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 tremendous hope which the hon. Lady the Member for Plymouth, Devonport expressed about the agreements which were recently reached.

When we were in Malaya, the Tunku and the President of Indonesia were exchanging remarks which were not exactly fraternal, but within a few days they met in Tokio in a spirit of concord. This was followed by the Manila Conference of Foreign Ministers, from which one derived tremendous hope. For the first time we had the different territories of this region, not only Malaya, but Indonesia and the Philippines, coming to an agreement that they would seek a wider confederation of that whole area and that they would begin at once to co-ordinate their economies, their transport, and their social activities so as to bring about that confederation. One of my doubts about the way in which we are speeding this Bill through Parliament is the effect it with have on the relationship between Indonesia, the Philippines and Malaysia, which began so well at this conference.

The Foreign Ministers made certain recommendations for the subsequently planned summit conference of the heads of State. Indonesia and the Philippines endorsed Malaysia, but they did it on one condition, and I want to read to the House paragraphs 10 and 11 of the Agreement because I consider them to be of tremendous importance.

Paragraph 10 reads: "The Ministers reaffirmed their countries' adherence to the principle of self-determination for the peoples of non-self-governing territories. In this context, Indonesia and the Philippines stated that they would welcome the formation of Malaysia provided the support of the people of the Borneo territories is ascertained by an independent and impartial authority, the Secretary-General of the United Nations or his representative." Paragraph 11 reads: "The Federation of Malaya expressed appreciation for this attitude of Indonesia and the Philippines and undertook to consult the British Government and the Governments of the Borneo territories with a view to inviting the Secretary-General of the United Nations or his representative to take the necessary steps in order to ascertain the wishes of the people of their territories." The Times interpreted those decisions as meaning that a referendum had been agreed on, but I do not think that that is the case. But it was agreed—and I discussed this with officials at the Conference—that the intention was that U Thant and the United Nations should ascertain the views of the people before Malaysia was introduced. What has happened about the undertaking given by the Federation of Malaya to consult the British Government and the Governments of the Borneo territories? Has that been done, and, if so, what was the reply?

What concerns me is not merely that Indonesia and the Philippines will feel that they have been let down by pushing Malaysia through so rapidly, but that U Thant and the United Nations may feel that they have been rebuffed. I understand that U Thant has been sounded about this, and has said that it would take him about four months to carry out a plebiscite to obtain the views of the peoples, and yet here we are proposing to set up Malaysia within a little more than a month from now.

I want finally to emphasise the great importance of the Measure that we are now discussing in the context of the whole of South-East Asia. I think that 949 most of us agree now that if Communism is to be confined and is not to spread over South-East Asia, that area should be neutralised. This view has been supported even by America in the case of Laos, and by the other South-East Asian territories. But the fact is not hidden that one of the main purposes of the establishment of Malaysia is the creation in South-East Asia of a bulwark against Communism. This will inevitably change the balance in South-East Asia. It will inevitably make it more difficult to neutralise that great area, to take it out of the cold war, and to prevent it continuing as the danger spot that it is now, a danger which may be intensified if Malaysia is regarded merely as a bulwark against Communism.

For those reasons I believe that it is a mistake to rush this Bill through the House. Let me summarise my case. It is not clear that the overwhelming majority of the people are in favour of federation, which I believe they must be before such a step is taken. It is causing a deterioration in relations with Indonesia and the Philippines, with whom good relations must be established if there is to be peace in that area. I regret very much what must appear to be a rebuff not


text:
User:Wikidea

Mostly edit Wikipedia, but I found the occasion to convert a book into the (hopefully) nicer format here.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User:Wikidea


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morell, John Daniel


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morell, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moreman, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mores, Edward Rowe


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moresby, Fairfax


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moret, Hubert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moreton, Henry John Reynolds-


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moreton, William


text:
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 only to Indonesia and the Philippines, but to the United Nations. I believe that the departure from the principle of neutralisation in this area may be a great danger to peace.

I therefore urge the Government to consider whether it is necesary to press this Bill through to inaugurate Malaysia on 31st August. In this connection I have one point to raise about the terms of the Bill itself. Malaysia is to come into force on the appointed day, but no date is given for that day. The day is to be that on which the Federation is established. It is true that there has been agreement between representatives of the States that that date should be 31st August, but I ask the right hon. Gentleman to consider, in consultation with the Tungku of Malaya, whether, in view of the doubts which have been expressed, in view of the danger of the deterioration of relations with Indonesia and the Philippines, and in view of the fact that U Thant and the United Nations have been asked to make an estimate of the opinion of the people, he will consider delaying the operation of the Federation from 31st August to a later date so that these difficult matters might be settled.

Secondly, I strongly urge the right hon. Gentleman that no decision shall be taken about the date before the summit conference takes place between the heads of Malaya, Indonesia and the Philippines. If that date is insisted upon it will prejudice those discussions—and the good will of those three Governments and States in this region is absolutely essential to the peace of the territory. I very much hope that U Thant and the United Nations will be able to take plebiscites of the people, so that we can be sure that federation has the support of the majority. I would like to see plebiscites extended to Singapore and Malaya itself.

Finally, I beg the right hon. Gentleman to do everything in his power to encourage the establishment of a wider confederation of this vast area—a confederation which might be stable. It would have the pressure of Indonesia—with its 100 million people—which is neutral, and the pressure of the Philippines, which has been pro-West. Linked with Malaya and the Borneo territories, such a confederation might become a stable influence for peace in this area. I think that this is the road towards stability and peace.

 * 12.42 p.m.

Sir John Barlow (Middleton and Prestwich) There is one point that I want to deal with arising from the speech of the hon. Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Brock way). I agree with him in deploring the speed with which the Bill has been brought to the House, and also the fact that it should be discussed on a Friday, when so few Members are present, and rushed through all its stages in one day. Nevertheless, things having gone as far as they have, it would be quite impossible, and deplorable, if any other dates were changed as he suggests. The whole framework of this Federation would be very difficult to achieve if any changes in dates were made. For that reason it is quite impractical.

It is one of the traditions of this House that speakers should declare any interest they have in the subject matter that is being discussed. As many hon. Members know—but in case not all of them know—I have some interests in 951 Malaya. My family has had them for over one hundred years. My firm started trading in Singapore in the 1850s. It established itself in Singapore in about 1862 and developed a rubber and merchanting business up-country in subsequent years. I am also interested in North Borneo. It is for this reason that I take such a tremendous interest in this important matter. I have visited Malaya periodically over the last 35 years and I have come to love its charming people and to realise its very great achievements in the past, which have been aided by our co-operation.

This country's official connection with Malaya started about 80 years ago. At that time Malaya was somewhat comparable with the up-country districts in Sarawak and North Borneo today. I have a copy of an interesting letter written by the Sultan of Selangor—the grandfather of the present Sultan-to the Governor of the Straits Settlements in October, 1874, when conditions in Selangor were very difficult. The letter reads: "I inform my friend that I have received my friend's letter brought by Mr. Swettenham and have understood all that if contains. As to the 1,000 dollars, I will pay that sum monthly to Mr. Swettenham and will be much obliged if my friends will enter it into my


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan Mwynfawr


text:
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 country's accounts. As to my friend's request that I would enter into an agreement in order that my friend may collect all the taxes of my country, I would be very glad if my friend would set my country to rights and collect all the taxes." The bearer of that letter was a young officer who took part in the Perak expedition in the unsettled times of 1875. Very shortly afterwards he became British resident in Selangor. It is right to say that Mr. Swettenham, who later became Sir Frank Swettenham, contributed more to the early progress and prosperity of Malaya than did any other man. He became Governor in 1901 and stayed until 1904. Then, upon retiring, he lived to an active old age, and died in 1946, having collected his pension for about 45 years, which must be a record.

