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Rh give us if we were devoted to unpopular causes. We need no longer hold our tongues or fear to vote the revolutionary or reformatory ticket. Our stocks might fall, our hopes of promotion vanish, our salaries stop, our club doors close in our faces; yet, while we lived, we would imperturbably bear witness to the spirit, and our example would help to set free our generation. The cause would need its funds, but we its servants would be potent in proportion as we personally were contented with our poverty.

I recommend this matter to your serious pondering, for it is certain that the prevalent fear of poverty among the educated classes is the worst moral disease from which our civilization suffers.

I have now said all that I can usefully say about the several fruits of religion as they are manifested in saintly lives, so I will make a brief review and pass to my more general conclusions.

Our question, you will remember, is as to whether religion stands approved by its fruits, as these are exhibited in the saintly type of character. Single attributes of saintliness may, it is true, be temperamental endowments, found in non-religious individuals. But the whole group of them forms a combination which, as such, is religious, for it seems to flow from the sense of the divine as from its psychological centre. Whoever possesses strongly this sense comes naturally to think that the smallest details of this world derive infinite significance from their relation to an unseen divine order. The thought of this order yields him a superior denomination of happiness, and a steadfastness of soul with which no other can compare. In social relations his serviceability is exemplary; he abounds in impulses to help. His help is


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370 as well as outward, for his sympathy reaches souls as well as bodies, and kindles unsuspected faculties therein. Instead of placing happiness where common men place it, in comfort, he places it in a higher kind of inner excitement, which converts discomforts into sources of cheer and annuls unhappiness. So he turns his back upon no duty, however thankless; and when we are in need of assistance, we can count upon the saint lending his hand with more certainty than we can count upon any other person. Finally, his humble-mindedness and his ascetic tendencies save him from the petty personal pretensions which so obstruct our ordinary social intercourse, and his purity gives us in him a clean man for a companion. Felicity, purity, charity, patience, self-severity,—these are splendid excellencies, and the saint of all men shows them in the completest possible measure.

But, as we saw, all these things together do not make saints infallible. When their intellectual outlook is narrow, they fall into all sorts of holy excesses, fanaticism or theopathic absorption, self-torment, prudery, scrupulosity, gullibility, and morbid inability to meet the world. By the very intensity of his fidelity to the paltry ideals with which an inferior intellect may inspire him, a saint can be even more objectionable and damnable than a superficial carnal man would be in the same situation. We must judge him not sentimentally only, and not in isolation, but using our own intellectual standards, placing him in his environment, and estimating his total function.

Now in the matter of intellectual standards, we must bear in mind that it is unfair, where we find narrowness of mind, always to impute it as a vice to the individual, for in religious and theological matters he probably absorbs his narrowness from his generation. Moreover, we

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372 issue to narrate their doom. The leaders always had good consciences, for conscience in them coalesced with will, and those who looked on their face were as much smitten with wonder at their freedom from inner restraint as with awe at the energy of their outward performances.

Compared with these beaked and taloned graspers of the world, saints are herbivorous animals, tame and harmless barn-yard poultry. There are saints whose beard you may, if you ever care to, pull with impunity. Such a man excites no thrills of wonder veiled in terror; his conscience is full of scruples and returns; he stuns us neither by his inward freedom nor his outward power; and unless he found within us an altogether different faculty of admiration to appeal to, we should pass him by with contempt.

In point of fact, he does appeal to a different faculty. Reënacted in human nature is the fable of the wind, the sun, and the traveler. The sexes embody the discrepancy. The woman loves the man the more admiringly the stormier he shows himself, and the world deifies its rulers the more for being willful and unaccountable. But the woman in turn subjugates the man by the mystery of gentleness in beauty, and the saint has always charmed the world by something similar. Mankind is susceptible and suggestible in opposite directions, and the rivalry of influences is unsleeping. The saintly and the worldly ideal pursue their feud in literature as much as in real life.

For Nietzsche the saint represents little but sneakingness and slavishness. He is the sophisticated invalid, the degenerate par excellence, the man of insufficient vitality. His prevalence would put the human type in danger.

"The sick are the greatest danger for the well. The weaker, not the stronger, are the strong's undoing. It is not fear of our fellow-man, which we should wish to see diminished; for


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Rh

We have now seen enough of this cosmic or mystic consciousness, as it comes sporadically. We must next


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Rh (3) They break down the authority of the non-mystical or rationalistic consciousness, based upon the understanding and the senses alone. They show it to be only one kind of consciousness. They open out the possibility of other orders of truth, in which, so far as anything in us vitally responds to them, we may freely continue to have faith.

I will take up these points one by one.

1.

As a matter of psychological fact, mystical states of a well-pronounced and emphatic sort are usually authoritative over those who have them. They have been 'there,' and know. It is vain for rationalism to grumble about this. If the mystical truth that comes to a man proves to be a force that he can live by, what mandate have we of the majority to order him to live in another way? We can throw him into a prison or a madhouse, but we cannot change his mind—we commonly attach it only the more stubbornly to its beliefs. It mocks our utmost efforts, as a matter of fact, and in point of logic it absolutely escapes our jurisdiction. Our own more 'rational' beliefs are based on evidence exactly similar in nature to that which mystics quote for theirs. Our senses, namely, have assured us of certain states of fact; but mystical experiences are as direct perceptions


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426 can find a place in their framework for its peculiar emotional mood. We have no right, therefore, to invoke its prestige as distinctively in favor of any special belief, such as that in absolute idealism, or in the absolute monistic identity, or in the absolute goodness, of the world. It is only relatively in favor of all these things—it passes out of common human consciousness in the direction in which they lie.

So much for religious mysticism proper. But more remains to be told, for religious mysticism is only one half of mysticism. The other half has no accumulated traditions except those which the text-books on insanity supply. Open any one of these, and you will find abundant cases in which 'mystical ideas' are cited as characteristic symptoms of enfeebled or deluded states of mind. In delusional insanity, paranoia, as they sometimes call it, we may have a diabolical mysticism, a sort of religious mysticism turned upside down. The same sense of ineffable importance in the smallest events, the same texts and words coming with new meanings, the same voices and visions and leadings and missions, the same controlling by extraneous powers; only this time the emotion is pessimistic: instead of consolations we have desolations; the meanings are dreadful; and the powers are enemies to life. It is evident that from the point of view of their psychological mechanism, the classic mysticism and these lower mysticisms spring from the same mental level, from that great subliminal or transmarginal region of which science is beginning to admit the existence, but of which so little is really known. That region contains every kind of matter: 'seraph and snake' abide there side by side. To come from thence is no infallible credential. What comes must be sifted and tested, and run the gauntlet of confrontation with the total context of experience,


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434 there be than such a system would offer to spirits vexed by the muddiness and accidentality of the world of sensible things? Accordingly, we find inculcated in the theological schools of to-day, almost as much as in those of the fore-time, a disdain for merely possible or probable truth, and of results that only private assurance can grasp. Scholastics and idealists both express this disdain. Principal John Caird, for example, writes as follows in his Introduction to the Philosophy of Religion:—

Cardinal Newman, in his work, The Idea of a University, gives more emphatic expression still to this disdain for sentiment. Theology, he says, is a science in the strictest sense of the word. I will tell you, he says, what it is not—not 'physical evidences' for God, not 'natural religion,' for these are but vague subjective interpretations:—


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446 may grate upon tender associations, I must frankly confess that even though these attributes were faultlessly deduced, I cannot conceive of its being of the smallest consequence to us religiously that any one of them should be true. Pray, what specific act can I perform in order to adapt myself the better to God's simplicity? Or how does it assist me to plan my behavior, to know that his happiness is anyhow absolutely complete? In the middle of the century just past, Mayne Reid was the great writer of books of out-of-door adventure. He was forever extolling the hunters and field-observers of living animals' habits, and keeping up a fire of invective against the 'closet-naturalists,' as he called them, the collectors and classifiers, and handlers of skeletons and skins. When I was a boy, I used to think that a closet-naturalist must be the vilest type of wretch under the sun. But surely the systematic theologians are the closet-naturalists of the deity, even in Captain Mayne Reid's sense. What is deduction of these metaphysical attributes but a shuffling and matching of pedantic dictionary-adjectives, aloof from morals, aloof from human needs, something that might be worked out from the mere word 'God' by one of those logical machines of wood and brass which recent ingenuity has contrived as well as by a man of flesh and blood. They have the trail of the serpent over them. One feels that in the theologians' hands, they are only a set of titles obtained by a mechanical manipulation of synonyms; verbality has stepped into the place of vision, professionalism into that of life. Instead of bread we have a stone; instead of a fish, a serpent. Did such a conglomeration of abstract terms give really the gist of our knowledge of the deity, schools of theology might indeed continue to flourish, but religion, vital religion, would have taken its flight from


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450 stark self-identity in each thing never attains to. The objects of our thought now act within our thought, act as objects act when given in experience. They change and develop. They introduce something other than themselves along with them; and this other, at first only ideal or potential, presently proves itself also to be actual. It supersedes the thing at first supposed, and both verifies and corrects it, in developing the fullness of its meaning.

The program is excellent; the universe is a place where things are followed by other things that both correct and fulfill them; and a logic which gave us something like this movement of fact would express truth far better than the traditional school-logic, which never gets of its own accord from anything to anything else, and registers only predictions and subsumptions, or static resemblances and differences. Nothing could be more unlike the methods of dogmatic theology than those of this new logic. Let me quote in illustration some passages from the Scottish transcendentalist whom I have already named.

"How are we to conceive," Principal Caird writes, "of the reality in which all intelligence rests?" He replies: "Two things may without difficulty be proved, viz., that this reality is an absolute Spirit, and conversely that it is only in communion with this absolute Spirit or Intelligence that the finite Spirit can realize itself. It is absolute; for the faintest movement of human intelligence would be arrested, if it did not presuppose the absolute reality of intelligence, of thought itself. Doubt or denial themselves presuppose and indirectly affirm it. When I pronounce anything to be true, I pronounce it, indeed, to be relative to thought, but not to be relative to my thought, or to the thought of any other individual mind. From the existence of all individual minds as such I can abstract; I can think them away. But that which I cannot think away is thought or self-consciousness itself, in its independence


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454 excused from proving technically that the transcendentalist reasonings fail to make religion universal, for I can point to the plain fact that a majority of scholars, even religiously disposed ones, stubbornly refuse to treat them as convincing. The whole of Germany, one may say, has positively rejected the Hegelian argumentation. As for Scotland, I need only mention Professor Fraser's and Professor Pringle-Pattison's memorable criticisms, with which so many of you are familiar. Once more, I ask, if transcendental idealism were as objectively and absolutely rational as it pretends to be, could it possibly fail so egregiously to be persuasive?

