text:
Page:Dictionary of spoken Russian (1945).djvu/554

 □ большей частью most of the time. Большей частью он приходит поздно. He comes late most of the time. воинская часть outfit. В какой (воинской) части вы сложите? What outfit are you in? материальная часть supplies. Кто заведует материальной частью? Who's in charge of the supplies? часть речи part of speech. Какая это часть речи? What part of speech is this? часть света part of the world. А в какой части света этот остров? What part of the world is this island in? □ Его там прямо рвут на части. He's very much in demand there.

часы (-ов P of час) watch. Это ваши часы? Is this your watch? — Ваши часы отстают. Your watch is slow. — Мой часы спешат. My watch is fast. — Мой часы остановились. My watch stopped. — Купите лучше ручные часы, они гораздо удобнее карминных. Better buy a wrist watch; it's much more convenient than a pocket watch. □ стенные часы clock. На стенных часах без четверти час. It's a quarter to one by the wall clock.

чахотка consumption.

чахоточный ([-šn-]) consumptive.

чашка cup. Приходите к нам на чашку чая. Come over and have a cup of tea with us. — Передайте мне, пожалуйста, чашку. Hand me a cup, please.

Чаще See частый.

чей (§15) whose. Чей это билет? Whose ticket is this? — Чья эта собака? Whose dog is this? — О чьей статье вы сейчас говорили? Whose article were you talking about? • anyone's, someone's. Уж если с чьим мнением я считаюсь, то это с вашим. If there's anyone's opinion I respect it's yours.

чек check. Можно платить чеком? May I pay by check? • sales check. Товар без чека не выдаётся. Merchandise will not be given out without a sales check.

человек (gp человек/except for the gp after numbers, the P is supplied by люди/) human being. В конце концов я человек, а не машина! After all I'm a human being, not a machine. • people. У нас в драматическом кружке пятнадцать человек. We have fifteen people in our dramatic group. • person. Он прекрасной души человек. He's a person of excellent character. — Она милейший человек. She's the nicest sort of person. — Что он за человек? What kind of a person is he? • man. Он ещё молодой человек. He's still a young man. — Я его считаю выдающимся человеком. I consider him an outstanding man. — Вы знаете этого человека? Do you know this man? □ Я жду тут одного человека. I'm waiting for somebody. • Вы ведь здесь новый человек. You're new around here. • Вот надоедливый человек! What a pest he is! • Дайте же человеку слово сказать. Give him a chance to say something.

человеческий human. Они как будто утратили все человеческие чувства. It seems as if they haven't any human feelings left. — При раскопках здесь нашли человеческие кости. Human bones were found here during excavations. □ по-человечески humanely. Мы-то с пленными обращались по-человечески! We on our part treated prisoners humanely. □ Ничего не понимаю — говорите по-человечески! I don't understand a thing you're saying. Talk like a man. • Вчера в нашем районе был большой пожар с человеческими жертвами. Yesterday there was a big fire in our neighborhood; there were many casualties. • Никаких человеческих сил нет переносить эту жару! This heat's just unbearable.

челюсть (/P сти, -стей/F) jaw. Он, кажется, вывихнул севе челюсть. It looks as though he’s sprained his jaw. □ вставная челюсть set of false teeth. Вам придётся сделать вставную челюсть. You’ll have to have a set of false teeth made.

чем (/compare что/) than. Лучше поздно, чем никогда. Better late than never. Он это сделает лучше, чем вы. He’ll do it better than you. • rather than. Чем ехать ночью, переночуем лучше здесь. Let’s stay here rather than travel at night. • instead. Чем смеяться, вы бы лучше помогли нам вытащить машину. Instead of laughing you’d better help us pull the car out. □ чем ... тем the ... the. Чем раньше вы придёте, тем лучше. The earlier you come the better.

чемодан suitcase. Дайте, я помогу вам нести чемодан. Let me help you carry your suitcase. - Ваш чемодан плохо закрывается: он слишком туго набит. Your suitcase is too full and won’t close. - Откройте, пожалуйста, ваши чемоданы. Open your suitcases, please. • bag. Пришлите, пожалуйста, чемоданы ко мне в комнату. Send my bags up to my room, please.

чемпион champion. Он чемпион СССР по шахматам. He’s the chess champion of the USSR.

червонец (-нца) chervonets (See Appendix 2).

червяк (-а) worm.

чердак (-а) attic. Он живёт на чердаке. He lives in an attic. • loft. Сено сложено на чердаке. The hay is piled in the loft.

чередовать.

-ся to take turns. Я чередуюсь с ней на дежурстве у этого больного. She and 1 take turns staying with this patient.

через (/with a/) across. Мы прошли через весь парк. We cut across the park. • by way of. Мы едем через Москву. We go by way of Moscow. • through. Он влез через окно. He climbed through the window. - Наша беседа шла через переводчика. We spoke through an interpreter. • in. Я вернусь через полчаса. I’ll be back in half an hour. - Я вам дат ответь через несколько дней. I’ll give you an answer in a few days. - Через год я приеду сюда опять. I’ll be back again in a year. □ Переходите через дорогу поосторожнее. Be careful how you cross the road. • Я дежурю через день. I’m on duty every other day.

череп (P -а, -ов) skull.

черепаха turtle. Мой сынишка прямо обожает свою черепаху. My little boy just adores his turtle. • snail. Что вы плетётесь, как черепаха? Why are you moving at a snail’s pace?

чересчур too. Вы чересчур много работаете. You work too hard. • too far. Ну, знаете, это уж чересчур! Well, that’s going a bit too far.

черника huckleberry.

чернила (-пнил P) ink.

чернильница inkstand.

чернослив (/g -у/) prunes. Сварить вам компот из чернослива? Should I stew some prunes for you?

чёрный (sh -рна, -о, -ы) black. Дайте мне чёрного хлеба.


text:
Page:The complete poems of Emily Bronte.djvu/291

Rh And forms and faces lost for ever

Seem arising round me now

As if to bid farewell for ever

Before my spirit go.

Oh! how they gush upon my heart

And overflow my eyes.

I must not keep, I cannot part

With such wild sympathies.

I know it's called a sin and shame

To mourn o'er what I mourn.

Aware her last hour approaching fast,

Upon her dying bed she lies;

Are her wild dreams of western skies,

The shallow wrecks of memories

That glitter through the gloom

Cast o'er them in the cold decay

Which signs the sickening soul away

To meet its early tomb?

What pleasant airs upon her face

With freshening fondness play,

As they would kiss each transient grace

Before it fades away!

And backward rolled each deep red fold,

Begilt with tasselled cords of gold,

The open arch displays;

O'er bower and trees that orb divine

His own unclouded lights decline

Before her glistening gaze.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Executive Order 1330

Under authority of the Act of Congress, approved July 5, 1884, entitled "An Act to provide for the disposal of abandoned and useless military reservations" (23 Stat. L., 103), the military reservation known as the "Powder House Lot," situate at St. Augustine, in St. Johns County, Florida, about one-half mile southerly from Saint Francis Barracks, having become useless for military purposes, is hereby placed under the control of the Secretary of the Interior for disposition under said Act of Congress, or as may be otherwise provided by law.

The said "Powder House Lot" includes the "Hedrick Lot," or "Powder Magazine Lot," conveyed to the United States by deed from Charles F. Hamblen and wife, dated February 10, 1902, and recorded in Book 2, page 462, of the records of St. Johns County, Florida.

. ,
 * April 10, 1911.

title: Executive Order 1330


text: Talk:Executive Order 1330

title: Talk:Executive Order 1330


text:
Page:The complete poems of Emily Bronte.djvu/292

236 VII


text:
Page:Question of Malaysia.djvu/2

42 REPORT OF UNITED NATIONS MISSION

On 12 August, the Secretary-General announced the assignment of eight members of the Secretariat, headed by Laurence V. Michelmore as his representative, to serve on the United Nations Malaysia Mission. The Mission left New York on 13 August 1963 and arrived in Kuching, Sarawak, at noon on 16 August. The Mission was divided into two teams, each comprising four officers, one to remain in Sarawak and the other to work in Sabah (North Borneo). Both teams remained until 5 September. Observers from the Federation of Malaya and the United Kingdom were present throughout all of the hearings conducted by the Mission. Observers from the Republic of Indonesia and from the Philippines arrived only on 1 September and attended hearings in the two territories on 2, 3 and 4 September.

On 14 September, the final conclusions of the Secretary-General with regard to Malaysia were made public. These conclusions were based upon a report submitted to the Secretary-General by the Mission. This report stated that it had been understood that by the "fresh approach" mentioned in the terms of reference established in the request to the Secretary-General, a referendum, or plebiscite, was not contemplated. The Mission had considered that it would be meaningful to make a "fresh approach" by arranging consultations with the population through elected representatives, leaders and the representatives of political parties as well as non-political groups, and with any other persons showing interest in setting forth their views. During the Mission's visits to various parts of the two territories, it had been possible to consult with almost all of the "grass roots" elected representatives. Consultations were also held with national and local representatives of each of the major political groups and with national and local representatives of ethnic, religious, social and other groups, as well as organizations of businessmen, employers and workers in various communities and social groups.

As far as the specific questions which the Secretary-General was asked to take into consideration were concerned, the members of the Mission concluded, after evaluating the evidence available to them, that: (a) in the recent elections Malaysia was a major issue throughout both territories and the vast majority of the electorate understood the significance of this; (b) electoral registers were properly compiled; (c) the elections were freely and impartially conducted with active and vigorous campaigning by groups advocating divergent courses of action; and (d) the votes were properly polled and counted; the number of instances where irregularities were alleged seemed within the normal expectancy of well-ordered elections.

