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Food Assistance Convention

PREAMBLE
The Parties to this Convention,

Confirming their continued commitment to the still valid objectives of the Food Aid Convention, 1999, to contribute to world food security, and to improve the ability of the international community to respond to emergency food situations and other food needs of developing countries;

Seeking to improve the effectiveness, efficiency, and quality of food assistance in preserving the lives and alleviating the suffering of the most vulnerable populations, especially in emergency situations, by strengthening international cooperation and coordination, in particular among the Parties and stakeholders;

Recognising that vulnerable populations have particular food and nutritional needs;

Affirming that States have the primary responsibility for their own national food security, and therefore for the progressive realisation of the right to adequate food as set out in the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Voluntary Guidelines to support the Progressive Realization of the Right to Adequate Food in the Context of National Food Security adopted by the FAO Council in November 2004;

Encouraging governments of food insecure countries to develop and implement country-owned strategies that address the root causes of food insecurity through long-term measures, and that ensure proper linkages between relief, recovery and development activities;

Referring to international humanitarian law and the fundamental humanitarian principles of humanity, impartiality, neutrality and independence;

Referring to the Principles and Good Practice of Humanitarian Donorship, endorsed in Stockholm on 17 June 2003;

Recognising that the Parties have their own policies related to providing food assistance in emergency and non-emergency situations;

Considering the World Food Summit Plan of Action adopted in Rome in 1996, as well as the Five Rome Principles for Sustainable Global Food Security identified in the Declaration of the World Summit on Food Security of 2009, in particular the commitment to achieve food security in all countries and the ongoing effort to reduce poverty and eradicate hunger that was reaffirmed by the United Nations General Assembly in the United Nations Millennium Declaration;

Considering the commitments made by donor and recipient countries to improve development aid effectiveness by applying the principles of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development's (OECD) Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness adopted in 2005;

Determined to act in accordance with their World Trade Organization (WTO) obligations, in particular any WTO disciplines on food aid;

Have agreed as follows:

ARTICLE 1 OBJECTIVES
The objectives of this Convention are to save lives, reduce hunger, improve food security, and improve the nutritional status of the most vulnerable populations by:
 * (a) addressing the food and nutritional needs of the most vulnerable populations through commitments made by the Parties to provide food assistance that improves access to, and consumption of, adequate, safe and nutritious food;
 * (b) ensuring that food assistance provided to the most vulnerable populations is appropriate, timely, effective, efficient, and based on needs and shared principles; and
 * (c) facilitating information-sharing, cooperation, and coordination, and providing a forum for discussion in order to improve the effective, efficient, and coherent use of the Parties' resources to respond to needs.

ARTICLE 2 PRINCIPLES OF FOOD ASSISTANCE
The Parties, in providing and delivering food assistance to the most vulnerable populations, should always adhere to the following principles:
 * (a) General principles of food assistance:
 * (i) provide food assistance only when it is the most effective and appropriate means of addressing the food or nutrition needs of the most vulnerable populations;
 * (ii) provide food assistance, taking into account the long-term rehabilitation and development objectives of the recipient countries, while supporting the broader goal of achieving food security, whenever appropriate;
 * (iii) provide food assistance in a manner that protects livelihoods and strengthens the self-reliance and resilience of vulnerable populations, and local communities, and that prevents, prepares for, mitigates and responds to food security crises;
 * (iv) provide food assistance in such a way as to avoid dependency and minimise direct and indirect negative impacts on beneficiaries and others;
 * (v) provide food assistance in a way that does not adversely affect local production, market conditions, marketing structures and commercial trade or the price of essential goods for vulnerable populations;
 * (vi) provide food aid in fully grant form, whenever possible;
 * (b) Principles of food assistance effectiveness:
 * (i) in order to increase the amount available to spend on food assistance for vulnerable populations and to promote efficiency, minimise associated costs as much as possible;
 * (ii) actively seek to cooperate, coordinate and share information to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of food assistance programs, and the coherence between food assistance and related policy areas and instruments;
 * (iii) purchase food and other components of food assistance locally or regionally, whenever possible and appropriate;
 * (iv) increasingly provide untied cash-based food assistance, whenever possible and based on needs;
 * (v) only monetise food aid where there is an identified need to do so, and to improve the food security of vulnerable populations; base monetisation on transparent and objective market analysis and avoid commercial displacement;
 * (vi) ensure food assistance is not used to promote the market development objectives of the Parties;
 * (vii) avoid re-exportation of food aid to the maximum extent possible except to prevent or respond to an emergency situation; only re-export food aid in a manner that avoids commercial displacement;
 * (viii) acknowledge, where appropriate, that relevant authorities or relevant stakeholders have the primary role and responsibility for the organisation, coordination and implementation of food assistance operations;
 * (c) Principles on the provision of food assistance:
 * (i) target food assistance according to the food and nutrition needs of the most vulnerable populations;
 * (ii) involve beneficiaries in the assessment of their needs and in the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of food assistance, as well as other relevant stakeholders, where appropriate;
 * (iii) provide food assistance that meets applicable safety and quality standards, and that respects cultural and local dietary habits and the nutritional needs of the beneficiaries;
 * (iv) uphold the dignity of beneficiaries of food assistance;
 * (d) Principles of food assistance accountability:
 * (i) take specific and appropriate measures to strengthen the accountability and transparency of food assistance policies, programs, and operations;
 * (ii) monitor, evaluate, and communicate, on a regular and transparent basis, the outcomes and the impact of food assistance activities in order to further develop best practices and maximise their effectiveness.

ARTICLE 3 RELATIONSHIP WITH WTO AGREEMENTS
Nothing in this Convention shall derogate from any existing or future WTO obligations applicable between Parties. In case of conflict between such obligations and this Convention, the former shall prevail. Nothing in this Convention will prejudice the positions that a Party may adopt in any negotiations in the WTO.

ARTICLE 4 ELIGIBLE COUNTRY, ELIGIBLE VULNERABLE POPULATIONS, ELIGIBLE PRODUCTS, ELIGIBLE ACTIVITIES, AND ASSOCIATED COSTS
1. "Eligible Country" means any country on the OECD's Development Assistance Committee (DAC) list of Official Development Assistance Recipients, or any other country identified in the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

2. "Eligible Vulnerable Populations" means vulnerable populations in any Eligible Country.

3. "Eligible Products" .means products for human consumption that comply with relevant national policies and legislation of the country of operation, including, as appropriate, applicable international food safety and quality standards as well as products that contribute to meeting food needs and protecting livelihoods in emergency and early recovery situations. The list of Eligible Products is provided in the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

4. Eligible Activities for the fulfilment of a Party's mimimum annual commitment in accordance with Article 5 shall be consistent with Article 1, and shall include at least the following activities:
 * (a) the provision and distribution of Eligible Products;
 * (b) the provision of cash and vouchers; and
 * (c) nutritional interventions.

These Eligible Activities are further elaborated in the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

5. Associated Costs eligible for the fulfilment of a Party's minimum annual commitment according to Article 5 shall be consistent with Article 1, and shall be limited to costs directly linked to the provision of Eligible Activities, as further elaborated in the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

ARTICLE 5 COMMITMENT
1. To meet the objectives of this Convention, each Party agrees to make an annual commitment of food assistance, set in accordance with its laws and regulations. Each Party's commitment is referred to as its "minimum annual commitment".

2. The minimum annual commitment shall be expressed in terms of value or quantity as further elaborated in the Rules of Procedure and Implementation. A Party may choose to express either a minimum value or a minimum quantity, or a combination of both for its commitment.

3. Minimum annual commitments in terms of value can be expressed in the currency chosen by the Party. Minimum annual commitments in terms of quantity can be expressed in tonnes of grain equivalent or other units of measure provided under the Rules of Procedure and Implementation. 4. Each Party shall notify the Secretariat of its initial minimum annual commitment as soon as possible and no later than six months following the entry into force of this Convention, or within three months of its accession to this Convention.

5. Each Party shall notify the Secretariat of any change to its minimum annual commitment for subsequent years no later than the fifteenth day of December of the year preceding the change.

6. The Secretariat shall communicate the updated minimum annual commitments to all of the Parties as soon as possible and no later than the first day of January of each year.

7. Contributions made to meet minimum annual commitments should be made in fully grant form whenever possible. With respect to food assistance counted towards a Party's commitment, not less than 80 per cent provided to Eligible Countries and Eligible Vulnerable Populations, as further elaborated in the Rules of Procedure and Implementation, shall be in fully grant form. To the extent possible, the Parties shall seek progressively to exceed this percentage. Contributions that are not made in fully grant form should be accounted for in each Party's annual report.

8. The Parties shall undertake to conduct all food assistance transactions under this Convention in such a way as to avoid harmful interference with normal patterns of production and international commercial trade.

9. The Parties shall ensure that the provision of food assistance is not tied directly or indirectly, formally or informally, explicitly or implicitly, to commercial exports of agricultural products or other goods and services to recipient countries.

10. To meet its minimum annual commitment, whether expressed in value or quantity, a Party shall make contributions that are consistent with this Convention and that consist of funding for Eligible Products and Activities, and Associated Costs, as set forth in Article 4, and as further elaborated in the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

11. Contributions provided to meet the minimum annual commitment under this Convention may only be directed at Eligible Countries or Eligible Vulnerable Populations, as set forth in Article 4 and as further elaborated in the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

12. The Parties' contributions may be provided bilaterally, through intergovernmental or other international organisations, or through other food assistance partners, but not through other Parties.