What religion reports, you must remember, always purports to be a fact of experience: the divine is actually present, religion says, and between it and ourselves relations of give and take are actual. If definite perceptions of fact like this cannot stand upon their own feet,


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474 Such accounts as this shade away into others where the belief is, not that particular events are tempered more towardly to us by a superintending providence, as a reward for our reliance, but that by cultivating the continuous sense of our connection with the power that made things as they are, we are tempered more towardly for their reception. The outward face of nature need not alter, but the expressions of meaning in it alter. It was dead and is alive again. It is like the difference between looking on a person without love, or upon the same person with love. In the latter case intercourse springs into new vitality. So when one's affections keep in touch with the divinity of the world's authorship, fear and egotism fall away; and in the equanimity that follows, one finds in the hours, as they succeed each other, a series of purely benignant opportunities. It is as if all doors were opened, and all paths freshly smoothed. We meet a new world when we meet the old world in the spirit which this kind of prayer infuses.

Such a spirit was that of Marcus Aurelius and Epictetus. It is that of mind-curers, of the transcendentalists, and of the so-called 'liberal' Christians. As an


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Rh of it, I will quote a page from one of Martineau's sermons:—

When we see all things in God, and refer all things to him, we read in common matters superior expressions of


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Rh  the number of the Great Powers—five— s precisely the total of the pre-war Dual Alliance (Triple only with Italy) and Triple Entente, whose hostility caused the War. It follows that we shall be able to maintain our League as long as the five Powers now allied, continue to agree. Their number is not sufficient to prevent a bid for predominance on the part of one or two of them. No doubt a new Germany and a new Russia will some day increase them to seven. Perhaps the Smaller Powers, taking note of the naked fact which was exposed by this incident, will set about federating among themselves. A Scandinavian group, a group of the Middle Tier of East Europe (Poland to Jugo-Slavia), and a Spanish South American group (if not also including Brazil) may all, perhaps, be attainable. In any case the League should do service in bringing the opinion of mankind to bear for the just revision of obsolescent treaties before they become unbearable misfits. But let us be rid of cant: Democracy must reckon with Reality.

B  ANALYSIS

BEING THE HEADS OF ARGUMENT IN THIS BOOK, WITH CHAPTER AND PAGE REFERENCES

I.—The Future and peace, 1; Causes of past wars, 2; Growth of opposing interests, 3; Danger of merely juridical conceptions of the League of Nations, 4; The possibility of a World-Tyranny, 5; The problem stated, 5.

II.—Democratic Idealism, its successive tragedies, 6, and its relation to Reality, 9; The Economic Reality of the 'Going Concern,' 10; The organisers of Going Concerns, 13; The emergence of organisers from Revolution, 14; The organiser and social discipline, 16; The great Organiser is the great Realist, 18; Democratic prejudice against Experts, 19; The organiser thinks strategically, 20; His 'ways and means' mind, 21; Napoleon, 21; Bismarck, 21; The strategical mentality of Prussia, 24; 'Kultur' and strategy, 24; The German war map, 26; Strategical thought in Economics, 29; But Democracy thinks ethically, 31; 'No annexations, no indemnities,' 33;


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H with great skill he retorted upon Samuel Haliday [q. v.] the palmary argument of the non-subscribers. If subscription be unscriptural, urged Hemphill, equally so is every method proposed by the non-subscribers for ascertaining the fitness of a minister. The publication was followed by the ejection of non-subscribers from the synod at the June meeting. Though he had deserved well of his party, he was left to struggle with the difficulties of a frontier congregation. In 1729 he was called to the new congregation at Antrim, formed by those who had withdrawn from the ministry of John Abernethy (1680–1740) [q. v.]; the synod, however, would not permit him to remove. He fell into pecuniary difficulties, and died on 28 March 1741.

Hemphill published: 1. ‘Some General Remarks … on the … Consistency of Subscribing, &c.’ [Belfast?], 1722, 8vo (anon.; acknowledged later). 2. Preface to Mastertown's ‘Apology for the Northern Presbyterians,’ &c., Glasgow, 1723, 4to (valuable for the account of the proceedings at the general synod of that year). 3. ‘The Third Page of Mr. Abernethy's Preface … considered,’ &c., Belfast, 1725, 8vo. 4. ‘A Letter to the Rev. Mr. Samuel Haliday, &c.,’ Dublin, 1726, 8vo.

HENCHMAN, HUMPHREY, D.D. (1592–1675), bishop of Salisbury and subsequently of London, the third son of Thomas Henchman, skinner, of the city of London, by his wife Anne Griffiths, daughter of Robert Griffiths of Carnarvon, was born at Barton Seagrove, Northamptonshire, in the house of Owen Owens, the rector of the parish, whose wife was his mother's sister. He was baptised there 22 Dec. 1592. His family was of long standing in the county of Northampton. He matriculated at Christ's College, Cambridge, 18 Dec. 1609 (B.A. 1612–13, M.A. 1616, B.D. 1623, and D.D. 1628). About 1616 he became one of the first two fellows on the Freeman foundation at Clare Hall, his grandmother being a near kinswoman of the founder. He resigned his fellowship in March 1622–3 on his appointment to the precentorship, together with a prebendal stall, in Salisbury Cathedral. He married the niece of John Davenant, bishop of Salisbury [q. v.] He was also rector of Rushton, Northamptonshire, from 4 May 1624; of Westbury, Wiltshire, on his own presentation in right of his precentorship (1631); and of the Isle of Portland till 1643. As canon residentiary of Salisbury he was distinguished for his hospitality, for the regularity of his attendance at the cathedral services, and for the care he took to secure reverence in the church and a more dignified ceremonial at the altar. He told Walton that he had taken part in George Herbert's ordination by Bishop Davenant, and ‘within less than three years lent his shoulder to carry his dear friend to the grave’ (Hist. MSS. Comm. 4th Rep. p. 130). The great rebellion deprived Henchman, a staunch royalist, of all his preferments. His rectory house and library at Portland were destroyed, and he had to pay 200l. for composition with the parliamentarians (, Sufferings, ii. 264). He resided in a private capacity in the Close at Salisbury, whence he kept up a secret correspondence with the royalist leaders. He was mainly instrumental in arranging for the escape of Charles II from England after the battle of Worcester in 1651. On 13 Oct. Henchman very early in the morning conducted the king from Hele House, near Salisbury, to Clarendon Park Corner (Lord Clarendon's statement that Henchman met Charles at Stonehenge is erroneous), whence he reached Brighton and crossed safely to France (Boscobel Tracts, pp. 80, 175, 277, 278;, Rebellion, bk. iii. p. 331).

Until the restoration of 1660 Henchman appears to have lived unmolested at Salisbury. Before Charles returned he corresponded with Hyde as to filling the vacant bishoprics and other church dignities, and was instructed by him to convey to those who openly anticipated preferment the king's determination not to bestow it on any who asked for it (, Register, p. 818;, Correspondence). His friend Evelyn, the diarist, supped with him, Fearne, Gunning, ‘and other discreet and learned divines, firm confessors, and excellent persons, 9 Dec. 1659 being our fast day’ (Diary, ii. 109). Evelyn says that he heard Henchman preach on ‘Christian Circumspection,’ 8 July 1660, the date of the public restoration of the anglican liturgy (ib.) The king's personal obligations to Henchman, and his reputation as ‘an eminent example of primitive Christianity,’ led to his election (28 Oct. 1660) to the see of Salisbury, vacated by Bishop Duppa's translation to Winchester. At Salisbury he at once set about the restoration of the cathedral and the palace after the devastations of the puritans. He ‘restored and perfected the upper chamber,’ which forms the domestic chapel, and consecrated it, whether for the


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488 of deliverance, if we are healthy-minded? Unquestionably, some men have the completer experience and the higher vocation, here just as in the social world; but for each man to stay in his own experience, whate'er it be, and for others to tolerate him there, is surely best.

But, you may now ask, would not this one-sidedness be cured if we should all espouse the science of religions as our own religion? In answering this question I must open again the general relations of the theoretic to the active life.

Knowledge about a thing is not the thing itself. You remember what Al-Ghazzali told us in the Lecture on Mysticism,—that to understand the causes of drunkenness, as a physician understands them, is not to be drunk. A science might come to understand everything about the causes and elements of religion, and might even


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H first time or as a reconsecration after the profanation of the puritan rule is uncertain. He was popular in his diocese, and was received with general demonstrations of regard at his visitations (, Register, p. 771). In 1661 he was one of the episcopal members of the Savoy conference, in which he took an influential part, and impressed even the leaders of the opposite party with his ‘most grave, comely, and reverend aspect.’ Baxter says ‘he spoke calmly and slowly, and not very oft, but he was as high in his principles and resolutions as any,’ and adds that ‘he, Gunning, and Cosin were the only three who showed much insight in the fathers and councils; in this they were better than any of either party’ (, Life and Times, pp. 363 ff.).

Henchman remained at Salisbury less than three years, succeeding Sheldon in the see of London 1 Sept. 1663. The same year he was appointed lord high almoner. Neither at Salisbury nor in London did he give ‘trouble or disturbance to the nonconformists’ (, Register, p. 818). During the great plague of 1664–5 he set a noble example to his clergy by remaining firmly at his post. In reply to an inquiry from Lord Arlington, Henchman stated that most of his own officials had deserted him, but that the sober clergy remained, that nonconformists had not occupied vacant pulpits, that attendance at public worship had greatly increased, and that he was busily ‘making collections and taking counsel as to the best distribution of the money among the poor’ (Cal. State Papers, cxxvii. 497, 524). Henchman attended the parliament meeting that year at Oxford and occupied the lodgings of the warden of Wadham, giving the college 20l. to buy books (, ed. Gutch, p. 602). The next year St. Paul's Cathedral was destroyed in the great fire. Henchman had previously taken a lively interest in its restoration (cf., Diary, ii. 199), and now made strenuous exertions for its rebuilding. He gave an annual subscription to the work from his own purse, and left a bequest towards its completion in his will. He also restored the episcopal palace in Aldersgate Street, and rebuilt at his own expense the chapel, to which he bequeathed his communion plate and altar furniture. He died in his house in Aldersgate Street in the eighty-third year of his age, 7 Oct. 1675, and was buried in the south aisle of Fulham Church. His memorial slab, bearing an epitaph describing him as ‘gravitate et pastorali clementia quæ vel in vultu elucebat, et vitæ etiam sanctitate venerabilis,’ was brought to light in the rebuilding of the church, and is placed in the north aisle. The general sorrow felt in London at his death is evidenced in two broadsides preserved in the ‘Luttrell Collection of Eulogies and Elegies’ at the British Museum, Nos. 60, 61.