The Mission came to the conclusion that the number of persons of voting age detained for political offences or absent from the territories when voting took place was not sufficient to have affected the result.

The Mission also gave careful thought to the reference in the request to the Secretary-General that "he ascertain prior to the establishment of the Federation of Malaysia the wishes of the people of Sabah (North Borneo) and Sarawak within the context of General Assembly resolution 1541 (XV), Principle IX of the Annex." After considering the constitutional, electoral and legislative arrangements in Sarawak and Sabah (North Borneo), the Mission came to the conclusion that the territories had "attained an advanced stage of self-government with free political institutions so that its people would have the capacity to make a responsible choice through informed democratic processes." Self-government had been further advanced in both territories by the declaration of the respective Governors that, as from 31 August 1963, they would accept unreservedly and automatically the advice of the respective Chief Ministers on all matters within the competence of the State and for which portfolios had been allocated to Ministers. The Mission was further of the opinion that the participation of the two territories in the proposed Federation, having been approved by their legislative bodies, as well as by a large majority of the people through free and impartially conducted elections in which the question of Malaysia was a major issue and fully appreciated as such by the electorate, could be regarded as the "result of the freely expressed wishes of the territory's

title: Page:Question of Malaysia.djvu/2


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Molyneux, Thomas (1531-1597)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Molyneux, Thomas (1661-1733)


text:
Page:Question of Malaysia.djvu/3

Rh peoples acting with full knowledge of the change in their status, their wishes having been expressed through informed and democratic processes, impartially conducted and based on universal adult suffrage."

CONCLUSIONS OF SECRETARY-GENERAL

In submitting his own conclusions, the Secretary-General said he had given consideration to the circumstances in which the proposals for the Federation of Malaysia had been developed and discussed, and the possibility that people progressing through the stages of self-government might be less able to consider in an entirely free context the implications of such changes in their status than a society which had already experienced full self-government and determination of its own affairs. He had also been aware, he said, that the peoples of the territories concerned were still striving for a more adequate level of educational development. Taking into account the framework within which the Mission's task had been performed, he had come to the conclusion that the majority of the peoples of Sabah (North Borneo) and of Sarawak had given serious and thoughtful consideration to their future and to the implications for them of participation in a Federation of Malaysia. He believed that the majority of them had concluded that they wished to bring their dependent status to an end and to realize their independence through freely chosen association with other peoples in their region with whom they felt ties of ethnic association, heritage, language, religion, culture, economic relationship, and ideals and objectives. Not all of those considerations were present in equal weight in all minds, but it was his conclusion that the majority of the peoples of the two territories wished to engage, with the peoples of the Federation of Malaya and Singapore, in an enlarged Federation of Malaysia through which they could strive together to realize the fulfilment of their destiny.

The Secretary-General referred to the fundamental agreement of the three participating Governments and the statement by the Republic of Indonesia and the Republic of the Philippines that they would welcome the formation of the Federation of Malaysia provided that the support of the people of the territories was ascertained by him, and that, in his opinion, complete compliance with the principle of self-determination within the requirements of General Assembly resolution 1541(XV), Principle IX of the Annex, had been ensured. He had reached the conclusion, based on the findings of the Mission that on both of those counts there was no doubt about the wishes of a sizeable majority of the people of those territories to join in the Federation of Malaysia.

SUBSEQUENT DEVELOPMENTS

The Federation of Malaysia was proclaimed on 16 September 1963. On 17 September, at the opening meeting of the General Assembly's eighteenth session, the representative of Indonesia took exception to the fact that the seat of the Federation of Malaya in the Assembly Hall was being occupied by the representative of the Federation of Malaysia. Indonesia had withheld recognition of the Federation of Malaysia for very serious reasons and reserved the right to clarify its position on the question of Malaysia at a later stage

Recognition of Malaysia was also withheld by the Republic of the Philippines. During the general debate at the eighteenth session, both Indonesia and the Philippines expressed their reservations about the findings of the United Nations Malaysia Mission. The representatives of the United Kingdom and of the Federation of Malaysia replied to the Indonesian and Philippine charges and upheld the findings of the United Nations Malaysian Mission. On 12 December, during the meeting of the Credentials Committee, the USSR supported the Indonesian position with regard to the seating of the representatives of Malaysia in the General Assembly. A proposal by the Chairman of the Credentials Committee that the Committee find the credentials of all representatives in order was nonetheless approved.

DOCUMENTARY REFERENCES

United Nations Malaysia Mission. Report to Secretary-General and related annexes. Final conclusions of Secretary-General.

GENERAL ASSEMBLY—18TH SESSION Plenary Meetings 1206, 1233, 1234, 1237.

A/5574. Letter of 15 October 1963 from Chairman of Philippines delegation to President of General Assembly.

A/5676/Rev.1. Report of Credentials Committee.

title: Page:Question of Malaysia.djvu/3


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Molyneux, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Molyns, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mompesson, Giles


text:
Page:Dictionary of spoken Russian (1945).djvu/561

 on your sleeve is open. — *А дело нише, кажется, трещит по всем швам. It looks as if our affair is coming apart at the seams. • stitch. Пришлось наложить швы на рану. They had to put stitches in the wound.

шоколад (/g -у/) chocolate. Я вам принёс несколько плиток шоколада. I brought you a few bars of chocolate. — Хотите чашку шоколада? Do you want a cup of hot chocolate?

шопот whisper.

шоссе (indecl N) highway.

шофёр driver (of a car). Садитесь рядом с шофёром. Sit next to the driver.

шпилька hairpin. Есть у вас шпильки-невидимки? Do you have small hairpins? □ *Она умеет подпустить шпильку! She's good at needling people.

шпинат spinach.

шпион spy.

шприц syringe.

шрам scar. У него на лбу шрам. He has a scar on his forehead.

шрифт type. Эта книга напечатана слишком мелким шрифтом. This book is printed in too small a type.

штаны (-нов P) trousers, pants.

штат staff. Его ещё не зачислили в штат. He still hasn't received permanent status on the staff. — В нашем учреждении произведено сокращение штатов. The staff has been reduced in our office. □ Соединённые Штаты Америки United States of America.

штатский civilian. Я уже отвык носить штатское платье. I've already forgotten how to wear civilian clothes.

штемпель (M) stamp. Где можно заказать каучуковый штемпель? Where can I order a rubber stamp? □ почтовый штемпель postmark. Вы можете разобрать почтовый штемпель на этом конверте? Can you make out the postmark on this envelope?

штепсель (/P -ля, -лёй/M) socket. Лампа-то у меня есть, но штепсель ещё не поставлен. I have the lamp, but the socket hasn't been installed yet. — Штепсель испортился, вилка не влезает. The socket is broken; you can't put the plug in.

штопать to darn. Кто вам штопает носки? Who darns your socks?

штопор corkscrew.

штора shade. Опустите шторы, солнце слишком яркое. Draw the shades; the sun is too bright.

штраф fine. Его присудили к небольшому штрафу. He was given a small fine.

штрафной penalty. Нам забили гол штрафным ударом. They scored a goal against us on a penalty kick.

штрафовать (/pct: о-/).

штука piece. Эти карандаши по десяти копеек штука. These pencils are ten kopeks apiece. • bolt. Мы купили штуку полотна на простыни. We bought a bolt of linen for bed sheets. • trick. Они на всякие штуки пускаются. They tried all sorts of tricks. • point. В том то и вся штука! That's the whole point. • thing. Там и закуска была разная, и водка, и всякая такая штука. They had quite a snack there; hors d'oeuvres, vodka, and all sorts of things. • thingumajig. Что это за штука у вас на столе лежит? What's that thingumajig you have on the table? □ Ну, это всё штуки! It's all put on. • Вот так штука! А я думал, что вы давно уехали. What do you know! I thought you left long ago.

штукатурить (/pct о-/).

штукатурка plaster. Тут штукатурка с потолка обвалилась. The plaster fell down from the ceiling here.

штык ( -а) bayonet.

шуба fur coat. Вам нравится моя шуба? Do you like my fur coat? □ Мой брат даст вам свою старую медвежью шубу. My brother will give you his old bearskin coat. • *Что мне шубу шить из его извинений, что ли? What good are excuses? The damage is already done.

шум (/g -у/) noise. Уличный шум сюда совершенно не доносится. You can't hear street noises here. • racket. У вас всегда такой шум во время перемен? Do you always have such a racket between classes? • din. Из-за шума его почти не было слышно. You could hardly hear him speak above the din. • uproar. Эта история наделала когда-то много шуму. At one time that event created quite an uproar.

шуметь (-мыло, -мит /pct: про-/) to make noise. Нельзя ли попросить соседей не шуметь? Could we ask the neighbors not to make so much noise? □ Ребята шумят и протестуют. The boys are raising the roof in protest. • Его имя когда-то шумело на весь мир. At one time his name was on everybody's lips all over the world. • После вчерашней попойки у меня ещё шумит в голове. I've still got a big head from yesterday's drinking party.

шумный noisy. Они живут на очень шумной улице. They hve on a very noisy street. □ шумно noisy. В комнате стало весело и шумно. The room became gay and noisy.

шурин brother-in-law (wife's brother).

шуршать (-шу, -шит) to rustle. Перестаньте шуршать газетой. Stop rustling the paper.