13. Each Party shall make every effort to meet its minimum annual commitment. If a Party is unable to meet its minimum annual commitment for a particular year, it shall describe the circumstances of its failure to do so in its annual report for that year. The unfulfilled amount shall be added to the Party's minimum annual commitment for the following year unless the Committee established under Article 7 decides otherwise, or unless extraordinary circumstances justify not doing so.

14. If a Party's contribution exceeds its minimum annual commitment, the amount of the excess, but not more than five per cent of its minimum annual commitment, may be counted as part of the Party's contribution for the following year.

ARTICLE 6 ANNUAL REPORTING AND INFORMATION SHARING
1. Within ninety days after the end of the calendar year, each Party shall provide an annual report, in accordance with the Rules of Procedure and Implementation, to the Secretariat, detailing how it met its minimum annual commitment under this Convention.

2. This annual report shall contain a narrative component that may include information on how the Party's food assistance policies, programs and operations contribute to the objectives and principles ofthis Convention.

3. The Parties should, on an ongoing basis, exchange information on their food assistance policies and programs and the results of their evaluations of these policies and programs.

ARTICLE 7 FOOD ASSISTANCE COMMITTEE
1. A Food Assistance Committee (the "Committee"), consisting of all of the Parties to this Convention, is hereby established.

2. The Committee shall make the decisions at its formal sessions and perform the functions that are required to carry out the provisions of this Convention in accordance with the principles and objectives of the Convention.

3. The Committee shall adopt rules governing its proceedings; it may also adopt rules elaborating further the provisions of this Convention to ensure that they are properly implemented. Document FAC(ll/12)1 - 25 April 2012 of the Food Aid Committee of the Food Aid Convention, 1999 shall serve as the initial Rules of Procedure and Implementation for this Convention. The Committee may subsequently decide to modify those Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

4. The Committee shall make decisions by consensus, meaning that no Party formally opposes the proposed decision of the Committee on a matter under discussion at a formal session. Formal opposition may occur either at the formal session or within thirty days after the circulation of the minutes of a formal session recording the proposed decisions concerned.

5. For each year, the Secretariat shall prepare a summary report for the Committee, to be drafted, adopted and published, in accordance with the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

6. The Committee should provide a forum for discussion among the Parties with respect to food assistance matters, such as the need to mobilise appropriate and timely resource commitments to address the food and nutritional needs, especially in specific emergency and crisis situations. It should facilitate information-sharing with and dissemination to other stakeholders, and should consult with and receive information from them to support its discussions.

7. Each Party shall designate a representative to receive notices and other communications from the Secretariat.

ARTICLE 8 CHAIRPERSON AND VICE-CHAIRPERSON OF THE COMMITTEE
1. At the last formal session held in each year, the Committee shall decide on a Chairperson and a Vice-Chairperson for the following year.

2. The Chairperson shall have the following duties:
 * (a) to approve the draft agenda for each formal session or informal meeting;
 * (b) to preside at formal sessions or informal meetings;
 * (c) to open and close each formal session or informal meeting;
 * (d) to submit the draft agenda to the Committee for adoption at the beginning of each formal session or informal meeting;
 * (e) to direct discussions and ensure that the procedures specified in the Rules of Procedure and Implementation are observed;
 * (f) to invite the Parties to speak;
 * (g) to rule on points of order in accordance with the relevant Rules of Procedure and Implementation; and
 * (h) to ask questions and announce decisions.

3. If the Chairperson is absent from all or part of a formal session or an informal meeting, or is temporarily unable to fill the office of Chairperson, the Vice-Chairperson shall act as Chairperson. In the absence of the Chairperson and the Vice-Chairperson, the Committee shall appoint a temporary Chairperson.

4. If, for any reason, the Chairperson is unable to continue to fill the office of Chairperson, the Vice-Chairperson shall become Chairperson until the end of the year.

ARTICLE 9 FORMAL SESSIONS AND INFORMAL MEETINGS
1. The Committee shall hold formal sessions and informal meetings according to the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

2. The Committee shall hold at least one formal session a year.

3. The Committee shall hold additional formal sessions and informal meetings at the request of the Chairperson or at the request of at least three of the Parties.

4. The Committee may invite observers and relevant stakeholders who wish to discuss particular food assistance related matters to attend its formal sessions or informal meetings in accordance with the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

5. The Committee shall meet at a location determined in accordance with the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

6. The agenda for formal sessions and informal meetings shall be developed in accordance with the Rules of Procedure and Implementation.

7. The minutes of a formal session, which shall include any proposed decisions of the Committee, shall be circulated within thirty days after the formal session.

ARTICLE 10 SECRETARIAT
1. The Committee shall designate a Secretariat and request its services, in accordance with the Rules of Procedure and Implementation. The Committee shall request of the International Grains Council (IGC) that its Secretariat act as the initial Secretariat of the Committee.

2. The Secretariat shall perform the duties that are set out in this Convention and the Rules of Procedure and Implementation, perform any administrative duties, including the processing and distribution of documents and reports, and carry out other functions identified by the Committee.

ARTICLE 11 RESOLUTION OF DISPUTES
The Committee shall seek to resolve any dispute among the Parties concerning the interpretation or implementation of this Convention or the Rules of Procedure and Implementation, including any claim of failure to perform the obligations set out in this Convention.

ARTICLE 12 SIGNATURE AND RATIFICATION, ACCEPTANCE, OR APPROVAL
This Convention shall be open for signature by Argentina, Australia, the Republic of Austria, the Kingdom of Belgium, the Republic of Bulgaria, Canada, the Republic of Croatia, the Republic of Cyprus, the Czech Republic, the Kingdom of Denmark, the European Union, the Republic of Estonia, the Republic of Finland, the French Republic, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Hellenic Republic, Hungary, Ireland, the Italian Republic, Japan, the Republic of Latvia, the Republic of Lithuania, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, the Republic of Malta, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, the Kingdom of Norway, the Republic of Poland, the Portuguese Republic, Romania, the Slovak Republic, the Republic of Slovenia, the Kingdom of Spain, the Kingdom of Sweden, the Swiss Confederation, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of America, at United Nations Headquarters in New York from 11 June 2012 until 31 December 2012. This Convention shall be subject to ratification, acceptance or approval by each Signatory. Instruments of ratification, acceptance or approval shall be deposited with the Depositary.

ARTICLE 13 ACCESSION
1. Any State listed in Article 12 that has not signed this Convention by the end of the signature period, or the European Union if it has not signed by that time, may accede to it at any time after that period. Instruments of accession shall be deposited with the Depositary.

2. Once this Convention has entered into force in accordance with Article 15, it shall be open for accession by any State other than those referred to in Article 12 or by a Separate Customs Territory possessing full autonomy in the conduct of its external commercial relations that is deemed eligible by a decision of the Committee. Instruments of accession shall be deposited with the Depositary.

ARTICLE 14 NOTIFICATION OF PROVISIONAL APPLICATION
Any State referred to in Article 12, or the European Union, that intends to ratify, accept, or approve this Convention or accede thereto, or any State or Separate Customs Territory deemed eligible under Article 13(2) for accession by a decision of the Committee but has not yet deposited its instrument, may at any time deposit a notification of provisional application of this Convention with the Depositary. The Convention shall apply provisionally for that State, Separate Customs Territory, or the European Union from the date of deposit of its notification.

ARTICLE 15 ENTRY INTO FORCE
1. This Convention shall enter into force on 1 January 2013 if by 30 November 2012 five Signatories have deposited instruments of ratification, acceptance, or approval.

2. If this Convention does not enter into force in accordance with paragraph 1, the Signatories to this Convention that have deposited instruments of ratification, acceptance, or approval and States or the European Union that have deposited instruments of accession pursuant to Article 13(1) may decide by unanimous consent that it shall enter into force among themselves.

3. For any State or Separate Customs Territory, or the European Union, that ratifies, accepts, approves, or accedes to the Convention after the Convention enters into force, this Convention shall enter into force on the date of the deposit of its instrument of ratification, approval, acceptance, or accession.

ARTICLE 16 ASSESSMENT AND AMENDMENT PROCEDURE
1. At any time after the entry into force of this Convention, a Party may propose an assessment of the relevance of this Convention or propose amendments to it. Any proposed amendments shall be circulated by the Secretariat to all of the Parties at least six months in advance and discussed at the next formal session of the Committee following the end of the notice period.

2. Proposals for amendment to this Convention shall be adopted by decision of the Committee. The Secretariat shall communicate to all of the Parties, and to the Depositary, any proposals for amendment adopted by the Committee. The Depositary shall circulate any adopted amendment to all Parties.

3. Notification of acceptance of an amendment shall be sent to the Depositary. An adopted amendment shall enter into force for those Parties having sent that notification, ninety days after the date on which the Depositary has received such notifications from not less than four fifths of the number of Parties to this Convention on the date of adoption of the proposed amendment by the Committee. Such an amendment shall enter into force for any other Party ninety days after that Party deposits its notification with the Depositary. The Committee may decide that a different threshold be used for the number of notifications required to trigger the entry into force of a specific amendment. The Secretariat shall communicate such a decision to all Parties and the Depositary.

ARTICLE 17 WITHDRAWAL AND TERMINATION
1. Any Party may withdraw from this Convention at the end of any year by giving written notice of withdrawal to the Depositary and the Committee at least ninety days prior to the end of that year. That Party shall not be released from its minimum annual commitment or reporting obligations incurred under this Convention, while it was a Party, that have not been discharged by the end of that year.

2. At any time after the entry into force of this Convention, a Party may propose the termination of this Convention. Such a proposal shall be communicated in writing to the Secretariat and shall be circulated by it to all of the Parties at least six months in advance of its consideration by the Committee.