Henchman took little part in public affairs, but, according to Walton, ‘no one mentioned him without some veneration for his life and excellent learning.’ At Fulham his charity and hospitality were rarely paralleled (Cole MSS. xxx. 52). He was popular with the king, but was independent enough to enjoin on his clergy the duty of preaching against popery when the declaration for liberty of conscience was published in 1672, though he was well aware that such action would cause offence at court (, iii. 233).

He was the author of the dedicatory epistle prefixed to the ‘Gentleman's Calling,’ and was one of the many to whom ‘The Whole Duty of Man’ was ascribed. He also wrote the Latin epitaph for the monument of Dr. Henry Hammond (d. 1660) [q. v.] in the church of Hampton-by-Westwood, Worcestershire. Among the Harleian MSS. are forty-two autograph letters from him to Sancroft, many of them relating to the proposed repairs and alterations at Old St. Paul's.

Henchman married, in 1630, Ellen, daughter of Bishop Townson, niece of Bishop Davenant, first cousin to Thomas Fuller, the church historian, and to the wife of Archbishop Lamplugh. Her uncle, Bishop Davenant, bequeathed her ‘a bedstead with curtains of yellow and black say and a silver college pot, &c.,’ and to Henchman ‘a good serviceable gelding, a great concordance of the New Testament, and Dionysius the Areopagite.’ In his last will Henchman mentions by name three sons, Thomas, Humphrey, and Charles, and a daughter Mary, married to John Heath. The mention of another son-in-law, Thomas Cooke, points to a second daughter at that time deceased. Among other bequests, he left 100l. towards the rebuilding of Clare Hall, lamenting that his large gifts to the rebuilding of St. Paul's Cathedral prevented his doing more. Several portraits of Henchman exist; one is in the library at Fulham, another is at the Charterhouse, the best by Lely is in the Clarendon Gallery at Grove Park, Watford, and has been engraved.


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H HENCHMAN, HUMPHREY (1669–1739), civilian, grandson of Humphrey Henchman [q. v.], born in 1669, became a Westminster scholar in 1684, was elected to Christ Church, Oxford, proceeding B.A. 1691, M.A. 1694, B.C.L. and D.C.L. 1702 (Cat. of Oxford Graduates). He was admitted advocate at Doctors' Commons 23 Oct. 1703. A portrait of him was afterwards hung in one of the courts there. He was an intimate friend of Bishop Atterbury, and stood godfather to his son. Atterbury obtained for him the chancellorship of his see of Rochester in 1714. He was made chancellor of London in 1715. He was one of the counsel for Dr. Sacheverell on his impeachment in 1710. His speeches, which are given in Howell's ‘State Trials,’ are not merely acute and able, but very judicious and to the point (xv. 240, 304, 329, 357). He was also engaged against Whiston in his prosecution for heresy before the court of delegates. He was consulted by the government on several points connected with the treaty of Utrecht, some of the articles of which are said to have been drawn by him. He ‘was also appointed commissary of Essex and Herts, and was her Majesty's advocate in the High Court of Chivalry, in which court we find him promoting a suit before Dr. Isham at the Heralds' College in 1732’. He died at his house at Hampton, Middlesex, 15 Aug. 1739, and was buried at Fulham. His wife survived him. Henchman was one of the authors of the Oxford collection of verses written to celebrate the return of William III from Ireland in 1690.

 HENDERSON, ALEXANDER (1583?–1646), Scottish presbyterian divine and diplomatist, was born about 1583 in the parish of Criech, Fifeshire. According to tradition his father was a feuar (tenant farmer), a cadet of the Hendersons of Fordel House, Fifeshire, and his birthplace between the villages of Luthrie and Branton. To the maintenance of a school at Luthrie he left two thousand marks Scots in his will. On 19 Dec. 1599 he matriculated at the college of St. Salvator, St. Andrews, and graduated M.A. in 1603. Soon afterwards he became regent in the arts faculty, and questor. He was licensed to preach in 1611 (before 4 Sept.), and between 17 Dec. 1613 and 26 Jan. 1614 was presented to the parochial charge of Leuchars, Fifeshire, by George Gladstanes [q. v.], archbishop of St. Andrews, whose patronage he had courted. His appointment was obnoxious to the strongly presbyterian parishioners. It is said that the church was barred against his induction, entrance being only effected through a window. In a very few years his views on church government fell in with the prevailing sentiment around him; the story of his being affected by a sermon of Robert Bruce (1554–1631) [q. v.] is a late tradition recorded by Robert Fleming the elder (1630–1694) [q. v.] The early date of his change may be concluded from the fact that John Spotiswood [q. v.], who succeeded Gladstanes in 1615, and was full of zeal for the episcopalian policy, showed him no favour; and that in July 1616, when the degree of D.D. was first conferred at St. Andrews, Henderson was not on the list of those to whom it was offered. In August he took the presbyterian side at the Aberdeen assembly. Two years later at the Perth assembly (August 1618) he distinguished himself by his opposition to the ‘five articles.’ The assembly proposed, without effect, to translate him to Edinburgh with William Scott. On 6 April 1619 he was reported to the synod as having administered the communion not according to the prescribed order. He pleaded that he acted according to his conscience, and disclaimed any intention of behaving with contempt. In the following August he was cited before the privy council as the supposed author of a tract called ‘Perth Assembly,’ really written by David Calderwood [q. v.]

During the next eighteen years Henderson took no prominent part in ecclesiastical affairs, but was acquiring influence in the subordinate church courts of his own locality; between 1626 and 1630 he attended, sometimes as commissioner from his presbytery, the conferences of clergy held in default of a regular convened general assembly. Petitions from these conferences for the convoking of an assembly were disregarded; and in 1630 a royal mandate pressed upon Spotiswood the adoption in Scotland of the English prayer-book and church order. Henderson's importance to the party opposed to these innovations is shown by the efforts made for his promotion to Stirling (29 Sept. 1631), and to Dumbarton (1632). In 1634 and 1635, after Charles's visit to Scotland, a service book and canons, on the English model, were drawn up; the new prayer-book being finally adjusted in December 1636. The attempt to enforce its use


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H caused an outburst of popular feeling which placed Henderson at the head of a strong movement for presbyterianism. On 10 Aug. 1637, shortly after the riotous outbreak in Edinburgh, Spotiswood, carrying out an order of council, charged the clergy of his diocese to procure copies of the service book for public use; the moderators of the several presbyteries were directed to enjoin compliance. In the presbytery of St. Andrews, Henderson, with two others, refused to obey. A messenger-at-arms served them with an order to use the book within fifteen days, under penalty of imprisonment. Henderson and his friends petitioned the council on 23 Aug. to suspend the order, on the ground, among others, that the book had not been ratified either by a general assembly or by parliament. They declared that they had offered to take a copy of the book in order to study its contents before deciding on its use, but this had not been conceded. On 25 Aug. the council temporised, explained the previous order as extending only to the purchase of the book ‘and no farder,’ and addressed the king on the subject of the prevailing discontent, asking him to summon a deputation from their number to London. The answer of Charles (10 Sept.) was a peremptory injunction of conformity. Henderson's example was immediately followed by a crowd of petitioners, and a general remonstrance in the name of nobility, clergy, and burgesses, who had resorted in great numbers to Edinburgh, was presented to the council on 20 Sept. by the Earl of Sutherland. Communications between Edinburgh and London served only to make plainer the unyielding attitude of Charles. At length on 17 Oct. a proclamation from the council ordered the petitioners to quit Edinburgh within twenty-four hours. With great determination Henderson seized upon this act as the ground for a new remonstrance, in which objection should be taken, not simply to the service book, but to the presence of bishops in the council as inimical to liberty. At a meeting of the petitioners on 18 Oct., held while the populace of Edinburgh was in a condition of dangerous ferment, this document was adopted and signed, not in the form drafted by Henderson and Lord Balmerino [, second, q. v.], but in a shape proposed by David Dickson [or DICK [q. v.] ] and John Campbell, first earl of Loudon [q. v.] Its plea for bringing the prelates to trial had the effect of causing them generally to absent themselves from the council. The petitioners did not disperse till 17 Nov., and they left behind them in the parliament house a representative body of sixteen, meeting at four ‘tables,’ and appointing a committee of four as a ‘table’ of final decision. In this presbyterian cabinet Henderson and Dickson were ‘the two archbishops’. Suggested by the council as a means of creating divisions in the presbyterian party, this plan of the ‘tables’ became under Henderson's management an agency for gaining all information and directing every movement.

On 20 Feb. 1638 the council was to meet at Stirling and proclaim the petitioners' meetings as treasonable. To be beforehand, Traquhair and Roxburgh made the proclamation at the cross of Stirling on the 19th. The petitioners at once affixed their formal protest to the cross. The scene was repeated on the 22nd at Edinburgh. Next day, amid an enormous concourse, Henderson proposed a renewal of the solemnity of national subscription to a bond of common faith and action. The response was a mighty outburst of popular enthusiasm, which spread over the whole country. The instrument henceforth known as the ‘national covenant’ was prepared by 27 Feb. It consisted of the document known as the ‘king's confession’ or the ‘negative confession,’ drawn up in 1581 by John Craig (1512?–1600) [q. v.], followed by a recital of numerous acts of parliament against ‘superstitious and papistical rites,’ and concluded with an elaborate oath to maintain ‘the true reformed religion.’ In the afternoon of Wednesday, 28 Feb. 1638, this covenant was read in the Greyfriars Church, Edinburgh, after prayer by Henderson and an address by Lord Loudon. The Earl of Sutherland was the first to sign. On 2 March a copy was sent for signature to every parish in Scotland. At first discrimination was exercised in the admission of names; Henderson's statement is that the signatures of prominent men, reckoned unsound, were rejected. But the multitude used threats and violence to those who withheld their adhesion. The universities of St. Andrews and Aberdeen had formally condemned the document, but by midsummer the city and shire of Aberdeen stood almost alone in opposition to it.