шутить (шучу, шутит) to joke. Вы шутите! You're joking! — Ну не сердитесь, я сказал это шутя! Don't be angry. I was only joking! — Этим не шутят! That's no joke! • to fool around. Вы с ним не шутите — он уже в школу ходит. You just don't fool around with him; he's already going to school. □ *Чем чорт не шутит! Попробую и я сразиться с вами. Well, I'll take my chances and play a game with you too. • Не шутите с огнём! Don't play with fire! • Мне говорили: с московскими морозами не шути! I was told that the bitter cold in Moscow is no joke!

шутка joke. Ну не сердитесь, я сказал это в шутку. Come on, don't be angry; I said it as a joke. — Должен вам сказать, что это была глупая шутка. I don't mind telling you, it was a stupid joke. — Бросьте глупости, мне не до шуток. Stop fooling around; I'm in no mood for joking. □ Он рассердился не на шутку. He really got angry. • Шутки в сторону, давайте поговорим серьёзно. Enough kidding; let's talk seriously. • Посидите дома, ваша простуда не шутка. Stay at home. You've really got a cold. • Шутка сказать — в его годы столько работать! It's really something for a man of his age to work so hard. • Шутки шутите ? Are you kidding? • Истратить сто


text:
Executive Order 1297

It is hereby ordered that the following-described lands in Idaho, be and the same are hereby reserved for military purposes, subject to private rights, if any there be, for the protection of the water supply of Boise Barracks, Fort Boise, viz:

Lot 4 and the SE. ¼ of the NE. ¼ sec. 5 and lots 1 and 2, sec. 6.

The SE. ¼ sec 8; the S. ½ sec 9; all of sec. 17; the NW. ½, the E. ½, and the SW. ¼ sec. 20; all of sec. 21; the W. ½ sec. 22; the W. ½ sec. 27; all of secs. 28, 29, and 30; all of sec. 31, except 20.516 acres embraced in "Sunnyside Lode" patented to W. P. Richards and David Gekeler, and all of sec. 32; the N. ½ of the NW. ¼ and the SW. ¼ of the NW. ¼ sec 33.

. ,
 * February 13, 1911.

title: Executive Order 1297


text: Talk:Executive Order 1297

title: Talk:Executive Order 1297


text: Question of Malaysia

title: Question of Malaysia


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mompesson, William


text: Talk:Question of Malaysia

title: Talk:Question of Malaysia


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monahan, James Henry


text:
Page:The complete poems of Emily Bronte.djvu/293

Rh VIII

my footsteps find a rest!

O might my eyes with tears run o'er!

O could the wound but leave my breast

To lapse in days that are no more!

And if I could in silence mourn

Apart from lying sympathy,

And man's remarks or sighs or scorn,

I should be where I wish to be.

For nothing nearer paradise

Ought for a moment to be mine:

I've far outlived such real joys—

I could not bear so bright a shine;

For I've been consecrate to grief—

I should not be if that were gone—

And all my prospect of relief

On earth would be to grieve alone!

To live in sunshine now would be

To live in every sweetest thought;

What I have been and seen below

Must first be utterly forgot.

And I can not forget the years

Gone by as if they'd never been;

Yet if I will remember—tears

Must always dim the dreary scene.

So there's no choice. However bright

May beam the blaze of July's sun,

'Twill only yield another sight

Of scenes and times for ever gone.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monamy, Peter


text: Portal:Popular Science Monthly/Correspondence


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monan


text:
Executive Order 1279

Under authority of the Act of Congress, approved July 5, 1884, entitled "An Act to provide for the disposal of abandoned and useless military reservations" (23 Stat. L., 103), the military reservation of Fort Ringgold, Texas, together with the buildings thereon, having become useless for military purposes, is hereby placed under the control of the Secretary of the Interior for disposition under said Act of Congress, or as may be otherwise provided by law.

The said reservation is situated on the Rio Grande River, in Starr County, and was acquired under decree of the District Court of said county, rendered March 30, 1878, amended at the March term, 1879, and, according to the plat of survey referred to in said decree, contains an area of 334 acres, with metes and bounds as given in general orders No. 167, War Department, October 3, 1906, and includes all accretions thereto since the date of said survey. The decree excepts the public highways to the city of Brownsville, to the public ferry and landing for steamers plying on the Rio Grande, and sufficient and proper easement for the said ferry and steamer.

., ''Jany. 4, 1911''.

title: Executive Order 1279


text:
Page:The complete poems of Emily Bronte.djvu/294

238 However young and lovely round

Fair forms may meet my cheerless eye,

They'll only hover o'er the ground

Where fairer forms in darkness lie;

And voices tuned to music's thrill,

And laughter light as marriage strain,

Will only wake a ghostly chill,

As if the buried spoke again.

All—all is over, friend or lover

Cannot awaken gladness here;

Though sweep the strings their music over,

No sound will rouse the stirless air.

I am dying away in dull decay,

I feel and know the sands are down,

And evening's latest, lingering ray

And last from my wild heaven is flown.

Not now I speak of things whose forms

Are hid by intervening years,

Not now I fear departed storms

For bygone griefs and dried-up tears.

I cannot weep as once I wept

Over my western beauty's grave,

Nor wake the word that long has slept

By Gambier's towers and trees and wave.

I am speaking of a later stroke,

A death the dream of yesterday;

I am thinking of my latest shock,

A noble friendship torn away.


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Rh I feel and say that I am cast

From hope, and peace, and power, and pride—

A withered leaf on Autumn blast;

A shattered wreck on ocean's tide,

Without a voice to speak to you

Save that deep gong which tolled my doom

And made my dread iniquity

Look darker than my deepest gloom;

Without companion save the light,

For ever present to my eye,

Of that tempestuous winter's night

That saw my angel Mary die.


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lund

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lund


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lundy, Benjamin


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lundy, Robert


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lundy

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lundy


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lüneburg

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lüneburg


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lüneburger Heide


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The New International Encyclopædia/Slavery

SLAVERY (from slave, from OF. Fr. esclave, from MHG. slave, sklave, Ger. Sklave, slave, Slav; originally referring to Slavs taken by the Germans in war). Legally, that status of an individual or individuals characterized by the perpetual and almost absolute loss of personal and political liberty; socially, an institution defined by law and custom similar to patria potestas, comitatus, clientela in personal dependence and to villeinage, vassalage, serfdom, servitude, and apprenticeship in personal and economic subjection and common incidents, but distinguished from them as the most absolute and involuntary form of human servitude.

The slave is the property, chattel or real, of his master, and cannot participate in the civil right of personal freedom, though, except in strict Roman law, he may enjoy limited personal rights. Slavery represents a stage in social or industrial organization and development. It probably coincides with the beginnings of settled agricultural tribal life, but its ultimate origin is in dependence resulting from inequality of capacity or opportunity between individuals or sets of individuals brought into competitive relations. Whether recognized by common, statutory, or international law, slavery is a developing status varying its character in place and time as defined by local law and custom. Slavery, either by historic contact, slave trade, or independent origin, existed anciently among Babylonians, Assyrians, Egyptians, Hebrews, Persians, Phœnicians, Greeks, and Romans, and in India, China, and Africa. It is interpreted in ancient monuments and literature and locally defined by law. Philosophic justification of slavery, ancient and modern, rests historically upon natural subjection and difference of race or creed, or both. But nationals as well as barbarians, heathen, and heretics have been enslaved by all races. Classical philosophy, Hebrew and other ancient religions, Brahmanism, Buddhism, Christianity, and Mohammedanism sanctioned the institution, but its essential sanction rested in law defining the status and its incidents. Of the chief sources of slavery (capture in war, man-stealing, purchase, birth by a slave parent, and action of law), capture was most prevalent in early society. Hebrew, Greek, and Roman slavery, recruited from all these sources, more often than modern slavery, applied to a subject the equal or superior of his master. An extensive slave trade with the Mediterranean islands, Asia Minor, Africa, or Southern Europe aided to fill Athens, Corinth, Ægina, and Italy with vast numbers of slaves, numbering often thrice the free men. At Sparta conquered helots, owned by the State but let to individuals, numbered seven to one Spartan.

The incidents of Greek, Roman, and American slavery are strikingly similar, but Rome's war-like and organizing genius gave the institution greater legal definiteness and harshness. In each country the slave was sold, hired, seized for debt,

and treated as his master's property, chattel or real. He was controlled by whipping, branding, fetters, exile, or by the tie of mutual affection in the family of which he was one. He had customary limited rights of marriage, property, maintenance, contract, religion, and personal security and sanctuary (in Greece). Post-Homeric Greece, the later Roman Empire, and some American colonies of the eighteenth century legalized his right to life and limb. Previously Roman slaves were ‘things’ in the master's dominica potestas, subject to life and death, torture, mutilation, crucifixion, gladiatorial combat, and work in mines under drivers; but were, like American slaves, superior to Greek in having greater opportunity to obtain their freedom, Greek and Roman freedmen gradually became free men. Classical and American slave labor was prædial, domestic, industrial, clerical, and public. Rome denied slaves civil or military service. Many Greek and Roman slaves entered learned professions. Italian latifundia worked by slaves destroyed free-hold yeomanry and increased, with harsh treatment, danger of servile insurrection. Serious revolts occurred in Greece and Rome, and later in the West Indies, but North America suffered only minor local insurrections, such, for instance, as ../Gabriel's Insurrection/ (q.v.) and Nat Turner's Insurrection. (See .) The closing of Roman conquest, jus naturale, and Christianity, modified the rigid chattel conception of jus civile and jus gentium, and law gave the slave personality and protection. Finally Justinian enlarged the coloni, men personally free but tied to the soil like serfs. Thereafter slavery, the chief labor system since the Punic Wars, though practiced by Rome's Teuton conquerors, was gradually replaced in mediæval Europe by feudal vassalage, villeinage, or serfdom, particularly where German and Roman life came in close contact. Serfdom persisted to modern times, surviving in Russia until 1861. See.

