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 upon which he rung his bell with such violence that he broke it, and expired about two hours afterwards in the arms of Mrs. Mary Lewis, who was called up on his being taken suddenly ill.’ He was buried in Chiswick churchyard, where, in 1771, a monument was erected to him by his friends, with an epitaph by Garrick as follows: Farewel, great Painter of Mankind! Who reach'd the noblest point of Art, Whose pictur'd Morals charm the Mind, And through the Eye correct the Heart. If Genius fire thee, Reader, stay: If Nature touch thee, drop a tear; If neither move thee, turn away, For Hogarth's honour'd dust lies here. A variation of this by Dr. Johnson is sometimes quoted as if it had been a rival attempt: The Hand of Art here torpid lies That traced the essential form of Grace: Here Death has closed the curious eyes That saw the manners in the face. That it was not a rival attempt is clear from a letter from Johnson to Garrick, dated 12 Dec. 1771, and printed in Croker's ‘Boswell,’ 1860, p. 225. Johnson's quatrain was only a suggested emendation of the first form of Garrick's verses.

By his will, dated 16 Aug. 1764, Hogarth left all his property, which consisted mainly of his engraved plates, to his wife. She continued to reside when in town at the Golden Head with the above-named Mary Lewis, and to sell her husband's prints. Richard Livesay, the portrait-painter and engraver, was one of her lodgers there. Cheesman, the engraver, was another, and the Scotch artist, Alexander Runciman [q. v.] When the sale of the prints declined, as, notwithstanding that the copyright had been secured to her personally for twenty years by special act of parliament, it gradually did, her failing income was assisted by a pension of 40l. from the Royal Academy. Old inhabitants of Chiswick long remembered the once handsome Jane Thornhill, transformed by advancing years into a stately and venerable lady, dressed in a silk sacque, raised headdress, and black calash, whom a faithful and equally ancient man-servant wheeled regularly in her Bath-chair to Chiswick Church. She died 13 Nov. 1789, being then eighty years of age, and was buried by her husband's side. There are several portraits of her. One by Hogarth, taken when she was about five-and-thirty, was exhibited by Mr. H. B. Mildmay at the Grosvenor Gallery in the summer of 1888. A lock of her hair is preserved in the manuscripts department of the British Museum. Mary Lewis, her cousin, to whom she left her property, shortly afterwards, in consideration of a life-annuity of 250l., transferred her right in the plates to Alderman Boydell.

Of Hogarth's two houses, that in Leicester Fields, as already stated, now no longer exists; but it was inhabited after Mrs. Hogarth's death by the Pole, Thaddeus Kosciusko, and by Byron's friend, the Countess Guiccioli (Memorable London Houses, 1890, p. 3). The little red-brick ‘country box by the Thames,’ much altered for the worse as to its environment, still stands in the lane leading from the Duke's Avenue towards Chiswick Church. One of the post-Hogarthian tenants was the Rev. H. F. Cary [q. v.], the translator of Dante, who between 1814 and 1826 held the curacy of Chiswick. A later resident was a transpontine actor, known popularly as ‘Brayvo’ Hicks. An old mulberry-tree, the fruit of which was formerly the occasion of an annual festival to the children of the neighbourhood, still stands in the once well-ordered and nightingale-haunted garden, but of the filbert avenue, where the painter was wont to play nine-pins, there is no discernible sign. The outbuildings at the end of the garden have long been pulled down, and two quaint little tombstones to a dog and bullfinch, the latter of which was said to have been scratched by Hogarth himself, only exist now in the sketch made of them, circa 1848, by Mr. F. W. Fairholt for Mrs. S. C. Hall's ‘Pilgrimages to English Shrines.’ One of the upper rooms of the house, conspicuous by its overhanging bay-window, is conjectured to be that represented in ‘Picquet, or Virtue in Danger.’ In this case, its size in the picture must be considerably exaggerated. It is matter for congratulation that this interesting relic has recently (1890) been purchased by Mr. Alfred Dawson, an old resident in Chiswick, who proposes to restore and preserve it as a relic of the painter. Meanwhile various sketches of the house and tomb are in existence, e.g. in the ‘Pictorial World,’ 26 Sept. 1874, ‘Graphic,’ 14 Nov. 1874, ‘Magazine of Art,’ December 1882 (two admirable sketches by Frank Murray), and ‘Century Magazine,’ June 1886. A sketch by Mr. Charles J. Staniland in the ‘Illustrated London News’ for 18 Oct. 1873 shows the garden as it was during Mr. Hicks's tenancy and before it had been subjected to the questionable ‘improvements’ of its latest proprietors. There is also an excellent representation of the mulberry-tree by Mr. C. Graham in ‘Harper's Magazine’ for August 1888. In 1856 the tomb was repaired by an enthusiastic namesake of the painter, William Hogarth of Aberdeen, and of late years it has again been cleaned and renovated upon the


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 occasion of the restoration and enlargement of Chiswick Church.

The chief of the portraits of William Hogarth is that by himself in the National Gallery, for which it was purchased in 1824 with the Angerstein collection. He painted it in 1745, and, as already stated, engraved it four years later. It was again engraved by B. Smith on 4 June 1795. Angerstein bought it at Mrs. Hogarth's death. It was ‘an old plate’ of this picture which Hogarth used in 1763 for the caricature of ‘The Bruiser’ (Churchill). A small version of this portrait was exhibited by Mr. John Leighton, F.S.A., at the English Humourists' Exhibition, 1889. Another portrait by the artist himself, which also once belonged to his widow, is now in the National Portrait Gallery. Hogarth engraved it (in part) in 1758, retouching it in 1764. He also appears with Garrick in Mr. Addington's picture of ‘Garrick in the Green Room,’ which was exhibited at the Old Masters in 1880. Other likenesses are the head in a hat from the ‘Gate of Calais;’ the oval head begun by Weltdon and finished by Hogarth; the head in a tie-wig prefixed to vol. i. of Samuel Ireland's ‘Graphic Illustrations;’ and the woodcut with a pipe in Walpole's ‘Anecdotes’ (ed. Major). In the National Portrait Gallery there is a bust in terra-cotta by Roubiliac. Hogarth also painted portraits of his sisters Mary and Ann (which in 1879 were in the possession of Mr. R. C. Nichols, the son of Mr. J. B. Nichols, Hogarth's commentator of 1833); of Sir James Thornhill, his wife, and their son John; of Mary Lewis, and of his six servants. Besides these there is a portrait in the National Gallery of Mary Hogarth, dated 1746. When she died is not known, although she preceded her brother; but her sister Ann survived until 13 Aug. 1771, when she was buried in Hogarth's grave at Chiswick.

It was claimed for Hogarth, in Johnson's variation upon Garrick, that he saw the manners in the face, and his own portrait is the index of his character. The brisk, blue-eyed, manly, intelligent, and somewhat combative head with the scar over the right eye, which looks out from the canvas in the National Gallery, seems to accord completely with his verbal likeness as it has been handed down to us. He was, it is easy to believe, a sturdy, outspoken, honest, obstinate, pugnacious little man who, as one is glad to think, once pummelled a fellow soundly for maltreating the beautiful drummeress whom he drew in ‘Southwark Fair.’ As a companion he was witty and genial, and to those he cared for, thoroughly faithful and generous. He liked good clothes, good living, good order in his household, and he was proud of the rewards of industry and respectability. As a master he was exacting in his demands, but punctual in his payments; as a servant he did a full day's work, and insisted upon his wage. His prejudices, like those of most self-educated men, were strong, and he fought doggedly in defence of them without any attempt to conciliate his adversary. That he was not proof against flattery seems to have been true. In his own walk he had succeeded by a course of training which would have failed with nineteen men out of twenty, and he consequently underrated the teaching of all academies whatsoever. With the art patronage and connoisseurship of his day he was hopelessly at war; he saw in it only the fostering of foreign rubbish at the expense of native merit. But a great deal that has been said on the subject of his attitude to the continental schools of painting has been manifestly exaggerated, and in any circumstances something must be allowed for the warmth of controversy. An artist of Hogarth's parts could not be as insensible to the merits of the great masters as some have pretended. Yet it may well be conceived that such a downright and quick-tongued disputant, in his impatience of the parrot raptures of pretentious and incompetent persons, might easily come to utter ‘blasphemous expressions against the divinity even of Raphael Urbino, Correggio, and Michael Angelo.’ His true attitude towards them is disclosed in his words to Mrs. Piozzi. He was talking to her, late in life, of Dr. Johnson, whose conversation, he said, was to that of other men as Titian's painting compared to Hudson's; ‘but don't you tell people now, that I say so,’ continued he, ‘for the connoisseurs and I are at war, you know; and because I hate them, they think I hate Titian, and let them!’ (Anecdotes of Samuel Johnson, LL.D., ed. 1826, pp. 104–5).