Henderson's diplomatic ability was conspicuous in the skill and firmness with which he met the tactics of James Hamilton, third marquis of Hamilton [q. v.], sent down in June as the king's commissioner to procure the renunciation of the covenant, and failing this to temporise till Charles was ready to put down the movement by force of arms. In July Henderson was a leading member of the deputation despatched to Aberdeen to argue with its divines and win over the opponents of the covenant. The doctors of


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H Aberdeen were unconvinced, but five hundred signatures were gathered in the town, as well as those of some fifty ministers of the district. The burgh of Dundee made him a burgess on the ground of his public services (28 May 1638; his name is given as ‘Henrysoune’ on the burgess ticket). After many ineffectual manœuvres, Charles convened a general assembly, which met at Glasgow on 21 Nov. 1638; on the 23rd Henderson was elected moderator, with no opposing vote except his own. At this critical meeting the prelates were condemned, and the presbyterian organisation of the Scottish church reconstituted on its existing lines. Hamilton, the royal commissioner, on the 28th took his leave of the assembly, declaring it to be dissolved. Proceedings were continued on the constitutional ground that the king's right to convene did not interfere with the church's independent right to hold assemblies. In his proclamation of 27 Feb. 1639, Charles treated the assembly's attitude as inimical to monarchy, and appealed to arms, reaching Berwick on 28 May. Henderson was one of the commissioners who arranged on 18 June the pacification of Berwick, after much personal discussion with Charles, who was satisfied of Henderson's loyalty, and spoke highly of his ability and prudence. The validity of the Glasgow assembly was left an open question, but its policy was confirmed, and Charles promised to convene an assembly yearly.

By this time Henderson had been promoted to an Edinburgh charge. On 4 May 1638 the town council elected him as one of the city ministers, but he was not released from Leuchars till 16 Dec. Dean Hannay was deposed from the charge of the high kirk on 1 Jan. 1639. Henderson was admitted on the 10th. At the Edinburgh assembly in August 1639 Henderson was again proposed as moderator; he declined, on the ground that the expedient of a permanent moderator had been a means of restoring episcopacy. David Dickson was elected, but Henderson was the ruling spirit. The assembly passed the first ‘Barrier Act,’ prohibiting new legislation till the motion had been approved by the consent of synods, presbyteries, and kirk sessions. The object was to prevent the court from obtaining a snatch vote in a thin assembly; but the reference to kirk sessions (repealed in the Barrier Act of 1697) is of importance as showing that, at this date, the Scottish presbyterians, like the English puritans, gave an independent voice to the church court of the individual congregation. Henderson preached before the parliament which met on 31 Aug., immediately after the close of the assembly, but was prorogued before it could ratify the assembly's acts.

In the following year he made himself unpopular in Edinburgh by his opposition to religious meetings, somewhat on the plan of the ‘prophesyings’ of the earlier puritans, which he regarded as promoting independent conventicles. At a conference in his house he brought over Dickson to his own view, and in June 1640 issued a series of caveats on the subject. Next month, at the Aberdeen assembly, in Henderson's absence, Henry Guthrie or Guthry [q. v.], afterwards bishop of Dunkeld, took exception to the issue of caveats as quasi-episcopal, but procured an act prohibiting private religious worship except in single families, and forbidding any but ministers and licentiates to ‘explain scripture.’

Meanwhile Henderson was with the covenanting army, which, crossing the border on 21 Aug., mastered Newcastle-on-Tyne and Durham before the end of the month. Disclaiming offensive war, the invaders petitioned the king to remove their national grievances. Commissioners on both sides met at Ripon on 1 Oct.; the conference was adjourned to Westminster. On 14 Nov. Henderson, who had fallen ill on the way, reached London, where the presence of the Scottish commissioners cemented the alliance of the covenanters with the party against Laud. While in London Henderson laid before Charles a plan for subsidising the Scottish universities from the bishops' rents. The office of rector of Edinburgh university had been revived in his favour (January 1640) by the town council, and he was annually re-elected till his death. His exertions in behalf of the education of his country, both in its colleges and parochial schools, were great and successful. He introduced at Edinburgh the teaching of Hebrew, and the system of honour classes known as ‘circles.’ For the colleges he secured a monopoly in the teaching of Greek and logic.

The treaty with the covenanters was not ratified till 7 Aug. 1641. It promised conformity of church government between the two kingdoms, by which Henderson understood a uniform presbyterianism; but Charles had taken care not to commit himself against a uniform episcopacy. Henderson had left London to attend the assembly at St. Andrews on 20 July. As he had not arrived, the assembly was adjourned to Edinburgh, where on 27 July he was elected moderator for the second time. On 28 July he carried a proposition for a confession of faith, a catechism, and a directory for worship. The object is


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H made plain in his official reply to a letter, received 9 Aug., from London divines; he there pleads, in the assembly's name, that the same formularies should be binding on both kingdoms. The duty of drafting these formularies was put upon Henderson by the assembly. His other occupations stood in the way; moreover, he saw the necessity of co-operation with England. ‘We are not to conceive,’ he wrote to Baillie, on 20 April 1642, ‘that they will embrace our form. A new form must be set down for us all.’ Pleading his health, which always suffered in Edinburgh, and the weakness of his voice, he asked to be transferred to a country charge. He declined the principalship of St. Andrews, and was released from active duty, but was persuaded to remain in Edinburgh. On Sunday, 15 Aug., the day after the arrival of Charles at Holyrood, Henderson preached before him. His remonstrance, when the king went to golf instead of to afternoon service, was taken in good part; he was made royal chaplain, with the rents of the deanery of the Chapel Royal, and was in close attendance on Charles, who for the moment conceded all the covenanters' demands.

The favours Henderson received from Charles, and the moderation of his sermons, gave offence to the more rigid covenanters. He was not sent with the new commissioners to London in 1642, and in the St. Andrews assembly in July he was openly accused of temporising. He usually sat silent under misconstructions, but on this occasion he made a ‘passionate vindication of his conduct’. The assembly appointed him to frame their answer to a communication from the English parliament; in doing so, he urged his proposal for an ecclesiastical uniformity. The reply of the English parliament (received 21 Sept.) invited the assembly to send deputies to an assembly of divines in England by 5 Nov. The civil war had now broken out, and the project was delayed.

At this crisis Henderson exercised all his diplomacy in the interests of neutrality. His suggestion that the queen should come from Holland to Scotland as a mediator was distrusted by Charles. Empowered by the council and the commission of assembly, Henderson, with Loudon, was despatched to Oxford at the end of February 1643, to urge on the king the calling of a parliament in Scotland as the only means of preserving loyalty. The negotiation was fruitless, though protracted till the beginning of May, when Henderson returned to Scotland, having declined a disputation on episcopacy with the Oxford divines. Equally fruitless was his conference with Montrose at the bridge of Stirling.

The invitation to an assembly of divines was renewed by English commissioners (Sir Harry Vane the younger, Stephen Marshall, and Philip Nye) to the Edinburgh assembly in August 1643, when Henderson was moderator for the third time. The Westminster assembly, already in session, having been convened by ordinance of 12 June, added its formal request to the missive of the English parliament. Private conferences were held with members of the Scottish convention of estates as to the terms on which the assembly's delegates were to go to England. It was at length decided to enter into a league with the English parliament. The English commissioners were for a purely civil engagement; their Scottish allies insisted on a religious bond. Drafted by Henderson, the ‘solemn league [Vane added this word] and covenant’ was introduced to the assembly on 17 Aug. and unanimously adopted. It is an instrument of impressive power and singular skill, vowing the extirpation of prelacy, but leaving the further question to be determined by ‘the example of the best reformed churches.’ With a definition of prelacy, introduced to meet the scruples of Cornelius Burges [q. v.], it was accepted by the general body of puritans throughout the three kingdoms. At the taking of the ‘league and covenant’ by the Westminster assembly on 25 Sept. at St. Margaret's, Henderson delivered an oration on the good effects of previous covenants in Scotland.

The growing influence of the independents, with whom, but for the advice of Baillie, he would have come to an open rupture, marred his endeavours for uniformity. Henderson's work in the Westminster assembly was chiefly that of drafting the directory for worship. With his scheme of uniformity was connected, according to Aiton, the plan of an authorised psalm-book, the metrical version by Sir Francis Rous being taken as the basis. He would have had the assembly sit on Christmas day, and succeeded in getting parliament to keep a solemn fast at this season (Wednesday, 27 Dec. 1643), when he preached before the commons.

To the Uxbridge conference, opened 30 Jan. 1645, Henderson was commissioned both by the Scottish assembly and the English parliamentary committee as a manager of the proposed religious settlement. On leaving Uxbridge he obtained a passport for Holland, but appears to have remained in London. He thought of returning to Scotland in October, but sent Baillie in his stead.


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H On 27 April 1646 Charles left Oxford for the Scottish army, reaching Newcastle-on-Tyne on 13 May. In hope of inducing him to take the ‘league and covenant,’ Henderson was sent for. He arrived on the 26th, and proposed a personal correspondence on the two points at issue, the divine institution of episcopacy, and the obligation of the coronation oath. Charles would have preferred a discussion of divines on both sides, but yielded to Henderson's plea for saving time, though thinking him ‘mistaken in the way to save it.’ The papers in Henderson's crabbed hand were copied for the king by Sir Robert Murray. The letters extend from 29 May to 16 July, and leave the impression that Charles was a more adroit debater than Henderson. The most interesting things in the correspondence, which was without the desired result, are the references by both men to their early training.

The failure of this last enterprise was fatal to Henderson's already broken health. In June 1645 he had suffered from gravel, and tried the Epsom waters; he now showed symptoms of decline. Baillie, on 7 Aug., wrote that he heard he was ‘dying most of heartbreak.’ He sailed from Newcastle to Leith, and got home to Edinburgh. Here he dined with Sir James Stewart, and was extremely cheerful and hearty, but said, ‘there was never a schoolboy more desirous to have the play than I am to have leave of this world.’ He made his will on 17 Aug., and died on 19 Aug. 1646, ‘at his duelling-house, neir wnto the hie schoole.’ Aiton says, but the statement needs confirmation, that he was buried in St. Giles's churchyard, near to the grave of Knox, and that when the churchyard was formed into the Parliament Square, his body was removed to the ground of the Hendersons of Fordel in the Greyfriars churchyard. There a monument was erected by his nephew, George Henderson. It was demolished by an order of parliament in June or July 1662, but it was restored at the revolution of 1689, and still stands. The existing inscription (misread by Aiton and others) correctly gives the date of death as 19 Aug. Henderson never married; he left property valued at over 2,350l. sterling, besides the small farm of Pittenbrog, near Leuchars, purchased in 1630. In person he was under middle height, well formed, with small and shapely hands; his countenance was pensive and careworn; his pointed beard rested on a huge ruff. Aiton enumerates six original portraits of him in Scotland, of which the finest, a three-quarter length, is at Duff House, Banffshire. There is an engraving by Hollar; another, by Freeman (reproduced by Kelly), from the Glasgow College portrait; a third, by R. Scott, from the portrait at Fordel House, is prefixed to Aiton's ‘Life.’ He was a man of learning and refinement, temperate in speech, and conciliatory in bearing. He had great capacity for organisation, and his power of giving effect to popular sentiment is indisputable.