The history of Malaya shows that it has passed through many vicissitudes, but it has always been a progressive country, with a good soil, and with our help it has made tremendous developments. Just before the war it produced 40 per cent. of the world's tin and rubber. In 1938, with its population of only 5 million, its foreign trade was equal to half of that of India, with her 400 million people. The racial friendship which existed in Malay throughout our period there was most extraordinary, and is a great example to other parts of the world which may be having racial troubles today. The Malays, the Chinese, the Indians, and the Europeans lived in the greatest amity and friendship together, and there was seldom any trouble.

Unfortunately, the country was occupied by the Japanese during the war, and immediately afterwards a very regrettable incident occurred, when Sir Harold MacMichael suddenly asked all the Sultans to pass over their sovereign rights to the British Government. I remember taking part in a debate on 8th March, 1946, when this matter was discussed at great length and Mr. David Gammans—as he then was—gave some very interesting information concerning the way in which the sultans were compelled to sign away their rights in the greatest secrecy without there being any time for consultation. That was a very unfortunate period in our Administration.

We are now considering the creation, of Malaysia. In 1959 I had the pleasure of going on a Commonwealth Parliamentary Association delegation to visit those Borneo territories. A few minutes ago I saw two other hon. Members of that delegation in the Chamber, but I regret to say that they are now absent. At that time we found little demand for political development and certainly none for any idea of joining up with Malaya. It had not been seriously proposed even at that time, but the people of Sarawak and especially of North Borneo were completely happy and contended. The only thing they wished was to remain under the Colonial Office and to carry on as they had done since the war when they were taken over from the chartered company.

The idea of Malaysia has, of course, been put across, I believe, all too quickly. I think there is little doubt that undue propaganda was organised by the Colonial Office to achieve the support of these very uneducated and unpolitical people in all too short a time. I could have wished that this had taken very much longer and had been developed more slowly. It would have been a much greater success. All the same, conditions being what they are today, I believe that Malaysia will be a great success, but this will give added responsibility to those two very able men, Tunku Abdul Rahman, in Kuala Lumpur, and Lee Kuan Yew, in Singapore. They will have to be the fathers and mothers, so to speak, of the underdeveloped and primitive Borneo countries, and they have a great responsibility in taking over these countries at the present time. It would be quite wrong if they tried to treat those countries as equals, because they are not equals in any way.

For that reason it is very important that adequate safeguards should be built into the new Constitution. Many recommendations have been made, but I wonder if the Minister will tell us what power these safeguards will have. After today, when Malaysia is formed, we think we shall know what the safeguards which are to be built in may be, but I am not quite sure to what extent they could be changed by the Federation itself.

In some cases, I am inclined to think that the safeguards are insufficient. For example, I understand that the question of language in North Borneo is to remain much as it is today for the next 10 years, whereas in the case of Singapore the language remains on the same basis in perpetuity. If that is the case, why should not the language question and


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan Hen


text:
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 other similar questions remain the same in North Borneo, in perpetuity, as I understand they do in Singapore?

I feel sure that the Tunku, for whom I have the greatest admiration, will accept the responsibility of looking after these rather backward countries—much as his was, perhaps it is not unfair to say, 80 years ago—and that he will see that their people are treated properly and given every encouragement for development. Having said that, I think we should do everything we can to make Malaysia a success.

It is astonishing to me how little is known in this country about South-East Asia. Our eyes have been focused far too much on Africa, and many people think of Africa as the most important part of the world. I do not agree with that by any means. I think that South-East Asia and, to a lesser extent, India are the really important political focal 954 points of the world and will be for years to come. For that reason, it is of the utmost importance that a federation such as this should be encouraged to establish itself arid that we should help it and support it in order to give stability to what may be, if things go wrong, one of the most difficult parts of the world to cope with in the years to come.

In passing this Bill today, we naturally wish the Federation well. We have helped all the countries involved greatly in the past in various ways. I hope that we shall be able to continue our help. Although they will be politically at arm's length from us in the future, they will still retain our friendship, and I feel that all of us will be only too glad to give any help we can to make this new Malaysia the great success which we hope it will be.

 * 12.56 p.m.

Mr. R. W. Sorensen (Leyton) All Members of the House, I am sure, listen with very great interest to any other hon. Member who speaks out of his living experience. Therefore, we are particularly indebted to the hon. Member for Middleton and Prestwich (Sir J. Barlow) for speaking out of his own experience. I noticed, however, that he appeared to express regret at what has been called the very swift passage of the Bill, and to that extent seemed to agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Brockway), though I rather think for very different reasons. While my hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough desires a referendum to take place in these territories under United Nations auspices, I assume the hon. Member for Middleton and Prestwich would equally criticise that as he criticises the possibility of the indigenous peoples of the Borneo areas entering into complete political responsibility at an early date. If they are primitive peoples lacking understanding, then, obviously, that would apply equally to a referendum.

Sir J. Barlow I am much obliged to the hon. Gentleman for giving way. I should like to make it quite clear that while I regard the Borneo territories as backward politically and in general development compared with Malaya and Singapore, I think that in the present circumstances it is undoubtedly the 955 right thing for them to be part of Malaysia as perhaps they will need every help.

Mr. Sorensen I appreciate the hon. Gentleman's intervention. I was dealing with the point that if there is any feeling that these territories are backward compared with Malaya and Singapore, then obviously they would be incapable of making a right judgment if a referendum took place. Very much the same kind of criticism was advanced years ago against the necessity of India being completely independent. The argument that I heard then was that among the illiterate people, who formed the great mass of the people of India, there was an incapacity to judge great political issues and that therefore there should be very slow progress towards complete self-government. On the contrary, I think it is good at this time to introduce this Bill, and I support it with the reservation that while I earnestly hope and believe that the Federation will succeed, nevertheless I equally recognise that there may be in the days to come many alterations, modifications and extensions, and even disintegration, unless that necessary measure of good will and inter-racial co-operation can be established and sustained.

I support the Bill because I believe that, on the whole, the majority of the people in the four territories of Singapore, Malaya, Sarawak and North Borneo want Federation, if not with enthusiasm at least with what I may call prudent wisdom. I recognise, of course, attention has been drawn to it already, that there are substantial hostile elements in at


text:
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 least three of the territories. Again, I agree entirely with what was said, I think by my hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough, that there are completely democratic elements opposed to the conception of federation. There are others, however, which are not in the same category. Recently, with two of my colleagues I paid a short but entrancing visit to these territories, and I think I discerned the reasons why the Federation is being opposed in many quarters.

First, it is alleged that federation is being imposed against the general popular will. Secondly, that it is simply an adjunct to the cold war. Thirdly, that it 956 is provocative to Indonesia, about which we have heard a little more this morning. And fourthly, that it is basically a neo-colonialist plot. In my judgment, whatever may be said by the opposition that there should be greater delay in the introduction of this Bill and whatever may be said about the alleged imposition of this Measure against the will of the people, my firm conviction is that neither of those arguments is the basic argument. I believe that the basic argument in the minds of many of the opposition groups and communities is that this is a neo-colonialist plot.