Numerous other stories might be cited in illustration of this outline of Hogarth's character. Side by side with his general hatred of the foreigner was his particular hatred of the French, whom he never fails to ridicule in his works. ‘Calais Gate’ indeed owed its origin to a misadventure which his undisguised Gallophobia brought upon him. In 1749, after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, he paid a brief visit to France with Hayman, Cheere, the sculptor, and some other friends. He did not set out prepared to admire, and he does not seem to have in the least concealed the contempt he felt for the ‘farcical pomp of war,’ the ‘pompous parade of religion,’ and ‘the much bustle with very little business’ which he discovered about him. His frankly expressed opinions speedily attracted atten-

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 tion, and when, at last, he was found sketching the English arms upon the famous old gate of Calais (now no longer standing), he was at once taken before the commandant for a spy, confined closely in his lodgings, and finally escorted, with scant ceremony, on shipboard for England. He revenged himself upon his return for this ignominious treatment by the picture of the ‘Gate of Calais,’ in which the gluttonous friars, the leathern-faced fishwomen, and the ‘lean, ragged, and tawdry soldiery’ were pilloried to his heart's content. Another well-worn anecdote may be quoted in illustration of his sturdy independence of character. Upon one occasion he painted a deformed nobleman, and drew his likeness faithfully. His sitter, who had anticipated flattery, declined to accept it. Thereupon Hogarth announced that if it were not removed within three days, it would, with certain uncomplimentary appendages, be disposed of to Mr. Hare, ‘the famous wild-beast man,’ a hint which at once brought about a settlement of his claim (Genuine Works, 1808, i. 25). A third story related by Nichols pleasantly exemplifies that pardonable vanity which was almost a natural consequence of his self-reliant nature. ‘Hogarth,’ says the narrator, ‘being at dinner with the great Cheselden, and some other company, was told that Mr. John Freke, surgeon of St. Bartholomew's Hospital, a few evenings before, at Dick's Coffee-house, had asserted that Greene was as eminent in composition as Handel. “That fellow Freke,” replied Hogarth, “is always shooting his bolt absurdly one way or another! Handel is a giant in music; Greene only a light Florimel kind of a composer.” “Ay,” says our artist's informant, “but at the same time Mr. Freke declared you were as good a portrait-painter as Vandyck.” “There he was in the right,” adds Hogarth, “and so I am, give me my time, and let me choose my subject”’ (ib. i. 237). He was often extremely absent-minded. Once, when he had gone to call upon the lord mayor, Beckford, in the fine coach which he set up in his later years, and for which Catton, the coach painter, designed the emblematical crest engraved by Livesay in 1782, he forgot all about it on leaving the house, and to the amazement of his wife arrived at home on foot, and drenched to the skin (ib. i. 216–17).

The list of Hogarthiana might easily be extended. With regard to some of the well-known stories, it will be well to cross-question their sources rather narrowly. Not a few of those which have a more than ordinarily malicious turn emanate from George Steevens, who, as Allan Cunningham says, ‘seems to have taken pleasure in mingling his own gall with the milk of his coadjutor's narrative.’ In the edition of 1808–17 the portions respectively supplied by the two commentators are distinguished, and it is manifest that all the more unfriendly comments and records belong not to Nichols, but to Steevens. The unmanly and indefensible attack of the latter (Biog. Anecdotes, 1785, pp. 113–14) upon Mary Lewis, whose only fault appears to have been her loyalty to her uncle's memory, is almost sufficient to disqualify him as a chronicler. Another critic who has been unduly harsh to certain aspects of Hogarth's character is Horace Walpole. From a clever letter to George Montagu, dated 5 May 1761, it is clear that, however he may have appreciated his powers as a pictorial satirist, Walpole ranked him as a man with the rest of those outsiders of fashion, the Fieldings, Goldsmiths, Johnsons, &c., whose misfortune it was to be born beyond the pale of his own patrician circle, and that, even in the domain of art, he resented his claim to be a colourist, a portrait-painter, or a critic.

With respect to the last-named qualification—as far at least as it is exemplified by ‘The Analysis’—the consensus of modern opinion would probably be in accord with Walpole. ‘The Analysis’ was the tour de force of a clever artist, whose gifts, as he himself admitted, lay more with the pencil than the pen. But when Dr. Morell and others, echoing Walpole and ‘the picture dealers, picture cleaners, picture-frame makers, and other connoisseurs’—to use Hogarth's scornful classification—declared that ‘colouring was not his forte,’ they did him imperfect justice. Since the first exhibition of his collected works in oil at the British Institution in 1814, his reputation as a mere layer of colours has been steadily increasing, and the reaction thus initiated has been enforced of late years by the appearance, in successive exhibitions at the Academy and elsewhere, of numerous portraits and pictures long buried in private collections. It is now admitted that his merits as a painter are unquestionable, that his tints are pure and harmonious, his composition perspicuous, and his manner, without being minute or finely finished, singularly dexterous and direct. Even the much-abused ‘Sigismunda’ is now held at present to be a far better work than would ever be suspected from the gross obloquy to which, owing to the circumstances of its production, it was exposed during the artist's lifetime. If it cannot be ranked (as he fondly hoped) with Correggio, it must at least be conceded that its scheme of colour is sound and its technical skill by no means contemptible.

As to his engravings they are so well


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 studies which were simultaneously prosecuted by the Society of Basra. From Cairo, Bagdad, Damascus and Alexandria, books both old and new were procured at any price for the library of the prince; twenty-seven free schools were opened in Cordova for the education of the poor; and intelligent knowledge was perhaps more widely diffused in Mahommedan Spain than in any other part of Europe at that day. The mosques of the city were filled with crowds who listened to lectures on science and literature, law and religion. But the future glory thus promised was long postponed. The usurping successor of Hakam found it a politic step to request the most notable doctors of the sacred law to examine the royal library; and every book treating of philosophy, astronomy and other forbidden topics was condemned to the flames. But the spirit of research, fostered by the fusion of races and the social and intellectual competition thus engendered, was not crushed by these proceedings; and for the next century and more the higher minds of Spain found in Damascus and Bagdad the intellectual aliment which they desired. At last, towards the close of the 11th century, the long-pent spiritual energies of Mahommedan Spain burst forth in a brief series of illustrious men. Whilst the native Spaniards were narrowing the limits of the Moorish kingdoms, and whilst the generally fanatical dynasty of the Almohades might have been expected to repress speculation, the century preceding the close of Mahommedan sway saw philosophy cultivated by Avempace, Abubacer and Averroes. Even amongst the Almohades there were princes, such as Yusūf (who began his reign in 1163) and Yaqūb Almansūr (who succeeded in 1184), who welcomed the philosopher at their courts and treated him as an intellectual compeer. But about 1195 the old distrust of philosophy revived; the philosophers were banished in disgrace; works on philosophical topics were ordered to be confiscated and burned; and the son of Almansūr condemned a certain Ibn-Habīb to death for the crime of philosophizing.

Arabian speculation in Spain was heralded by Avicebron or (q.v.), a Jewish philosopher (1021–1058). About a generation later the rank of Moslem thinkers was introduced by Abū-Bakr Muhammad ibn Yahya, surnamed Ibn-Bājja, and known to the Latin world as Avempace. He was born at Saragossa, and died comparatively young at Fez in 1138. Besides commenting on various physical treatises of Aristotle’s, he wrote some philosophical essays, notably one on the Republic or Régime of the Solitary, understanding by that the organized system of rules, by obedience to which the individual may rise from the mere life of the senses to the perception of pure intelligible principles and may participate in the divine thought which sustains the world. These rules for the individual are but the image or reflex of the political organization of the perfect or ideal state; and the man who strives to lead this life is called the solitary, not because he withdraws from society, but because, while in it, he guides himself by reference to a higher state, an ideal society. Avempace does not develop at any length this curious Platonic idea of the perfect state. His object is to discover the highest end of human life, and with this view he classifies the various activities of the human soul, rejects such as are material or animal, and then analyses the various spiritual forms to which the activities may be directed. He points out the graduated scale of such forms, through which the soul may rise, and shows that none are final or complete in themselves, except the pure intelligible forms, the ideas of ideas. These the intellect can grasp, and in so doing it becomes what he calls intellectus acquisitus, and is in a measure divine. This self-consciousness of pure reason is the highest object of human activity, and is to be attained by the speculative method. The intellect has in itself power to know ultimate truth and intelligence, and does not require a mystical illumination as Ghazālī taught. Avempace’s principles, it is clear, lead directly to the Averroistic doctrine of the unity of intellect, but the obscurity and incompleteness of the Régime do not permit us to judge how far he anticipated the later thinker. (See Munk, Mélanges de phil. juive et arabe, pp. 383-410.)

The same theme was developed by (q.v.) in his philosophical romance, called Hayy ibn-Yakdhān (the Living, Son of the Waking One), best known by Pococke’s Latin version, as the Philosophus Autodidactus. It describes the process by which an isolated truth-seeker detaches himself from his lower passions, and raises himself above the material earth and the orbs of heaven to the forms which are the source of their movement, until he arrives at a union with the supreme intellect. The experiences of the religious mystic are paralleled with the ecstatic vision in which the philosophical hermit sees a world of pure intelligences, where birth and decease are unknown. It was this theory which Averroes (1126–1198), the last and most famous of the thinkers of Moslem Spain, carried out to his doctrine of the unity of intellect.

For Aristotle the reverence of Averroes was unbounded, and to expound him was his chosen task. The uncritical receptivity of his age, the defects of the Arabic versions, the emphatic theism of his creed, and the rationalizing mysticism of some Oriental thought, may have sometimes led him astray, and given prominence to the less obvious features of Aristotelianism. But in his conception of the relation between philosophy and religion, Averroes had a light which the Latins were without. The science, falsely so called, of the several theological schools, their groundless distinctions and sophistical demonstrations, he regarded as the great source of heresy and scepticism. The allegorical interpretations and metaphysics which had been imported into religion had taken men’s minds away from the plain sense of the Koran. God had declared a truth meet for all men, which needed no intellectual superiority to understand, in a tongue which each human soul could apprehend. Accordingly, the expositors of religious metaphysics, Ghazālī included, are the enemies of true religion, because they make it a mere matter of syllogism. Averroes maintains that a return must be made to the words and teaching of the prophet; that science must not expend itself in dogmatizing on the metaphysical consequences of fragments of doctrine for popular acceptance, but must proceed to reflect upon and examine the existing things of the world. Averroes, at the same time, condemns the attempts of those who tried to give demonstrative science where the mind was not capable of more than rhetoric: they harm religion by their mere negations, destroying an old sensuous creed, but cannot build up a higher and intellectual faith.