ARTICLE 18 DEPOSITARY
1. The Secretary-General of the United Nations is designated as the Depositary of this Convention.

2. The Depositary shall receive notice of any signature, ratification, acceptance, approval, notification of provisional application of, and accession to, this Convention, and notify all Parties and Signatories of these notices.

ARTICLE 19 AUTHENTIC TEXTS
The originals of this Convention, of which the English and French texts are equally authentic, shall be deposited with the Secretary-General of the United Nations.

IN WITNESS THEREOF the undersigned, being duly authorised, have signed this Convention.

DONE at London, 25 April 2012.

title: Food Assistance Convention


text: Talk:Food Assistance Convention

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Food Assistance Convention


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Page:The complete poems of Emily Bronte.djvu/173

Rh Over Death, and Desolation,

Fireless hearths, and lifeless homes;

Over orphans' heartsick sorrows,

Patriot fathers' bloody tombs;

Over friends, that my arms never

Might embrace in love again;

Memory pondered until madness

Struck its poniard in my brain.

Deepest slumbers followed raving,

Yet, methought, I brooded still;

Still I saw my country bleeding,

Dying for a tyrant's will.

Not because my bliss was blasted,

Burned within the avenging flame:

Not because my scattered kindred

Died in woe, or lived in shame.

God doth know I would have given

Every bosom dear to me,

Could that sacrifice have purchased

Tortured Gondal's liberty!

But that at Ambition's bidding,

All her cherished hopes should wane,

That her noblest sons should muster,

Strive and fight and fall in vain;

Hut and castle, hall and cottage,

Roofless, crumbling to the ground;

Mighty heaven, a glad avenger

Thy eternal Justice found!


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118 Yes, the arm that once would shudder,

Even to grieve a wounded deer,

I beheld it, unrelenting,

Clothe in blood its sovereign's prayer.

Glorious Dream! I saw the city,

Blazing in imperial shine;

And among adoring thousands

Stood a man of form divine.

None need point the princely victim,

Now he smiles with royal pride!

Now his glance is bright as lightning,

Now the knife is in his side!

Ha! I saw how death could darken,

Darken that triumphant eye!

His red heart's blood drenched my dagger;

My ear drank his dying sigh.

Shadows came! what means this midnight?

O my God, I know it all!

Know the fever-dream is over,

Unavenged, the Avenger's fall!


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mohun, Michael


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mohun, Reginald de


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mohun, William de (fl.1066)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mohun, William de (fl.1141)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moinenno


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moir, David Macbeth


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122 XXIII


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Rh


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[ 100 ] ''et 2 ervi. Ibi 10 villani et 8 cocez cum 5 carucatis. Ibi molinus reddit 5 olidos, et 1 acra prati, Patura dimidium leucæ longum et tantundem latum. De eâdem terra tenet unus Tainus bidam et dimidium, nec potuit neque potet ab eccleia hæc terra eparari. Valuit manerium quando Turtinus abbas recepit 8 libræ, modo 10 libræ.''

4. Eadem eccleia tenet Critemeleforde. ''T.R.E. geldabat pro 10 hidis. Terra et 10 carucatæ. De hac terra 14 hidæ unt in dominio, et ibi 3 carucatæ et 2 fervi. Ibi 11 villani et 12 bordarii, et 12 cocez cum 6 carucatis. Ibi 2 molini reddunt 40 olidos. Et 36 acræ prati. Silva 1 leuca longa et dimidium leucæ latum. De eadem terra tenet Robertus dimidium hidæ. Et Edwardus unam virgatam. Hæc terra teinlande non potuit ab eccleia eparari, T. R. E. Totum manerium valet 10 libræ et 10 olidi.'' Abbas


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 "Brave Words"? I think G. and you might like to read it together. Mr. Maurice preached at Lincoln's Inn on Sunday morning. I did not know of it. Since I have known him I have missed hearing him four times, Stepney, Whitechapel, lecture on Newspapers, and last Sunday. It was a funeral sermon for Mr. Mansfield; and all his friends met together afterwards. They are going to have it every year. Mama went with me in the afternoon. The text was the 27th verse of the fourteenth of St. John. Mr. Maurice began by saying that these words were not understood at the time they were spoken. The events which followed them seemed the most awful contradiction of them; for even He who had spoken them appeared to have lost then the gift which He promised. The question was, What peace was it which He gave? It could not be peace in the world; the wars, the contentions showed that that had not been given. The Gospel which they brought to the world seemed to bring divisions not unity, strife not peace. It could not be peace in the Church; for a few weeks it seemed as if this might be the gift which Christ had left. They had all things in common; and then arose contentions, people pretending to have sold their possessions, and given the whole value of them to the Church, when they had retained half. Paul rebuking Peter; discussions about circumcision. Was it outward peace for themselves? Never had any set of men experienced so little as the Apostles. Was it inward peace, a cessation of all fierce war with evil, of all conflict? Surely not. For that which Christ promised He must have realised Himself. They had heard the cry on the Cross, and


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 seen the agony in the garden; surely there never was a more awful fight with evil than that which He had carried on. Above all, they had forsaken Him themselves. If anything would add to their sense that they had no peace, it would be that when they thought they were ready to die for Him, they had left Him; the cross and death did not divide Him from them so much as their unfaithfulness. But all this showed that the peace which He promised could be no outward peace; that it could not be felt till they were ready to give up that. The sense of a friend, a deliverer, the revelation of a Father, would give them really a peace which the world did not give, and could not take away. I forget how it came in, but Mr. Maurice mentioned Christ's look to Peter which made him weep, and contrasted that with Judas's remorse. I would give you a better account of this sermon, but I ought to have written it before. It is now confused in my mind with Kingsley's, the one I heard on Wednesday, and with several things I have been reading.

We are not to execute our own designs for Ruskin, at any rate yet. I have been doing his letters in the work hours. … About what you and G. have been saying, I should answer, that I think you are quite right in maintaining that, if the war is right, we must be right in praying to God to help us in it; but I think there is a certain cowardice, a shrinking from looking facts in the face, when people say that they are not asking God to help them to kill men. That is not the end, but it is the means. What I think we want to see is that all things are as nothing in comparison with right; that we have no business to calculate results; that we are to give up comfort, homes, those who are dearest to us, life, everything, to defend right. I wish very much to


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[ 101 ], where are 2 ploughlands, and 2 ervants. Ten villagers and 8 cottagers occupy 5 ploughlands. The mill pays 5 hillings; and here is 1 acre of meadow. The pature is 3 quarters of a mile quare. A Thane holds a hide and a half of this land, nor can he be removed from the ervices of the church. When the abbot Turtin took poeion of this manor, it was valued at 8 pounds; now at 10 pounds.

4. The ame church holds Critemeleforde. It was aeed T.R.E. at 20 hides. Here are 10 ploughlands. Fourteen of thee hides are in demene, where are 3 ploughlands and 2 ervants. Eleven villagers and 12 borderers, and 12 cottagers occupy 6 ploughlands. Two mills pay 40 hillings; and here are 36 acres of meadow. The wood is a mile and a half in length, and 3 quarters of a mile in breadth. Robert holds half a hide of this land, and Edward 1 yardland, which tainland T.R.E. Rh


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[ 102 ] Abbas Glatingberienis prætitit 6 acras prati Brictric T. R. E. in Stantone.'' Obernus Giart tenet modo. Similiter prætitit 4 acras prati in Liteltone Alwardo. Goiridus epicopus tenet modo. Hæ 10 acræ prati debent jacere in Critemeleforde.''

5. Ipa eccleia tenet Badeberie.'' T. R. E, geldabat pro 10 hidis. Terra et 10 carucatæ. De bac terra 13 hidæ et dimidium unt in dominio, et ibi 2 carucatæ et 4 ervi. Ibi 11 villani et 10 bordarii cum 3 carucatis. Ibi molinus reddit 40 denarios, et 100 acræ prati. Patura 1 leuca longa et 3 quarantenæ latæ. In Crichelade unus burgenis reddit 5 denarios. Valuit 8 libræ, modo 10 libræ.'' 6. Ipa


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HE antient and authentick record of Domeday Book having been univerally eteemed the foundation of Englih property, the origin from whence Antiquaries have commenced their enquiries, and beyond which it is almot ueles for them to earch; the following extract is now offered to the Public, chiefly with the view of encouraging and promoting a general Hitory of Wilthire; uch an extract being the groundwork on which all our provincial Hitories mut be erected.

Though the labour of trancribing and tranlating the original text was of the dullet nature, yet the Editor chearfullycheerfully [sic] entered upon the tak, with a full conviction of it's utility, and with the pleaing expectation that he may, in conequence of it, oon ee a Hitory of his native County. Rh


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[ iv ] How far the Editor has ucceeded in his attempt to apply the modern names to the antient, mut be left to the judgment of his readers. He, by no means, coniders the cheme perfect, though he has pared neither pains nor enquiries to render it o. The difficulties of forming an Index, of this kind, were greatly enhanced by the circumtance of the Hundreds of this County being omitted in Domeday. For, unfortunately, the Manors and Etates in Wilthire are not therein arranged under their repective Hundreds, as they are in many other Counties, and, therefore, it was ometimes neceary for the Editor, to earch the county at large, for a ynonymous appellation, when, if the place had been allotted to it's proper Hundred, the decription alone might have immediately led him to it's certain dicovery.

The names of Winterbourn, Clive, Langford, &c. &c. o frequently occur in Domeday, and are till o frequently found in various parts of this County, that it would be incumbent on an Editor to be intimately acquainted with the actual urvey of every parih, and even of it's partial diviions, before he could pretend to apply uch names, with preciion, to their repective ituations. But this difficulty may, in a great meaure, be remedied with the aitance of the preent pro-


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Rh if the author had intended us to understand that the Ammonite and the Philistine oppressions were contemporaneous, he would have given a much more distinct intimation of his meaning than 106 ff., and have given it in its proper place in 131.