In order to illustrate the reasons for my conviction, that this is the belief, sincerely held no doubt, I will just give a few quotations from literature which I and my colleagues acquired during our recent visit. One comes from the resolutions at the Barisan Sosialis mass rally in May— "Malaysia is neo-colonialism. It is a strategic bloc meant to prolong colonial domination and to frustrate the legitimate aspirations of the people of the region." Here is another quotation to illustrate my contention that this argument about neo-colonialism is essentially the paramount argument, the others being subsidiary. The "Plebeian", the bulletin of the Barisan Sosialis, contained this statement: "There is no democracy in Singapore. Singapore today is a police state. The real rulers of Singapore are the special branch of the police and the military big-wigs, whose main function is to oppress the people of Singapore and the whole of South-East Asia"." Here is another quotation: "The Malaysia Plan is a British plot to prolong colonial domination in South-East Asia, It is really a military plan for aggression and is an extension of the working room of S.E.A.T.O." And another: "Malaysia is neo-colonialism. It is a strategic bloc meant to prolong colonial domination and to frustrate the legitimate aspirations of the people of the region." Finally there is this: "In South-East Asia today British Imperialists hope to continue and prolong colonial domination through Malaysia. We must expose them. We must struggle against them. The strength of the masses is invincible. History must advance … Nothing can stop the will of the people." I could give many more such quotations as evidence to support my contention that, whatever may be said about other arguments against federation, this is the strongest of all. So that even were a referendum conceded and as a result of it a substantial majority indicated its support for federation, that would not alter this main argument which opposition parties would continue to advance. It does not depend on whether a majority of the people are for federation or against it. This argument would still be emphasised, as indeed it was when we visited Singapore and other parts of that area.

I am willing to admit that the opposition is quite sincere. But I do not think that carries us very far. For what are they sincere? Hon. Members opposite are desirous of defeating the party on this side of the House at a General Election, and we desire to defeat the party opposite. So that statement carries us nowhere. Communists are sincere. I believe that Chinese communists sincerely desire to expand their influence and to aggress. That merely means that they mean what they say and what they want to do. I believe the opposition in Malaysia wish to frustrate this attempted association of South-East Asian territories in order that thus they can advance the objectives of the Indonesian Communist Party and other parties of the same kind which exist in that part of the world.

We must not forget that only a few years ago the whole of Malaya was racked with what was called Communist terrorism. I was in the area towards the end of that period. I visited many of the compounds and camps and I saw even young girls of 17 or 18 who had been rounded up as collaborators. When I went into the rubber plantations I saw trees to which Indian Tamil rubber tappers had been tied and their throats cut to serve as an example to other rubber tappers of what might happen to them unless they collaborated with the Chinese Communists. I think that 95 per cent. of those who were rounded up were Chinese Communists. We must not forget what happened during that period only a few years ago. I am glad that now it is over. But I should like to know the whereabouts of the sympathisers with the organisations that existed then.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan (fl.1294-1295)


text: Hansard of Parliament of the United Kingdom (1963) - Malaysia Bill


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, Abel


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, Alice Mary


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, Anthony


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, Charles (1575-1642)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, Daniel


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, George Cadogan


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, Hector Davies


text:
Page:Richard Nixon's presidential daily calendar - 1969.djvu/826

 * }


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/White, Edward Douglass

WHITE, Edward Douglass, American jurist: b. parish of Lafourche, La., 3 Nov. 1845. He was educated at Mount Saint Mary's College, Maryland, and at the Jesuit College in New Orleans and during the Civil War served in the Confederate army. He subsequently studied law and was admitted to the Louisiana bar. He was State senator in 1874; associate justice of the Supreme Court in Louisiana in 1878, and United States senator in 1889-94. While still a member of the Senate he was appointed an associate justice of the United States Supreme Court, and 12 Dec. 1910 he was created chief justice. His opinions on trust cases and the Sherman law added much to his reputation. He owed his position to his ability, being advanced first by President Cleveland and later by President Taft.


text:
Page:Wrightapril171903.jpg

 Established in 1892

1127 West Third Street

Dayton, Ohio.

The Smithsonian Institution

 * Washington, D.C.

Answering the letter of Mr. Hodge dated April 11, will say that I have no objection to the republication of the address entitled "Some aeronautical experiments", and I presume the society in whose journal it was first printed would likewise consent.

The plates used in illustrating it are the property of the Western Society of Engineers and it is entirely probable that their loan could be obtained by writing the secretary, Mr. J. H. Warden, Monadnock Building, Chicago. The Scientific American of New York also has a few plates some of which are rather better than those used in the Journal. I enclosed a set of prints from which new plates may be made if deemed advisable. Within a few days, I will send two copies of the address as you requested, with any notes or corrections that our later experience may suggest.

Wilbur Wright

title: Page:Wrightapril171903.jpg


text:
Page:Lindigo.djvu/112

112 The fourth was also young, and a powerful-looking man, but much fairer, who wore several articles of European clothing, and carried a musket.

These formidable characters stood in the cave facing the maid, who sternly maintained her station before the couch, when, after a few threatening imprecations, the old chief advanced, and, pushing her on one side, she gave a loud scream, flung herself on her charge, giving vent to supplicating exclamations, which arrested the old warrior, and seemed to affect him for a while.

On seeing this the warrior with the musket put in some demonstrations apparently unfavorable to Charlie, and seeming to incite the chief in his first intentions, when the young girl sprung up and retaliated upon the last speaker in words which evidently carried force and argument, and which turned affairs somewhat in her favor.

Charlie now stood up by the side of his protectress, and, with supplications for mercy in his defenceless state, evoked their clemency by many signs and words, impressing upon them his late shipwreck, and being saved from drowning by the brave girl at his side.

A visible change took place in the looks of the spectators at this appeal; the old chief and the two young warriors were evidently favorable to Charlie and his protectress, but the half-civilised savage was unquestionably antagonistic in the highest degree; for, on seeing the tables turned, he rushed from the cave muttering threats of future revenge, and which for the moment affected the others with awe and dread. However, after another exhortation from the young girl, their peaceable intention again manifested itself towards the castaway, and, laving down their arms, a long conversation took place between them and the girl, the subject of which seemed to be the "pakeha" or white man. At the conclusion of this deliberation, the young girl, with a countenance beaming with joy, intimated to Charlie that he was now at liberty to leave the cave, and follow them to a place where he would be furnished with better accommodation, and free from annoyance for the future.

title: Page:Lindigo.djvu/112


text: Lindigo, the White Woman/Chapter 14

title: Lindigo, the White Woman/Chapter 14


text:
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 * }


text: Wilbur Wright letter (April 17, 1903)

title: Wilbur Wright letter (April 17, 1903)


text:
Page:Wright brothers papers - wrightmay301899.djvu/1

 Established in 1892

Dayton, Ohio.

The Smithsonian Institution,

 * Washington

 * Dear Sirs:

I have been interested in the problem of mechanical and human flight ever since as a boy I constructed a number of bats of various sizes after the style of Cayley's and Penaud's machines. My observations since have only convinced me more firmly that human flight is possible and practicable. It is only a question of knowledge and skill just as in all acrobatic feats. Birds are the most perfectly trained gymnasts in the world and are specially well fitted for their work, and it may be that man will never equal them, but no one who has watched a bird chasing an insect or another bird can doubt that feats are performed which require three or four times the effort required in ordinary flight. I believe that simple flight at least is possible to man and that the experiments and investigations of a large number of independent workers will result in the accumulation of information and knowledge and skill which will finally lead to accomplished flight.