In this spirit Averroes does not allow the fancied needs of theological reasoning to interfere with his study of Aristotle, whom he simply interprets as a truth-seeker. The points by which he told on Europe were all implicit in Aristotle, but Averroes set in relief what the original had left obscure, and emphasized things which the Christian theologian passed by or misconceived. Thus Averroes had a double effect. He was the great interpreter of Aristotle to the later Schoolmen. On the other hand, he came to represent those aspects of Peripateticism most alien to the spirit of Christendom; and the deeply religious Moslem gave his name to the anti-sacerdotal party, to the materialists, sceptics and atheists, who defied or undermined the dominant beliefs of the church.

On three points Averroes, like other Moslem thinkers, came specially into relation, real or supposed, with the religious creed, viz. the creation of the world, the divine knowledge of particular things, and the future of the human soul.

The real grandeur of Averroes is seen in his resolute prosecution of the standpoint of science in matters of this world, and in his recognition that religion is not a branch of knowledge to be reduced to propositions and systems of dogma, but a personal and inward power, an individual truth which stands distinct from, but not contradictory to, the universalities of scientific law. In his science he followed the Greeks, and to the Schoolmen he and his compatriots rightly seemed philosophers of the ancient world. He maintained alike the claim of demonstrative science with its generalities for the few who could live in that ethereal world, and the claim of religion for all—the common life of each soul as an individual and personal consciousness. But theology, or the mixture of the two, he regarded as a source

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Rh a respectable age have been vigorously assailed by Hrdlicka, and, consequently, placed in the doubtful column. Nevertheless, one must suspect that where so many cases arise which exercise the utmost ingenuity of scientists to disprove, the probability of some being authentic is very great. The one positive point resulting from these controversies is that whatever may be the age of the skeletons in question, they are of the same general type as those of the surviving New World native. This finding is consistent with our conclusions as to his homogeneity and probable single origin. On the other hand, it will not do to argue that unless we find skeletons that do differ from this general type, they cannot, therefore, be old. But as this question of the antiquity of man in the western world is not our present concern, we may accept the above conclusion in-so-far as it applies to the homogeneity of type. Under such conditions, the problem of antiquity shifts to the geological and faunal associations. For example, the contemporaneity of man and the mammoth has not yet been established for North America, whereas in Europe there cannot be the least doubt of it. There is just one case of association with extinct fauna that promises something. In 1914 a human skeleton was found in the famous La Brea asphalt bed of southern California, among the bones of both extinct and extant animals. When this deposit is completely excavated and its faunal strata determined, we may have an early date for man's appearance here, though not earlier than late Pleistocene. Again, however, the somatic type is the same. We may anticipate, therefore, no future skeleton finds but what are of the general New World type, but if we consider the data in other parts of this work, we must expect some of them to have a respectable antiquity.

While this point of view applies to the New World as a whole, it still remains possible that there have been changes in the sub-types occupying some of the areas we have just designated. Something like this is suggested for South America, where we find some reasons for assuming that the coast, at least, was first occupied by a fishing people with long heads, who later gave way to a round-headed population.

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 of evil to both—fostering the vain belief in a hostility of philosophers to religion, and meanwhile corrupting religion by a pseudo-science.

The latent nominalism of Aristotle only came gradually to be emphasized through the prominence which Christianity gave to the individual life, and, apart from passing notices as in Abelard, first found clear enunciation in the school of Duns Scotus. The Arabians, on the contrary, emphasized the idealist aspect which had been adopted and promoted by the Neo-Platonist commentators. Hence, to Averroes the eternity of the world finds its true expression in the eternity of God. The ceaseless movement of growth and change, which presents matter in form after form as a continual search after a finality which in time and movement is not and cannot be reached, represents only the aspect the world shows to the physicist and to the senses. In the eye of reason the full fruition of this desired finality is already and always attained; the actualization, invisible to the senses, is achieved now and ever, and is thus beyond the element of time. This transcendent or abstract being is that which the world of nature is always seeking. He is thought or intellect, the actuality, of which movement is but the fragmentary attainment in successive instants of time. Such a mind is not in the theological sense a creator, yet the onward movement is not the same as what some modern thinkers seem to mean by development. For the perfect and absolute, the consummation of movement is not generated at any point in the process; it is an ideal end, which guides the operations of nature, and does not wait upon them for its achievement. God is the unchanging essence of the movement, and therefore its eternal cause.

A special application of this relation between the prior perfect, and the imperfect, which it influences, is found in the doctrine of the connexion of the abstract (transcendent) intellect with man. This transcendent mind is sometimes connected with the moon, according to the theory of Aristotle, who assigned an imperishable matter to the sphere beyond the sublunary, and in general looked upon the celestial orbs as living and intelligent. Such an intellect, named active or productive, as being the author of the development of reason in man, is the permanent, eternal thought, which is the truth of the cosmic and physical movement. It is in man that the physical or sensible passes most evidently into the metaphysical and rational. Humanity is the chosen vessel in which the light of the intellect is revealed; and so long as mankind lasts there must always be some individuals destined to receive this light. What seems from the material point of view to be the acquisition of learning, study and a moral life, is from the higher point of view the manifestation of the transcendent intellect in the individual. The preparation of the heart and faculties gives rise to a series of grades between the original predisposition and the full acquisition of actual intellect. These grades in the main resemble those given by Avicenna. But beyond these, Averroes claims as the highest bliss of the soul a union in this life with the actual intellect. The intellect, therefore, is one and continuous in all individuals, who differ only in the degree which their illumination has attained. Such was the Averroist doctrine of the unity of intellect—the eternal and universal nature of true intellectual life. By his interpreters it was transformed into a theory of one soul common to all mankind, and when thus corrupted conflicted not unreasonably with the doctrines of a future life, common to Islam and Christendom.

Averroes, rejected by his Moslem countrymen, found a hearing among the Jews, to whom Maimonides had shown the free paths of Greek speculation. In the cities of Languedoc and Provence, to which they had been driven by Spanish fanaticism, the Jews no longer used the learned Arabic, and translations of the works of Averroes became necessary. His writings became the text-book of Levi ben Gerson at Perpignan, and of Moses of Narbonne. Meanwhile, before 1250, Averroes became accessible to the Latin Schoolmen by means of versions, accredited by the names of Michael Scot and others. William of Auvergne is the first Schoolman who criticizes the doctrines of Averroes, not, however, by name. Albertus Magnus and St Thomas devote special treatises to an examination of the Averroist theory of the unity of intellect, which they labour to confute in order to establish the orthodoxy of Aristotle. But as early as Aegidius Romanus (1247–1316). Averroes had been stamped as the patron of indifference to theological dogmas, and credited with the emancipation which was equally due to wider experience and the lessons of the Crusades. There had never been an absence of protest against the hierarchical doctrine. Berengar of Tours (11th century) had struggled in that interest, and with Abelard, in the 12th century, the revolt against authority in belief grew loud. The dialogue between a Christian, a Jew and a philosopher suggested a comparative estimate of religions, and placed the natural religion of the moral law above all positive revelations. Nihilists and naturalists, who deified logic and science at the expense of faith, were not unknown at Paris in the days of John of Salisbury. In such a critical generation the words of Averroism found willing ears, and pupils who outran their teacher. Paris became the centre of a sceptical society, which the decrees of bishops and councils, and the enthusiasm of the orthodox doctors and knights-errant of Catholicism, were powerless to extinguish. At Oxford Averroes told more as the great commentator. In the days of Roger Bacon he had become an authority. Bacon, placing him beside Aristotle and Avicenna, recommends the study of Arabic as the only way of getting the knowledge which bad versions made almost hopeless. In Duns Scotus, Averroes and Aristotle are the unequalled masters of the science of proof; and he pronounces distinctly the separation between Catholic and philosophical truth, which became the watchword of Averroism. By the 14th century Averroism was the common leaven of philosophy; John Baconthorpe is the chief of Averroists, and Walter Burley has similar tendencies.

Meanwhile Averroism had come to be regarded by the great Dominican school as the arch-enemy of the truth. When the emperor Frederick II. consulted a Moslem free-thinker on the mysteries of the faith, when the phrase or legend of the “Three Impostors” presented in its most offensive form the scientific survey of the three laws of Moses, Christ and Mahomet, and when the characteristic doctrines of Averroes were misunderstood, it soon followed that his name became the badge of the scoffer and the sceptic. What had begun with the subtle disputes of the universities of Paris, went on to the materialist teachers in the medical schools and the sceptical men of the world in the cities of northern Italy. The patricians of Venice and the lecturers of Padua made Averroism synonymous with doubt and criticism in theology, and with sarcasm against the hierarchy. Petrarch refuses to believe that any good thing can come out of Arabia, and speaks of Averroes as a mad dog barking against the church. In works of contemporary art Averroes is at one time the comrade of Mahomet and Antichrist; at another he lies with Arius and Sabellius, vanquished by the lance of St Thomas.

