to feed their cows upon and for a training field, they sent for English elms to England and planted them. Since that day Michaux has pronounced the American elm to be the monarch of the vegetable world, as it is. But as Mr. Everett says, "Our fathers were Englishmen," and it never occurred to them that they could make a perfect avenue, like the nave of a cathedral, of the trees which they could bring from Muddy Brook, within two miles of their Common.

Here was the same notion which had tempted poor Winthrop to ask that men with halberds might go before him when he went to the General Court. In that case the people showed that they were already breathing American air, by refusing to vote him the halberds. It is in just the same way that for the older public buildings of the United States, marbles were imported from Europe; and it was only in the last half of the nineteenth century that we found we had for most purposes better marbles at home.

In precisely the same spirit every other novelty here had to begin with European patrons. And that is a distinct step forward and upward which is observed when we begin to do things in our own way. A good instance is the advertisement of a Connecticut pin maker who used to put up his pins with the inscription that described him as "pin maker to the universe" where his English rival called himself "pin maker to the Prince Regent."


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190 out into vivid and moving verse. His account of his visit to Eormanric is in parts admirably done. At last he is silent; the word-hoard is locked again; and in a little epilogue the pen of some sympathetic scribe epitomizes a minstrel’s life, and chants that most English of all English, refrains, the memento mori.

So much for Widsith as this oldest of the rescued early poems in English sets him forth. His supposed words are obviously put together in different places and times. Very likely the tale of his actual wanderings, continuous and dealing with definite occasions, may be the original part of the poem, as Dr. Lawrence suggests; but even this modest statement cannot be positively affirmed. No one singer ever saw or did what Widsith professes to have seen and done; and some of the statements can have no basis of fact in the experience of anybody. Widsith’s story is fiction, so one must fairly admit; but Widsith himself is true. He is rescued from the past, with a queer patchwork story which purports to be of his making, and which deals exclusively—as his brother Deor’s tale also dealt—with continental places, persons, and times. Like another singer of far later date, the German Traugemund, he comes with a “true tale” of many strange things which he has seen in his wanderings. The man who copied him into the Exeter Book must have been a lover of the past; the rescue of this old singer with his queer itinerary, his scraps of epic and wastes of history and biography outworn, might well have been precious in the eyes of an antiquarian. One suspects, moreover, that this convenient traveller had fathered many a group of verses, more or less connected in general subject, which imparted “things


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 in which it is naturally adapted to be generated, either simply, or in which first, it is adapted to be generated. Thus if stating ignorance to be privation, a person has not said that it is a privation of science, or has not added in what it is naturally adapted to be produced, or having added it, has not assigned in what first, as that it is not in the reasoning faculty, but in man or soul, for if he has not done some one of these, he commits an error. So also if he should not have said that blindness is privation of sight in the eye, for it is requisite that he who well assigns what (privation) is, should also assign of what it is the privation, and again, what that is, which is deprived.

Observe, also, whether a person has defined by privation, that which is not predicated according to privation, which fault they will appear to commit in the definition of ignorance, who do not speak of ignorance according to negation. For that which has not science does not seem to be ignorant, but rather that which is deceived, hence we neither say, that inanimate things nor children are ignorant, so that ignorance is not predicated according to the privation of science.

Chapter 10
, (examine) whether similar cases of the definition agree with similar cases of the noun, for instance, if the beneficial is what produces health, whether beneficially be productively, and that was beneficial, which was productive of health.

Besides observe, whether the definition stated accords to the idea, since in some things this does not happen, as when Plato in his definition of animals, adds "mortals," for idea will not be mortal; for instance, man-self, wherefore the definition will not suit the idea. In short, it is necessary that the definition


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Rh everybody ought to know.” Widsith says so was good verification for statements of this sort, just as Alfred or Hending or whoever else was sound authority for a proverb. There must have been many lays in which a singer spoke of his far journeys, but did not mention his own name. Folk, as Möller points out, would call him just what he said he was,—a far-wanderer. The name was generic. In a different sense, the name of Robinson became generic for the actual stories told in the first-person by men who followed Defoe’s enticing trail; there were hundreds of “Robinsons” in the eighteenth century.

This pedantic Widsith may be to some extent a creature of the English pen; but a real roving singer has been rescued from continental tradition in his name. The pomp of heroic lays still echoes in his faltering speech. He has the court accent, the high manner; he wears none but a king’s livery, and takes only royal gifts. One wishes profoundly he had told more about himself, and had held longer the note of battle he strikes so well; but one is grateful to have him on any terms.

Widsith spake, his word-hoard unlocked, who farthest had fared among folk of earth through tribes of men, oft taking in hall rich meed of gold. Of the Myrging line his ancestors woke. With Ealhhild fair, weaver-of-concord, went he first,


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The New International Encyclopædia/Nordica, Lillian

NOR'DICA,, born , (1859—). An American soprano, born at Farmington, Me. She was pupil of the New England Conservatory and of J. O'Neill, making her début in 1876. Then followed two years of successful concert work, on the conclusion of which she accompanied Gilmore's band to Europe, and later took up the study of opera with San Giovanni. She was an earnest student, and possessed of considerable stage aptitude, which, together with her magnificent voice and pleasing presence, won her an immediate success. After touring Germany and Russia, she appeared in 1881 in Paris, where her success was absolute. Her marriage with Frederick A. Gower in 1882 turned out to be unfortunate, and three years later she sued for a separation, the proceedings in which were brought to a close by the disappearance of Gower, supposedly in a balloon accident. In 1887 she appeared in London, and in 1895 made her first appearance in opera in her native land, at the Metropolitan Opera House, New York. Two years later she married Döme, an Hungarian singer. She achieved her greatest successes in Aïda, Les Huguenots, and the soprano parts in the Wagnerian operas, and came to be regarded as one of the greatest prima donnas of her day, being especially noted for her coloratura work.