The works on the subject to which I have had access


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Page:Wright brothers papers - wrightmay301899.djvu/2

Established in 1892

Dayton, Ohio.undefined are Marey's and Jamieson's books published by Appleton's and various magazines and cyclopaedic articles. I am about to begin a systematic study of the subject in preparation for practical work to which I expect to devote what time I can spare from my regular business. I wish to obtain such papers as the Smithsonian Institution has published on this subject, and if possible a list of other works in print in the English language. I am an enthusiast, but not a crank in the sense that I have some pet theories as to the proper construction of a flying machine. I wish to avail myself of all that is already known and then if possible add my mite to help on the future workers who will attain final success. I do not know the terms on which you send out your publications but if you will inform me of the cost I will remit the price.

Yours truly

/s/ Wilbur Wright


text: Wilbur Wright letter (May 30, 1899)

title: Wilbur Wright letter (May 30, 1899)


text:
Page:Lindigo.djvu/113

Rh

The part of New Zealand on which Charlie Stuart had been cast away had seldom been visited by Europeans, the coast being too wild to admit of any vessel approaching it.

The tribe by which it was inhabited were very warlike, and headed by a powerful chief named Tomato, the father of two sons and one daughter (Pamul), who had so bravely rescued the castaway from drowning, and from the patvo-patvo (clubs) of the father and brothers.

Another and more influential chief named Honi Hiki, held great sway over the others, whose lands adjoined Tomato's, and who had intercourse with the whites for a long time, consequently he had become somewhat conversant with civilized customs.

This shrewd and cunning chief, viewed with jealousy the rapid progress of civilization, the footing the Pakehas were gaining among his countrymen, and the valuable lands which they became possessed of in exchange for trifling articles of commerce. He therefore entered into a secret league with many other powerful chiefs, whose minds he endeavoured to corrupt in order to drive the white people into the sea, and thus regain possession of the land.

Being gifted with a good address, coupled with skill and judgment in warlike matters, having also firearms and ammunition distributed freely among his tribe, he soon gained the co-operation of several neighbouring chiefs.

Tomato had been for some time a rival chief, and was often at war with him, but being anxious to ally himself with such a powerful chief, who would so ably promote his plans, Honi Hiki endeavoured to bring him also in the league, and for this purpose he proposed for the hand of Pamul, the old chief's daughter, who was considered the greatest beauty among his countrywomen.

It was on this account that he was now a visitor at Tomato's, and was the person who appeared so anxious for the death of Charlie at the cave.

title: Page:Lindigo.djvu/113


text:
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 Kitty Hawk, Oct. 20th

Prof. S. P. Langley, L.L.D.

Washington, D.C.

Dear Sir:

Your telegram reached us today after being somewhat delayed by the fact that the telegraph office is nearly five miles from our camp. We have arranged to break camp at the end of this week and shall probably do no gliding after Friday, as it will take one day, at least, to pack and store machines & goods. As it would be exceedingly doubtful, owing to miserable transportation facilities, whether you could


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 reach here before that time, and as there would be the additional risk of bad weather for the single day that you might possibly be with us, we did not think it advisable to telegraph you to come on.

We shall if possible arrange to stop a day in Washington on our way home.

With kind regards.

Yours truly

/s/ Wilbur Wright


text:
Page:Lindigo.djvu/114

114 On revealing his intentions to Tomato, and laying his plans before him for the extermination of the Pakehas, whom he described as being a race of robbers, Honi Hiki became the accepted of Pamul, although she was adverse to the match, knowing well the wily chiefs disposition. However, she knew it was no use objecting, as she would be compelled to submit to parental authority. Being a great favourite of her father's, she obtained permission to put off the nuptials for a few days, which was some relief to her.

It was on the morning appointed for her marriage that she sought the solitude of her bathing place (which was held sacred) to give vent to her despair for the sacrifice she was on the eve of making, by becoming the bride of the man she hated. In the midst of her lamentations, while praying that some young warrior would come and take her away to some distant isle, her quick eye caught the castaway clinging to the boat, and calling out for aid.

Under the influence of her romantic inspiration, she plunged into the sea, and swam to the rescue. With great expertness she soon arrived at the spot where Charlie sank, and immediately dived and brought him to the surface.

It was now that her judgment and powers of swimming were put to the test, for although the drowning man could breath, he was too much exhausted to assist himself, and it was not until her slaves came to her assistance that she succeeded in saving him.

That evening, on the plea of indisposition, which was not feigned, she craved for three days more, which was granted to her by her father.

The experienced and quick eye of Honi Hiki, however, detected a change in the manner and looks of his intended bride; and, by bribing the simplest of her maids, he became possessed of the whole secret, notwithstanding the restrictions Pamul enforced on her slaves to the contrary.

The wily chief became greatly alarmed at this revelation, not only for fear of losing Pamul, whom he really loved, but also the consequence which might follow from the alliance of the white man with the powerful chief

title: Page:Lindigo.djvu/114


text: Wilbur Wright letter (October 20, 1902)

title: Wilbur Wright letter (October 20, 1902)


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150 and all may yet be well. It was your own fault; you gave him the elixir, and what is there in a kiss? Nothing; it is possible that it may be pure and innocent. There are men who would sooner die than do a wicked and unclean thing, and I believe this Ubertus is one of them. Did you speak, sir? Music, did you say? What music?'

'The music, Doctor, which I heard played in this room——'

'Aye, that music,' said he, beginning to laugh; 'would you like to see the musicians?'

'I greatly desire that pleasure.'

'Florian!—Florian, I say!—Florian!'

No Florian appeared. The Doctor touched a little speck on the wall; a gong sounded with a stunning sound, and immediately the attendant entered the room.

'Let the band approach,' said his master.

In a few minutes the music commenced at a distance, and gradually came nearer. The Doctor touched another speck on the wall, and to my great surprise a pair of large folding doors, of which I had not suspected the existence, opened before me. The band played a lively march, and came nearer—nearer. I expected to see at least a company of elegantly-dressed men or women, beautiful to the eyes. At length with a loud flourish it entered the room. Oh, powers of mercy! what will my readers say? There before me stood about fifty grotesque and extraordinary creatures, in the likenesses of animals and demons, hairy bears, tigers, apes, bearded goats on their hind legs, sheep, pigs, and a number still more outlandish. I was transfixed with astonishment. The Doctor roared with laughter, while the music continued, and was certainly well worth listening to. The master was a white elephant of great beauty, and he played a trumpet with considerable skill. It is impossible to describe them all; some of the players had no


text:
Author:Wilbur Wright

Works

 * Wilbur Wright letter (May 30, 1899)
 * Wilbur Wright letter (June 14, 1899)
 * Wright brothers letter (November 7, 1902) with Orville Wright
 * Wilbur Wright letter (October 20, 1902)
 * Wilbur Wright letter (April 17, 1903)
 * Wilbur Wright letter (June 8, 1903)
 * United States patent 821393

title: Author:Wilbur Wright


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Rh, but appeared to be singing with some kind of whistle in their mouths, and they ranged themselves at one end of the room, and played tune after tune well and in good time.