It was in the universities of north Italy that Averroism finally settled, and there for three centuries it continued as a stronghold of Scholasticism to resist the efforts of revived antiquity and of advancing science. Padua became the seat of Averroist Aristotelianism; and, when Padua was conquered by Venice in 1405, the printers of the republic spread abroad the teaching of the professors in the university. As early as 1300, at Padua, Petrus Aponensis, a notable expositor of medical theories, had betrayed a heterodoxy in faith; and John of Jandun, one of the pamphleteers on the side of Louis of Bavaria, was a keen follower of Averroes, whom he styles a “perfect and most glorious physicist.” Urbanus of Bologna, Paul of Venice (d. 1428), and Cajetanus de Thienis (1387–1465), established by their lectures and their discussions the authority of Averroes; and a long list of manuscripts rests in the libraries of Lombardy to witness the diligence of these writers and their successors. Even a lady of Venice, Cassandra Fedele, in 1480, gained her laurels in defence of Averroist theses.

With (q.v.) in 1495, a brilliant epoch began

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 for the school of Padua. Questions of permanent and present interest took the place of outworn scholastic problems. The disputants ranged themselves under the rival commentators, Alexander and Averroes; and the immortality of the soul became the battle-ground of the two parties. Pomponazzi defended the Alexandrist doctrine of the utter mortality of the soul, whilst (q.v.), the Averroist, was entrusted by Leo X. with the task of defending the Catholic doctrine. The parties seemed to have changed when Averroism thus took the side of the church; but the change was probably due to compulsion. Nifo had edited the works of Averroes (1495–1497); but his expressions gave offence to the dominant theologians, and he had to save himself by distinguishing his personal faith from his editorial capacity. Alessandro Achillini, the persistent philosophical adversary of Pomponazzi, both at Padua and subsequently at Bologna, attempted, along with other moderate but not brilliant Averroists, to accommodate their philosophical theory with the requirements of Catholicism. It was this comparatively mild Averroism, reduced to the merely explanatory activity of a commentator, which continued to be the official dogma at Padua during the 16th century. Its typical representative is Marc-Antonio Zimara (d. 1552), the author of a reconciliation between the tenets of Averroes and those of Aristotle.

Meanwhile, in 1497, Aristotle was for the first time expounded in Greek at Padua. Plato had long been the favourite study at Florence; and Humanists, like Erasmus, Ludovicus Vives and Nizolius, enamoured of the popular philosophy of Cicero and Quintilian, poured out the vials of their contempt on scholastic barbarism with its “impious and thrice-accursed Averroes.” The editors of Averroes complain that the popular taste had forsaken them for the Greek. Nevertheless, while Fallopius, Vesalius and Galileo were claiming attention to their discoveries, G. Zabarella, Francesco Piccolomini (1520–1604) and Cesare Cremonini (1550–1631) continued the traditions of Averroism, not without changes and additions. Cremonini, the last of them, died in 1631, after lecturing twelve years at Ferrara, and forty at Padua. The great educational value of Arabian philosophy for the later schoolmen consisted in its making them acquainted with an entire Aristotle. At the moment when it seemed as if everything had been made that could be made out of the fragments of Aristotle, and the compilations of Capella, Cassiodorus and others, and when mysticism and scepticism seemed the only resources left for the mind, the horizon of knowledge was suddenly widened by the acquisition of a complete Aristotle. Thus the mistakes inevitable in the isolated study of an imperfect Organon could not henceforth be made. The real bearing of old questions, and the meaninglessness of many disputes, were seen in the new conception of Aristotelianism given by the Metaphysics and other treatises. The former Realism and Nominalism were lifted into a higher phase by the principle of the universalizing action of intellect—Intellectus in formis agit universalitatem. The commentaries of the Arabians in this respect supplied nutriment more readily assimilated by the pupils than the pure text would have been.

Arabian philosophy, whilst it promoted the exegesis of Aristotle and increased his authority, was not less notable as the source of the separation between theology and philosophy. Speculation fell on irreligious paths. In many cases the heretical movement was due less to foreign example than to the indwelling tendencies of the dominant school of realism. But it is not less certain that the very considerable freedom of the Arabians from theological bias prepared the time when philosophy shook off its ecclesiastical vestments. In the hurry of first terror, the church struck Aristotle with the anathema launched against innovations in philosophy. The provincial council of Paris in 1209, which condemned Amalricus and his followers, as well as David of Dinant’s works, forbade the study of Aristotle’s Natural Philosophy and the Commentaries. In 1215 the same prohibition was repeated, specifying the Metaphysics and Physics, and the Commentaries by the Spaniard Mauritius (i.e. probably Averroes). Meanwhile Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas, accepting the exegetical services of the Arabians, did their best to controvert the obnoxious doctrine of the Intellect, and to defend the orthodoxy of Aristotle against the unholy glosses of infidels. But it is doubtful whether even they kept as pure from the infection of illegitimate doctrine as they supposed. The tide meanwhile flowed in stronger and stronger. In 1270 Étienne Tempier, bishop of Paris, supported by an assembly of theologians, anathematized thirteen propositions bearing the stamp of Arabian authorship; but in 1277 the same views and others more directly offensive to Christians and theologians had to be censured again. Raymond Lully, in a dialogue with an infidel thinker, broke a lance in support of the orthodox doctrine, and carried on a crusade against the Arabians in every university; and a disciple of Thomas Aquinas drew up a list (De erroribus philosophorum) of the several delusions and errors of each of the thinkers from Kindi to Averroes. Strong in their conviction of the truth of Aristotelianism, the Arabians carried out their logical results in the theological field, and made the distinction of necessary and possible, of form and matter, the basis of conclusions in the most momentous questions. They refused to accept the doctrine of creation because it conflicted with the explanation of forms as the necessary evolution of matter. They denied the particular providence of God, because knowledge in the divine sphere did not descend to singulars. They excluded the Deity from all direct action upon the world, and substituted for a cosmic principle the active intellect,—thus holding a form of Pantheism. But all did not go the same length in their divergence from the popular creed.

The half-legendary accounts which attribute the introduction of Arabian science to Gerbert, afterwards Pope Sylvester II., to Constantinus Africanus and to Adelard of Bath, if they have any value, refer mainly to medical science and mathematics. It was not till about the middle of the 12th century that under the patronage of Raymond, archbishop of Toledo, a society of translators, with the archdeacon Dominicus Gundisalvi at their head, produced Latin versions of the Commentaries of Avicenna, and Ghazālī, of the Fons Vitae of Avicebron, and of several Aristotelian treatises. The working translators were converted Jews, the best-known among them being Joannes Avendeath. With this effort began the chief translating epoch for Arabic works. Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine was first translated into Latin by Gerard of Cremona (d. 1187), to whom versions of other medical and astronomical works are due. The movement towards introducing Arabian science and philosophy into Europe, however, culminated under the patronage of the emperor Frederick II. (1212–1250). Partly from superiority to the narrowness of his age, and partly in the interest of his struggle with the Papacy, this Malleus ecclesiae Romanae drew to his court those savants whose pursuits were discouraged by the church, and especially students in the forbidden lore of the Arabians. He is said to have pensioned Jews for purposes of translation. One of the scholars to whom Frederick gave a welcome was Michael Scot, the first translator of Averroes. Scot had sojourned at Toledo about 1217, and had accomplished the versions of several astronomical and physical treatises, mainly, if we believe Roger Bacon, by the labours of a Jew named Andrew. But Bacon is apparently hypercritical in his estimate of the translators from the Arabic. Another protégé of Frederick’s was Hermann the German (Alemannus), who, between the years 1243 and 1256, translated amongst other things a paraphrase of al-Fārābī on the Rhetoric, and of Averroes on the Poetics and Ethics of Aristotle. Jewish scholars held an honourable place in transmitting the Arabian commentators to the schoolmen. It was amongst them, especially in Maimonides, that Aristotelianism found refuge after the light of philosophy was extinguished in Islam; and the Jewish family of the Ben-Tibbon were mainly instrumental in making Averroes known to southern France.

See S. Munk, Mélanges de philosophie juive et arabe (Paris, 1859); E. Renan, De Philosophia Peripatetica apud Syros (1852), and Averroës et l’Averroisme (Paris, 3rd ed., 1867); Am. Jourdain, Recherches critiques sur l’âge et l’origine des traductions latines d’Aristote (Paris, 2me ed., 1843); B. Hauréau, Philosophie scolastique

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 mentioned, not all expertise—including expertise about open government—resides within government. It is not surprising, then, that promoting public participation and collaboration about open government is one aim of open government.

Analyses and critiques of the Administration's efforts are especially valuable. For one thing, they hold those within government accountable for the efficacy of their efforts to foster open government. Critical assessments of the Administration's efforts also can reveal better ways to promote open government. The Administration will therefore continue to solicit participation and collaboration in its open government initiatives.

Some critics have alleged that the Administration has not done enough to create a more open government, and that much work remains. They are right; notwithstanding the measurable and undeniable progress made on all of the Administration's major initiatives, still more work is necessary. Others, however, underestimate the progress made over the past two years towards creating a more open government.

With respect to FOIA, for example, some have measured progress towards achieving greater transparency by looking at the volume of agency responses to FOIA requests. Such a metric by itself can be misleading, however, given that the President has directed agencies to consider releasing partial information in response to FOIA requests even where they cannot release all requested information. As noted, identifying what information can and cannot be disclosed in response to FOIA requests—as opposed to denying requests outright under the previous presumption against disclosure—can take time. In other words, processing FOIA requests with an eye to making partial disclosures where full disclosures are not possible is often more time consuming than denying a request altogether any time the request implicates some information that cannot be disclosed. Likewise, agencies' focus on resolving backlogged FOIA requests, as specifically instructed by the Open Government Directive, also requires greater agency efforts given that backlogged requests can involve the most complex or intractable requests. In this light, processing fewer requests is an expected consequence of examining each FOIA request more carefully and addressing difficult requests.