His publications, which were not numerous, include: 1. ‘Reasons against the Rendering of our Sworn Covenant,’ &c., 1638, 4to. 2. ‘The Bishops' Doom,’ &c., 1638; reprinted, Edinburgh, 1762, 8vo. 3. ‘A Sermon … before the … General Assembly, 1639,’ &c.; reprinted Edinb. 1682, 8vo. 4. ‘The Remonstrance of the Nobles … within the Kingdom of Scotland,’ &c., 1639, 4to. 5. ‘The Government and Order of the Church of Scotland,’ &c., Edinburgh, 1641, 4to. 6. ‘Speech … before the taking of the Covenant by the House of Commons and Assembly of Divines,’ &c., Edinburgh, 1643, 4to. 7. ‘The Reformation of Church Government in Scotland cleared,’ &c., 1644, 4to. 8. ‘A Sermon … to the .... House of Commons,’ &c., 1644, 4to. 9. ‘A Sermon … before the … Lords and Commons,’ &c., 1644, 4to. 10. ‘A Sermon … before the … House of Lords,’ &c., 1645, 4to. Posthumous were 11. ‘The Papers … betwixt His Sacred Majestie and M. Al. Henderson,’ &c., 1649, 8vo; another edition, ‘Certaine Papers,’ &c., Haghe (sic), 1649, 4to. 12. ‘Sermons, Prayers, and Pulpit Addresses,’ &c., Edinburgh (1867), 4to (edited from manuscript reports by R. T. Martin; they were delivered at St. Andrews and Leuchars between February and November 1638). He was an indefatigable writer of ecclesiastical state papers; several will be found in Rothes, Baillie, Wodrow, and Stevenson. His literary executors were John Duncan, minister of Culross, and William Dalgliesh, minister of Cramond, but they do not seem to have published any of his manuscripts. Wodrow possessed three of them, viz. ‘Instructions about Defensive Arms,’ 1639; ‘Directions as to the Voicing in Parliāt,’ 1639; ‘Answers to some Propositions in Defence of Episcopacy’ (about same time). In 1648 was published in London, 4to, ‘The Declaration of Mr. Alexander Henderson … made upon his Deathbed.’ There is no external witness of its authenticity; the general assembly, on 7 Aug. 1648, pronounced it a forgery. Internal evidence is rather in favour of its genuineness, though its recommendation to adhere to their ‘native king’ and be satisfied with the reformation of their own church would be unpalatable to Henderson's party. Later writers represent it as a recantation, and add hearsay accounts of similar


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 expressions on Henderson's part in his last days; they simply amount to laments of the disastrous issue of a policy of interference in English affairs, on which he had entered with hesitation.

HENDERSON, ALEXANDER (1780–1863), physician, was born in Aberdeenshire in 1780, and was educated at Edinburgh University, where he graduated as a doctor of medicine on 12 Sept. 1803. His thesis ‘De modo, quo musculi, cerebrum atque nervi, respiratione afficiuntur,’ was printed in the same year in Edinburgh. He came to London and was admitted a licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians on 22 Dec. 1808. He chiefly applied himself to literature, and contributed to the ‘Encyclopædia Britannica,’ the ‘Edinburgh Review,’ and other publications. He resided at 6 Curzon Street, London, but he died at Caskieben, Aberdeenshire, on 16 Sept. 1863. He was the author of:
 * 1) ‘A Sketch of the Revolutions of Medical Science, and views relating to its Reform by P. J. G. Cabanis,’ translated from the French, 1806.
 * 2) ‘An Examination of the Imposture of Ann Moore, the fasting woman of Tutbury, illustrated by Remarks on the Cases of Real and Pretended Abstinence,’ London, 1813.
 * 3) ‘The History of Ancient and Modern Wines,’ London, 1824.

HENDERSON, ANDREW (fl. 1734–1775), miscellaneous writer and bookseller, was born in Roxburghshire, where his ancestors had ‘lived for five hundred years before.’ He was educated at the universities of Aberdeen and Edinburgh, and wrote M.A. after his name. For some time he taught in the high school of Edinburgh, and was private tutor in the families of the Countess of Stair and others. He came to London, and printed an anonymous translation of Voltaire's ‘History of Charles XII of Sweden,’ 1734, 12mo, also 1739 and 1750. At the time of the rebellion he was in Scotland, and after he left Watts's Academy, where he was mathematical master, he published at Edinburgh ‘The History of the Rebellion, 1745 and 1746, by an impartial hand who was an Eyewitness to most of the Facts,’ 1748, 12mo; a fifth edition appeared in London in 1753. He set up as a bookseller ‘at Dean Swift's Head, Longacre,’ London, where was published his anonymous ‘Life of John, Earl of Stair,’ London, 1748, small 8vo. He attached his name to a worthless play, ‘Arsinoe, or the Incestuous Marriage, a Tragedy,’ London [1752], 8vo, which was ‘never acted, nor, indeed, ever deserved such an honour’ (Biographia Dramatica, 1812, ii. 38). His other publications were:
 * 1) ‘The History of Frederick, King of Sweden,’ London, 1752, 8vo.
 * 2) ‘Memoirs of Dr. Archibald Cameron,’ London, 1753, 8vo.
 * 3) ‘Memoirs of Field-Marshal Leopold, Count Daun, translated from a French MS.,’ London, 1757, 8vo.
 * 4) ‘Memoirs of Field Marschal James Keith,’ London, 1758, 8vo; condemned in the ‘Critical Review.’
 * 5) ‘Considerations on the Question relating to the Scots' Militia,’ London, 1760, 8vo, two editions.
 * 6) ‘The Life of William the Conqueror,’ London, 1764, sm. 8vo.
 * 7) ‘The Life of William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland,’ London, 1766, 8vo; his best work.
 * 8) ‘Dissertation on the Royal Line and first Settlers of Scotland,’ London, 1771, 8vo.
 * 9) ‘Letter to the Bp. of Chester on his Sermon before the


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 :: Lords,’ London, 1774, 8vo. 10. ‘Letter to Dr. Samuel Johnson on his Journey to the Western Isles,’ London [1775], 8vo. Nothing is known of Henderson after this date. The ‘Second Letter’ contains a highly abusive ‘impartial character of Smollett,’ with whom he had come into collision in his lives of Stair and the Duke of Cumberland. Johnson is called ‘a viper’ and ‘freight with venom and malignity.’
 * 1)   ‘A Second Letter to Dr. Samuel Johnson, in which his wicked and opprobrious Invectives are shown,’ London [1775], 8vo.

Henderson certainly appears to have been an odd character; he was a man of much reading, and his books are well written. After 1760 most of his books were published in Westminster Hall, famous for a couple of centuries for booksellers' shops (see Gent. Mag. November and December 1853, pp. 480, 602). The ‘Life of William the Conqueror’ and some of the later publications were ‘printed for the author and sold by J. Henderson in Westminster Hall.’ This may have been his son. The fact of his living or reading in the hall is alluded to in the ‘Pettyfoggers,’ a parody on Gray's ‘Elegy,’ in which a group of Westminster boys playing at fives

HENDERSON, ANDREW (1783–1835), portrait-painter, born at Cleish, near Kinross in Scotland, in 1783, was son of the gardener to Lord-chief-commissioner [q. v.] at Blair-Adam, Kinross-shire. He was apprenticed at the age of thirteen to his brother Thomas in General Scott's gardens at Bellevue, Edinburgh, and was subsequently employed in the Earl of Kinnoull's gardens at Dupplin and in the Earl of Hopetoun's near Edinburgh. His constitution not being strong enough for outdoor work, he obtained a situation in a manufacturing house in Paisley, and eventually became foreman in Messrs. Hepburn & Watt's establishment there. His love of pictorial art led him, however, to attend a drawing-school, and eventually to surrender his position in order to become an artist. In March 1809 he went to London, and studied for three or four years in the Royal Academy. In 1813 he returned to Scotland, settled at Glasgow as a portrait-painter, practising with considerable local success for about twenty years, and exhibited at the Royal Scottish Academy in Edinburgh in 1828, 1829, and 1830. Henderson was a man of extremely original character, of fiery temperament and violent impetuosity in speech, yet full of broad humour, and much beloved by his intimate friends. He was large and ungainly in figure, but possessed a sharp, shrill voice. In 1832 he published at Edinburgh a collection of ‘Scottish Proverbs,’ with etchings by himself, and a preface by his intimate friend W. Motherwell; a second edition was published in London in 1876 without the etchings. Henderson, Motherwell, and a third intimate friend and equally original character, [q. v.], were the chief contributors to ‘The Laird of Logan; Anecdotes and Tales illustrative of the Wit and Humour of Scotland’ (posthumously published 1841). The book contains many anecdotes of Henderson, and the preface supplies biographies of the three friends. Henderson died of apoplexy in Glasgow, 9 April 1835, and was buried in the necropolis. A portrait by himself was exhibited by Dr. William Young in the Glasgow Exhibition of British Artists, 1835. Henderson was an original member of the Society of Dilettanti, founded in Glasgow in 1825.

HENDERSON, CHARLES COOPER (1803–1877), painter and etcher, born at the Abbey House, Chertsey, 14 June 1803, was younger son of John Henderson, and brother of (1797–1878) [q. v.], the art collector. He was educated at Winchester as a commoner, and studied for the bar, but did not practise. Henderson was a very prolific artist, skilled in drawing the horse, and produced many subjects illustrative of coaching and scenes ‘on the road.’ Numbers of these were engraved and published by Messrs. Fores of Piccadilly, by Ackermann, and others; some he etched himself. When quite young he etched some views in Italy. Henderson married in 1828 Charlotte, eldest daughter of John By, by whom he had seven sons, including Colonel Kennett Gregg Henderson, C.B., and two daughters. He died at Lower Halliford-on-Thames on 21 Aug. 1877.