Slavery and the slave trade, continued by mediæval Venice, the Saracens, Tatars, Turks, and African tribes, were freshly extended by Mohammedans in Africa and Asia, who made subject alike Christians, heathen, whites, and blacks. Negro slavery was a long established African tribal custom with debtors, criminals, vagrants, and captives. The commercial expansion of Portugal incidentally began the African slave trade in modern Europe and America. Through kidnapping and from Moorish slavers Prince Henry of Portugal received negro slaves in 1442, and two years later began the European slave trade from the west coast of Africa. For a half century Portugal monopolized the traffic, which finally embraced the Spanish possessions in America, where Indian slavery established by Spain was exterminating the natives. Spain entered the slave trade in 1517; the English (under John Hawkins) in 1553, and France in 1624; they were followed by Holland, Denmark, and the American colonies. The market was the West-European countries and their colonies in America, particularly the Spanish West Indies. England finally took the lead in the commerce, granting from the time of Elizabeth to 1670 five separate patents for its monopoly to favored merchants and companies. Between 1712 and 1749 the exclusive supply of the Spanish colonies was

granted by Spain to the English South Sea Company. Thereafter all Englishmen could enter this field and continue their former trade to the English colonies. Of the total number of slaves imported previous to the American Revolution, British subjects probably carried half, employing in one year 192 ships, carrying 47,000 slaves. Often a fourth of the slaves perished in the overcrowding of the ‘middle passage.’ Massacre and the torch marked the track of the kidnapping African slaver and numbers of slaves died during the process of ‘seasoning,’ or acclimatization in their new homes.

Research has proved that the first negroes landed at Jamestown in 1619 and others brought by early privateers were not reduced to slavery, but to limited servitude, a legalized status of Indian, white, and negro servants preceding slavery in most, if not all, of the English mainland colonies. Statutory recognition of slavery occurred in Massachusetts in 1641, in Connecticut in 1650, in Virginia in 1661, and later in the other colonies. Jews, Moors, and Turks were also subjects of colonial slavery. Indian slavery was confined chiefly to the seventeenth century with the English, as their Indian captives were less profitable than those of the Spanish, who were subjected to more rigorous treatment. Slavery in the region now constituting the United States was patriarchal. Statutory law and court decisions added to such incidents of servitude as alienation, whipping, disfranchisement, limited marriage, trade, etc., first the incident of perpetual service and then a denial of civil and juridical capacity, as well as of marriage, property, and possession of children, thus creating slavery. The slave, contrary to the famous obiter dicta in the Dred Scott decision (see ), had some legal rights, such as limited personal agency, security (after 1788), support in age or sickness, a right to limited religious instruction, and suit and evidence in special cases. Custom gave numerous rights, such as private property, marriage, free time, contractual ability, and to females domestic or lighter prædial labor, which, however, the master was not bound to respect. Barbarities like mutilation, branding, chaining, and murder were regulated or prohibited by law, but instances of cruelty were not infrequent before the nineteenth century.

It was a mooted point in the courts of the former slave-holding States of the United States whether a slave had any rights under the common law which the master was bound to respect. There was very little precedent in the English law, and under the early Roman law a master had absolute power of life and death over his slaves, who were generally captives taken in war. In 1820 a Mississippi court held that under the common law the wanton killing of a slave was murder. In 1851 the Supreme Court of Georgia repudiated the reasoning advanced for the above conclusion, contending that a master had absolute dominion over a slave under the common law. The first legal provision in America on this subject seems to have been a Virginia statute of 1723, making the willful killing of a slave murder. In 1770 a colonial act prohibited the malicious and unnecessary killing of slaves by white men. However, in most of the Southern States, statutes were enacted prohibiting the wanton killing

or mutilation of a slave, thus finally disposing of the question. Slaves were liable under the criminal laws of the States in which they lived. Most of the slave States also passed statutes securing to slaves certain other rights, such as to be treated in a humane manner, to receive medical attention when ill, and to be provided with the necessaries of life when from old age or other causes they were unable to work.

With such humane provisions recognition of a slave as a person ceased, and for all other purposes he was regarded as a chattel, subject to the will of his master, and a thing to be bought and sold. The law of personal property was applied in governing his ownership. The children of a slave mother belonged to her owner, irrespective of who owned the father. In most of the Southern States the marriage of slaves was not recognized in law, though perhaps generally encouraged by slave-owners from religious or moral principles. The legal duties and priviliges of the marriage relation were considered to be incompatible with the duties owed by the contracting parties to their owners. The question of the legal status and effect of a slave marriage has become important since the general emancipation of the slaves in determining the descent and distribution of property of former slaves. Generally, the States in which slavery flourished have enacted statutes providing for legalizing such marriages by certain formalities, and in a few States continued cohabitation merely, after emancipation, was held sufficient. However, it is doubtful if any of these States would recognize as valid a marriage contracted during slavery and followed by separation before emancipation.

A slave could not hold property, and anything acquired by him belonged to his master. The testimony of a slave would not be received in a civil action in which a white person was a party. However, slaves could testify in a criminal suit in which other slaves were defendants, or in actions to secure their freedom. The right of an owner to give a slave his freedom was recognized, and a free negro could hold property.

Sentiment against the increase of the negro population and the slave trade early developed in America. English colonies by numerous statutes from 1695 imposed duties to discourage or prohibit slave traffic, but British merchants and commercial policy defeated these efforts. The enforced slave trade appears in State constitutions, and in the first draft of the Declaration of Independence as a justification of the American Revolution. Virginia by protest in 1772, Connecticut by statute in 1774, and Delaware by her Constitution in 1776 attempted to stop the trade, and Virginia, by an act of 1778, was the first political community to prohibit it with efficient penalties. Similar action in nine other States during 1783-1789; abolition of slavery in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania in 1780; the desire of John Jay to make prohibition a feature of the Treaty of Paris of 1783; the struggle for prohibition in the Federal Convention, resulting in the compromise limiting the duration of the trade to twenty years, at the end of which period the United States passed the act of 1807 abolishing it, show the priority and force of American sentiment against the slave trade. Similar sentiment developed in Europe. Denmark by royal order prohibited the trade after 1802 in her

France, following the doctrine of her Revolution, abolished her colonial slavery and slave trade in 1793, but Napoleon soon undid the work of the Convention. Napoleon's decree of March 29, 1815, however, confirmed by the Treaty of Paris and a law of 1818, made the trade illegal. In England Dellwyn, Sharpe, Clarkson, and Wilberforce began to organize anti-slave trade opinion in 1787. In 1788 Dolben and Pitt moved bills for its regulation or suppression. But mercantile interests repressed the movement until 1806, when the Grenville-Fox Ministry secured the passage of acts for the partial abolition of the slave trade, which were followed by an act on March 25, 1807, for total abolition.

The Jay-Fox entente of 1783 paved the way for the joint pledge of England and the United States, in 1806, to strive for international abolition. This object appears in treaties of England with Denmark, Portugal, and Sweden, during 1810-1814. France then pledged aid to British advocacy of abolition in the Congress of Vienna. The Netherlands, by royal decree in 1814, abolished the traffic. Spain restricted it, and Portugal in 1815 agreed to prohibit it in the Northern Hemisphere. In the Treaty of Ghent the United States and Great Britain again pledged their endeavors for suppression. The United States by supplementary acts in 1818 and 1819 endeavored to enforce her prohibition. From this time to 1840 England's chief efforts were bent on establishing an international right of search in time of peace to stop the illicit slave traffic, which increased from 40,000 a year in 1820 to 200,000 in 1837. In 1827 Portugal and Brazil promised to abolish the trade in 1829. A second time England interested a European congress, that of Verona in 1822, against the trade, now carried on with 352 ships. England urged a declaration in international law making the trade piracy, but secured, as at Vienna, only a general denunciation of the traffic. The United States and other Powers opposed right of search in time of peace as dishonor to the flag and a means of securing England's naval supremacy. (See .) Though not a party at Verona, the United States promptly favored international declaration of the slave trade as piracy, and prepared a treaty with England to this effect in 1824. But, as England was unwilling to yield her claim to search in American waters, the Senate rejected the treaty and the United States could only urge the international declaration. By 1833 Sweden, France, Denmark, the Hanse Towns, and some Italian States had agreed in part to England's contention for mutual search, but slavery had become such a delicate question in American politics at this time that the United States refused England's proposed concessions. In 1842 the United States and England agreed on joint naval cruising on the African coast to repress the trade. English statutes in 1824 and 1837 made the slave trade piracy punishable by death or life transportation. Conferees of England, France, Austria, and Prussia, in London, in 1838, proposed the Quintuple Treaty of December 29, 1841, declaring the trade piracy and admitting mutual right of search. On account of this admission France refused to ratify, and Lewis Cass (q.v.), the American Minister at Paris, denied its application as international law to the United States. Belgium

joined, in 1845, in the Quintuple Treaty, and the United States, though refusing England's invitation to an international conference in 1860, completely changed attitude with the advent of Lincoln and Seward, admitted mutual right of search in 1862, and imposed the death penalty on smugglers of slaves. Suppression was organized, but until 1866 required a United States naval squadron on the African coast. The French, Spanish, Portuguese, and United States flags had protected slavers. Northerners sold to Southerners in Florida, Texas, and Cuba, but the Confederacy in 1861 declared against the trade. The Civil War and the Thirteenth Amendment practically and legally completed the extinction of slavery and the slave trade in the United States. The English, inspired by Livingstone, sought to put an end to the slave trade in the Sudan, but the efforts of Baker and Gordon proved ineffective in the face of the Mahdist convulsions. Tewfik, however, prohibited the Egyptian slave trade in 1884. The Powers in the Berlin Conference in 1884-85 promised their efforts for repression, and in 1890 an act for this purpose resulted from the international conference, including Turkey, Persia, Zanzibar, and the United States, invited by Leopold of Belgium. Enforcement of the General Act of Brussels is encouraging if slow, but if conscientiously done will end a trade now connived at even by officials of the Congo Free State.