Nor do the percentage of agencies' full disclosures, or the proximity of agencies' partial disclosures to 100%, constitute conclusive measures of FOIA transparency. For again some FOIA requests are properly denied, and some under law must be denied. Given that even agencies focused on providing as much transparency under FOIA as possible will deny some FOIA requests, not all FOIA denials are properly viewed as failures to promote transparency, notwithstanding an understandable tendency by some observers to treat the percentage of requests for which agencies provide requested information as a decisive indicator of progress on FOIA transparency.

In fact, as agencies do more and more to disclose information to the public proactively by releasing information before receiving FOIA requests, it is to be expected that they will deny or partially deny a larger percentage of their FOIA requests over time. This is true because by affirmatively disclosing information, agencies in effect preempt the most straightforward FOIA requests. That is, agencies will proactively disclose only information that, had the information been the subject of ordinary FOIA requests, they would have fully disclosed anyway, requests to which no FOIA exemptions would have applied. This means that proactive agencies disclosures

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 will resolve the easiest cases, leaving more challenging requests—seeking information agencies could not disclose categorically proactively—to be sought through FOIA. In short, as agencies release more and more information on their own, greater proactive transparency will leave a higher percentage of harder cases among traditional FOIA requests. More frequent denials or partial denials thus can be a consequence of the desirable progress agencies have made to disclose more information proactively.

Sometimes the utility of Data.gov has been underestimated as well. For example, notwithstanding the unprecedented volume of government data sets newly available there, downloaded over two million times, some have raised questions about the form of data agencies have made available through Data.gov to the general public. Agencies have provided mostly raw, "wholesale" data through Data.gov, as opposed to user-friendly "retail" data that has been aggregated in some way. As some have rightly observed, for ordinary citizens raw data sets may not be immediately meaningful.

Although the raw data sets at Data.gov do require aggregation and synthesis, at the same time those data come with an important advantage, which is precisely that they can be analyzed, synthesized, and repackaged in any way. In other words, raw data are flexible, and upon making such data available to the public, agencies have explicitly invited the public to put that information to new uses, tailored however users of that information desire. It would therefore not be preferable to specify the form agency data available through Data.gov should take. Better for agencies to provide their own data, in the form agencies already maintain it, as they see fit. The Open Government Directive instructs agencies to include within their Open Government Plans "high-value" data, but leaves agencies to determine which of their data are of high value, while agencies' Open Government Plans invite feedback about which data would be highly valued by the public.

The White House's release of its visitor records has also been the subject of misplaced criticism. Some have alleged that these visitor records are incomplete; others observe that they do not record meetings that occur outside of the White House. But the visitor entry system, used by previous administrations as well, was created solely for the purposes of ensuring secure access to the White House complex. It is over-inclusive, for example, with respect to those who have been security cleared to enter but who do not show up or for whom meetings are cancelled. Also, the visitor records may list the White House staffer who seeks clearance for visitors, as opposed to the White House official with whom visitors meet; the entrance system was not created to match outside parties with the person or office convening a meeting, but to ensure those coming in do not pose security risks. Finally, White House personnel appropriately meet with other government officials and outside parties beyond the White House gate, for reasons of convenience, courtesy, and availability of space, and it is not clear what a functioning White House would otherwise look like.

None of this is to suggest that the Administration's efforts to make government more open are beyond improvement, however. Creating a more open government depends, crucially, on input from the public and all interested parties about how our democracy can best be strengthened, and our government made more efficient and effective—feedback both positive and negative. At the same time, the significance of the steps the Administration has already taken can bear public scrutiny and critique.

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254 passes which were known. He had shown to me, upon Dufour's map, that a direct line, connecting the two places, passed exactly over the depression between the Zinal-Rothhorn and the Schallhorn. He was confident that a passage could be effected over this depression, and was sanguine that it would (in consequence of its directness) prove to be a quicker route than the circuitous ones over the Triftjoch and the Col Durand.

He was awaiting us, and we immediately proceeded up the valley, and across the foot of the Zinal glacier to the Arpitetta Alp, where a chalet was supposed to exist in which we might pass the night. We found it at length, but it was not equal to our expectations. It was not one of those fine timbered chalets, with huge overhanging eaves, covered with pious sentences carved in unintelligible characters. It was a hovel, growing, as it were, out of the hill-side; roofed with rough slabs of slaty stone; without a door or window; surrounded by quagmires of ordure, and dirt of every description.

A foul native invited us to enter. The interior was dark; but, when our eyes became accustomed to the gloom, we saw that our palace was in plan about 15 by 20 feet; on one side it was scarcely five feet high, but on the other was nearly seven. On this side there was a raised platform, about six feet wide, littered with dirty straw and still dirtier sheepskins. This was the bedroom. The remainder of the width of the apartment was the parlour. The rest was the factory. Cheese was the article which was being fabricated, and the foul native was engaged in its manufacture. He was garnished behind with a regular cowherd's one-legged stool, which gave him a queer, uncanny look when it was elevated in the air as he bent over into his tub; for the making of his cheese required him to blow into a tub for ten minutes at a time. He


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256 steep and broken glacier. Croz's route seemed likely to turn out to be impracticable, because much step-cutting would be required upon it. Almer's rocks did not look good; they were, possibly, unassailable. I thought both routes were bad, and declined to vote for either of them. Moore hesitated, Almer gave way, and Croz's route was adopted.

He did not go very far, however, before he found that he had undertaken too much, and after [ glancing occasionally round at us, to see what we thought about it, suggested that it might, after all, be wiser to take to the rocks of the Schallhorn ]. That is to say, he suggested the abandonment of his own and the adoption of Almer's route. No one opposed the change of plan, and, in the absence of instructions to the contrary, he proceeded to cut steps across an ice-slope towards the rocks.

Let the reader now cast his eye upon the map of the valley of Zermatt, and he will see that when we quitted the slopes of the Arpitetta Alp, we took a south-easterly course over the Morning glacier. We halted to settle the plan of attack shortly after we got upon the ice. The rocks of the Schallhorn, whose ascent Almer recommended, were then to our south-east. Croz's proposed route was to the south-west of the rocks, and led up the southern side of a very steep and broken glacier. The part he intended to traverse was, in a sense, undoubtedly practicable. He gave it up because it would have involved too much step-cutting. But the part of this glacier which intervened between his route and Almer's rocks was, in the most complete sense of the word, impracticable. It passed over a continuation of the rocks, and was broken in half by them. The upper portion was separated from the lower portion by a long slope of ice that had been built up from the débris of the glacier which had fallen from above. The foot of this slope was surrounded by immense quantities of the larger avalanche blocks. These we cautiously skirted, and when Croz halted they had been left far below, and we were half-way up


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IX. BUILDING ON PROGRESS: OPEN GOVERNMENT GOING FORWARD

While the Administration has made great progress towards creating expanding openness in government, there is also much yet to be done. Promoting greater transparency, participation, and collaboration across the government requires sustained effort. None of the initiatives described above can be completed in mere weeks or months. Accordingly, the remainder of 2011 and 2012 will see continued progress on the Administration's long-term commitment to create a more open government. Agencies will continue to implement major reforms initiated in 2009 and 2010, and will extend their efforts to promote transparency, participation, and collaboration in new ways as well.

FOIA

For example, to promote greater participation with the FOIA requester community the Justice Department's Office of Information Policy (OIP), in cooperation with the Office of Government Information Services (OGIS) at the National Archives and Records Administration, has just begun hosting a series of "Requester Roundtables" for frequent and potential FOIA requesters. These Roundtables—organized around themes defining general areas in which FOIA requesters have special interests (law enforcement records, third-party records, referrals and consultation procedures, and so on)—will bring requesters together for face-to-face discussion about how they can make the most effective requests, what they should expect from agencies, and how agencies can be most responsive. OIP and OGIS are also teaming to offer dispute resolution training to FOIA professionals to provide enhanced communication skills and training on the importance of customer service in the administration of the FOIA.

OIP will also continue to work directly with agencies, including continued meetings and outreach with Chief FOIA Officers, and will continue to issue guidance on the full range of issues related to proper FOIA administration. OIP will host various training sessions for agencies designed to enhance their knowledge of the FOIA, like the "Fee Summit" it held in May 2011 to discuss FOIA fee practices and how FOIA fee waivers are determined, and the session on Exemption 2 which addressed OIP's guidance to agencies on the scope of that exemption in light of a recent Supreme Court decision. OIP will also continue to issue guidance and provide training to agencies specifically focused on implementation of the President's FOIA Memorandum and the Attorney General's FOIA Guidelines, including sessions on making discretionary releases under the Guidelines and increasing proactive disclosures.

Other agencies will help to strengthen FOIA's infrastructure as well. The Office of Personnel Management (OPM) will complete a process designed to enhance the professionalism of individuals who work in the FOIA field In March 2011, OPM created a new job title allowing agencies to designate FOIA-specific personnel, and over the course of the next year OPM will undertake a process to create a new job series of FOIA and/or information specialists, answering calls to create a FOIA-specific career track within agencies, who otherwise often depend on personnel with multiple job responsibilities to process FOIA requests.