After playing several overtures and strange fantasies, the greater number of the musicians laid aside their instruments, and took up positions for a dance. This performance speedily gave me aching sides with laughter. A huge bear led out a woolly sheep; an old bearded goat with long horns advanced with a young chattering monkey hanging on his arm, and gracefully holding her tail in her hand; a fine dog led out a handsome smiling cat; a tall ape an interesting young pig. They danced round dances in very quick time, and hugged each other with the greatest affection. When they got tired of dancing they began a series of mock heroic single combats, sparring at and pounding each other like trained prize-fighters. Then they changed their tactics, and ran furious races round the apartment; the apes on bearback, the cats and monkeys on dogback, the opossums and little dogs on goat and kangaroo back. Now and then the bears, apes, and all rolled on the floor in the wildest confusion.

'Now build me up the Tower of Babel,' said the Doctor.

The larger creatures immediately formed a circle, holding each other's paws; then the apes and monkeys mounted on their shoulders, then the pigs and goats clambered up, and then the dogs and opossums climbed higher still, until a sharp cat, with eyes like coals of fire, mounted to the highest place, and waved her paws in the air. The circle then to the sound of a fife and drum began to move round its centre, at first slowly, but presently with accelerated pace, until it suddenly toppled over and fell to pieces with a discordant and deafening explosion of roars, growls, grunts, screams, and yells.

I was convulsed with laughter. The players quickly


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152 resumed their instruments, and fell into rank. A few words from the Doctor, I believe of thanks and encouragement, and away they marched to their quarters.

'What do you think of them?' asked the Doctor.

'They are most extraordinary, most astounding; who are they, sir?'

'They are choice specimens of the inhabitants of this place,' he answered; 'my servants and companions: they help me to pass away the gloomy time. They would like to play their music in the merry sunshine, as they did once, but they must be content with fire and lamplight now.'

It will be strongly suspected, no doubt, that this scene was contrived by the Premier of Pandapolis, and intended to be a stinging satire on our own social habits and innocent amusements; and that I, who ought to have known better, aided and abetted him in grossly insulting the civilization of the present age, by reporting such ridiculous and incredible proceedings; but I solemnly protest that I am as guiltless as an infant in its cradle of all intention of satirizing, or ridiculing, my fellow creatures, whom I love, admire, and respect. The pictures I essay to paint, and hold up before the eyes of the generous public, need not be mistaken for mirrors. My simple object is, by hook or by crook, to amuse my readers, for we must all acknowledge that the world must be amused, and kept in good humour. 'Make a man laugh while you pick his pocket,' might be sound advice from Diogenes: to please and instruct at the same time may fall to the lot of a few authors in the general crowd.

I have an affection for you, Ubertus,' the Doctor said to me, shortly after the exhibition of his acrobats, 'and I think I will let you into a few more of the secrets of our prison-house.'

I replied that anything of an amusing or refreshing nature


text:
Page:Richard Nixon's presidential daily calendar - 1969.djvu/828

 APPENDIX "A"

CONCERT BY THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BAND THE WHITE HOUSE FRIDAY, MAY 23, 1969

THE PRESIDENT:

At 10:00 a. m. you will be escorted from your office to your seat next to the First Lady in the first row of chairs in the Rose Garden.

"NOTE: The 54-member band will have begun its performance at 9:45 a.m. and your arrival will be during a brief break in the program."

The Band is directed by Dr. Bencriscutto and will have been introduced to your guests by Mr. Jacob Ganter, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Education and Cultural Affairs. (If you should decide to attend the entire concert, it is recommended that you introduce the band at 9:45 a.m.) Your guests, numbering approximately 150, will include representatives from the State Department, United States Information Agency, the Senate and House of Representatives. Ambassador Dobrynin of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics will be in attendance.

The Concert will conclude at 10:15 a.m. at which time you will deliver brief remarks of congratulation. You will then be escorted back to your office and your guests will be served refreshments in the Rose Garden.

"NOTE: There will be full press coverage and the United State Information Agency will film the concert for distribution abroad.

Suggested remarks have been prepared for your use."


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Rh would be most agreeable and acceptable to me; but without wishing or intending to offend him, I hoped to be excused from looking on horrible and repulsive things. They made me ill, very ill indeed, especially in my mind.

Come with me, then, I will keep you well; you must have more pluck: you are afraid of everything—of sickness, of poverty, of the sight of blood, poor cowardly creature! There are many things which you must look upon which will give you pain. You must drink the cup of humiliation to the dregs, and I will have no flinching. You must be discreet and silent, and breathe not a word to the Demon. He is armed with tremendous power; where he got it from Heaven only knows. But he is not omnipotent, and he does not know everything, and in some small things at least I am his match.'

He took up a lamp, and led me out into the hospital, through several gigantic apartments or wards, which were crowded with beds, and to my great surprise nearly all of these were empty. A few groans and sighs issued from some of them. He explained to me as we went on that the wounded soldiers had been healed and discharged, and that those whom I saw lying dead on the battle-field had been brought back to life, and would be ready to fight again.

'When will the next battle be fought, sir?' I asked.

'Whenever the Demon pleases. He summons his armies to a review of peace, as he calls it, but when he sees them gathered around him in all the dread panoply of war, he cannot resist the temptation of setting them by the ears. They know his mind, or suspect his intentions, and take care to come with ball-cartridges. Then the vials of wrath are uncorked, the ammunition boxes of devilish passions opened. Now they will be busy for some time in rebuilding their castles, repairing their arms, mending their carriages, casting new cannon, making rifles, bayonets, and gunpowder.


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/White, Horace

WHITE, Horace, American editor: b. Colebrook, N. H., 1834; d. New York City, Sept. 1916. He was graduated from Beloit College, Wisconsin, and from Brown University. Entering upon the career of journalism, he became city editor of the Chicago Evening Journal, correspondent of the Associated Press, and assistant secretary of the National Kansas Committee. As correspondent for the Chicago Tribune, he accompanied Abraham Lincoln on his political campaign against Douglas. He headed a syndicate for the publication of Civil War news during 1864, and from 1865-74 was editor-in-chief of the Chicago Tribune. Leaving this post, he went to New York in the capacity of treasurer of the Oregon Railway and Navigation Company. He was one of the founders of the New York Evening Post, acting first as head of the company, and later (1899-1903) as editor-in-chief, retiring as editor emeritus. In 1909 he was appointed by Governor Hughes to serve on the New York State Commission on Speculation in Securities and Commodities. As an author he published several noteworthy works, including ‘Money and Banking’ (1895); ‘Life of Lyman Trumbull’ (1913), and edited several French and Italian works on finance.


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154 What a fiendish thing is war! How the demons delight in it, and how soon men become demons who indulge in it unjustly. Look, there lies your friend Astoragus!'

I started at the name. On a bed in a remote corner lay a human figure. He was awake, and moaning piteonsly. I pitied him in my heart, and asked my guide if I might speak to him.

'Certainly,' he replied, 'but don't go too near him,'

I went to his bedside and found it necessary to muster up all my courage; the fellow had been so insignificant to look at, and yet had contrived to be so detestably venomous. I addressed him thus:

'Astoragus, I am sorry for you; these are the wages you earn by being a larrikin. Why does the power of inflicting pain on those who are not interfering with you give you pleasure? Would it not be more manly and noble in you, and in those whom you induce to follow your evil example, to try and improve your minds, and so become useful members of society? I come not here to triumph over you, or add to your punishment. The very best of men are liable to fall, but the path of redemption lies open to the very worst. Your treatment of me was undeserved and unnecessary; but I bear you no malice—farewell!'