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H HENDERSON, EBENEZER, the elder (1784–1858), Icelandic missionary, youngest son of George Henderson, agricultural labourer, by Jean Buchanan, was born at The Linn, in the parishes of Saline and Dunfermline, on 17 Nov. 1784, and baptised in Queen Anne Street Church on 21 Nov. He was first educated at Dunduff school and then at Dunfermline; but after three years and a half schooling, he went in 1794 to work with his brother John, a clock and watch maker. He afterwards kept cows, and in 1799 became a boot and shoe maker. He entered Robert Haldane's seminary, Edinburgh, in 1803, and on the completion of his theological studies was, on 27 Aug. 1805, appointed to proceed to India as a companion missionary to the Rev. John Paterson, his lifelong friend. At this period the East India Company did not permit the entrance of missionaries into India. Paterson and Henderson therefore sailed for Denmark, with the intention of landing at Serampore, then a Danish settlement. Finding a difficulty in procuring a passage to India, they began on 15 Sept. 1805 to preach in Copenhagen, and ultimately, giving up all thoughts of Asia, devoted themselves to founding Bible societies in Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Iceland, and Russia. In January 1806 Henderson was settled as a minister at Elsinore, and began teaching the English language to young people. By 1807 he had learnt to preach in Danish, and had translated into that language the ‘Memoir of Catharine Haldane,’ a small work which became very popular. The bombardment of Copenhagen, in September 1807, rendered further residence at Elsinore impossible, and he removed to Gothenburg in Sweden, where he ministered to the Danish prisoners, and translated for their use a tract called ‘James Covey.’ In 1808 he travelled in Sweden, Lapland, and Finland, in the latter country running great risk of being captured by the Russian army. He had now become a competent scholar in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, French, German, Danish, and Swedish. After a visit to England in 1810 he returned to his work, and in the following year brought out ‘An Exposition of the Prophecies of Daniel, by the late Rev. Magnus Frederick Ross, translated from the German.’ On 6 Oct. 1811 he formed the first congregational church in Sweden. For two years (1812–13) he was in Copenhagen superintending a translation of the New Testament into Icelandic, and in 1814 he helped to establish the Danish Bible Society. In June 1814 he proceeded to Iceland, where he distributed the testaments and paid visits to many parts of the island, an account of which he published in 1818. In 1816 he was elected a corresponding member of the Scandinavian Literary Society, and received from Kiel a diploma of doctor in philosophy. In October he went to St. Petersburg, where, under the patronage of the Emperor Alexander, he printed the Bible in upwards of ten languages or dialects. He returned to England in 1817, and on 18 May 1818 married Susannah, second daughter of John Kennion. On 28 Sept. he set out on his third journey, and visited in succession Hanover, Schleswig, Russia, Astracan, and Tiflis. While still abroad he resigned his connection with the British and Foreign Bible Society in January 1822, owing to a disagreement about a translation of the Scriptures which had been made in Turkish, and of which he did not approve. Returning to Russia he resided in St. Petersburg till 1825, when, through the interest of the Greek church, the Bible Society was interdicted by imperial authority. Henderson came back to England on 5 July 1825. He took charge in November of the missionary students at Gosport, and removed with them to Hoxton College, where he was resident and theological tutor from April 1826 to 1830. In the latter year he removed to Canonbury, and was tutor of Highbury College until 1850, when, on the amalgamation of Homerton, Coward, and Highbury Colleges, he retired on a pension. He retained his office as honorary secretary to the Religious Tract Society and to the British Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Jews, and was minister of Sheen Vale independent chapel at Mortlake (July 1852–September 1853). He died at Mortlake on 16 May 1858, and was buried in Abney Park cemetery.

He was the author and editor of the following works: 1. ‘A Dissertation on H. Mikkelson's Translation of the New Testament,’ Copenhagen, 1813. 2. ‘Iceland; or the Journal of a Residence in that Island,’ Edinburgh, 1818, 2 vols. 3. ‘An Appeal to the British and Foreign Bible Society on the Turkish New Testament,’ 1824. 4. ‘The Turkish New Testament incapable of Defence,’ 1825. 5. ‘Biblical Researches and Travels in Russia,’ 1826. 6. ‘Elements of Biblical Criticism and Interpretation, translated from the Latin of Ernesti, Keil, Beck, and Morus,’ 1827. 7. ‘The Great Mystery of Godliness; or Sir Isaac Newton and the Socinians foiled,’ 1830. 8. ‘A Theological Dictionary, by C. Buck, enlarged by E. Henderson,’ 1833; another edit. 1841. 9. ‘Æ. Gutbirii Lexicon Syriacum,’ 1836. 10. ‘The Book of Isaiah Translated, with a Commentary,’ 1840. 11. ‘Baptism and the


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Henderson Bible Society,’ 1840. 12. ‘On the Conversion of the Jews,’ a lecture, 1843. 13. ‘The Book of the Twelve Minor Prophets,’ translated from the Hebrew, 1845; another edit. 1858. 14. ‘The Vaudois, a tour to the Valleys of Piedmont,’ 1845. 15. ‘The Book of Jeremiah and that of the Lamentations,’ translated, 1851. 16. ‘Divine Inspiration,’ 1847; third edit. 1852. 17. ‘The Book of Ezekiel,’ translated, 1855. 18. ‘The Book of Isaiah,’ translated, 1857. He also edited the following works by Albert Barnes: ‘Job,’ 1851; ‘Revelations,’ 1852; ‘The Way of Salvation,’ 1855; ‘Essays on Science and Theology,’ 1856. By J. M. Good: ‘The Book of Psalms,’ 1854. By G. B. Cheevers: ‘W. Cowper,’ 1856. By M. Stuart: ‘The Epistle to the Romans,’ in conjunction with E. P. Smith. He also printed charges, lectures, and sermons.

 HENDERSON, EBENEZER, the younger (1809–1879), author of ‘The Annals of Dunfermline,’ was born at Dunfermline in February 1809, and educated there (, Reminiscences of Dunfermline). He was son of John Henderson, watch and clock maker, and nephew of Ebenezer Henderson the elder [q. v.] He learned his father's business, but gave his real strength to scientific pursuits, producing by 1827 an orrery and an astronomical clock, both of which were much admired. Between 1829 and 1863 he was in England, mainly at Liverpool and in London. His nominal post at first was clerk and assistant to his brother, an extensive tanner at St. Helens, but for a time he was curator of the Liverpool Astronomical Institution and Observatory, where he also lectured. He continued his astronomical studies, becoming a member of thirteen scientific societies in England, and receiving (at a date now unknown) the degree of LL.D. from an American college. In 1850 he was highly commended by Airy, Arago, and other European experts, for an ingenious combination of wheels designed to show and check sidereal time (see letters to him in, History of Dunfermline, vol. ii.) He was busy meanwhile with the archæological and historical notes that ultimately developed into the ‘Annals of Dunfermline,’ and he secured in 1856 the recognition of Dunfermline as a city. The freedom of Elgin and of Dunfermline was conferred upon Henderson in 1858 and 1859 respectively. In 1866 he settled in Muckhart, Perthshire, where he died 2 Nov. 1879. He became a member of five Scottish scientific societies, and wrote papers both for these and for English societies. In his latter years he was instrumental in restoring the old market cross of Dunfermline (1868) and ‘Queen Margaret's Stone,’ on the Dunfermline and Queensferry road, for which he wrote the inscription. His wife's name was Betsy Coldstream Brodie. He had no issue.

Besides smaller works, Henderson published ‘Historical Treatise on Horology,’ London, 1836; ‘Treatise on Astronomy,’ which reached a third edition in 1848; ‘Life of James Ferguson, F.R.S., in a brief autobiographical account and further extended Memoir,’ 1867; and in 1879 ‘The Annals of Dunfermline and Vicinity, from the earliest authentic period to the present time, A.D. 1069–1878’ (Glasgow, 8vo). The last work, though not without instances of unsifted legends and specimens of archæological credulity, is on the whole a monument of patient industry and conspicuous ability.

 HENDERSON, GEORGE (1783–1855), lieutenant-colonel royal engineers, son of Captain Henderson of the 4th royals, was born on 4 June 1783 at Newton, his father's property, on the banks of the Dee, Aberdeenshire. He passed through the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich, and obtaining a commission in the corps of royal engineers joined at Portsmouth as second lieutenant in March 1800. He was promoted lieutenant the following year, and in 1803 was sent to Ceylon, where he served for nine years. He returned to England in August 1812 with the rank of captain, and in September was sent to Spain to join the Duke of Wellington's army operating in the Peninsula. He distinguished himself at the siege of St. Sebastian, for which he was mentioned in despatches and received the gold medal; he also took part in the battles of the Nive, Nivelle, and Orthes, for which he received the war medal with two clasps. At the close of the war he was stationed in Ireland and, after his marriage, in Canada till 1819, when he returned to England. He attained the rank of lieutenant-colonel on 30 Dec. 1824, and retired from the service on 9 April 1825. In 1830 he devoted himself to the formation of the London and South-Western Railway Company, and was connected with that line, first as general superintendent, and subsequently as director, from its commencement until his death, which took place at Southampton on 21 April 1855. In May 1837 he was elected an associate of the Institution of Civil


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Henderson . For some years prior to his death he was chairman both of the London Equitable Gas Company and of the Southampton Gas Company.

 HENDERSON, JAMES (1783?–1848), writer on Brazil, born about 1783, was a native of Cumberland or Westmoreland. On 11 March 1819 he sailed from England to Rio de Janeiro, where he waited upon Henry Chamberlaine, the British representative, with a letter of introduction from ‘a nobleman,’ presumably Viscount Lowther. Finding that he was not likely to obtain a public situation, he determined to learn what he could ‘regarding the vast regions of the Brazil.’ He was received into the house of a merchant to whom he brought a letter of introduction, and upon his return published ‘A History of the Brazil; comprising its Geography, Commerce, Colonization, Aboriginal Inhabitants, &c. Illustrated with twenty-seven plates and two maps,’ 4to, London, 1821. The following year he printed an address to the South Americans and Mexicans entitled ‘Representacion á los Americanos del Sud y Mexicanos; para disuadirles de que concedan Ventajas Comerciales á otras Naciones, en Perjuicio de Inglaterra, por causa de su Retardo en reconocer su Independencia; … con un Exámen Rápido de varios Acontecimientos importantes, y Rasgos patrióticos que han distinguido sus respectivas Revoluciones,’ 8vo, London, 1822. Henderson was ultimately appointed commissioner and consul-general for Columbia, and resided at Bogota. He resigned his post about 1836 and eventually settled at Madrid. He was elected F.R.S. on 28 April 1831, but had withdrawn in 1836. In 1842 he published ‘A Review of the Commercial Code and Tariffs of Spain, with reference to their Influence on the general interests, credit, and finances of that country,’ 8vo, London. He died at Madrid on 18 Sept. 1848, aged 65 (Gent. Mag. new ser. xxx. 559).

Henderson was also author of: 1. ‘Observations on the Expediency of entering into Treaties of Commerce with the South American States.’ 2. ‘Remarks on the Warehousing Bill.’ 3. ‘Suggestions relative to the Consular System.’ 4. ‘The State and Prospects of Spain.’