For another example, the General Services Administration (GSA) and the Department of Justice will examine changes to GSA's "Schedule 36" contract that would allow agencies to

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258 We got to the rocks in safety, and if they had been doubly as difficult as they were, we should still have been well content. We sat down and refreshed the inner man; keeping our eyes on the towering pinnacles of ice under which we had passed; but which, now, were almost beneath us. Without a preliminary warning sound, one of the largest—as high as the Monument at London Bridge—fell upon the slope below. The stately mass heeled over as if upon a hinge (holding together until it bent thirty degrees forwards), then it crushed out its base, and, rent into a thousand fragments, plunged vertically down upon the slope that we had crossed! Every atom It was inexcusable to follow such a perilous path, but it is easy


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260 It was well for us now that we had such a man as leader. An inferior, or less daring guide, would have hesitated to enter upon the descent in a dense mist; and Croz himself would have done right to pause had he been less magnificent in physique. He acted, rather than said, "Where snow lies fast, there man can go; where ice exists, a way may he cut; it is a question of power; I have the power,—all you have to do is to follow me." Truly, he did not spare himself, and could he have performed the feats upon the boards of a theatre that he did upon this occasion, he would have brought down the house with thunders of applause. Here is what Moore wrote in his Journal.

[ The descent bore a strong resemblance to the Col de Pilatte, but was very much steeper and altogether more difficult, which is saying a good deal. Croz was in his element, and selected his way with marvellous sagacity, while Almer had an equally honourable and, perhaps, more responsible post in the rear, which he kept with his usual steadiness. . . . One particular passage has impressed itself on my mind as one of the most nervous I have ever made. We had to pass along a crest of ice, a mere knife-edge,—on our left a broad crevasse, whose bottom was lost in blue haze, and on our right, at an angle of 70°, or more, a slope falling to a similar gulf below. Croz, as he went along the edge, chipped small notches in the ice, in which we placed our feet, with the toes well turned out, doing all we knew to preserve our balance. While stepping from one of these precarious footholds to another, I staggered for a moment. I had not really lost my footing; but the agonised tone in which Almer, who was behind me, on seeing me waver, exclaimed, "Slip not, sir!" gave us an even livelier impression than we already had of the insecurity of the position. . . . One huge chasm, whose upper edge was far above the lower one, could neither be leaped nor turned, and threatened to prove an insuperable barrier. But Croz showed himself equal to the emergency. Held up by the rest of the party, he cut a series of holes for the hands and feet, down and along the almost


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262 matter, which has coursed down their faces, and has dried in patches like the resin on the trunks of pines. They have removed it, and at the same time have pulled off large flakes of their skin. They have gone from bad to worse—their case has become hopeless—knives and scissors have been called into play; tenderly, and daintily, they have endeavoured to reduce their cheeks to one, uniform hue. It is not to be done. But they have gone on, fascinated, and at last have brought their unhappy countenances to a state of helpless and complete ruin. Their lips are cracked; their cheeks are swollen; their eyes are blood-shot; their noses are peeled and indescribable.

Such are the pleasures of the mountaineer! Scornfully and derisively the last comer compares the sight with his own flaccid face and dainty hands; unconscious that he too, perhaps, will be numbered with those whom he now ridicules.

There is a frankness of manner about these strangely-apparelled and queer-faced men, which does not remind one of drawing-room, or city life; and it is good to see—in this club-room of Zermatt—those cold bodies, our too-frigid countrymen, regele together when brought into contact; and it is pleasant to witness the hearty welcome given to the new-comers by the host and his excellent wife.

I left this agreeable society to seek letters at the post. They yielded disastrous intelligence. My holiday was brought to an abrupt termination, and I awaited the arrival of Reilly (who was convoying the stores for the attack on the Matterhorn) only to inform him that our arrangements were upset; then travelled home, day and night, as fast as express trains would carry me.


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 supplement their existing FOIA processing capabilities with a wide variety of contract services, including contractor-supplied software, hardware, storage capability, and personnel, to assist agencies in response to unexpected spikes in incoming FOIA requests. Under a revised contract, agencies that experience a sudden increase in FOIA requests, prompted by a natural disaster or some other external event, could use a revised Schedule 36 contract to supplement their capacity to process FOIA requests. Agencies facing large FOIA backlogs could do the same.

Finally, and not least of all, agencies will continue to make proactive disclosures of information, review their FOIA guidelines as appropriate, further implement reforms to the process by which they administer FOIA requests, and continue their efforts to reduce FOIA backlogs. Thus will agencies build upon their ongoing efforts to provide greater disclosure through FOIA.

Open Government Agency Plan Implementation

Agencies will also continue to implement their Open Government Plans, many of which contemplate phased implementation. In concrete terms, continued implementation of agency Open Government Plans means agencies will continue to disclose information to the public, identify new opportunities for public participation in agency decision-making, and solicit collaboration with those outside government to address challenges agencies face. For example, agencies that have not already posted their congressional testimony and required reports to Congress as part of their Open Government Plans will do so during 2011. Similarly, agencies that have not already posted organizational agency directories, so that ordinary citizens might better navigate their government, will do so during 2011. In addition, agencies will also continue to implement the marquee "flagship" initiatives they identified in 2010 during the development stage of their Open Government Plans.

In the course of implementing their Open Government Plans, agencies will also assess their own progress in 2011, specifically by tracking their implementation against the elements of plans specified by the Open Government Directive. They will do so by considering whether the milestones they anticipated during the development of their plans are being met on schedule, and will adjust their efforts to ensure that realistic milestones can be reached on the timetables agencies anticipated. Given that agencies' Open Government Plans explicitly seek public feedback, the implementation and evolution of agency plans will reflect the already dynamic nature of agency Plans. Finally, agencies will also facilitate evaluation of the implementation phase of their Plans by outside experts as well.

More Open Innovation: New Uses for Government Data

Agencies will continue to build on their efforts to disclose government information in accessible and useful forms. Data.gov is developing and housing additional subject matter communities, such as the recently launched community of energy data. There, citizens can find information on the energy activities of Federal agencies, learn more about how energy is produced in the U.S. or in a local area, and discover tools for becoming more energy-efficient. In addition, agencies will work to expand the Blue Button capability into areas beyond personal health information. The federal CTO will continue to work with innovators and the R&D community to develop long-term strategies for open government's lasting success.

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Rh then squatted on his stool to gain breath, and took a few whiffs at a short pipe; after which he blew away more vigorously than before. We were told that this procedure was necessary. It appeared to us to be nasty. It accounts, perhaps, for the flavour possessed by certain Swiss cheeses.

Big, black, and leaden-coloured clouds rolled up from Zinal, and met in combat on the Morning glacier with others which descended from the Eothhorn. Down came the rain in torrents, and crash went the thunder. The herd-boys hurried under shelter, for the frightened cattle needed no driving, and tore spontaneously down the Alp as if running a steeple-chase. Men, cows, pigs, sheep, and goats forgot their mutual animosities, and rushed to the only refuge on the mountain. The spell was broken which had bound the elements for some weeks past, and the cirque from the Weisshorn to Lo Besso was the theatre in which they spent their fury.

A sullen morning succeeded an angry night. We were undecided in our council whether to advance or to return down the valley. Good seemed likely to overpower bad; so, at 5.40, we left the chalet en route for our pass [ amidst the most encouraging assurances from all the people on the Alp that we need not distress ourselves about the weather, as it was not possible to get to the point at which we were aiming ].

Our course led us at first over ordinary mountain slopes, and then over a flat expanse of glacier. Before this was quitted, it was needful to determine the exact line which was to be taken. We were divided betwixt two opinions. I advocated that a course should be steered due south, and that the upper plateau of the Morning glacier should be attained by making a great detour to our right. This was negatived without a division. Almer declared in favour of making for some rocks to the south-west of the Schallhorn, and attaining the upper plateau of the glacier by mounting them. Croz advised a middle course, up some very


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Rh the side of the great slope which led to the base of the ice-wall above.

Across this ice-slope Croz now proceeded to cut. It was executing a flank movement in the face of an enemy by whom we might be attacked at any moment. The peril was obvious. It was a monstrous folly. It was foolhardiness. A retreat should have been sounded.

"I am not ashamed to confess," wrote Moore in his Journal, "that during the whole time we were crossing this slope my heart was in my mouth, and I never felt relieved from such a load of care as when, after, I suppose, a passage of about twenty minutes, we got on to the rocks and were in safety. . . . I have never heard a positive oath come from Almer's mouth, but the language in which he kept up a running commentary, more to himself than to me, as we went along, was stronger than I should have given him credit for using. His prominent feeling seemed to be one of indignation that we should be in such a position, and self-reproach at being a party to the proceeding; while the emphatic way in which, at intervals, he exclaimed, 'Quick; be quick,' sufficiently betokened his alarm."

It was not necessary to admonish Croz to be quick. He was fully as alive to the risk as any of the others. He told me afterwards, that this place was not only the most dangerous he had ever crossed, but that no consideration whatever would tempt him to cross it again. Manfully did he exert himself to escape from the impending destruction. His head, bent down to his work, never turned to the right or to the left. One, two, three, went his axe, and then he stepped on to the spot where he had been cutting. How painfully insecure should we have considered those steps at any other time! But now, we thought of nothing but the rocks in front, and of the hideous séracs, lurching over above us, apparently in the act of falling.