He seemed entirely subdued, and did not answer a word. When I rejoined the Doctor, he nearly burst out laughing in my face. I thought he was rather cruel, but said nothing.

'You did not "poor fellow" him again, did you?' he asked, as he led the way onward.

I replied: 'Ah! my dear friend, we are all liable to error; I do not like over-severe punishments.'

'What do you say to this, then?' said he, as he opened a secret, door in the wall by which we were passing.

The terror of Bluebeard's wife, when she beheld the


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Rh mangled remains of that hero's former spouses, lying in ghastly heaps in the forbidden closet, was nothing to mine when I saw the interior of that secret chamber. A gigantic wheel was revolving, filling half the space, its diameter reaching from the floor to the ceiling. Chains and ropes were attached to this, by which the bodies of those miserable beings who were sentenced to undergo this punishment were secured. As the wheel revolves it carries the wretches up with it and down again, mangling them twice in every revolution. In addition to this 'Mangling done here,' every victim receives a sharp electric shock when he is drawn between the wheel and the ceiling, and again between the wheel and the floor. That is why it is called the Electric Wheel.

'Does it not kill them, Doctor?' I presumed to inquire, trembling.

'No,' he replied, 'they cannot be killed, but they can be shocked and flattened. This is how we punish traitors, agitators, and disturbers of the public peace in the city of Pandapolis. The wheel is also frequently turned by back-biters, liars, slanderers, plunderers, and enraged women when they have a victim whom they wish to punish.

'I am about to introduce you,' he resumed as we went on, 'to a number of great persons whom you will be surprised to see and to know, especially in this place; men who achieved their own greatness, and were therefore deserving of the rewards which the world had to bestow, but did not get them in every case; men who were born great; and men who had greatness thrust upon them. It is a strange thing in our eyes that one man should be born a king, another a beggar; one a genius, another a fool; one a good man, another a villain. But these are things we cannot help, and I suppose they are finally settled by the great law of compensation.'


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now left the large rooms, and entered a series of dark and narrow passages which had evidently been cut through the solid rock, and they brought us, after many turnings and windings, to the foot of a steep staircase. My mysterious leader began to descend, telling me to be careful, and not fall back again. His caution was not unnecessary, for I found the ascent very difficult and dangerous, and in the poor light afforded by his single lamp I stumbled and fell forward several times. The steps were rugged and unequal in height, and seemed to wind round in a large circle. At last they came to an end, and a solid wall barred our further progress.

'How is this?' he said; 'have we come up the wrong stairs? What will happen to us if the lamp should go out? Here, hold it; you are trembling. Oh, you are a brave soldier! A thousand recruits like you under Bonaparte would conquer the universe. Take the lamp, and take care!' I took it accordingly, trying with all my might to be brave; and I had scarcely done so when it went out. Oh, darkness, blackness of the horrible pit! ye are bright moon light, compared to this.

'What have you done?' roared the Doctor in a terrible voice.


text: Artabanzanus/Chapter 10

title: Artabanzanus/Chapter 10


text:
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Rh 'I do not know; the lamp went out of itself; perhaps my hand shook; perhaps, sir, Astoragus has followed us.'

'May all the devils——' he said; 'but I beg pardon—let us be brave. Misfortunes will happen. But how, in the name of all that is frightful—how shall we find our way back again? How shall we get down these rugged steps?'

'In the name of all that is bright, noble, and true,' I answered, 'we shall get down safely; but my pockets are empty of matches, and I do not know what we shall do. Doctor Julius—if that is your name—have I offended you? Have you resolved on my destruction?'

'Hush, you foolish boy; why should I destroy you? Have I not saved you? You do not know my power. Mind what you say. We are about to enter a glorious presence. We are going to see Helen! Be brave and fear nothing.' I could now hear him breathing in a short and peculiar manner, as if he himself were affrighted. 'Come nearer,' he said; 'give me your hand; take care of that lamp!' My heart was beating with a wild fear. I heard a click, and then a harsh grating sound as if a heavy door were being turned on rusty hinges, and then my guide trying the ground with his feet.

'There is a step here. Stop that shaking; come forward, bend low, now up with you!'

I obeyed without doubting him; it would not have served me had I doubted and mistrusted him. I was in his power. I found myself now standing on a soft carpet, and heard the heavy door shutting again, with another great pang of terror. All was of a pitchy blackness, and dreadful silence reigned around, which my friend did not disturb for some minutes.

'Shut your eyes,' said he at last.

'There is no need, sir,' I was foolish enough to reply; 'there is nothing here to dazzle them.'

'Shut your eyes, I tell you,' he repeated more severely;


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158 'how long will it be before you learn to obey my commands?'

I did as he required. He now began to speak, as if to himself, in a language which was quite strange to me. After uttering a few sentences, he addressed me again:

'Are your eyes shut?'

'They cannot be faster or closer, Doctor.'

Then he stamped energetically on the floor, and, behold! a flood of brilliant light, splendid to me even through my closed eyelids, illuminated the place.

'Open them now cautiously,' he whispered; and immediately added in a loud voice, 'These be thy gods, oh Israel!'

Completely dazzled by the unexpected glare which now assailed me, I was obliged to put my hand over my face. The fixed and unmistakable evidence of sight is before me still, and never will it be effaced. My conductor and I stood side by side in a very large cave or hall, furnished like a magnificent drawing-room, with a number of handsome lamps burning on tables, giving forth brilliant light of a pale red colour. Around the walls, and in deep recesses, were seated several figures of ladies and gentlemen, in various life-like attitudes, and under a lofty canopy at one end were enthroned four ladies and two gentlemen, and at their feet sat two lovely children—a boy and a girl.

'Father, mother, Agnes, Mr. St. Clair—! let me introduce Mr. Oliver Ubertus, a stranger from the surface of the earth, and an esteemed friend of mine. Bid him welcome!' said the Doctor with becoming gravity. And when I bowed low, and fully expected them to return my salutation, not one of them spoke a word or moved.

After a few moments spent in silently contemplating the lovely group, he turned to me and said: 'This is my private retreat, my oratory, drawing-room, treasure-house, exhibition,


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Rh or what you please. I have done my duty; I have introduced you to my friends, and they take no notice of you. Father, mother, Helen, this is Oliver Ubertus, come from the upper world to see and hear you, and you will not speak to him!'