 HENDERSON, JOHN (1747–1785), actor, known as the ‘Bath Roscius,’ the son of an Irish factor in London, was born in Goldsmith Street, Cheapside, and was baptised on 8 March 1746–7. His family was originally Scottish, and he claimed descent from the Hendersons of Fordel with which Alexander Henderson [q. v.] was connected. After his father's death in 1748 his mother retired with her two sons to Newport Pagnell, Buckinghamshire, and began herself the task of his education. At about eleven he went to school at Hemel Hempstead, Hertfordshire, and subsequently learned drawing of Daniel Fournier [q. v.] He then lived with a relative of his mother, a Mr. Cripps, a working jeweller, in St. James's Street. He is said to have made his first attempt at acting in a room in the Old Parr's Head, Islington. In convivial circles he was known as Shandy, on account of his great admiration for Sterne. He wrote a not very brilliant ode intended to be spoken at the tomb of Sterne. He also imitated Garrick's delivery of the ‘Ode upon dedicating a Building and erecting a Statue to Shakespeare at Stratford-upon-Avon,’ and was in the habit of reciting from Milton, Gray, Prior, and other poets. At the advice of Garrick, who in common with others had no great opinion of his capacities, he went to Bath, where Palmer, the manager, engaged him for three years at a salary rising from one guinea to two guineas a week. On 6 Oct. 1772, at Bath, he made, as Hamlet, and under the name of Courtney, his first appearance on any stage. His reception was favourable, and the performance was repeated on the 13th. On the 20th he appeared as Richard III, on 5 Nov. as Benedict, on the 12th as Macbeth, on the 21st as Bobadill, on the 28th as Bayes, on 12 Dec. as Don Felix in the ‘Wonder,’ and on the 15th as Essex, when he spoke an address. On the 26th, as Hotspur, he played for the first time under his own name, to which he subsequently kept. Fribble in ‘Miss in her Teens,’ King Lear, Hastings, Alonzo, and Alzuma were played during the season, and he also recited Garrick's ode. An experience such as this was necessarily far beyond his strength. His representations were followed, however, and he speedily acquired the name of the Bath Roscius, and won the friendship of John Beard [q. v.], Paul Whitehead [q. v.], and Thomas Gainsborough [q. v.] Besides painting his portrait and being a firm friend, Gainsborough wrote wisely warning him against his natural tendency to over-eating and conviviality [see a quotation from this letter in art. ].

At the close of both the first and second seasons Henderson went to London. Garrick, Foote, Harris, and Leake heard him rehearse, and refused him an engagement. Colman would not even hear him. He had accordingly


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H to stay in Bath until the season of 1776–7. Abundant experience was afforded him, the parts he played including Pierre, Archer, Comus, Othello, Ranger, Sir John Brute, Zampa, Ford, Posthumus, Shylock, Falstaff, King John, Oakly, Valentine in ‘Love for Love,’ and very many other leading rôles in comedy and tragedy. With more judgment than is common in his profession, he urged Palmer not to give him so many parts. Cumberland pressed the claims of Henderson on Garrick, who had some thought of engaging him but did not, though Henderson offered to play at his own risk. It is supposed that an imitation of himself given in his own presence by Henderson had caused Garrick annoyance. Colman took the Haymarket from Foote in 1777, and it was here that Henderson made, as Shylock, his first appearance on 11 June 1777. His performance was a success. Macklin, then regarded as the ideal Shylock, gave him encouragement. Garrick saw him, and abstained from unfavourable comment, but discovered remarkable merit in the Tubal of some comparatively unknown actor. Hamlet, Falstaff, Richard III, Don Juan in the ‘Chances,’ Bayes and Leon in ‘Rule a Wife and have a Wife,’ strengthened his reputation. Colman, who is said to have taken 4,500l. during the thirty-six performances given by Henderson, gave him a free benefit. Coolness was, however, caused in consequence of Henderson imitating the manager to his face. Sheridan, who saw him act, engaged him at 10l. a week for Drury Lane, where he appeared on 30 Sept. 1777 as Hamlet. During the two years he remained at this house he played, in addition to his existing repertory, Æsop, Dominic in the ‘Spanish Friar,’ and other parts. His first original character was Brutus in the ‘Roman Sacrifice,’ on 13 Dec. 1777, an unprinted tragedy of William Shirley. Henderson was the original Edgar Atheling in Cumberland's ‘Battle of Hastings,’ on 24 Jan. 1778, and Bireno in Jephson's ‘Law of Lombardy’ on 8 Feb. 1779. In consequence of the coalition between the two companies he appeared at Covent Garden as Richard III on 5 Oct. 1778, and on 1 Jan. 1779 played Prologue and Chorus in ‘King Henry V.’ At Covent Garden he was the original Duke of Milan, altered by Cumberland from the piece of that name by Massinger and from Fenton's ‘Marianne,’ on 10 Nov. 1779. He played also Jaques and Tamerlane. In the summer of various years he visited Liverpool, Bristol, Birmingham, Dublin, and other towns.

At Covent Garden Henderson played till the close of his career, adding to his repertory Wolsey, Iago, Lusignan, and Evander in the ‘Grecian Daughter,’ Sir Giles Overreach, &c., and playing original parts in dramas by Cumberland, Mackenzie, Jephson, and others. In July 1784 he was for the first time in Edinburgh, and in the summer of 1785 he performed in Dublin. In the Lent of 1785, together with Thomas Sheridan, he gave readings in the Freemasons' Hall. On 8 Nov. 1785, at Covent Garden, his name appeared for the last time on the bill as Horatius in the ‘Roman Father.’ He was first attacked by fever, which seemed to be yielding to treatment when, in consequence of a spasm of the brain, he died at his house in Buckingham Street, Adelphi, on 25 Nov. 1785. This is the account given in the ‘European Magazine’ and other periodicals of the date, and by Ireland, his biographer. In the ‘Catalogue Raisonné of the Mathews Gallery of Pictures’ (1833), now in the Garrick Club, it is stated that he was ‘poisoned accidentally by his wife, who never knew the cause of his death.’ He was buried in Westminster Abbey, in the south cross, on 3 Dec. 1785. His pall-bearers were Steevens, Malone, Murphy, Hoole, Whitefoord, and the Hon. John Byng. Kemble, Macklin, Yates, and most of the best-known actors were present. His wife, Jane Figgins of Chippenham, whom he married on 13 Jan. 1779, was buried in Poets' Corner in the same edifice on 3 March 1819. By her he left an infant daughter. ‘Venice Preserved’ was played for Mrs. Henderson's benefit at Covent Garden on 25 Feb. 1786. Mrs. Siddons, whose genius Henderson was one of the first to recognise, was Belvidera, a part she had played to his Pierre. On this occasion Aikin was Pierre, and Pope Jaffier. Mrs. Siddons also declaimed a prologue written for the occasion by Murphy.

Henderson stood next to Garrick in public estimation. Garrick was jealous of him, and more than once decried him. His best parts, according to Cumberland, were Shylock, Sir Giles Overreach, and Falstaff. He was small of figure, short, and ill-proportioned in his limbs; his face was not too flexible, and his voice wanted fibre. By solidity of judgment, however, good elocution, diversified knowledge, and quick comprehension, he overcame all difficulties. In the delivery of soliloquies he is said to have had no equal. He had uncommon powers of mimicry. Rogers, in his ‘Table Talk,’ p. 110, ed. 1887, says: ‘Henderson was a truly great actor; his Hamlet and his Falstaff were equally good. He was a very fine reader too; in his comic readings superior, of course, to Mrs. Siddons; his John Gilpin was marvellous.’ Mrs. Siddons declared him ‘a fine actor, with no great personal advantages indeed, but he was the soul of intelligence.’ In his ‘Life of Mrs. Siddons’, ii. 81, Thomas


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H Campbell says that by his death Covent Garden lost its best actor, and the British stage one of its brightest ornaments. Boaden, also Mrs. Siddons's biographer, calls Henderson ‘a man of great genius, and possessing the most versatile powers that I ever witnessed.’ He also said that the power of Henderson as an actor was analytic. He was not content with the mere light of common measure: he showed it you through a prism, and reflected all the delicate and mingling hues that enter into the composition of any ray of character. Kemble asked Mrs. Inchbald by letter concerning Henderson's Sir Giles Overreach, desiring to know what kind of hat, wig, cravat, &c., he wore, and saying, ‘I shall be uneasy if I have not an idea of his dress, even to the shape of his buckles and what rings he wears.’ Dugald Stewart, who heard him repeat a portion of a newspaper he had once read, declared his memory the most astonishing he had known. Henderson's letters display more information than was then general. His few poems have little merit. With Thomas Sheridan [q. v.] he wrote and signed ‘Sheridan's and Henderson's Practical Method of Reading and Writing English Poetry … a Necessary Introduction to Dr. Enfield's “Speaker,”’ London, 1796, 12mo, and probably earlier. Henderson had an interesting collection of books. He exhibited about 1767, at the Society of Arts and Sciences, a drawing which obtained a premium. Some of the etchings in Fournier's ‘Theory and Practice of Perspective,’ 4to, 1764, are by Henderson.

The portraits of Henderson as Macbeth, by Romney, and as Iago, by Stewart, with two other likenesses, are in the Garrick Club. The portrait of Henderson painted by his close friend Thomas Gainsborough [q. v.] is in London, in the possession of a descendant, by whom it is promised to a public collection.

 HENDERSON, JOHN (1757–1788), an eccentric student, was only son of Richard Henderson of Ballygarran, near Limerick. His father (from 1759 to 1771 one of the best itinerant preachers under John Wesley) made a living for some time as master of a boarding-school at Hanham, near Bristol, and finally kept a lunatic asylum in the same place. Wesley visited his house, and described him as ‘the best physician of lunatics in England’ (Journal, 25 Sept. 1789). John was born at Ballygarran on 27 March 1757, at a very early age came to England with his parents, and was sent to the school established by Wesley at Kingswood, near Bristol. According to his own confession he received only ‘a small school education,’ but was studious from childhood. His progress was so remarkable that at the age of eight he was able to teach Latin, and when only twelve years old taught both Greek and Latin at Trevecca College, then governed by John William Fletcher [q. v.] Two years later Fletcher was dismissed, and Henderson returned to his father's house, where he pursued his favourite studies and assisted in teaching. When aged 22 he accidentally, in a stage-coach, met Dean Tucker, who was so impressed by his conversation that he sent his father not only a letter urging that the young man should be sent to the university, but a gift of more than 150l. to be spent in his education. Henderson accordingly matriculated at Pembroke College, Oxford, on 6 April 1781, and occupied the rooms which had been tenanted by Dr. Johnson. He was an omnivorous student, and endowed with a marvellous memory. As a linguist he was skilled in Persian, Arabic, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, and among European languages he knew Spanish, Italian, and German. Every branch of knowledge fascinated him. His temper was unruffled, and his benevolence led him, after he had acquired a knowledge of medicine, and an epidemic of fever was raging in Oxford, to practise gratuitously among its poor. At this crisis all his spare money was spent in drugs, and he sold his polyglot bible to purchase more. His conversation was bright and full of learning, and he had amusing mimetic gifts. Many friends sought his company. When Hannah More explored Pembroke College with Dr. Johnson in 1782, Henderson was one of the party. Johnson found him a firm tory and churchman. He is mentioned by Boswell as ‘celebrated for his wonderful acquirements in alchemy, judicial astrology, and other abstruse and curious