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Rh to understand why it was taken. To have retreated from the place where Croz suggested a change of plan, to have descended below the reach of danger, and to have mounted again by the route which Almer suggested, would have been equivalent to abandoning the excursion; for no one would have passed another night in the chalet on the Arpitetta Alp. "Many," says Thucydides, "though seeing well the perils ahead, are forced along by fear of dishonour—as the world calls it—so that, vanquished by a mere word, they fall into irremediable calamities." Such was nearly the case here. No one could say a word in justification of the course which was adopted; all were alive to the danger that was being encountered; yet a grave risk was deliberately—although unwillingly—incurred, in preference to admitting, by withdrawal from an untenable position, that an error of judgment had been committed. Page 306 - Scrambles amongst the Alps - Whymper.jpg THE SUMMIT OF THE MOMINC PASS IN 1864. After a laborious trudge over many species of snow, and through many varieties of vapour—from the quality of a Scotch mist to that of a London fog—we at length stood on the depression between the Rothhorn and the Schallhorn. A steep wall of snow was upon the Zinal side of the summit; but what the descent was like on the other side we could not tell, for a billow of snow tossed over its crest by the western winds, suspended o'er Zermatt with motion arrested, resembling an ocean-wave frozen in the act of breaking, cut off the view.

Croz—held hard in by the others, who kept down the Zinal side—opened his shoulders, flogged down the foam, and cut away the cornice to its junction with the summit; then boldly leaped down, and called on us to follow him.


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 Agencies will likewise continue their collaboration with outside parties to develop new uses for government data. For example, DOT, EPA, and HUD will work with good-government groups, technologists, and citizens in late 2011 to host a "code-a-thon" designed to look for new practical uses for agency data related to creating more sustainable and livable communities. This effort will convene good-government groups, data mining experts, and the agencies to do concentrated work over a short period of time to create new practical uses of raw data that DOT, EPA, and HUD have made available.

Other agencies will also continue to collaborate with outside parties to find new practical uses of government data. For instance, HHS will build on the substantial progress it has made in connection with its Open Health Data, a flagship initiative of HHS's Open Government Plan, by working with the private sector to develop new uses of raw government health data that promote public health in tangible ways. For another example, EPA recently initiated a major new challenge to data entrepreneurs to develop innovative environmental applications of EPA data.

Updating Federal Web Policy

In part as a result of agencies' open government efforts, agency websites have become a primary if not dominant means by which the public gets government information. It is therefore crucial for government web sites to provide information in an easy to access and usable manner. The current policy governing federal agency websites, OMB Memorandum, M-05-04, "Policies for Federal Agency Websites," was issued in 2004. To take into account recent advances in technology and the way the public uses the internet, OMB will be reviewing and updating this policy over the next year.

Classification, Declassification, and Controlled Information

Agencies will also continue to implement Executive Order 13526 by reviewing, standardizing, and tightening their classification standards, overseen by the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA)'s Information Security Oversight Office (ISOO). Pursuant to the Order, agencies with original classification authority will complete comprehensive reviews of their efforts by June 2012. In the interim, agencies will issue status reports on their progress, as prescribed by ISOO, in late summer 2011 and early 2012. At the same time, the National Declassification Center will continue to oversee the declassification of hundreds of millions of pages of classified government documents. NARA will also oversee agency implementation of Executive Order 13556, limiting agency use of non-classified restrictions on government documents. As prescribed by Executive Order 13556, agencies will focus on streamlining categories of such restrictions, and submit proposed categories to NARA, ultimately leading to a public registry of standardized government markings. All of these efforts will require sustained efforts by NARA, ISOO, the National Declassification Center, and not least of all agencies themselves over the next several years.

Greater Public Participation in Rulemaking and Retrospective Review

Agencies will promote transparency, participation, and collaboration in still other ways as well, for one example by continuing to promote greater public participation during the agency rulemaking process and the retrospective review of those rules. On January 18, 2011, President Obama issued Executive Order 13563, reaffirming the framework for White House review of

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Rh wall of ice forming the upper side of the schrund. Down this slippery staircase we crept, with our faces to the wall, until a point was reached where the width of the chasm was not too great for us to drop across. Before we had done, we got quite accustomed to taking flying leaps over the schrunds To make a long story short; after a most desperate and exciting struggle, and as bad a piece of ice-work as it is possible to imagine, we emerged on to the upper plateau of the Hohlicht glacier. ]

The glimpses which had been caught of the lower part of the Hohlicht glacier were discouraging, so it was now determined to cross over the ridge between it and the Rothhorn glacier. This was not done without great trouble. Again we rose to a height exceeding 12,000 feet. Eventually we took to the track of the despised Triftjoch, and descended by the well-known, but rough, path which leads to that pass; arriving at the Monte Rosa hotel at Zermatt at 7.20 p.m. We occupied nearly twelve hours of actual walking in coming from the chalet on the Arpitetta Alp (which was 2½ hours above Zinal), and we consequently found that the Moming pass was not the shortest route from Zinal to Zermatt, although it was the most direct.

Two dozen guides—good, bad, and indifferent; French, Swiss, and Italian—can commonly be seen sitting on the wall on the front of the Monte Rosa hotel: waiting on their employers, and looking for employers; watching new arrivals, and speculating on the number of francs which may be extracted from their pockets. The Messieurs—sometimes strangely and wonderfully dressed—stand about in groups, or lean back in chairs, or lounge on the benches which are placed by the door. They wear extraordinary boots, and still more remarkable head-dresses. Their peeled, blistered, and swollen faces are worth studying. Some, by the exercise of watchfulness and unremitting care, have been fortunate enough to acquire a fine raw sienna complexion. But most of them have not been so happy. They have been scorched on rocks, and roasted on glaciers. Their cheeks—first puffed, then cracked—have exuded a turpentine-


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 rules that was established by Executive Order 12866 and requiring agencies to develop plans to conduct a retrospective review of their existing rules. Section 2 of Executive Order 13563, entitled "Public Participation," directs agencies to promote an "open exchange of information and perspectives" among all stakeholders during the regulatory process, and to provide the public with a "meaningful opportunity" to comment on proposed rules. Specifically, the Order directs agencies to provide the public with a "timely" opportunity to comment on proposed and final rules, and to make electronic rulemaking dockets, including the scientific and technical findings relevant to a proposed or final rule, available and searchable online. Executive Order 13563 also instructs agencies to "seek the views of those likely to be affected" by a proposed rule, including likely beneficiaries and those who would be subject to a rule. Notably, the Order directs agencies to do so before issuing a notice of proposed rulemaking.

In other words, Executive Order 13563 promotes increased public participation throughout all stages of the rulemaking process. Agencies will not satisfy the Order simply by allowing interested parties to comment on the text of a proposed or final agency rule after it is published in the Federal Register. Instead, it prescribes transparency—searchable, online access—to the docket underlying the proposed or final rule on Regulations.gov. Such access will foster meaningful participation during the development stage of proposed rules, not merely in response to propose rules. That is no small difference. Full agency implementation of Executive Order 13563 over the next year and beyond will increase significantly the opportunities for public participation in the rulemaking process.

The relevance of rulemaking of course continues even after the publication of a final rule. Section 6 of Executive Order 13563 accordingly directs agencies to develop plans to "periodically review . . . existing significant regulations to determine whether any such regulations should be modified, streamlined, expanded, or repealed so as to make the agency's regulatory program more effective or less burdensome in achieving the regulatory objectives." Many agencies have sought public comments on their preliminary plans for retrospective review. They have been encouraged to publish their preliminary plans online on their Open Government websites, and to do so "in an open format that enables the public to download, analyze, and visualize any information and data." The transparent development of agency review plans provides another example of how the Administration will continue to promote open government through the rest of 2011 and beyond.

Regulatory Compliance and Enforcement Transparency

Executive Order 13563 was accompanied by a Memorandum from the President on the subject of "Regulatory Compliance," issued the same day. The President's Regulatory Compliance Memorandum instructs agencies with substantial regulatory responsibilities to disclose to the public information about their regulatory inspections, citations, reviews, warnings, revocations, and other regulatory compliance and enforcement activities. The Memorandum further directs agencies to provide such information in a centralized way that is accessible and searchable on line, and to promote "new public uses" of this information. It also instructs the federal government's Chief Technology Officer and Chief Information Officer to

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THE MOMING PASS—ZERMATT.

July 10, Croz and I went to Sierra, in the Valais, viâ the Col de Balme, the Col de la Forclaz, and Martigny. The Swiss side of the Forclaz is not creditable to Switzerland. The path from Martigny to the summit has undergone successive improvements in these latter years; but mendicants permanently disfigure it.

We passed many tired pedestrians toiling up this oven, persecuted by trains of parasitic children. These children swarm there like maggots in a rotten cheese. They carry baskets of fruit with which to plague the weary tourist. They flit around him like flies; they thrust the fruit in his face; they pester him with their pertinacity. Beware of them!—taste, touch not their fruit. In the eyes of these children, each peach, each grape, is worth a prince's ransom. It is to no purpose to be angry; it is like flapping wasps—they only buzz the more. Whatever you do, or whatever you say, the end will be the same. "Give me something," is the alpha and omega of all their addresses. They learn the phrase, it is said, before they are taught the alphabet. It is in all their mouths. From the tiny toddler up to the maiden of sixteen, there is nothing heard but one universal chorus of—"Give me something; will you have the goodness to give me something?"

From Sierra we went up the Val d'Anniviers to Zinal, to join our former companions, Moore and Almer. Moore was ambitious to discover a shorter way from Zinal to Zermatt than the two


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 help agencies develop ways to make their compliance and enforcement information searchable across agencies.