The anti-slavery sentiment and the movement aimed against the existence of the institution of slavery followed and in many cases coincided with, or were affected by, those against the slave trade from early colonial duties and taxes to steps for repression and emancipation. Promoted by the same, though a more limited and sometimes excitable public, including distinguished statesmen, authors, humanitarians, and sectarians, the movement originated and first rose to importance in North America and England. Eighteenth-century Christian sentiment, particularly among Friends, encouraged customary and legal manumission and the mitigation of slave codes. Justice Lord Mansfield's decision in 1772 freed slaves, like the negro Sommerset, brought to the soil of Great Britain. English emancipation societies arose in 1783, and French in 1788, Slaveholders like Washington, Jefferson, Henry, Mason, and Madison, and other statesmen, such as Franklin, Hamilton, and Adams, condemned slavery in principle, and emancipation was accomplished or in progress in every Northern State except New Jersey by 1799. Jefferson proposed in 1784 to prohibit slavery in the Northwest Territory, and he also advocated emancipation for Virginia in 1779. Tucker prepared another Virginia emancipation plan in 1796, New Jersey emancipated her slaves in 1804, and Congress limited the slave trade in Louisiana. The movement in its first stage rested chiefly on a moral or an economic basis, but soon became political. American anti-slavery organizations began from Pennsylvania petitioning Congress for Federal interference with slavery. Congress denied its constitutional competency to regulate the domestic institution beyond the slave trade; but petitions continued, and the sentiment of the North and South, united in the Ordinance of 1787 (see ), but divided

in the Constitutional Convention, was increasingly committed, respectively, to an anti-slavery and a pro-slavery programme. A movement toward united sentiment and national organization to solve the slavery and free negro questions by emancipation and colonization took, tangible shape in the American Colonization Society, 1810, and its affiliated State societies. (See .) Though patronized by statesmen and divines, such as Madison, Harper, and Breckenridge, by many slaveholders, and by the Federal Government, this movement, which resulted in the establishment of a negro colony in Liberia, was viewed by extreme anti-slavery men as a pro-slavery reaction.

From 1818 to 1820 political anti-slavery sentiment became more prominent, opposing particularly slavery extension. Dissatisfaction in the North with the ../Missouri Compromise/ (q.v.) laid the basis of abolitionism. William Goodell with his Investigator in Rhode Island, and Benjamin Lundy (q.v.) with his Genius of Universal Emancipation, established in 1821, began an anti-slavery press, while Lundy went on lecture tours, and endeavored to find a slave asylum in Texas and Mexico. John Rankin formed an abolition society in Kentucky, and William Lloyd Garrison (q.v.), supported by Arthur and Lewis Tappan, established the Liberator at Boston in 1831. The era of expansion and reformation, mechanical, moral, and political, then beginning, favored the increasing anti-slavery societies and press, such as Griswold and Leavitt's New York Evangelist and Goodell's Genius of Temperance (1830) and Emancipator (1833), the New England Anti-Slavery Society, founded in 1832, and the New York City and the American anti-slavery societies, founded in 1833. The last resulted from a National Anti-Slavery Convention in Philadelphia representing every Northern State. These agencies distributed broadcast tracts, books, pamphlets, and business labels denouncing slavery. The abolitionists denounced slavery and slaveholding as crimes, demanded immediate and unconditional abolition without compensation, encouraged breach of slave laws and unconstitutional measures, and affirmed natural equality of persons. Garrison, Lovejoy, Phillips, Gerrit Smith, John Brown, Hutchinson, Storrs, and Birney became leaders. Channing, Emerson, Bryant, Whittier, Lowell, and Longfellow gave literary and moral support to reasonable anti-slavery methods, but less conservative men in border free States manipulated an ‘underground railway’ to Canada for fugitive slaves. (See .) John Quincy Adams and others fought for the right of petition concerning slavery and constitutional abolition. Southern apologists, such as Dew, Dabney, Smith, and Fitzhugh, answered the polemics culminating in Mrs. Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin, 1852, a protest against the Fugitive Slave Law; and the paper war raged till Lincoln's election assured the anti-slavery victory and made actual war inevitable. President Lincoln issued his famous emancipation proclamations on September 22, 1862, and January 1, 1863, and the Thirteenth Amendment (1865) practically and legally secured the success of the abolitionists by Federal abolition.

Great Britain, where Clarkson and Wilberforce had been the most prominent leaders in the

anti-slavery movement, pursued a less radical method of abolition, providing by law in 1833 for future and progressive emancipation in her West Indian colonies and compensating slaveholders by purchase and an apprenticeship subsequently limited to 1839. In 1843 she abolished slavery in India. Sweden followed with colonial abolition in 1840; France in 1848; Holland in 1859; Brazil with progressive emancipation in 1871, and total emancipation in 1888; Spain in Porto Rico in 1873, and in Cuba in 1880; Great Britain and Germany in their African protectorates in 1897 and 1901; the United States in the Philippines in 1902; and Egypt in the Sudan. The South American republics abolished slavery when they emancipated themselves from the yoke of Spain.

Mohammedan countries have been the last to feel this influence, and slavery exists in Turkey, Persia, Egypt, Zanzibar, Pemba, Tripoli, Morocco, and Central Africa, but in almost all steps favoring liberty or mitigation of status have been taken. Of 100,000 slaves in Zanzibar and Pemba in 1897 half that number were freed by 1903.

Slavery was chiefly a moral and economic question in the American colonies, but it appeared as a political one during the Confederation, particularly in the debates of the constitutional and ratifying conventions, when the question of submitting it and other States' rights to Federal initiative arose. The dictum of natural equality and inalienable rights in the Declaration of Independence, even when reappearing in bills of rights, could not be practically applied except in limited cases, as by George Wythe in Virginia, to the liberation of slaves. But Northern emancipation provisions showed that the economic and social basis in the North was to be increasingly laid in free labor and a farm system contrasting with the slavery and plantation system of the South. Economic and social sectionalism in the colonial period rapidly became political in the federal. From 1787 ../Mason and Dixon's Line/ (q.v.) had political significance; slavery as one of the basal elements of the difference of sectional interests and sentiment rose from a local State question into the most important and permanent in national politics. Controlling conditions were: (1) Increasing sectionalism from localization of industrialism in the North; (2) constitutional compromise provisions granting Federal legislation in regard to the slave trade and fugitive slaves, and representation for slaves on the three-fifths basis; (3) a Federal domain increasing by cession, purchase, treaty, and conquest and subject to Federal organization and representation in Congress; (4) the growth of political parties opposed as to constitutional construction; (5) sectionalized anti-slavery sentiment, and (6) development and expansion of Southern staples adapted to slave labor, especially cotton after the invention of the cotton gin in 1793. The Constitution purposely avoided the use of the terms ‘slave’ and ‘slavery,’ yet the bargain of South Carolina and Georgia with commercial New England riveted upon it recognition of the institution. Slavery had thus two connected phases: (1) As to its existence in the States, a State right, a local question, involved in national politics in the general States' rights struggle; (2) as to its existence and extension in Federal territory, a national question,

constitutionally subject to Federal legislation. National expansion necessarily brought it into politics. Support of members from the slave States in Congress secured the ordinances of 1784 and 1787, prohibiting slavery in the Northwest Territory and preparing the way for new free States. In 1793 Congress passed almost unanimously a fugitive slave law to secure owners in their property. (See .) The bill abolishing the slave trade renewed sectional debate and showed predominant anti-slavery sentiment in the North. Between 1803 and 1817 four States, two free (Ohio and Indiana) and two slave (Louisiana and Mississippi), were admitted into the Union, and the theory of balance of power between slave and free States was established. But the further organization of the Louisiana territory in 1818-20 drew the issue sharply on slavery extension. Only temporary political adjustment of slavery followed the ../Missouri Compromise/ (q.v.) prohibiting slavery north of 36° 30' N. latitude, except in Missouri. From 1820 to 1830 tariff and public land policy were, together with slavery, the issues conditioning the life and expansion of the Southern and Northern economic systems. Non-extension was interpreted as eventual extinction of slavery. Discussion of tariff bills in 1824 and 1828, dogmas of nullification. State rights, and abolition, and the Hayne-Webster debate of 1830, greatly increased the importance of slavery in sectional politics and made it the leading question after the tariff compromise of 1833. Anti-slavery men who believed in attaining their ends through constitutional methods and abolitionists organized the ../Liberty Party/ (q.v.), and twice in 1840 and 1844, nominated J. G. Birney (q.v.) for President. The annexation of Texas in 1845, and the Mexican War in 1846-48, were pro-slavery victories, the latter adding territory from which the unsuccessful ../Wilmot Proviso/ (q.v.) failed to exclude slavery. There now arose over the question of slavery a controversy destined to split both Whigs and Democrats, to bring about new party alignments, and eventually to hasten, if not cause, a great civil conflict between the North and the South. By 1848 ../Oregon/ (q.v.) was organized without slavery, and the Free Soilers, who strove for the exclusion of slavery from the Territories (see ; ), had taken the place of the Liberty Party. The anti-slavery cause won in the Compromise of 1850 in free California, and slave trade prohibition in the District of Columbia, but lost in a fugitive slave law federally executed. (See .) Douglas's mistake in the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and his substitution for the arrangement then effected of ‘squatter sovereignty’ by the ../Kansas-Nebraska Bill/ (q.v.) in 1854, precipitated a sectional struggle for possession of Territories by colonization and border warfare. (See .) The free-State settlers practically won in 1857, and the Republican Party, absorbing Anti-Nebraskans, Free Soilers, Abolitionists, and Anti-slavery Whigs and Democrats, completed the victory, though the Dred Scott decision opened the Territories to slavery. Cuban annexation, which had been a pro-slavery policy since 1841, was defeated in 1859, and Lincoln's election following the John Brown raid of 1859 was the