Nöldeke has tried to solve the problem in another way. He observes that the sum of the rule of the Minor Judges, including Jephthah, is seventy-six years, to which if we add the four years of Solomon before the building of the temple, we obtain another eighty; a coincidence which can hardly be accidental, and which, if designed, shows that the Minor Judges were included in the chronological system of the book. The total of the years ascribed to the judges and kings in the Books of Judges and Samuel, down to the fourth year of Solomon, is three hundred and eighty. To this must be added the forty years of Moses, the years of Joshua (x), Samuel (y), and Saul (z). For Samuel he reckons (from 1 S. 72) twenty years. We have thus: 40 + 380 + 20 = 440 + x + z. In this system of forties we should naturally give to the unknown quantities (Joshua, Saul) twenty years each, or unequal numbers together making forty, obtaining thus exactly the four hundred and eighty of 1 K. 6. The years of foreign domination and of usurpers are, as usual in Oriental chronologies, not counted; the beginning of each judge's rule being reckoned, not from the victory which brought him into power, but from the death of his predecessor.

In principle, this appears to me the most probable hypothesis. I should be inclined, however, to divide the numbers somewhat differently. For Eli, instead of the forty years of H I should


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350 one-sidedness, that of intellectual development may be referred to. Does it not seem as though the scene in the dream, with all its madness, were putting its negative on just this anxiety? After the child has said his word of parting on the one side, he calls out its opposite on the other side, as though in order to establish an equilibrium. He is acting, as it were, in obedience to bilateral symmetry!

Thus the dream frequently has the profoundest meaning in places where it seems most absurd. In all ages those who had something to say and were unable to say it without danger to themselves gladly put on the cap and bells. The listener for whom the forbidden saying was intended was more likely to tolerate it if he was able to laugh at it, and to flatter himself with the comment that what he disliked was obviously something absurd. The dream proceeds in reality just as the prince does in the play who must counterfeit the fool, and hence the same thing may be said of the dream which Hamlet says of himself, substituting an unintelligible witticism for the real conditions: "I am but mad north-north-west; when the wind is southerly I know a hawk from a handsaw."

Thus my solution of the problem of the absurdity of dreams is that the dream thoughts are never absurd—at least not those belonging to the dreams of sane persons—and that the dream activity produces absurd dreams and dreams with individual absurd elements if criticism, ridicule, and derision in the dream thoughts are to be represented by it in its manner of expression. My next concern is to show that the dream activity is primarily brought about by the co-operation of the three factors which have been mentioned—and of a fourth one which remains to be cited—that it accomplishes nothing short of a transposition of the dream thoughts, observing the three conditions which are prescribed for it, and that the question whether the mind operates in the dream with all its faculties, or only with a portion of them, is deprived


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Rh of its cogency and is inapplicable to the actual circumstances. But since there are plenty of dreams in which judgments are passed, criticisms made, and facts recognised, in which astonishment at some single element of the dream appears, and arguments and explanations are attempted, I must meet the objections which may be inferred from these occurrences by the citation of selected examples.

My answer is as follows: Everything in the dream which occurs as an apparent exercise of the critical faculty is to be regarded, not as an intellectual accomplishment of the dream activity, but as belonging to the material of the dream thoughts, and it has found its way from them as a finished structure to the manifest dream content. I may go even further than this. Even the judgments which are passed upon the dream as it is remembered after awakening and the feelings which are aroused by the reproduction of the dream, belong in good part to the latent dream content, and must be fitted into their place in the interpretation of the dream.

I. A striking example of this I have already given. A female patient does not wish to relate her dream because it is too vague. She has seen a person in the dream, and does not know whether it is her husband or her father. Then follows a second dream fragment in which there occurs a "manure-can," which gives rise to the following reminiscence. As a young housewife, she once jokingly declared in the presence of a young relative who frequented the house that her next care would be to procure a new manure-can. The next morning one was sent to her, but it was filled with lilies of the valley. This part of the dream served to represent the saying, "Not grown on your own manure." When we complete the analysis we find that in the dream thoughts it is a matter of the after-effects of a story heard in youth, to the effect that a girl had given birth to a child concerning whom it was not clear who was the real father. The dream representation here goes over into the waking thought, and allows one element of the dream thoughts to be represented by a judgment expressed in the waking state upon the whole dream.


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xlii adopt the reading of G, twenty. The forty years of Philistine rule coincide with the time of Samson (20) and Eli (20); Samuel liberated Israel from their yoke (1 S. 7). Abimelech is not counted in the succession of rulers, as Nöldeke and most recent chronologists rightly assume; but it does not appear to have been noted that the same is true of Saul. For the Judaean author of this chronology his rule was illegitimate; David was the immediate successor of Samuel. This inference is confirmed by 1 S. 131, where a later hand has attempted to supply the lack of a statement about the length of Saul's reign with the usual formula borrowed from the Books of Kings, but seems to have left the numbers blank.

We have, then, the following scheme: Moses 40 years, Joshua x, Othniel 40, Ehud 80, Barak 40, Gideon 40, the Minor Judges with Jephthah 76, Samson 20, Eli 20, Samuel y, David 40, Solomon 4 = 400 + x + y = 480. We may then suppose that the author gave Joshua and Samuel forty years each, an hypothesis which in each case has some slight external support. Joshua lived, like his ancestor Joseph, to the age of 110 years, which, as in Joseph's life, may most naturally be divided into 30 + 40 + 40. To Samuel, of whose life and work he had such a full account, the deliverer and judge, the maker and unmaker of kings, it is antecedently improbable that the author reckoned only half a generation; especially as Samuel was an old man when he died.

If 1 K. 61 is the summation of the numbers in Judges and Samuel, and from the same hand, it would follow that the systematic chronology in Judges was not introduced by the Deuteronomic author, but by a later editor, who may have substituted his own cyclic numbers for older ones. But the author of Judges may, himself, conceivably have constructed his chronology on a basis of forty years to the generation. In either case, the length of the oppressions, and of the rule of the Minor Judges (with


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352 II. A similar case: One of my patients has a dream which seems interesting to him, for he says to himself immediately after awakening: "I must tell that to the doctor." The dream is analysed, and shows the most distinct allusion to an affair in which he had become involved during the treatment, and of which he had decided to tell me nothing."

III. Here is a third example from my own experience:

''I go to the hospital with P. through a region in which houses and gardens occur. With this comes the idea that I have already seen this region in dreams several times. I do not know my way very well; P. shows me a way which leads through a corner to a restaurant (a room, not a garden); here I ask for Mrs. Doni, and I hear that she is living in the background in a little room with three children. I go there, and while on the way I meet an indistinct person with my two little girls, whom I take with me after I have stood with them for a while. A kind of reproach against my wife for having left them there.''

Upon awakening I feel great satisfaction, the cause for this being the fact that I am now going to learn from the analysis what is meant by the idea "I have already dreamed of that." But the analysis of the dream teaches me nothing on the subject; it only shows me that the satisfaction belongs to the latent dream content, and not to my judgment upon the dream. It is satisfaction over the fact that I have had children by my marriage. P. is a person in whose company I walked the path of life for a certain space, but who has since far outdistanced me socially and materially—whose marriage, however, has remained childless. The two occasions for the dream furnishing the proof of this may be found by means of complete analysis. On the previous day I had read in the paper the obituary notice of a certain Mrs. Dona Ay (out of which I make Doni), who had died in childbirth; I was told by my wife that the dead woman had been nursed by the same midwife she herself had had at the birth of our two


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Rh youngest boys. The name Dona had caught my attention, for I had recently found it for the first time in an English novel. The other occasion for the dream may be found in the date on which it was dreamed; it was on the night before the birthday of my eldest boy, who, it seems, is poetically gifted.

IV. The same satisfaction remained with me after awakening from the absurd dream that my father, after his death, had played a political part among the Magyars, and it is motivated by a continuance of the feeling which accompanied the last sentence of the dream: "I remember that on his deathbed he looked so much like Garibaldi, and I am glad that it has really come true. (Here belongs a forgotten continuation.) I can now supply from the analysis what belongs in this gap of the dream. It is the mention of my second boy, to whom I have given the first name of a great historical personage, who attracted me powerfully during my boyhood, especially during my stay in England. I had to wait for a year after making up my mind to use this name in case the expected child should be a son, and I greeted him with it in high satisfaction as soon as he was born. It is easy to see how the father's lust for greatness is transferred in his thoughts to his children; it will readily be believed that this is one of the ways in which the suppression of this lust which becomes necessary in life is brought about. The little fellow won a place in the text of this dream by virtue of the fact that the same accident—quite pardonable in a child or a dying person—of soiling his clothes had happened to him. With this may be compared the allusion "Stuhlrichter" (judge on the stool-bench, i.e. presiding judge) and the wish of the dream: To stand before one's children great and pure.

V. I am now called upon to find expressions of judgment which remain in the dream itself, and are not retained in or transferred to our waking thoughts, and I shall consider it a great relief if I may find examples in dreams, which have already been cited for other purposes. The dream about Goethe's attacking Mr. M. seems to contain a considerable number of acts of judgment. I try to find some explanation of the chronological relations, which seem improbable to me. Does not this look like a critical impulse directed against the


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Rh Jephthah), which are at least not primarily cyclic, probably represent an earlier stage in the history of tradition; the latter may be derived from E.