The Regulatory Compliance Memorandum will therefore lead to greater transparency of regulatory agencies' compliance and enforcement records. Such transparency will promote greater government accountability, as the agencies with weak compliance and enforcement records will be more readily revealed. At the same time, greater disclosure of regulatory compliance and enforcement information will also provide more accountability of chronic bad actors who fail to comply with the law, especially across multiple regulatory areas. This in turn will help level the playing field among regulated entities, and provide citizens with information they need to make more informed decisions. All of these consequences constitute express purposes of the Regulatory Compliance Memorandum.

Given its breadth, implementation of the Regulatory Compliance Memorandum will require sustained commitment by regulatory agencies over the next months and years. Agencies have developed preliminary draft implementation plans, and during 2011 will finalize their implementation plans and begin to make new regulatory compliance and enforcement information publically available. In fact, many agencies have already begun to make their compliance and enforcement activities accessible to the public. The Regulatory Compliance Memorandum will require all executive branch regulatory agencies to do so, and to expand the information they already provide, in increasingly searchable ways.

International Open Government Partnership

President Obama's emphasis on open government has proven contagious. For example, the President's trip to India in 2010 resulted in a US-India Open Government Dialogue. Australia, Canada, Estonia, New Zealand, and Norway have built directly on Data.gov by launching similar government websites. The United Kingdom announced a new open government initiative that draws heavily from the Administration's efforts over the past two years. Other governments have also borrowed from those efforts. Emerging economies have also shown strong initiative as well, including Brazil's dedication to anti-corruption reforms, South Africa's efforts to provide greater fiscal and budgetary transparency, and Indonesia's initiatives to promote citizen engagement.

Over the next two years, the Administration will take affirmative steps to promote open government around the world, not only by example but also through engagement with governments that have indicated interest in strengthening accountability and transparency. As the President stated in his speech before the United Nations in September of 2010:

 * The common thread of progress is the principle that government is accountable to its citizens. . . . In all parts of the world, we see the promise of innovation to make government more open and accountable. . . . . We must build on that progress. And when we gather back here next year, we should bring specific commitments to promote transparency; to fight corruption; to energize civic engagement; to leverage new technologies so that we strengthen the foundations of freedom in our own countries, while living up to the ideals that can light the world.

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 (Paris, 1850), tome i. p. 359; E. Vacherot, École d’Alexandrie (1846–1851), tome iii. p. 85; Schmölders, Documenta philosophiae Arabum (Bonn, 1836), and Essai sur les écoles philosophiques chez les Arabes (Paris, 1842); Shahrastani, History of Religious and Philosophical Sects, in German translation by Haarbrücker (Halle, 1850–1851); Dieterici, Streit zwischen Mensch und Thier (Berlin, 1858), and his other translations of the Encyclopaedia of the Brothers of Sincerity (1861 to 1872); T. J. de Boer, The History of Philosophy in Islam (London, 1903); K. Prantl, Geschichte der Logik (Leipzig, 1861); and the Histories of Philosophy; also the literature under the biographies of philosophers mentioned.

ARABIAN SEA (anc. Mare Erythraeum), the name applied to the portion of the Indian Ocean bounded E. by India, N. by Baluchistan and part of the southern Persian littoral, W. by Arabia, and S., approximately, by a line between Cape Guardafui, the north-east point of Somaliland, and Cape Comorin in India. It has two important branches—at the south-west the Gulf of Aden, connecting with the Red Sea through the strait of Bab-el-Mandeb; and at the north-west the Gulf of Oman, connecting with the Persian Gulf. Besides these larger ramifications, there are the Gulfs of Cambay and Kach on the Indian coast. An interest and importance belong to this sea as forming part of the chief highway between Europe and India. Its islands are few and insignificant, the chief being Sokotra, off the African, and the Laccadives, off the Indian coast. ARABICI, a religious sect originating about the beginning of the 3rd century, which is mentioned by Augustine (De Haeres. c. lxxxiii.), and called also  (“mortal-souled”) by John of Damascus (De Haeres. c. xc.) The name is given to the Arabians mentioned by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. vi. 37), whose distinctive doctrine was a form of Christian materialism, showing itself in the belief that the soul perished and was restored to life along with the body. We may compare Tatian’s view of the soul as a subtler variety of matter. According to Eusebius, they were convinced of their error by Origen, and renounced it at a council held about 246. ARABI PASHA (c. 1839–), more correctly, to which in later years he added the epithet al-Misrī, “the Egyptian,” Egyptian soldier and revolutionary leader, was born in Lower Egypt in 1839 or 1840 of a fellah family. Having entered the army as a conscript he was made an officer by Said Pasha in 1862, and was employed in the transport department in the Abyssinian campaign of 1875 under Ismail Pasha. A charge of peculation, unproved, was made against him in connexion with this expedition and he was placed on half-pay. During this time he joined a secret society formed by Ali Rubi with the object of getting rid of Turkish officers from the Egyptian army. Arabi also attended lectures at the mosque El Azhar and acquired a reputation as an orator. In 1878 he was employed by Ismail in fomenting a disturbance against the ministry of Nubar, Rivers Wilson and de Blignières, and received in payment a wife from Ismail’s harem and the command of a regiment. This increased his influence with the secret society, which, under the feeble government of Tewfik Pasha and the Dual Control, began to agitate against Europeans. In all that followed Arabi was put forward as the leader of the discontented Egyptians; he was in reality little more than the mouthpiece and puppet of abler men such as Ali Rubi and Mahmud Sami. On the 1st of February 1881 Arabi and two other Egyptian colonels, summoned before a court-martial for acts of disobedience, were rescued by their soldiers, and the khedive was forced to dismiss his then minister of war in favour of Mahmud Sami. A military demonstration on the 8th of September 1881, led by Arabi, forced the khedive to increase the numbers and pay of the army, to substitute Sherif Pasha for Riaz Pasha as prime minister, and to convene an assembly of notables. Arabi became under-secretary for war at the beginning of 1882, but continued his intrigues. The assembly of notables claimed the right of voting the budget, and thus came into conflict with the foreign controllers who had been appointed to guard the interests of the bondholders in the management of the Egyptian finances. Sherif fell in February, Mahmud Sami became prime minister, and Arabi (created a pasha) minister of war. Arabi, after a brief fall from office, acquired a dictatorial power that alarmed the British government. British and French warships went to Alexandria at the beginning of June; on the 11th of that month rioting in that city led to the sacrifice of many European lives. Order could only be restored through the intervention of Arabi, who now adopted a more distinctly anti-European attitude. His arming of the forts at Alexandria was held to constitute a menace to the British fleet. On the refusal of France to co-operate, the British fleet bombarded the forts (11th July), and a British force, under Sir Garnet Wolseley, defeated Arabi on the 13th of September at Tel-el-Kebir. Arabi fled to Cairo where he surrendered, and was tried (3rd of December) for rebellion. In accordance with an understanding made with the British representative, Lord Dufferin, Arabi pleaded guilty, and sentence of death was immediately commuted to one of banishment for life to Ceylon. The same sentence was passed on Mahmud Sami and others. After Arabi’s exile had lasted for nearly twenty years, however, the khedive Abbas II. exercised his prerogative of mercy, and in May 1901 Arabi was permitted to return to Egypt. Arabi, as has been said, was rather the figurehead than the inspirer of the movement of 1881–1882; and was probably more honest, as he was certainly less intelligent, than those whose tool, in a large measure, he was. The movement which he represented in the eye of Europe, whatever the motives of its leaders, “was in its essence a genuine revolt against misgovernment,” and it was a dim recognition of this fact which led Arabi to style himself “the Egyptian.”

ARABISTAN (formerly ), a province of Persia, bounded on the S. by the Persian Gulf, on the W. by Turkish territory, on the N. by Luristan and on the E. by the Bakhtiari district and Fars. It has its modern name, signifying “land of the Arabs,” from the Arabs who form the bulk of the population, and is subdivided into the districts of Muhamrah, Fellahiyeh (the old Dorak), Ram Hormuz (popularly known as Ramiz), Havizeh, Shushter and Dizful. It has a population of about 200,000 and pays a yearly revenue of about £30,000. The soil is very fertile, but since the dam over the Karun at Ahvaz was swept away and the numerous canals which diverted the waters of the river for irrigation became useless, a great part of the province is uncultivated, and most of the crops and produce depend for water on rainfall and wells. The climate is hot, and in the low-lying, swampy districts very unhealthy; the prevailing winds are north-west and south-east, the former hot and dry from the arid districts west of Mesopotamia, the latter bearing much moisture from the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. The principal Arab tribes are the Kab (generally known as Chaab) and Beni Lam, the former mostly settled in towns and villages and by religion Shi’ites, the latter nomads and Sunnites. The staples of food are dates and fish in the south, elsewhere the produce of the herds and flocks and rice, wheat and barley. Other products are maize, cotton, silk and indigo, and the manufactures include carpets without pile, coarse woollens, cottons and silk nettings. Dyeing is extensively carried on in Dizful where most of the indigo is grown.

Khuzistan (meaning “the land of the Khuz”) was a part of the Biblical Elam, the classical Susiana, and appears in the great inscription of Darius as Uvaja. ARABS, the name given to that branch of the Semitic race which from the earliest historic times inhabited the south-western portion of the Arabian peninsula. The name, to-day the collective term for the overwhelming majority of the surviving Semitic peoples, was originally restricted to the nomad tribes who ranged the north of the peninsula east of Palestine and the Syro-Arabian desert. In this narrow sense “Arab” is used in the Assyrian inscriptions, in the Old Testament and in the Minaean inscriptions. Before the Christian era it had come to include all the inhabitants of the peninsula. This, it is suggested, may have been due to the fact that the “Arabs”

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