signal for the secession, 1860-61, of a South jealous of her State rights, and resentful of interference in slavery. Congressional acts in 1862 and Lincoln's emancipation proclamation in 1863 (a war measure), and the Thirteenth Amendment in 1865, legally destroyed the institution of slavery, while the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments gave freedmen full civil rights. Consult: Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery (New York, 1853); Hurd, Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States (Boston, 1858-1862); Wilson, Rise and Fall of the Slave Power (ib., 1872-79); Wallon, Hisioire de l'ésclavage (1879); Richter, Die Sklaverei im griechischen Altertume (1886); Ingram, History of Slavery (London, 1895); Du Bois, Suppression of the African Slave Trade to the United States (New York, 1896); Documents relatifs à la répression de la traité des esclaves (Bruxelles, 1901); Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, 11th, 13th, 14th, 17th series, and extra volumes (Baltimore, 1889-1902); Tillinghast, The Negro in America and Africa (New York, 1902); Ballagh, A History of Slavery in Virginia (Baltimore, 1902); Von Holst, Constitutional and Political History of the United States (8 vols., new ed., Chicago, 1889), which gives an excellent account of the history of the slavery question in American politics; W. H. Smith, A Political History of Slavery (2 vols., New York, 1903); Olmsted, The Cotton Kingdom (2 vols., New York, 1861); and id., Journey in the Seaboard Slave States (New York, 1856), which give an interesting account of slavery in the Southern States.


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Author:James Curtis Ballagh

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The New International Encyclopædia/Sprague, Charles

SPRAGUE, sprāg, Author:Charles Sprague (1791-1875). An American poet, born in Boston, Mass. Leaving school at an early age, he became a merchant's clerk, and in 1820 teller in a bank. From 1825 to 1865 he was cashier in the Globe Bank of Boston. His literary skill was chiefly shown in occasional poems, which were first collected in 1841. In 1850, 1855, and 1876 editions of his Poetical and Prose Writings were published. Much of his verse is in the familiar rhymed couplet of the eighteenth century, to which period its literary feeling chiefly belongs.


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This is a gallery of pages placed in Category:Without text in the second half of April 2012.

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. . . . all the horses and men. The same in the eighth battery. In our twelfth battery, towards the end of the third day, there remained only three guns—all the others being disabled—six men and one officer, myself. We had neither slept nor eaten for twenty hours; for three days and nights a Satanic roar and howl enveloped us in a cloud of insanity, isolated us from the earth, the sky and ourselves—and we, the living, wandered about like lunatics. The dead—they lay still, while we moved about doing our duty, talking and laughing, and we were—like lunatics. All our movements were quick and certain, our orders clear, the execution of them precise, but if you had suddenly asked any one of us who we were, undoubtedly we should not have been able to find an answer in our troubled brain. As in a dream all faces seemed familiar, and all that was going on seemed quite familiar and natural—as if it had happened before; but when I looked closely at any face or gun, or began listening to the din, I was struck by the novelty and endless mystery of everything. Night approached imperceptibly, and before we had time to notice it and wonder where it had come from, the sun was again burning above our heads. And only from those who came to our battery we learnt that it was the third day of the battle that was dawning, and instantly forgot it again: to us it appeared as one endless day without any beginning, sometimes dark, sometime bright, but always incomprehensible


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Author:Thomas Wyse

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 * Historical Sketch of the Late Catholic Association of Ireland
 * Impressions of Greece (London, 1871)

title: Author:Thomas Wyse


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Executive Order 1354

Under authority of the Act of Congress approved June 25, 1910 (36 Stat., 847) and on the recommendation of the Secretary of Agriculture it is hereby ordered that the E ½ of the NW ¼ of Section 9, T. 13 N., R. 70 E., M. D. M., Nevada, containing 80 acres, be temporarily withdrawn from settlement, location, sale, or entry, except as provided in said Act, and be reserved for use by the Forest Service as a ranger station in the administration of the National Forest.

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40 visible confusion when he himself met her gaze, with suspicious looks from the Captain. Unable any longer to withstand such a sight he strolled out on the balcony to cool his heated brain.

We must here state that Charlie's charges against his fair neighbour were unfounded in this instance, although appearances went very far to confirm these suspicions.

Many attempts were made by Lord Lundy during that evening to overcome the coy maid's prejudices against him, and ingratiate himself in her estimation. He eloquently pleaded his cause, and begged that she would forget his rash and thoughtless conduct towards her at the Bridge of Linn, which he would now give worlds to recall. All these flattering protestations were unavailing; although Bella forgave him, she could never forget, or return the attachment which he professed towards her.

The Honorable Captain lent his powerful aid as mediator, but Bella cut him short by informing him in explicit terms that she could never listen to the addresses of any man breathing, however exalted, who would act such a dishonorable part, or conduct himself in such a manner towards any unprotected female, and therefore wished to bury the subject for ever, otherwise she would be compelled to shun the company of any person who would introduce the subject.

The Captain, not wishing to be deprived of such pleasant company, and seeing any further pleading fruitless, dropped the subject, and turned the conversation towards the channel which he well knew the current of his fair companions thoughts ran, namely, in extolling Charlie Stuart's manly and accomplished qualities. The blushing cheeks, the downcast looks, and the stolen glances at the object of his enconiums, plainly told the experienced officer how her young heart was engaged; and little did Charlie think, at that moment, that those glances, which he so unjustly interpreted, were the dumb symbols of overflowing love towards himself.

When the young man issued from the hall, tormented by conflicting feelings, he encountered his servant Donald, who, apparently, had partaken of a share of his

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Rh own malady, stepping moodily the whole length of the balcony.

"How is it, Donald," asked his master, "that you are not among the gaiety yonder at the lake."

"Not to give you an ill answer, Mr. Charlie, I care but little for their enjoyment, for I think one half of them are going daft, particularly the girls; there is that Mary Grant, with her head stuffed with high notions crammed into it by that flunkey Brown, and too proud to give a poor countryman a look, and if these glass doors tell the truth, I think her young mistress is infected with the same distemper."

This was a home thrust to his master, who could not deny its truth; but the following conclusion to Donald's grievance brought a smile to his countenance:—"I wish I had an opportunity to cure them of that notion."

"How could you cure them?" inquired his master, curious to know his servant's remedy for curing Highland girls' love for Englishmen.

"Bless you it is the easiest thing in the world; just if these spindle-shanked Englishmen were coaxed to wear our Highland dress for one night, not a single Highland girl would ever look at them afterwards.

Light as his young master made of Donald's cure, the latter proved its efficacy, as will be seen hereafter.

Their conversation was now interrupted by the appearance of Mr. McKay, who was in search of Donald to play the "Reel of Tulloch" on his pipes, as the English gentry were very anxious to see that interesting dance.

Mr. McKay pressed Charlie to join in it, and both re-entered the ball-room, when her father approached Bella, inviting her to dance with her old partner Charlie Stuart, as his Lordship, who was sitting by her side, did not like to dance the reel, being ignorant of it.

With what alacrity and visible joy the young girl sprang to her partner's side at this intimation. A bird released from its captivity could not show more happiness than the charming girl when clinging to her lover's arm on their way to the end of the hall, to take their places. What a revolution came over the motions and

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42 looks of the interesting couple, as they glided through the intricate reel, drinking love from each other's beaming looks, as if unconscious of the existence of any other person in that large hall.

Bursts of admiration were heard from all parts of the room, such as, "How charming they look! What a match! How gracefully they move!"

The objects of these remarks were truly deserving of such compliments; both dressed in full suit of Highland costume, Bella in her favourite silk McKay tartan, and Charlie in his Royal Stuart.

With what jealous looks Lord Lundy watched the happy pair! What a sudden transformation came over the listless and disinterested partner of his dances during the evening! How happy he would feel were the least of her sparkling looks or sweet smiles bestowed upon himself!

When the music had ceased, and the couples were taking their seats, Charlie was going to conduct his fair partner to her former seat beside Lord Lundy, Bella clung to him nervously, and whispered in his ear, "Not there I beseech you, let us seek the fresh air." With a heart bounding with joy, Charlie wheeled round on his heel at this intimation, leading his willing charge to the balcony.

On arriving at the other end, Bella drew a long breath as if relieved of a heavy weight, on escaping from her tiresome company, and exclaimed, "Oh, what a relief."

"It is indeed, very oppressive in there," replied Charlie, misinterpreting her.

"'Tis not the closeness of the hall I mean, but in getting out of the tiresome company with which I have been persecuted all the evening," added Bella.

"Indeed," replied her companion, as if doubting her words; "I thought the company was very agreeable to you, the Captain's in particular."

Bella raised her eyes to him mournfully, on hearing, for the first time in her life, the reproachful tone of his voice, and, in quivering accents, said: "I thought you would be the last on earth to insinuate, or harbour the belief, that I could over enjoy the company of one, or

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text: Index:Declaration on granting independence.djvu


text: Index:Trusteeship-non-self-governing.djvu


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Fourth Committee, meetings 1031-1049, 1087, 1088. Plenary Meeting 948.