The text of Judges has been transmitted to us in a much purer state than that of the Books of Samuel; indeed, it is better preserved than any other of the historical books; but it is not entirely free from the errors which are incident to transcription. The variants of Hebrew manuscripts seldom enable us to correct these errors. Setting aside the great mass of purely heterographic variations, there are few that materially affect the sense; and of these, very few which are intrinsically superior to the Massoretic text. The critic cannot entirely disregard them, however; especially when the support of the Targum or other of the versions shows that the reading is old.


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354 sensical idea that Goethe should, have made a literary attack upon a young man of my acquaintance? "It seems plausible to me that he was 18 years old." That sounds quite like the result of a dull-witted calculation; and "I do not know exactly what year it is" would be an example of uncertainty or doubt in the dream.

But I know from analysis that these acts of judgment, which seem to have been performed in the dream for the first time, admit of a different construction in the light of which they become indispensable for interpreting the dream, and at the same time every absurdity is avoided. With the sentence, "I try to find some explanation of the chronological relations," I put myself in the place of my friend who is actually trying to explain the chronological relations of life. The sentence then loses its significance as a judgment that objects to the nonsense of the previous sentences. The interposition, "which seems improbable to me," belongs to the subsequent "it seems plausible to me." In about the same words I had answered the lady who told me the story of her brother's illness: "It seems improbable to me that the cry of 'Nature, Nature,' had anything to do with Goethe; it appears much more plausible that it had the sexual significance which is known to you." To be sure, a judgment has been passed here, not, however, in the dream but in reality, on an occasion which is remembered and utilised by the dream thoughts. The dream content appropriates this judgment like any other fragment of the dream thoughts.

The numeral 18, with which the judgment in the dream is meaninglessly connected, still preserves a trace of the context from which the real judgment was torn. Finally, "I am not certain what year it is" is intended for nothing else than to carry out my identification with the paralytic, in the examination of whom this point of confirmation had actually been established.

In the solution of these apparent acts of judgment, in the dream, it may be well to call attention to the rule of interpretation which says that the coherence which is fabricated in the dream between its constituent parts is to be disregarded us specious and unessential, and that every dream element must be taken by itself and traced to its source. The dream is


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Index talk:Life of Octavia Hill as told in her letters.djvu

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xliv Much more important aid in the restoration of the text is given by the ancient versions. First among these in critical value as well as in age are the Greek versions. I say versions; for Lagarde has demonstrated in the most conclusive way, by printing them face to face through five chapters, that we have two Greek translations of Judges. It would probably be going too far to affirm that they are independent; the author of the younger of them may have known and used the older; but it is certain that his work is not a recension or revision of his predecessor's, but a new translation. One of these versions is represented by the great majority of manuscripts, including the uncials, Sarravianus (S), Alexandrinus (A), Coislinianus (P), Basiliano-Vaticanus (V), and many cursives. The latter form several well-defined groups, some of which may properly be designated as recensions. One of these (L) is represented in Judges by codd. 19, 108, 118 (Holmes and Parsons), the Complutensian Polyglot, and Lagarde's Librorum V. T. canonicorum pars prior, 1883; and is thought by many scholars to exhibit the recension of Lucian. The second (M) is a group whose most constant members are codd. 54,


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Rh 59, 75, 82, which are frequently joined by others. A Leipzig palimpsest (uncial) published by Teschendorf also belongs to this group. This hitherto inedited recension exhibits the text of Theodoret. A third group (O) consists of the Venice manuscripts 120 and 121, with the Aldine edition, which is derived from them. Most of the translations made from the Greek follow this version; so the Old Latin (l), the Hexaplar Syriac of Paul of Telia (s), the Ethiopic (e), and the Armenian.

The Hexaplar codices (SP al.) and the Hexaplar Syriac show that this version was the basis of Origen's critical labours. It is, therefore, presumptively the oldest Greek translation of Judges; and in so far as "Septuagint" is equivalent to "the oldest Greek version," the text of A and its congeners might justly lay claim to that designation. It seems to me desirable, however, in the interests of clearness that the name, with all its misleading associations, should be banished from critical use.

The other version is found in the Vatican Codex (B), Cod. Musei Britannici Add. 20002 (G), and a considerable group of cursives in Holmes and Parsons (N); viz. 16, 30, 52, 53, 58, 63, 77, 85 (text), 131, 144, 209, 236, 237; the text printed in the


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. I am so very happy when I am reading them. My interest gets deeper and stronger every day. I wish, oh! I so long, to do something, and I cannot. Andy! do you think I ever shall be able to do anything really useful?

I do not at all like Mr.———, or rather I entirely despise and dislike his opinions. I will tell you all about it when I see you. I will only tell you now that he likes "the subordination of the employed to the employer"; and he thinks "there is no tribunal so proper as the discretion of the employer to decide those delicate questions of the personal conduct of the employed." Did you ever hear of such a thing? Is it not horrible?

Mr. Furnivall I admire more and more the more I know and read of him; and, as to Mr. Ludlow, certainly there is not (excepting Mr. Furnivall) such a person in the whole world. He has the largest, clearest, best-balanced mind joined to the truest most earnest wish to help the working classes I ever met with (of course excepting Mr. Furnivall's).

I have read to-day his "Christian Socialism and its Opponents." All I can say of it, and all he writes is that it is grand, and that I never can forget it, or cease to be grateful for it. His lectures have sunk deeper into my heart than anything else; one reason is, I dare say, that they were the first; but they were most noble and grand; his own great soul seemed to breathe itself into his works. But I forget I shall get no sympathy from you. I must tell Miss Graham. Andy, do you think Mr. Furnivall will bring him to the Guild? Do you think he meant it; or, if not, do you think we ever shall know him?

The Festival will be on Monday. I am looking forward to it with such pleasure. I do so long to see you; it seems ages since I did; I want to know


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 the post of Manager at the Guild. She and Emily went to Weybridge. Miranda and Octavia continued to work for a time; but when it seemed likely that the Guild would fail, Miranda obtained daily teaching and Octavia applied to Ruskin to learn from him if there would be any chance of her supporting herself by painting. He replied most kindly, and asked her to let him have a table-top designed and painted by herself. This design was a spray of bramble leaves in all their brilliant autumn colours, encircling the centre space which formed a background that was dark at one part and gradually grew lighter, and finally changed into soft blue, suggesting storm clouds passing away, and leaving a bright sky. Round the edge, among the leaves, were the words of the Psalm, " He brought them out of darkness and out of the shadow of death, and brake their bonds in sunder."

This led to Ruskin's undertaking to train Octavia and give her work. Soon after this came the final crisis at the Guild; and Octavia obtained the appointment mentioned in the last letter of this chapter.

June 14th, 1852.

Thank you many many times for your sweet letter. It was such a comfort to me.

I am very well indeed now. I do not know when I have been better, except that I am rather weak. I am at Finchley with Minnie. I long dreadfully to go to town; but I think I can wait patiently till Wednesday.

I have been very unfortunate in being away from the Guild just at this time. Do you know Mr. Walter Cooper has been there? and Mr. Lewis and the trustees (Mr. Furnivall) go there so often; and all the bustle, and trying to feel Christian-like to Mr. and Miss ———. O, would it not have been delightful!

I have Miss Graham's books here; they are so


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 what you think about the 'Guild'; I do so want your advice, too, upon a thousand subjects. I have a good deal to read to you, which I have written since you were away. Give my dearest love to Miss Graham. Tell her I never can thank her enough for all the noble and beautiful books she has lent me; that, as to the Christian Socialist, I never never before read anything which inspired such earnest longing to do something for the cause of association; and it interested me so very much that the hours I have spent in reading that are never to be forgotten; they were unequalled in pleasure to any that I have ever spent in reading; and that, if I live years and years, I shall never forget, or cease to remember with gratitude that it was to her that I owe the great happiness of first reading a Socialist book, which I consider one of the greatest happinesses any one can have. Thank her, also, for the other books; tell her the "Cheap Clothes and Nasty" and "Labour and the Poor" are some of the most dreadful things I ever read. They have made a deep impression on me. How delightful the History of the Working Tailors' Association is!

Do you know I have a post at the Guild? I have to give out the stores and am responsible for them. The ladies have all sent me a book as a testimony of their gratitude to me for reading to them. How very kind it is of them! Dear Laura has written me such a sweet letter. I love to think of you among those lovely scenes by the beautiful sea, with dear Miss Graham. …

Your own loving little sister,.

I am sadly afraid the Journal will stop at Midsummer. What is to become of me???


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 Ladies' Guild, July 27th, 1852.