Under the canopy of lofty state, adorned with countless barbaric gems, silver, gold, and pearls, they sat motionless statues, yet so real and life-like that I believed they were flesh and blood of the most refined and delicate description. They had no appearance of being ordinary waxen figures got up as a catch-penny show to charm the taste of the curious crowd. A globe of pale pearly light hung above their heads, and smaller globes surrounded the canopy, so that the bright rays as it were of three or four full moons played upon their features. The scene was enchanting. The ladies were elegantly attired in flowing robes of the purest white, with scarlet and blue sashes around their waists, and ornamented mantles folded round their bosoms. She on the right represented a fine woman, handsome and robust, and of mature years. Next to her sat a gentleman whose appearance was stern, yet honest and manly, dressed in the ordinary civilian's costume of the Cromwellian period. On his left hand was seated a young lady with plain features, and by her side another lady, whose pale and delicate countenance told the sad tale of a deeply-seated inward grief, and next to her—could I trust the evidence of my senses?—the charming girl of my dream! I felt, as before, that her exquisite beauty could not be described in words. She had long, silken, golden hair flowing over her shoulders; her eyes were of the brightest blue, sparkling with the rays of immortality; her whole figure was that of an angel of light. I thought of Helen of Troy, but my soul revolted from the thought; then of Helena, the mother of Constantine, and then of that Helena who said:


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Page:Wiltshire, Extracted from Domesday Book.djvu/78

[ 30 ] 9. Rex tenetRuteelve. ''Ghida tenuit T. R. E. it geldabat pro 37 hidis cum appendicibus uis. Terra et 27 carucatæ et dimidium. In dominio unt 19 hidæ, et ibi 12 carucatæ et 37 ervi. Ibi 28 villani et 40 bordarii cum 14 carucatis. Ibi 5 molini de 72 olidis, et 112 acræ prati. Patura 3 leucæ et dimidium longæ, et una leuca et dimidium lata. Silva i leuca longa et dimidium leucæ latum. Valuit et valet 32 libras et 10 olidos. Hujus manerii eccleiam babet S. Wandregiilus cum 2 hidis terræ, et ibi et una carucata et dimidium. Valet 40 olidi.''

10. Rex tenet Aldeborne''. Ghida tenuit T. R. E. et geldavit pro 40 bidis. Terra et 45'' carucutæ


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160

But I could not find a parallel to the Helen now before me.

'Ubertus,' said the Doctor, 'this gentleman represents my honoured father, who was a merchant of some note in the city of London, in the days of King Charles the First. This lady of mature age is the likeness of one of the best and sweetest of mothers; this is my only sister Agnes, and this girl—see how fresh, how fair, how beautiful she is!—is the image of my Helen. This gentleman represents her father, and this melancholy lady her mother. These children are effigies of my twin brother Charles, and of Helen's twin sister Clara, who died when they were children. They will not greet you now, nor will this Helen say, "Welcome, thou who hast seen the Star of Victory!" I can do a great many things, and can command the services of artists who are cunning workmen in marble and alabaster, and silver and gold. These figures are as perfect likenesses as I could make them, and I have given them all I had to give—beauty and riches, society and a splendid dwelling-place; but I cannot give them life. I would not give it to them if I could, unless I were sure of being able to take them away into the light of heaven. Can you help me to leave this place? All the wealth which you see here—and it has been valued at twenty millions sterling—I will give you if you can help me to see the glorious light of the sun once more.'

My tears fell. 'My friend and preserver,' I exclaimed, 'I would to God, solemnly and fervently, that I could help you to leave this place, not for the wealth contained in this bill, but for the gratitude and love I bear to you, and the pain I feel at seeing you detained here for ages, a prisoner against your will. If it is the will and pleasure of the Almighty that you shall leave it, you certainly shall when the time comes. If it is not His will my help would be in


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Caldecott, John


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Page:Wiltshire, Extracted from Domesday Book.djvu/79

[ 31 ] 9. The King holds Ruteelve. Ghida held it T.R.E. and it was aeed, with all it's appendages, at 37 hides. Here are 27 ploughlands and a half. Nineteen of thee hides are in demene, wherein are 12 ploughlands and 37 ervants. Twenty-eight villagers and 40 borderers occupy 14 ploughlands. Here are 5 mills of the value of 72 hillings, and 112 acres of meadow. The pature is 5 miles and a quarter long, and 2 miles and a quarter broad. The wood is a mile and a half long, and three quarters of a mile broad. It was worth, and is till worth 32 pounds and 10 hillings. Saint Wandregiil holds the church of this manor with 2 hides, wherein are 2 ploughlands and a half. It is worth 40 hillings.

10. The King holds Aldeborne. Ghida held it T.R.E. and it was aeed at 40 hides. Here are 45 ploughlands. Eighteen of thee hides are in demene, wherein are 10 lands,


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Civil Rights Bills

CIVIL RIGHTS BILLS. 1. An act to carry out the intention of the 13th Amendment, prohibiting slavery — which it was alleged the Southern States were attempting to nullify by public and private action — and secure the political equality of the ex-slaves with the whites. It provided that all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians not taxed, were citizens of the United States and entitled to the same immunities, irrespective of race or color, or previous condition of servitude, except as punishment for crime; punished as a misdemeanor any deprival of such right under color of State law; transferred cognizance of such cases from the State to the Federal courts; entrusted the execution of the act to national officers only, and fined them for refusal; punished resistance to the officers; provided for fees; empowered the President to send officers to any district where the act was likely to be violated, and to call out the national forces to execute it; but permitted an appeal to the Supreme Court. Significantly, it employed somewhat the same means to emancipate the negro which the Fugitive Slave Law did to re-enslave him, especially in overriding or supplanting State officers; and for the same reason — they could not be trusted in the sections where it was to be enforced. The bill was passed in the Senate 2 Feb. 1866, 33 to 12; in the House 13 March, 111 to 38. Andrew Johnson vetoed it 27 March, and it was passed by the requisite two-thirds over his veto, in the Senate 6 April and in the House 9 April. Even so, the debate had brought out

two grave doubts of its constitutionality that the protection of civil rights under the Constitution belonged not to Congress but to the States, and that under the Dred Scott decision (which stood as a precedent for the Supreme Court until reversed), negroes could not become citizens even by emancipation. This led to the proposal of the 14th Amendment (see, Amendments), which passed both Houses in June.

2. An act extending the foregoing to the exclusion of negroes from juries and from equal privileges in schools, public conveyances, hotels, theatres, etc. This had been persistently urged by Charles Sumner, for some years before his death; was offered as an amendment to the Amnesty Bill of 1872, and lost by only one vote; again introduced into the House in December, and referred to a committee; on 30 April 1874, a few weeks after Sumner's death, it passed the Senate, but the House rejected it; it finally passed both Houses in February 1875 and was signed 1 March. For an account of its partial invalidation, see next article.


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Civil Rights Cases

CIVIL RIGHTS CASES. These were five test cases in the United States Supreme Court of the constitutionality of sections 1 and 2 of the second Civil Rights Bill, described above; decided in one group, October term, 1893, and reported and cited under the title above. All came up from Circuit Courts; three on certificates of division of opinion, two on appeal for error; and while the decision on the act was adverse to all, and the first three were found for defendant, the error was admitted and the decision given for plaintiff in the last two. Two of them were for hotel discrimination, two for theatre discrimination, one for railroad discrimination; the first four submitted 7 Nov. 1882, the last one 29 March 1883. The cases were: U. S. v. Murray Stanley, from the Kansas district: hotel case. U. S. v. Michael Ryan, California district: refusing a negro a seat in the dress circle of Maguire's Theatre, San Francisco. U. S. v. Samuel Nichols, Western Missouri district: hotel case. U. S. v. Samuel D. Singleton, southern New York district; refusing a negro a seat in the Grand Opera House, New York. Richard A. Robinson and Sallie A. Robinson, his wife, against the Memphis and Charleston Railroad Company: refusal to allow the wife a seat in the ladies' car from Grand Junction, Tenn., to Lynchburg, Va. The decision of the court was given by Justice Bradley, Harlan dissenting. The terms of the first section of the act are that “All persons within the jurisdiction of the United States shall be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, etc., of inns, public conveyances by land or water, theatres and other places of public amusement,” and that laws must be “applicable alike to citizens of every race and color, regardless of previous condition of servitude.” The second section affixes penalties. The court held that these two sections are unconstitutional as applied to the States, not being founded on either the 13th or 14th Amendment (see, Amendments): the former merely prohibits slavery, which is not constituted by a denial of civil equality; the latter is prohibitory merely on the States, not on individuals, and it was not alleged that the discrimination was

made under State laws. Congressional legislation for enforcing the latter amendment is not direct legislation, but corrective, counteracting or redressing State legislation of a sort forbidden by the amendment. For private injury from discriminations, the remedy must be sought in State laws — to withdraw it from which was the precise object of the act.