"The General Assembly,

"Considering the objectives set forth in Chapter XI of the Charter of the United Nations,

"Bearing in mind the list of factors annexed to General Assembly resolution 742(VIII) of 27 November 1953,

"Having examined the report of the Special Committee of Six on the Transmission of Information under Article 73e of the Charter, appointed under General Assembly resolution 1467(XIV) of 12 December 1959 to study the principles which should guide Members in determining whether or not an obligation exists to transmit the information called for in Article 73e of the Charter and to report on the results of its study to the Assembly at its fifteenth session,

"1. Expresses its appreciation of the work of the Special Committee of Six on the Transmission of Information under Article 73e of the Charter;

"2. Approves the principles set out in section V, part B, of the report of the Committee, as amended and as they appear in the annex to the present resolution;

"3. Decides that these principles should be applied in the light of the facts and the circumstances of each case to determine whether or not an obligation exists to transmit information under Article 73e of the Charter."

PRINCIPLES WHICH SHOULD GUIDE MEMBERS IN DETERMINING WHETHER OR NOT AN OBLIGATION EXISTS TO TRANSMIT THE INFORMATION CALLED FOR IN ARTICLE 73e OF THE CHARTER OF THE UNITED NATIONS

"The authors of the Charter of the United Nations had in mind that Chapter XI should be applicable to territories which were then known to be of the colonial type. An obligation exists to transmit information under Article 73e of the Charter in respect of such territories whose peoples have not yet attained a full measure of self-government.

"Chapter XI of the Charter embodies the concept of Non-Self-Governing Territories in a dynamic state of evolution and progress towards a 'full measure of self-government'. As soon as a territory and its peoples attain a full measure of self-government, the obligation ceases. Until this comes about, the obligation to transmit information under Article 73e continues.


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"The obligation to transmit information under Article 73e of the Charter constitutes an international obligation and should be carried out with due regard to the fulfilment of international law.

"Prima jade there is an obligation to transmit information in respect of a territory which is geographically separate and is distinct ethnically and/or culturally from the country administering it.

"Once it has been established that such a prima facie case of geographical and ethnical or cultural distinctness of a territory exists, other elements may then be brought into consideration. These additional elements may be, inter alia, of an administrative, political, juridical, economic or historical nature. If they affect the relationship between the metropolitan State and the territory concerned in a manner which arbitrarily places the latter in a position or status of subordination, they support the presumption that there is an obligation to transmit information under Article 73e of the Charter.

"A Non-Self-Governing Territory can be said to have reached a full measure of self-government by:

"(a) Emergence as a sovereign independent state;

"(b) Free association with an independent state; or

"(c) Integration with an independent state.

"(a) Free association should be the result of a free and voluntary choice by the peoples of the territory concerned expressed through informed and democratic processes. It should be one which respects the individuality and the cultural characteristics of the territory and its peoples, and retains for the peoples of the territory which is associated with an independent state the freedom to modify the status of that territory through the expression of their will by democratic means and through constitutional processes.

"(b) The associated territory should have the right to determine its internal constitution without outside interference, in accordance with due constitutional processes and the freely expressed wishes of the people. This does not preclude consultations as appropriate or necessary under the terms of the free association agreed upon.

"Integration with an independent State should be on the basis of complete equality between the peoples of the erstwhile Non-Self-Governing Territory and those of the independent country with which it is integrated. The peoples of both territories should have equal status and rights of citizenship and equal guarantees of fundamental rights and freedoms without any distinction or discrimination; both should have equal rights and opportunities for representation and effective participation at all levels in the executive, legislative and judicial organs of government.

"Integration should have come about in the following circumstances:

"(a) The integrating territory should have attained an advanced stage of self-government with free political institutions, so that its people would have the capacity to make a responsible choice through informed and democratic processes;

"(b) The integration should be the result of the freely expressed wishes of the territory's peoples acting with full knowledge of the change in their status, their wishes having been expressed through informed and democratic processes, impartially conducted and based on universal adult suffrage. The United Nations could, when it deems it necessary, supervise these processes.

"The transmission of information in respect of Non-Self-Governing Territories under Article 73e of the Charter is subject to such limitation as security and constitutional considerations may require. This means that the extent of the information may be limited in certain circumstances, but the limitation in Article 73e cannot relieve a Member State of the obligations of Chapter XI. The 'limitation' can relate only to the quantum of information of economic, social and educational nature to be transmitted.

"The only constitutional considerations to which Article 73e of the Charter refers are those arising from constitutional relations of the territory with the Administering Member. They refer to a situation in which the constitution of the territory gives it self-government in economic, social and educational matters through freely elected institutions. Nevertheless, the responsibility for transmitting information under Article 73e continues, unless these constitutional relations preclude the Government or parliament of the Administering Member from receiving statistical and other information of a technical nature relating to economic, social and educational conditions in the territory.

"Security considerations have not been invoked in the past. Only in very exceptional circumstances can information on economic, social and educational conditions have any security aspect. In other circumstances, therefore, there should be no necessity to limit the transmission of information on security grounds."


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Bayles, Hon. William


text: Information on non-self-governing territories transmitted under article 73e of United Nations Charter.


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44 CHAPTER V

On 14 December 1960, a "Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples" was adopted by the General Assembly. By this, among other things, the Assembly solemnly proclaimed "the necessity of bringing to a speedy and unconditional end colonialism in all its forms and manifestations." The Declaration was adopted by 89 votes to O, with 9 abstentions, and was sponsored by 43 African and Asian countries. (See p. 49 for text.)

The matter was initially proposed for inclusion in the agenda of the Assembly's fifteenth session by the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, Nikita S. Khrushchev, during his address to the General Assembly on 23 September 1960.

In an explanatory memorandum accompanying his request, he declared that the time was at hand for "the complete and final liberation of peoples languishing in colonial bondage." The United Nations, he said, could not remain indifferent to the fact that more than 100 million human beings were still living in conditions of colonial oppression and exploitation; in keeping with the principles of its Charter, the United Nations must declare itself in favour of the "immediate and complete elimination of the colonial system in all its forms and manifestations."

In the draft declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples, which the USSR submitted for Assembly consideration, United Nations Members were called upon solemnly to proclaim three demands.

First, all colonial countries and Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories must be granted forthwith complete independence and freedom to build their own national states in accordance with the freely expressed will and desire of their peoples. The colonial system—and colonial administration in all its forms—must be completely abolished in order to afford the peoples of the territories concerned an opportunity to determine their own destiny and form of government.

Second, all strongholds of colonialism in the form of possessions and leased areas in the territory of other countries must be eliminated.

Finally, the Governments of all countries were urged to observe strictly and steadfastly the provisions of the Charter and the present Declaration concerning equality and respect for the sovereign rights and territorial integrity of all states without exception, allowing no manifestations of colonialism or any special rights or advantages for some states to the detriment of other states.

On 28 September, the Assembly's General Committee recommended that the USSR item be put on the Assembly's agenda and, by a vote of 8 to 2, with 9 abstentions, recommended that the item be allocated to the First (Political and Security) Committee. After deciding, on 10 October, to place the item on its agenda, the General Assembly on 13 October unanimously adopted a USSR proposal—to discuss the item in plenary meetings—which it did between 28 November and 14 December. Over 70 delegations took part in the debate.

The USSR representative, opening discussion of the item on 28 November, said that, although the process of liberation of peoples under colonial rule had already achieved striking results in Asia and Africa, colonialism was not yet dead. As recent events in the Congo had shown, some countries had not been completely freed from colonial domination in spite of their nominal independence. Then, too, there were still many countries in Asia, Africa, Latin America and Oceania "languishing under the yoke of foreign domination."

He recalled that Mr. Khrushchev had warned the General Assembly on 12 October 1960 that, unless the most urgent measures were taken, colonialism was capable of causing still more suffering and much loss, destroying many millions of lives, giving rise to military conflicts, and endangering peace and security not only in certain areas but the world over. The USSR


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Rh declaration, he stressed, was a "key programme" in the struggle for the liberation of all the colonial peoples.

In a later statement, the USSR representative contended that the colonial powers had always objected to the discussion of questions relating to the political development of the Non-Self-Governing Territories. In the case of the "great colonies," where there was a developed national liberation movement, the colonialists were trying in every way to postpone the granting of political independence and to guarantee for the future the position of European minorities in those countries. In the case of the smaller territories, he said, they were maintaining them as bases for colonialism by merging them with the metropolitan countries, a line which was adopted by all colonialists. They were trying to use such territories as strategic bases and points of support for suppressing liberation movements andfor exerting pressure on neighbouring countries.

Discussion of the colonial question was a serious test for the United Nations, the USSR representative went on. Colonialism would be destroyed in any event, with or without the assistance of the United Nations, but the Organization could either accelerate the process, or stand indifferently aside—or perhaps even be an obstacle to the liquidation of colonialism. However, such a strong world opinion had been created in favour of the immediate and complete liquidation of colonialism that it could not be ignored by the colonial powers.

The declaration proposed by the USSR for the immediate and complete liberation of the colonial peoples from foreign domination would, he said, provide a solution of great historical and immediate practical significance.

The United Kingdom representative said he had hoped that the debate could have been a serious discussion of the ways in which all could help to realize the aspirations of those peoples who did not yet enjoy what the United Nations Charter described as a "full measure of self-government"—an aspect of world affairs with which the United Kingdom had long been vitally concerned. But he had been shocked, he said,at the way in which the USSR delegation had sought to pervert for its own purposes the deep and genuine desire for independence of so many millions of people.