We all declare that we have never spent a more glorious evening. I think I never saw such a face as Mr. Kingsley's. That face was the chief pleasure of all, though there was a most splendid collection of people there. We went a party of six, Ockey, Mama, Mary, I, Mr. Rogers, and Miss Cons. We met Walter Cooper at the door, and he was very kind and seemed glad to see us. The Hall was very crowded but he got seats for us. Mama and I were together. We looked round and got glimpses of the Promoters. Mary fixed on Mr. Neale at once and was delighted with him. She noticed his head among all the rest and admired it almost more than any. … Suddenly, amongst a great crowd of faces, Mary pointed out one to me and asked if that was Mr. Kingsley, and it was. Mary thought it noble. Mr. Neale introduced Kingsley to Mama, and he talked to her for some time … and Mr. Neale introduced Mr. Ludlow to Mama, much to Ockey's delight. … I think Mr. Kingsley's face extremely suffering and full of the deepest feeling. But there is such a sublime spirituality; he looks so far above this earth, as if he were rapt up in grand reveries; one feels such intense humility and awe of him. I hardly dared look at him; and the more I looked, the more I felt what a grand thing the human soul is when developed as it is in him. Professor Maurice was called to the chair, and he made a nice speech. He seemed as if he felt a great deal more than he could express, and therefore left feelings rather than ideas in one's mind. He said a


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 great deal about self-sacrifice; though he said he felt almost ashamed to speak of self-sacrifice to working men, while he himself was in possession of all the comforts of life. He had to leave after he had made his speech; and, just as he was about to leave the platform, Mr. Cooper said that the Manager of the Builders' Association, Mr. Pickard, would read an address to Professor Maurice as an embodiment of the sentiments of the Associations, and that the Manager of the Printers would present him with a testimonial, the exclusive gift of the working men. The address of thanks was very nicely expressed; and then the testimonial, a silver inkstand, was presented. It was so touching to think of all those poor working men, who had worked so hard to earn the money to make the testimonial, and the beautiful spirit of gratitude. I could not restrain my tears. Professor Maurice answered the address and thanked them in the most heartfelt manner. After he left, Mr. Hansard was put in the chair, and Lloyd Jones spoke on Cooperative Stores. Mr. Newton spoke on Mechanics' Institutes, and said they were not at all satisfactory as far as they professed to educate the working men. Someone in the Hall got up and said that he knew of one gentleman on the Committee of these Institutes, who, in opposition to the majority of the Committee, threatened to resign if "Alton Locke" was allowed in the Library. I could not see Mr. Kingsley's face. … The next subject was the Industrial and Provident Societies Bill which had just been passed. Mr. Kingsley then made a short speech; one knew at once that it was a poet who was speaking. … Gerald Massey's is a very fine face. He has dreamy eyes and wild looking hair; but, after the others, he's not to be thought of.


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 Ladies' Guild, October 22nd, 1852. .

Oh Gertrude! I am so happy, so very very happy. I wish you were with me. You would so love all my beautiful things. I will tell you about them when you come. I have a little room, all to myself. When anything is wrong or unjust down stairs, I have only to come up into my own little room, and it is so still. It is full of such happy recollections. I have my nice books; all my great soul-inspiring books are here. Then I have all my writing things. I write a great deal now. I have such a beautiful book of extracts that I have made. I have usually some flowers; for the ladies are very kind in bringing me them. I have a few poor little plants that I am fond of. Then I have eleven dear little snails. They are such darlings. And then, Gertrude, I have my drawing things. I do not let anyone see my drawings. I do not do much. It is sad to think, after I have done anything, "And, after all your visions of grandeur and beauty, is this all you can produce?" I believe I am very wrong about my drawing; I never draw things for the sake of learning. I try things above me. I have such dreams, both day and night, of what I would do, and when I try what do I see? A little miserable scrap that is not worth looking at. Once I tried a figure. Of course it was frightful. … We have returned Ruskin. I do so miss it. It was so very beautiful. This evening I have found such an extract from "Modern Painters" that I shall copy it for you.

Do you go on with your drawing? I hope you do. Oh Gertrude! is it not a glorious thing to think that a divine thought should descend for ages and ages?


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 Think of Raphael and Michael Angelo! (though I know but little of them).—To think that every grand feeling they had they could preserve for centuries! Oh what an influence they must have! Think of the thousands of great thoughts they must have created in people's minds; the millions of sorrow that one great picture (one truly great picture) would calm and comfort. Will that never be painted again? Do you think there will? And when? I am going to see the Dulwich Gallery soon. Is it not glorious? I wish you could see a bit of hawthorn I have here, such colours! I am writing a curious letter; just what comes foremost in my mind. … When I have finished work and go up to tea, if any one is out of spirits, it makes me so; and I feel (do you know what I mean?) a tear in my throat.

Ladies' Guild, July 13th, /53.

I write to you because I wish to give you a happier impression of me than you can have from Tuesday. I am all alone; it is so still; and I am very happy; now I will try and account for the strange state I was in last night.

When I got into the country I felt that, if I stayed looking at sky and trees and flowers, my friends would think me dull and become dull themselves and spoil all enjoyment. So all the day my whole energies were "stretched" to be merry and lively. I felt that if I waited one moment to look at anything, I should


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The Laws of Spices on a Holiday

דין תבלין ביום טוב

Paragraph 1 - One may pound spices normally, because if one were to pound them while it was still day [on the day preceding the holiday], they would lose their taste. Salt is not pounded on a holiday unless one tilts the pestle or grounds it in a bowl or makes a similar change, because if one were to pound salt before the holiday, its taste would not be lessened. One may not pound pepper or mustard in their mills because it is a weekday practice. (Rather) one should pound them in a mortar like any other spice. Rem"a: However, the practice is to make a slight change in the grinding of spices (Hagahot Maimoni in the name of the Sma"k), and such should be advised.

סעיף א - דכין את התבלין כדרכן, שאם ידוך אותם מבעוד יום יפיג טעמן. אבל מלח אינו נדוך ביום טוב אלא אם כן הטה המכתש או שידוך בקערה וכיוצא בה כדי שישנה, שאם שחק המלח מערב יום טוב לא יפיג טעמו. ואין שוחקין את הפלפלין ולא את החרדל בריחים שלהם משום דהוי כעבדין דחל, (אלא) דך אותם במדוכה ככל התבלין. .הגה: ומיהו נוהגין לשנות קצת בדיכת תבלין (הגהות מיימוני בשם סמ"ק), וכן ראוי להורות

Paragraph 2 - It is permitted to transport spices or a pestle to the mortar, or the mortar to them, even through the public domain, even if it was possible to transport them before the holiday.

סעיף ב - מתר להוליך תבלין ומדוך אצל מדוכה, או מדוכה אצלם, אפלו דרך רשות הרבים אף על פי שהיה אפשר להוליכם מערב יום טוב.

Paragraph 3 - One may not pound grits in a big mortar, but rather in a small mortar because this is its change. In Israel, even a small one is forbidden. And because we do not know what is considered big and what small, all are forbidden. Rem"a: ''It is permitted to grate cheese on a holiday on the thing with which one threshes grains, however a small change is necessary, similar to pounding salt (the Rivas"h chapter 184). This is also the law for matzo, which can be [pounded] with no change, because there is no grounding with foods that were originally ground (Mahari"l).''

סעיף ג - אין כותשין הריפות במכתשת גדולה, אבל כותשין במכתשת קטנה שזה הוא השנוי שלה. ובארץ ישראל אפלו בקטנה אסור. וכיון שאין אנו יודעים עכשו מה נקראת גדולה או קטנה יש לאסר הכל. הגה: ''ומתר לגרר גבינה ביום טוב על הכלי שהוא מורג חרוץ, מיהו צריך שינוי מעט כמו דיכת מלח (ריב"ש סימן קפ"ד). והוא הדין מצות בלא שנוי, משום דאין טחינה באכלין שהיו טחונין תחלה (מהרי"ל).''

Paragraph 4 - A man is permitted to measure out the spice to put into the pot so that the dish will not spoil (meaning, so that he won't burn it and spoil it because of excess spices).

סעיף ד - מתר אדם למדד תבלין לתן בקדרה בשביל שלא יקדיח תבשילו (פרוש, שלא ישרפנו ויקלקלנו מחמת רבוי תבלין).

 * }


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Author talk:George Edward Fox

Possibly George Edward Fox, architect, born. 1833 Norwich, Norfolk, probable death 1908, London.

title: Author talk:George Edward Fox


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Author:Henry Treffry Dunn

Works

 * Recollections of Dante Gabriel Rossetti and his Circle (1904), edited by Gale Pedrick, with a prefatory note by William Michael Rossetti

title: Author:Henry Treffry Dunn


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 never tear myself away, and I got into a wild state. I did enjoy very much the mere exercise, and the mirth, and happiness of every one. I hardly thought all this; I only felt it. Then, at the singing class, the strain being over, and having nothing to sustain me, I sank into low spirits. As we were singing "Oh come ye into the summer woods," a longing came over me to be there; a dim recollection of tops of the trees with the evening sun upon them, a panting desire to sit there, and cry myself quiet. …

But it is all too beautiful now; I could almost fancy myself at home. … As to my drawing, whether I will or no I must go on with that; and, though I do not hope, I trust. …

September 18th, /53. ,

I fully intended to come over to you to-day, but I have a sore foot, and can only limp to the classes. Private. On Wednesday evening I went to see Miss Cooper, and spent the whole evening there. Just as I was going William Cooper came in and told me (don't tell anyone) that they have discovered heresy in Professor Maurice's last book, and he will probably be expelled from the Church. I had not time to ask any questions, as Miss Cooper returned, and she is not to know. Professor Maurice came to town on Monday night, went to Walter Cooper on Tuesday before Miss Cooper was out of bed, and returned to the country in the evening. … On Thursday there was a Council. Walter Cooper looks very grave and rather ill and anxious. What all this betokens, I cannot guess; but I fear something sad.

I have been reading "The Message of the Church to


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 "; it is so beautiful; also "The Duty of the Age." I did not think Lord Goderich was so nice; it would just suit Andy.

Mr. Edwards will give us a large order for a skirting board of marble if we can do it for 8d. a foot; also an order for a painted glass conservatory.

If any of you love me, see if you can't send me a piece of Indian ink and a paint brush, and "The Land we live in," and look out for some toys, or books that you don't want—the latter two for the little child at the needlewoman's.

November 27th, 1853.