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192 seeking the home of the Hrethan king,— from the east, from Anglia,—Eormanric fierce, marrer-of-covenants. —Much he sang. “Many men have I heard of who held dominion. Let every leader live aright, earl after earl in honor rule, who thinks to thrive and his throne maintain! Of these was Hwala a while the best,


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Chapter 9
, we should not endeavour to assume from how many places they are confuted, who are confuted by elenchi, without the science of all things, which, however, belongs to no one art, since there are perhaps infinite sciences, so that evidently there are also infinite demonstrations. Still there are also true elenchi, for in whatever it is possible to demonstrate, we may also therein confute him who lays down a contradiction of the truth, as if he asserted the diameter of a square to be commensurate with its side, a person might confute him by showing it incommensurate. Wherefore, it will be necessary to be scientifically cognizant of all, for some (elenchi) will be from geometrical principles, and their conclusions; others from medical principles; others from those of other sciences; moreover, false elenchi are similarly amongst infinites, since according to each art there is a false syllogism, as the geometrical in geometry, and the medical, (false syllogism) in medicine. Now I mean by according to art, that which is according to the principles of that art, therefore it is evident that places are not to be assumed of all elenchi, but of those which belong to dialectic, since these are common to every art and faculty. It is also, indeed, the province of the man of science to investigate the elenchus which is in each science, whether it is only apparent, not real, and if it is, why it is; but that (elenchus) which is from things common, and does not fall under any art, belongs to dialectics. For if we have those particulars from which probable syllogisms


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Rh and Alexander, of all, the greatest in the race of men, and most he throve of any on earth that ever I heard. Attila ruled Huns, and Eormanric Goths, Becca the Banings, Burgundy Gifeca. Cæsar ruled Greeks and Cælic Finns, Hagena Holmrygas, Heoden the Glommas. Witta ruled Sueves, and Wada the Hælsings, Meaca the Myrgings, Mearchealf the Hundings. Theodric ruled Franks, and Thyle the Rondings, Breoca the Brondings, Billing the Wernas. Oswine ruled Eowas, Ytas Gefwulf, Fin the Folcwalding Frisian clans. Sigehere longest the Sea-Danes ruled,


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Rh

Now Beowulf bode in the burg of the Scyldings, leader belovéd, and long he ruled in fame with all folk, since his father had gone away from the world, till awoke an heir, haughty Healfdene, who held through life, sage and sturdy, the Scyldings glad. Then, one after one, there woke to him, to the chieftain of clansmen, children four: Heorogar, then Hrothgar, then Halga brave; and I heard that —— was ——’s queen, the Heathoscylfing’s helpmate dear. To Hrothgar was given such glory of war, such honor of combat, that all his kin obeyed him gladly till great grew his band of youthful comrades. It came in his mind to bid his henchmen a hall uprear, a master mead-house, mightier far than ever was seen by the sons of earth, and within it, then, to old and young he would all allot that the Lord had sent him, save only the land and the lives of his men.


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 mains, which also occurs in rhetorical arguments, and in almost all the other arts. For they who discovered principles, altogether made but little progress; but men who are now celebrated, receiving, as it were, by succession from many who promoted (art) by parts, have thus increased it; Tisias after the tirst (authors), but Thrasymachus after Tisias, Theodorus after him, and many (others) have brought together many particulars, wherefore it is no wonder that the art has a certain multitude (of precepts). Of this subject, however, there has not been a part cultivated, and a part not before, but nothing of it has existed at all, for of those who employed themselves about contentious arguments for gain, there was a certain instruction, similar to the treatise of Gorgias. For some gave rhetorical, others interrogative discourses to learn, into which each thought their conversation with each other would most often fall. Hence the instruction indeed to their disciples was rapid, but without art, since they supposed they should instruct them by delivering not art, but the effects of art, just as if a person professing to deliver the science of keeping feet from injury, should afterwards not teach shoemaking, nor whence such things (as safe-guards for the feet) may be procured, but should exhibit many kinds of shoes of every form; for he would indeed afford assistance as to use, yet not discover the art. And indeed, about rhetoric, many old discourses are extant, but about the art of syllogism we have received nothing at all from the ancients, but we have laboured for a long time by the exercise of investigation. If then, it appear to you, when you have inspected (our writings), that this method derived from such materials as existed originally, when compared with other treatises which have been increased from tradition, has been (handled) sufficiently, it remains for you all,


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4

Heaðo-Scilfinges heals-gebedda. Þā wæs Hrōðgārehere-spēd gyfen, wīges weorð-mynd,þæt him his wine-māgas georne hȳrdon,oðð þæt sēo geogoð gewēox, mago-driht micel.Him on mōd bearn, þæt heal-reced hātan wolde, *medo-ærn micelmen gewyrcean, þon[n]e yldo bearnǣfre gefrūnon, ond þǣr on innaneall gedǣlan geongum ond ealdum,swylc him God sealde, būton folc-scareond feorum gumena. Ðā ic wīde gefrægnweorc gebannan manigre mǣgþegeond þisne middan-geard, folc-stede frætwan.Him on fyrste gelomp ǣdre mid yldum,þæt hit wearð eal gearo, heal-ærna mǣst;scōp him Heort naman, sē þe his wordes gewealdwīde hæfde. Hē bēot ne ālēh,bēagas dǣlde, sinc æt symle.Sele hlīfade hēah ond horn-gēap;heaðo-wylma bād lāðan līges.Ne wæs hit lenge þā, gēn, þæt se ecg-heteāþum-swerian æfter wæl-nīðewæcnan scolde.

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