The aim of the USSR draft declaration, he went on, seemed to be to generate hatred rather than friendship, violence rather than peace, and chaos rather than order.

Since 1939, he pointed out, some 500 million people formerly under British rule had achieved freedom and independence and their representatives sat in the General Assembly. In that same period, he said, the whole or part of six countries, with a population of 22 million, had been forcibly incorporated into the Soviet Union, including the world's "three newest colonies"—Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia. In addition, the Soviet Union exercised economic, political and military domination over millions of others in neighbouring countries.

It would be of no service to the peoples of the rest of the world to allow the affairs of Africa and Asia to become lost beneath a barrage of charges and counter-charges, the United Kingdom representative declared. All he asked was that the United Nations machinery for dealing with Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories, and the structure of co-operation built up over the years, should not be destroyed by "unconstructive and irresponsible assaults." Those who, like the United Kingdom, subscribed without reservation to Chapter IX—of the Charter—dealing with Non-Self-Governing Territories—and had since honoured it in practice, had already accepted colonialism as an "out-of-date political relationship" in the sense that it involved the permanent subjection of one people to another.

The United Kingdom representative said he found it hard to improve on the terms of Article 73 of the Charter, by which administering powers undertook, among other things, to develop self-government in the territories under their control. However, the problems of the development of political independence varied according to the circumstances of the different territories. For example, there were no fewer than 29 Non-Self-Governing Territories under United Kingdom administration with a population of under one million each; 14 of these had a population of less than 100,000. The people of those small territories, he stressed, had to think carefully about their future. The United Kingdom considered that it had a solemn obligation to work out with the people concerned the form of


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50 "5. Immediate steps shall be taken, in Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories or all other territories which have not yet attained independence, to transfer all powers to the peoples of those territories, without any conditions or reservations, in accordance with their freely expressed will and desire, without any distinction as to race, creed or colour, in order to enable them to enjoy complete independence and freedom.

"6. Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a country is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

"7. All States shall observe faithfully and strictly the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the present Declaration on the basis of equality, noninterference in the internal affairs of all States, and respect for the sovereign rights of all peoples and their territorial integrity."


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Rh of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples."

A/4502 and Corr.1. Declaration on granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples submitted by Chairman of Council of Ministers of USSR, Chairman of USSR Delegation.

A/L.312. USSR: draft resolution.

A/L.312/Rev.1. USSR: amendment (replacing A/L.312) to recommendation of General Committee, adopted by Assembly by acclamation on 13 October 1960, meeting 903.

A/L.323 and Add.1-6. Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Cameroun, Central African Republic, Ceylon, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville), Cyprus, Dahomey, Ethiopia, Federation of Malaya, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Mali, Morocco, Nepal, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Somalia, Sudan, Togo, Tunisia, Turkey, United Arab Republic, Upper Volta: draft resolution.

A/L.324 and Rev.1, 2. Honduras: draft resolution and revisions.

A/L.325. Guatemala: amendments to 43-power draft resolution, A/L.323 and Add.1-6.

A/L.328. USSR: amendments to 43-power draft resolution, A/L.323 and Add. 1-6. RESOLUTION 1514(xv), as submitted by 43 powers,

A/L.323 and Add.1-6, adopted by Assembly on 14 December 1960, meeting 947, by roll-call vote of 89 to O, with 9 abstentions, as follows:

In favour: Afghanistan, Albania, Argentina, Austria, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burma, Byelorussian SSR, Cambodia, Cameroun, Canada, Central African Republic, Ceylon, Chad, Chile, China, Colombia, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville), Costa Rica, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Ecuador, El Salvador, Ethiopia, Federation of Malaya, Finland, Gabon, Ghana, Greece, Guatemala, Guinea, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Japan, Jordan, Laos, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Mali, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Nigeria, Norway, Pakistan, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland, Romania, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Somalia, Sudan, Sweden, Thailand, Togo, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukrainian SSR, USSR, United Arab Republic, Upper Volta, Uruguay, Venezuela, Yemen, Yugoslavia.

Against: None.

Abstaining: Australia, Belgium, Dominican Republic, France, Portugal, Spain, Union of South Africa, United Kingdom, United States.

"The General Assembly,

"Mindful of the determination proclaimed by the peoples of the world in the Charter of the United Nations to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom,

"Conscious of the need for the creation of conditions of stability and well-being and peaceful and friendly relations based on respect for the principles of equal rights and self-determination of all peoples, and of universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion,

"Recognizing the passionate yearning for freedom in all dependent peoples and the decisive role of such peoples in the attainment of their independence,

"Aware of the increasing conflicts resulting from the denial of or impediments in the way of the freedom of such peoples, which constitute a serious threat to world peace,

"Considering the important role of the United Nations in assisting the movement for independence in Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories,

"Recognizing that the peoples of the world ardently desire the end of colonialism in all its manifestations,

"Convinced that the continued existence of colonialism prevents the development of international economic co-operation, impedes the social, cultural and economic development of dependent peoples and militates against the United Nations ideal of universal peace,

"Affirming that peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law,

"Believing that the process of liberation is irresistible and irreversible and that, in order to avoid serious crises, an end must be put to colonialism and all practices of segregation and discrimination associated therewith,

"Welcoming the emergence in recent years of a large number of dependent territories into freedom and independence, and recognizing the increasingly powerful trends towards freedom in such territories which have not yet attained independence,

"Convinced that all peoples have an inalienable right to complete freedom, the exercise of their sovereignty and the integrity of their national territory,

"Solemnly proclaims the necessity of bringing to a speedy and unconditional end colonialism in all its forms and manifestations;

"And to this end

"Declares that:

"1. The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation.

"2. All peoples have the right to self-determination; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.

"3. Inadequacy of political, economic, social or educational preparedness should never serve as a pretext for delaying independence.

"4. All armed action or repressive measures of all kinds directed against dependent peoples shall cease in order to enable them to exercise peacefully and freely their right to complete independence, and the integrity of their national territory shall be respected.


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48 was certain. It was clear that the responsibility under Chapter XI of the Charter for the administration of Non-Self-Governing Territories could only be temporary. But it was not enough, he said, merely to liquidate the old: it was also necessary to "plan soundly for what will replace it."

In that regard, he went on, the wishes of the indigenous people had to be paramount. Experience had shown that a separate independence was usually, but by no means always, the people's choice. Contrary, he said, to the impression left by some speakers in the debate, the people of Puerto Rico did not now desire independence; they had freely chosen to be associated with the United States as a self-governing commonwealth. The vital test for an administering authority was that of free consultation with the people through free elections or some other equally valid means of self-determination.

The United States representative also spoke of "a new colonial system" that had been imposed by force on many peoples of many races, many of whom had been free for centuries. The entire system was disguised by censorship, by ruthless thought control, and by an elaborate misuse of words like "democratic" and "autonomous." However, its tragic reality had been attested to by the millions who had escaped it and by the tens of thousands who had died trying to shake it off. The United States representative referred to the USSR at the "arch-practitioner" of this "new and lethal colonialism." He said that the 43-nation draft declaration quite rightly spoke out against colonialism "in all its manifestations."

During the course of the debate, the representatives of Argentina, Belgium, France, Israel, Portugal, Spain and the Union of South Africa spoke in reply to charges made against their Governments by the representative of the USSR and other speakers.

On 13 December, the USSR representative introduced two amendments to the 43—power draft declaration, explaining that, although it had something in common with the Soviet declaration, it was incomplete in certain respects. By the first USSR amendment—which would add a new paragraph to the 43-power draft—the Assembly would call upon the powers concerned to ensure the transfer of full and sovereign power to the peoples of all dependent territories, in accordance with the principles stated in the declaration, and for that purpose to enter into negotiations with the representatives of the colonial peoples so that all colonial countries and peoples should attain independence not later than the end of 1961 and take their rightful place among the community of nations.

By the second USSR amendment, the Assembly would decide to consider the question of the implementation of the declaration at its sixteenth session (to open in September 1961).

Guatemala also proposed an addition to the 43-power draft to provide that "the principle of the self-determination of peoples may in no case impair the right of territorial integrity of any state or its right to the recovery of territory." This amendment was withdrawn on 14 December at the request of the Indonesian representative, who felt that it was already covered by operative paragraph (6) of the 43-power draft, dealing with attempts to disrupt the national unity and territorial integrity of countries.

On 14 December, the Assembly voted first on the USSR draft declaration, in two parts. The part by which Member states would proclaim certain "demands" was rejected by a roll-call vote of 32 in favour to 35 against, with 30 abstentions. The rest of the draft was rejected, also by roll-call, by 25 in favour to 35 against, with 22 abstentions.

The first USSR amendment to the 43-power draft was then rejected by a roll-call vote of 29 in favour to 47 against, with 22 abstentions. The second USSR amendment was also not adopted as it failed to obtain the necessary twothirds vote: the roll-call vote was 41 in favour to 35 against, with 22 abstentions.

The draft resolution sponsored by 43 Asian and African countries was then adopted, on 14 December 1960, as resolution 1514(XV), by a roll-call vote of 89 to O, with 9 abstentions. Honduras did not press its draft resolution to the vote.

GENERAL ASSEMBLY——15TH SESSION

General Committee, meeting 130.

Plenary meetings 902, 903, 925-939, 944-947.

A/4501. Letter of 23 September 1960 from Chairman of Council of Ministers of USSR proposing for agenda item entitled: "Declaration on the Granting


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Bayley, Hon. Lyttleton Holyoake