About Ruskin, it matters very little to me what The Times, or anything else, says of him. I see much, very very much, to admire in him, and several things which I could wish different. If, as I suppose, The Times accuses him of affectation of style and want of humility, I entirely deny the first charge; as I think there is never a single word he writes, which could have been left out without loss, or changed without spoiling the idea; and, if it means that each sentence of his has a beauty of sound as well as of meaning, I say that it is to me all the more right for that; and that to be able to reproduce that sound is a gift not to be neglected. … As to the second objection I say, if Ruskin sees a truth which is generally denied, he is right to proclaim it with his whole strength. He says not "I see it is so because I am a higher creature than you," but "I see it, because I have gone to God, and His works for it. You may all see it, if you will look,


text: The Mystery of the Sea/Chapter 2

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GORMALA

LL that night I thought of the dead child and of the peculiar vision which had come to me. Sleeping or waking it was all the same; my mind could not leave the parents in procession as seen in imagination, or their distracted mien in reality. Mingled with them was the great-eyed, aquiline-featured, gaunt old woman who had taken such an interest in the affair, and in my part of it. I asked the landlord if he knew her, since, from his position as postmaster he knew almost everyone for miles around. He told me that she was a stranger to the place. Then he added:

"I can't imagine what brings her here. She has come over from Peterhead two or three times lately; but she doesn't seem to have anything at all to do. She has nothing to sell and she buys nothing. She's not a tripper, and she's not a beggar, and she's not a thief, and she's not a worker of any sort. She's a queer-looking lot anyhow. I fancy from her speech that she's from the west; probably from some of the far-out islands. I can tell that she has the Gaelic from the way she speaks."

Later on in the day, when I was walking on the shore near the Hawklaw, she came up to speak to me. The shore was quite lonely, for in those days it was rare to see anyone on the beach except when the salmon fishers drew their nets at the ebbing tide. I was walking towards Whinnyfold when she came upon me silently

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 from behind. She must have been hidden among the bent-grass of the sandhills for had she been anywhere in view I must have seen her on that desolate shore. She was evidently a most imperious person; she at once addressed me in a tone and manner which made me feel as though I were in some way an inferior, and in somehow to blame:

"What for did ye no tell me what ye saw yesterday?" Instinctively I answered:

"I don't know why. Perhaps because it seemed so ridiculous." Her stern features hardened into scorn as she replied:

"Are Death and the Doom then so redeekulous that they pleasure ye intil silence?" I somehow felt that this was a little too much and was about to make a sharp answer, when suddenly it struck me as a remarkable thing that she knew already. Filled with surprise I straightway asked her:

"Why, how on earth do you know? I told no one." I stopped for I felt all at sea; there was some mystery here which I could not fathom. She seemed to read my mind like an open book, for she went on looking at me as she spoke, searchingly and with an odd smile.

"Eh! laddie, do ye no ken that ye hae een that can see? Do ye no understand that ye hae een that can speak? Is it that one with the Gift o' Second Sight has no an understandin' o' it. Why, yer face when ye saw the mark o' the Doom, was like a printed book to een like mine."

"Do you mean to tell me" I asked "that you could tell what I saw, simply by looking at my face?"

"Na! na! laddie. Not all that, though a Seer am I; but I knew that you had seen the Doom! It's no that varied that there need be any mistake. After all Death

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Rh is only one, in whatever way we may speak!" After a pause of thought I asked her:

"If you have the power of Second Sight why did you not see the vision, or whatever it was, yourself?"

"Eh! laddie" she answered, shaking her head Tis little ye ken o' the wark o' the Fates! Learn ye then that the Voice speaks only as it listeth into chosen ears, and the Vision comes only to chosen een. None can will to hear or to see, to pleasure themselves."

"Then" I said, and I felt that there was a measure of triumph in my tone "if to none but the chosen is given to know, how comes it that you, who seem not to have been chosen on this occasion at all events, know all the same?" She answered with a touch of impatience:

"Do ye ken, young sir, that even mortal een have power to see much, if there be behind them the thocht, an' the knowledge and the experience to guide them aright. How, think ye, is it that some can see much, and learn much as they gang; while others go blind as the mowdiwart, at the end o' the journey as before it?"

"Then perhaps you will tell me how much you saw, and how you saw it?"

"Ah! to them that have seen the Doom there needs but sma' guidance to their thochts. Too lang, an' too often hae I mysen seen the death-sark an' the watch-candle an' the dead-hole, not to know when they are seen tae ither een. Na, na! laddie, what I kent o' yer seein' was no by the Gift but only by the use o' my proper een. I kent not the muckle o' what ye saw. Not whether it was ane or ither o' the garnishins o' the dead; but weel I kent that it was o' death."

"Then," I said interrogatively "Second Sight is altogether a matter of chance?"

"Chance! chance!" she repeated with scorn. "Na!

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 using the powers He has given you; only look in sincerity and humility. It is only because I am humble, because I am content to give up my own ideas and notions, to take the truth because it is God's, to believe that it is good and right. It is only so I can discover harmony in this universe, and I am sent (he says) with a loud voice to proclaim this to you."

Ladies' Guild, December 5th, 1853.

Ruskin has been here. All went as well as I could possibly wish. He was most delighted with the things, as showing the wonderful power we possess of introducing and preserving colour. He gave us some most interesting and useful hints about colour, and ordered five slabs to be painted for him; adapting two of the designs he wanted from some we had, which Mr. Terry was to go to his house to do on Monday. He offered to lend us some things to copy. If you had seen the kind, gentle way in which he spoke, the interest he showed, the noble way in which he treated every subject, the pretty way in which he gave the order, and lastly, if you had seen him as he said on going away, his eyes full of tears, "I wish you all success with all my heart," you would have said with me that it was utterly wonderful to think that that was the man who was accused of being mad, presumptuous, conceited and prejudiced. If it be prejudice to love right and beauty, if it be conceited to declare that God had revealed them to you, to endeavour to make your voice heard in their defence, if it be mad to believe in their triumph, and that we must work to make them triumph, then he is all four, and may God make us


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 young sir; when the Voice has spoken there is no more chance than that the nicht will follow the day."

"You mistake me," I said, feeling somewhat superior now that I had caught her in an error, "I did not for a moment mean that the Doom—whatever it is—is not a true forerunner. What I meant was that it seems to be a matter of chance in whose ear the Voice—whatever it is—speaks; when once it has been ordained that it is to sound in the ear of some one." Again she answered with scorn:

"Na, na! there is no chance o' ocht aboot the Doom. Them that send forth the Voice and the Seein' know well to whom it is sent and why. Can ye no comprehend that it is for no bairn-play that such goes forth. When the Voice speaks, it is mainly followed by tears an' woe an' lamentation! Nae! nor is it only one bit manifestation that stands by its lanes, remote and isolate from all ither. Truly 'tis but a pairt o' the great scheme o' things; an' be sure that whoso is chosen to see or to hear is chosen weel, an' must hae their pairt in what is to be, on to the verra end."

"Am I to take it" I asked, "that Second Sight is but a little bit of some great purpose which has to be wrought out by means of many kinds; and that whoso sees the Vision or hears the Voice is but the blind unconscious instrument of Fate?"

"Aye! laddie. Weel eneuch the Fates know their wishes an' their wark, no to need the help or the thocht of any human—blind or seein', sane or silly, conscious or unconscious."

All through her speaking I had been struck by the old woman's use of the word 'Fate,' and more especially when she used it in the plural. It was evident that, Christian though she might be—and in the West they are generally devout observants of the duties of their

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 all so! … All my sisters, Kitty and Mama, have given me Mr. Maurice's "Ancient Philosophy" and have written in it "From her sisters in affection and work." This sentence makes me very happy. I know it is true. I know our work has bound us together. … Another thing happened on Sunday which pleased me very much. Mr. Neale heard Miranda talking about my birthday; and he said he was going to give me Mr. Maurice's "Prophets and Kings of the Old Testament." He came on Sunday on purpose to bring it. It seems such a glory that he does look upon us as related to him, not merely as receivers of wages, that he considers us workers with him. All that I have struggled to accomplish, so long and so wearily, seems just now to be succeeding, all fruitless as the work has seemed; the seeds buried, dead as I thought them, have sprung above the ground.

Ladies' Guild, January 10th, 1854. .

Mr. Cooper gave me last night a copy of the Address of the congregation at Lincoln's Inn to Mr. Maurice. He had asked Mr. Ludlow for it on purpose for me, and Mr. Ludlow had written my name on it.

I got "Yeast" for Miranda. Have you ever read it, and do you remember that Barnakill forbids Launcelot to be an artist? It has made a great impression on me.

Hillside, February 10th, 1854.

You have not heard yet that there is great thought of enrolling the Guild as an Industrial Society,


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 way. So she applied for admission for both her daughters to this work. But, as Miss Wallace was unable to carry on the business, Mr. Vansittart Neale most generously came forward with the capital, in order to carry it on on a co-operative basis. He asked Mrs. Hill to become the manager, which she very gladly consented to do, as she was much interested in co-operation and in the employment of women.

Such was Octavia's first introduction to London. The change from the healthy open-air life at Finchley, and from the beauty of the country, to the ugliness of her new surroundings told heavily on her spirits; and this depression was increased by the sudden sense of the evil and misery in the world. Among the workers at the Guild was a Miss Joanna Graham, who rapidly became a warm friend of Miranda's. She introduced both sisters to the "London Labour and the London Poor," then just brought out by Mayhew; also to the pamphlets and other essays written by the Christian Socialist leaders of the movement with which Mr. Neale had already brought them into contact. The pictures given by Mayhew of the life of the London poor, and the desire awakened by the Christian Socialists to struggle against evils, which seemed to her irresistible, produced in Octavia such a state of mind that she began to think that all laughter or amusement was wicked. Miranda, always able to see the humorous side of a question, tried to laugh her out of this extreme depression; and, when Octavia persisted, the elder sister composed an imaginary epitaph on herself, supposed to be written by Octavia:

This produced a most startling letter of stern remonstrance from Octavia; so stern that one is relieved to find it closed by a loving message and followed by a P.S. "Love to all. Thank you for the apples."