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H learning.’ When Boswell sauntered with him in the walks of Merton College (12 June 1784) he proved ‘a very learned and pious man.’ William Agutter [q. v.], his fellow-collegian and intimate friend, furnished Boswell with a note of a dialogue about nonjurors between Johnson and Henderson. Gradually Henderson's character deteriorated. He dressed in a peculiar fashion, went to bed at daybreak and rose in the afternoon. Not infrequently he would strip himself to his waist, sluice himself with water at the pump near his rooms, and, after putting on a shirt which he had made perfectly wet, go to his bed. He smoked nearly all day long, took opium, and was not always temperate in the use of wines and spirits. On one occasion he was known to abstain from eating for five days. He took his degree of B.A. on 27 Feb. 1786, and shortly after left the college. His friends urged him to adopt the clerical or medical profession, but he refused. He withdrew from all social intercourse, abandoning himself to the study of Lavater, and believing in the possibility of holding correspondence with the dead. He died while on a visit to Pembroke College, Oxford, on 2 Nov. 1788. A prophetic dream of his death is narrated in ‘Notes and Queries,’ 1854, 1st ser. x. 26–7. The body was buried in the churchyard of St. George's, near Bristol, on 18 Nov. His father, who was so much affected by his death that he caused the body to be exhumed a few days after its interment, died on 14 Feb. 1792, aged 55. His mother, Charlotte Henderson, died 20 Dec. 1775. They were all laid together in the same churchyard.

Hannah More deplored Henderson's unprofitable way of life, and Wesley wrote in his ‘Journal’ that ‘with as great talents as most men in England he had lived two and thirty years and done just nothing.’ A story is told, however, that during his stay at Oxford the manuscripts which he had left in an unlocked trunk in his father's house at Hanham were used by a servant as materials to light the fire. Two letters from Henderson to Dr. Priestley are printed in the ‘Gentleman's Magazine’ for April 1789, and were afterwards reprinted in the ‘Monthly Repository,’ vii. 286–92, and in Rutt's ‘Correspondence of Priestley,’ i. 235–7, 304–7. He was the ‘learned and ingenious friend’ who contributed to the third volume of ‘Miscellaneous Companions, 1786,’ by William Matthews, a postscript (pp. 111–15) to a dissertation on everlasting punishment, and he is said to have been a member of the ‘Burnham Society,’ from the minutes and correspondence of which a volume on the ‘Pre-existence of Souls’ was published in 1798. A Latin letter from him to J. Uri is printed in the ‘Gentleman's Magazine’ for 1799, pp. 752–3, as well as an English translation (1801, pp. 788–9). An anonymous volume by Joseph Cottle of ‘Poems, containing John the Baptist, a Monody to John Henderson, and a Sketch of his Character,’ was published in 1795. The pieces relating to Henderson were included by Cottle in his later volumes of ‘Malvern Hills and other Poems,’ to the fourth edition of which is added a letter from Hannah More to Henderson. Charles Lamb pronounced the ‘Monody’ to be ‘immensely good.’ Agutter's sermon, preached at St. George's, Kingswood, on 23 Nov., and at Temple Church, Bristol, on 30 Nov. 1788, on Henderson's life and death, was printed in that year, and a poetical epitaph by Amos Cottle is inserted in the ‘Malvern Hills,’ p. 238. A print of his portrait by W. Palmer, taken at the age of twenty-five, is prefixed to the fourth edition of the last-mentioned work, and a large oval print from the same portrait was published by Hogg in 1792. Another engraving by J. Condé, from a miniature in the possession of John Tuffin, is in the ‘European Magazine,’ 1792.

HENDERSON, JOHN (1804–1862), architect, son of John Henderson, gardener at Brechin Castle, and ‘his wife Agnes Thomson,’ was born at Brechin on 14 June 1804. In 1814 his father took some land at the Den, Brechin, and started in business as a nurseryman. The firm styled John Henderson & Sons still exists. After serving an apprenticeship in carpentry in his native town, and studying drawing and construction, John became assistant in the office of Thomas Hamilton [q. v.] the architect, and afterwards practised in Edinburgh on his own account. He made a special study of Gothic architecture, and his works are almost exclusively in the pointed style.

Among his ecclesiastical works may be mentioned the spire of the old abbey or parish church, Arbroath, 1831; St. Mary's Established Church, Dumfries, 1837–9 (which was renovated and reseated in 1879); Morningside parish church, 1838; Trinity Episcopal Church, Dean Bridge, Edinburgh,


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General
Regarding antiphons: Regarding antiphonaries:

O Antiphons
The O Antiphons are antiphons sung in Western Christian traditions following the Magnificat at Vespers services on the last seven days of Advent. Each antiphon is a name of Christ, one of his attributes mentioned in Scripture.
 * O Antiphons
 * December 17: O Sapientia (O Wisdom)
 * December 18: O Adonai (O Lord)
 * December 19: O Radix Jesse (O Root of Jesse)
 * December 20: O Clavis David (O Key of David)
 * December 21: O Oriens (O Dayspring)
 * December 22: O Rex Gentium (O King of the nations)
 * December 23: O Emmanuel (O With Us is God)
 * Veni, Veni, Emmanuel, a popular Advent hymn based on the O Antiphons
 * Veni, Veni, Emmanuel, a popular Advent hymn based on the O Antiphons

Marian Anthems
The Marian Anthems or Marian Antiphons are four "votive antiphons" addressed to Mary which are sung at Compline during various times of the year. They are not true antiphons but rather are short hymns.
 * Alma Redemptoris Mater, sung from the beginning of Advent until the feast of the Presentation of the Lord (February 2)
 * Ave Regina Caelorum, sung from the Presentation of the Lord through Good Friday
 * Regina Coeli, sung during the Easter season
 * Salve Regina, sung from Trinity Sunday until the Saturday before Advent
 * Sub Tuum Praesidium, sung in place of the Salve Regina in some traditions

Other antiphons

 * Asperges me
 * In paradisum
 * O quam suavis
 * O sacrum convivium
 * Parce Domine
 * Rorate coeli
 * Ubi caritas
 * Veni Sancte Spiritus
 * Vidi aquam

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H 1838; Newhaven parish church, 1838; Mariners' Church, Leith, 1840; St. Thomas's Church, Leith, with manse, school-house, and asylum, 1840; St. Mary's Episcopal Church, Dunblane, 1844; St. Columba's Episcopal Church, Castle Terrace, Edinburgh, 1845; Trinity Episcopal Church, Stirling, 1845, taken down in 1879; St. Andrew's Episcopal Church, Fasque, 1847; St. Mary's Episcopal Church, Hamilton, 1849; St. John's Episcopal Church, Glasgow, 1850 (since enlarged); St. Mary's Episcopal Church, Dalmahoy, 1850; St. Luke's Free Church, Queen Street, Edinburgh, 1851; St. Mary's Episcopal Church, Arbroath, with parsonage, 1852–4; private chapels St. Michael and All Angels, Ardgowan, Renfrewshire, 1856, and Lamington, Lanarkshire, 1857; Christ Church, Lanark, 1858; St. Peter's Episcopal Church, Montrose, 1858 (rebuilt, the former church having been destroyed by fire 7 Feb. 1857); St. Baldred's Episcopal Church, North Berwick (in the Norman style), 1861–2, which was enlarged in 1865. He also designed the museum at Montrose, 1836; public schools (with library, lecture hall, &c.), Brechin, 1838; the Highland Society's Offices, No. 3 George IV Bridge, Edinburgh, 1838–40, built for and used as the society's museum till 1866; Trinity College, Glenalmond, Perthshire, 1847, which, with its beautiful Decorated chapel, is considered his best work (cf. Builder, 1851, with view, pp. 24–5); and a bridge across the Den, Brechin, 1856. He conducted the engineering works at Burntisland pier.

Henderson died at his residence, 7 Greenhill Park, Edinburgh, on 27 June 1862, aged 58. He married in 1843 Hannah Matilda Exley, by whom he had seven children, all of whom survived him. His eldest son, George, practised as an architect in Edinburgh, in the firm of Hay & Henderson.

HENDERSON, JOHN (1780–1867), philanthropist, born in Borrowstounness, Linlithgowshire, in 1780, was a son of Robert Henderson, merchant and shipowner in that town. With an elder brother, Robert, he started in business as a drysalter in Glasgow, and subsequently as an East India merchant in London. In May 1842 Robert was drowned, and the business was carried on by Henderson in partnership with several of his nephews. From 1827 Henderson spent a large portion of his income in promoting evangelical Christianity. During the last twenty years of his life he is computed to have contributed to religious and charitable schemes from 30,000l. to 40,000l. a year. The maintenance of the Scottish sabbath as a day of strict cessation from labour and the furtherance of missions in India and on the continent specially engrossed his efforts. He maintained several religious newspapers, and on one occasion spent 4,000l. in sending a copy of a publication to all the railway servants in the kingdom in the hope of convincing them of the sinfulness of Sabbath labour. He purchased to a large extent the stock of the Edinburgh and Glasgow railway and divided it among friends whom he knew would oppose the running of Sunday trains. Railway travelling on Sunday between Glasgow and Edinburgh was interrupted until the amalgamation with the North British Company placed Henderson and his supporters in a minority. He gave an annual prize to the university of Glasgow for the best essay on the Decalogue. He bought and maintained a number of mission churches in Glasgow, and built the Religious Institution rooms in St. George's Place, and the mission premises for the united presbyterian church in Virginia Street. Though himself connected with the united presbyterians, and contributing largely to their extension in London, he helped every religious movement with which he felt any sympathy. Mainly through his instrumentality the Evangelical Alliance was established. The only public office that he held in Glasgow was that of chairman of the Royal Exchange. He died at Park, Inchinnan, Renfrewshire, on 1 May 1867. He married in 1843 a daughter of John M'Fie of Edinburgh, who survived him without issue.

HENDERSON, JOHN (1797–1878), collector of works of art and archæologist, born in Adelphi Terrace, London, in 1797, was son of John Henderson and Georgiana Jane, only child of George Keate, F.R.S. His father, an amateur artist of great merit, was an early patron of Thomas Girtin and J. M. W. Turner, who frequently worked together in his house, which was next door to that of Dr. Monro [q. v.] John Henderson the younger went at the age of sixteen as a fellow-commoner to Balliol College, Oxford (B.A. 1817 and M.A. 1820). He read