Of course, this extreme gloom, unnatural in any young girl, was especially out of keeping with anyone of Octavia's buoyant temperament, and the happy busy life at the Ladies' Guild soon had its effect.


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 The following account given by Mrs. Hill in April, 1856, shows somewhat of the social life. "The ladies used to go to lectures together. In this case, the subject of the lecture became, next day, that of the conversation in the workroom. The conversation in general fell on interesting subjects, the favourite subjects being politics, religion, art, news, the country and its scenery, poverty and wages, etc. A very favourite subject was the derivation and definition of words; then the ladies would join their voices in chorus, taking different parts. Indeed a merrier company, 'within the limits of becoming mirth,' the writer never chanced to see. There was generally some joke in hand. In the winter, they often assembled in the evening at the Guild. Sometimes they drank tea together, and afterwards sang and danced joyously."

The artistic work at the Guild brought Octavia into contact with the Rogers family. Mr. G. Rogers was wood carver to the Queen, and produced some very interesting work. All his family had artistic leanings; but it was his daughter, who is best known by her writings on Palestine, who specially attracted Octavia, and for whom she formed one of those enthusiastic friendships which exercised so marked an influence on her life. A younger friend, whose name was afterwards to be so closely associated with Octavia's, was Miss Emma Cons. She, like Octavia, was much interested in art; and, on the other hand, her high girlish spirits called out in Octavia again the old love of exercise and fun that had shown itself so strongly in the Finchley days. Indeed Miss Cons was so much given to romps that Octavia's fellow workers (including her sisters) were rather startled at the attraction which her new friend had for her. But it is clear from the letters, produced here, that Octavia saw the real power concealed for the time under these hoydenish ways; and she marked her as one on whom she could rely, and from whom she expected much.

But it must not be forgotten that among the most important of these influences, then at work on Octavia, were the characters and teaching of the Christian Socialist leaders. Soon after joining the Guild she had begun to attend the lectures at the Hall of Association; and her attendance at Lincoln's Inn Chapel


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Rh creed—her belief in this respect came from some of the old pagan mythologies. I should have liked to question her on this point; but I feared to shut her lips against me. Instead I asked her:

"Tell me, will you, if you don't mind, of some case you have known yourself of Second Sight?"

Tis no for them to brag or boast to whom has been given to see the wark o' the hand o' Fate. But sine ye are yerself a Seer an' would learn, then I may speak. I hae seen the sea ruffle wi'oot cause in the verra spot where later a boat was to gang doon, I hae heard on a lone moor the hammerin' o' the coffin-wright when one passed me who was soon to dee. I hae seen the death-sark fold round the speerit o' a drowned one, in baith ma sleepin' an' ma wakin' dreams. I hae heard the settin' doom o' the Spaiks, an' I hae seen the Weepers on a' the crood that walked. Aye, an' in mony anither way hae I seen an' heard the Coming o' the Doom."

"But did all the seeings and hearings come true?" I asked. "Did it ever happen that you heard queer sounds or saw strange sights and that yet nothing came of them? I gather that you do not always know to whom something is going to happen; but only that death is coming to some one!" She was not displeased at my questioning but replied at once:

"Na doot! but there are times when what is seen or heard has no manifest following. But think ye, young sir, how mony a corp, still waited for, lies in the depths o' the sea; how mony lie oot on the hillsides, or are fallen in deep places where their bones whiten unkent. Nay! more, to how many has Death come in a way that men think the wark o' nature when his hastening has come frae the hand of man, untold." This was a difficult matter to answer so I changed or rather varied the subject.

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14 "How long must elapse before the warning comes true?"

"Ye know yersel', for but yestreen ye hae seen, how the Death can follow hard upon the Doom; but there be times, nay mostly are they so, when days or weeks pass away ere the Doom is fulfilled."

"Is this so?" I asked "when you know the person regarding whom the Doom is spoken." She answered with an air of certainty which somehow carried conviction, secretly, with it.

"Even so! I know one who walks the airth now in all the pride o' his strength. But the Doom has been spoken of him. I saw him with these verra een lie prone on rocks, wi' the water rinnin' down from his hair. An' again I heard the minute bells as he went by me on a road where is no bell for a score o' miles. Aye, an' yet again I saw him in the kirk itsel' wi' corbies flyin' round him, an' mair gatherin' from afar!"

Here was indeed a case where Second Sight might be tested; so I asked her at once, though to do so I had to overcome a strange sort of repugnance:

"Could this be proved? Would it not be a splendid case to make known; so that if the death happened it would prove beyond all doubt the existence of such a thing as Second Sight." My suggestion was not well received. She answered with slow scorn:

"Beyon' all doot! Doot! Wha is there that doots the bein' o' the Doom? Learn ye too, young sir, that the Doom an' all thereby is no for traffickin' wi' them that only cares for curiosity and publeecity. The Voice and the Vision o' the Seer is no for fine madams and idle gentles to while away their time in play-toy make-believe!" I climbed down at once.

"Pardon me!" I said "I spoke without thinking. I should not have said so—to you at any rate." She ac-

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Rh cepted my apology with a sort of regal inclination; but the moment after she showed by her words she was after all but a woman!

"I will tell ye; that so in the full time ye may hae no doot yersel'. For ye are a Seer and as Them that has the power hae gien ye the Gift it is no for the like o' me to cumber the road o' their doin'. Know ye then, and remember weel, how it was told ye by Gormala MacNiel that Lauchlane Macleod o' the Outer Isles hae been Called; tho' as yet the Voice has no sounded in his ears but only in mine. But ye will see the time"

She stopped suddenly as though some thought had struck her, and then went on impressively:

"When I saw him lie prone on the rocks there was ane that bent ower him that I kent not in the nicht wha it was, though the licht o' the moon was around him. We shall see! We shall see!"

Without a word more she turned and left me. She would not listen to my calling after her; but with long strides passed up the beach and was lost among the sandhills.

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 brought her in 1852 under the influence of my father, Rev. F. D. Maurice. She and Emily attended the daily morning service; and, after a time, my father used often to let them walk back with him, and he would answer many of Octavia's difficulties about religious and social questions. On one occasion she asked him if it would not be very nice if one could get rid of all responsibility. He laughed and said it would indeed be very comfortable. But that she did not shirk responsibility is shown by the following incident. It was in the early days of the Guild, when Octavia was only about fourteen, that she was alone in the house with the exception of Mrs. Horne, who was at the top of the house. It was Sunday; and everyone else had gone to Church. On coming out of a second-floor room she saw a man standing near the door of a large cupboard, in which she supposed he must have hidden. "How did you come up here?" she asked. "I came up the stairs," replied the man. "Then you will please to walk down again," said Octavia in a quiet tone. He obeyed her, and she walked behind him down three long flights of stairs, and saw him out at the front door. Her sense of responsibility was the greater because some money, belonging to the Guild, had been paid late on Saturday and was in the office.

After the Guild had been carried on for some time, Mr. Neale was asked to take over a new kind of work, which a lady had started in order to employ some Ragged School children. This was the making of a special kind of toy which she had invented; and Mr. Neale appointed Octavia head of the work-room. The following account is given by my wife and her sister Miranda. The management of the toy-making helped to "develop Octavia's business faculties. She had to pass the children's work, which was paid by the piece, to assign the various processes to each child, to choose the shapes and colours of the toy furniture, to price it, and to see that, when the suites were finished, they were neatly packed in boxes and sent over to the show room, where the ladies' glass work was also exhibited. From time to time she had to take stock, and to see if the sales justified the expenditure.


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 "Her daily intercourse with the girls taught her to know intimately the life of the poor. Most of the children came from very poor homes, and had, though so young, experienced great hardships. There was Louisa, an emotional, affectionate girl who had lost both parents, and helped to support herself and the aunt with whom she lived. She had worked at artificial flower-making, and told us how, when trade was busy, she had been kept late into the night, and had had to run frightened through the streets in the small hours of the morning, and tap at the window to wake her aunt. There was poor Denis whose face and neck were terribly disfigured with burns; but who had such a sweet pathetic voice that, when she sang, one forgot her ugliness. There was Clara, a tall, over-grown girl from a dirty home, who was half-starved and cruelly treated. She wore a low dress and short sleeves, and one could see her bones almost coming through her skin. On one occasion when her work was too slovenly to be passed, she burst into tears, and said that her mother would beat her if she did not take back the money expected of her. There was little Elizabeth, a stunted child of about nine, with so fierce a look that Octavia, in loving raillery, called her her little wild beast. She had never come with us on the Saturday-afternoon walks to Hampstead, but used to look wistfully after us. Once we pressed her very much to come, and then she exclaimed 'I cannot, I have to nurse the baby.'

"Another child was R. who was lost sight of, and later on was found in a dark cellar into which one descended by a ladder, where she sat all day to sell pennyworths of coal. She was half-starved and unkindly treated, but she seemed to take that as a matter of course; what she did resent was that her cat was starved. Later on Octavia sent her to an Industrial School; and after some years she emigrated, and wrote to tell of her happy married life.

"Harriet and her sister were of a higher class, and had a clean, respectable home. They were earnest Methodists. We lost sight of Harriet for forty years, and then found her very happily married. She had remembered Octavia with the deepest affection, and had preserved all her letters.

"The girls were in the habit of bringing their dinners to eat