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 ''carucatæ. In dominio unt 18 hidæ, et ibi 10 carucatæ et 25 ervi, et 15 coliberti. Ibi 73 villani, et 38 cozets, cum 26 carucatis. Ibi 4 molini de 16 olidis, et 8 denariis. Pratum 1 leuca longa et 5 quarantenæ lata. Patura una leuca longa et dimidium leucæ latum. Silva 2 leuca longa, et dimidium leuca latum. Huic manerio pertinent 6 burgenes in Crichelade reddentes 64 denarios. Hoc manerium reddit 70 libras ad penum ed ab Anglis non appreciatur nii 60 libræ ad numerum. Ad eccleiam hujus manerii pertinient 2 hidæ. Terra 2 carucatæ. Has habet prebyter ejudem eccleiæ et valet ojolidi.''

11. Rex tenet Coeham.'' Toti Comes tenuit T. R. E. Ibi unt 34 hidæ; ed pro hidis 18 reddebat geldam. Terra et 5o carucatæ. In dominio unt 11 hidæ, et ibi unt 7 carucata et 10 ervi. Ibi 65 villani et 48 cozets, et 9 cotarii'' cum


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Civil Rights

CIVIL RIGHTS. See.


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Civil Service

CIVIL SERVICE, that branch of the public service which includes all executive offices not connected with the army or navy. The term is not applied to the direct representatives of the people, as the President of the United States or the governor of a State. Owing to the complexity of modern government and the variety of its functions, the civil service has become very complex, and the problem of its effective administration a difficult one.

In Great Britain the service comprises various departments, such as the home office, the foreign office, the war office, admiralty, post office, customs, excise, etc. Formerly, appointments to the civil service in Great Britain were the gift of the executive government, and were obtained by influence, while the bestowal of them was used as a means of gaining parliamentary support on behalf of the government. Those appointed were not generally called upon to show whether they were competent or not. In 1855 examinations were instituted to test the efficiency of all candidates for subordinate posts; but for some time candidates were specially nominated for those posts. As more than one might be nominated for a post, competition was gradually introduced, and in 1870, it was directed that appointments in the civil service should (with certain exceptions) be filled by open competition, as was already the case with appointments in the Indian civil service. The appointments to what are known as clerkships in the civil service are divided into two classes or divisions, with different age limits and salaries. In the higher division, while the examinations are more severe, the salaries are much better; the two divisions are kept quite distinct; and it is rare for a person to be promoted from the lower to the higher. For a number of appointments open to competition special qualifications, scientific or technical, are necessary, while there is also a special limit of age. A large number of subordinate appointments in the postal and telegraph service, the excise, etc., are on a different footing from the clerkships just mentioned and are not so well paid. All persons who have served in an established capacity in the permanent civil service are given a pension, varying with the length of service, at the time of retirement. The total expenditure of the civil service of Great Britain is about $90,000,000.

In the United States the Constitution provides that the President, “with the advice and consent of the Senate,” shall appoint all officers of the United States whose appointments are not otherwise provided for by the Constitution. This gives the chief executive power to choose the heads of departments, as well as their subordinates. In the separate States the appointive power of the chief executive is much more limited. The heads of the State departments such as the attorney-general and comptroller, etc., are elected by the people, and usually have the constitutional right to select most of their own subordinates. The governor

therefore appoints only his own secretaries, etc., members of commissions, heads of bureaus and the like. With the development of party government in the United States, the patronage placed in the hands of elected officers through their power of appointment has led to the giving of offices as a reward for party service (the spoils system) and to considerable inefficiency and unnecessary expense in public administration. A reform is being brought about by the appointment of officials according to merit in public examinations. (See ). On 30 June 1915 the civil service positions under the Federal government numbered 454,116, of which 9,692 were appointed by the President. To these may be added 28,605 positions under the civil government of the Panama Canal Zone, making a total of 482,721 positions in the government service.


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Civil Service Reform

CIVIL SERVICE REFORM, the improvement of the civil service in methods of appointment, rules of conduct, etc.; in the United States, the movement for the appointment of public servants according to their fitness for their work, rather than their services to the party in power.

In the year 1835 a debate took place in the Senate of the United States on the condition of the civil service, and especially an the abuse of the power of appointment and removal to serve party ends instead of public ends. Among the senators who took part in the debate were the three whom history has judged the strongest in that famous body, Daniel Webster of Massachusetts, Henry Clay of Kentucky and John C. Calhoun of South Carolina. Differing widely in their views of party policy and rivals in ambition, they were of one mind as to the true nature of the public service and as to the errors and evils that had crept into it. Mr. Webster, then in the prime of his young manhood, had already won the title of the “Great Expounder of the Constitution.” He thus stated the idea in which the others heartily joined: “The theory of our institutions is plain; it is that government is an agency created for the good of the people, and that every person in office is the agent and servant of the people. Offices are created, not for the benefit of those who are to fill them, but for the public convenience.”

There is no doubt that this is indeed the true theory of our institutions. It is to be found in all the early writings of the men who formed the government. It is the basis of the Declaration of Independence, that “governments are instituted among men” to secure the rights of “the governed” from whose consent “they derive their just powers.” When our national government was founded it was the only one in which offices were not a privilege, but a trust, imposed by the choice of the people and for their sole interest. Neither birth nor rank nor wealth gave any title to them. Each of the men who held them was intended to be, in the words of Webster, “the agent and the servant of the people.”

This theory had grown out of the needs of the American people, and fitted them closely. As colonists they had had to work and fight hard for the right to live and the means to live as free men in a wild land, far from the homes of their fathers, amid many perils and

hardships. There was no ruling class among them. To attend to the common business of each little settlement, they were led to choose among their own number the agents best fitted for the task. These in the early days were, as in the towns of New England they still are, “select-men,” “trustees.” The name shows what was expected of them, and what was their title to employment. As the towns were grouped in counties and the counties in States, the public business grew, became more complex and required a larger number of agents with different duties and powers, but the idea held. They were still agents, selected men, trustees. From the most modest unpaid village or town officer to the President of the United States, the commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the nation and its representative in the eyes of the world, no man in the public service in this country is anything but the agent, the trustee of the people.

One result of the growth of the public business has been that only a small part of the agents for doing this business are chosen directly by the people. Those thus chosen are entrusted with the employment or appointment of a very large number of others. The chief difference between the two classes is that those elected are expected to carry on the public business in a way that the majority of the voters are in general agreed upon. They are the choice of the majority party and, so far as the rights of all permit, they are the agents of that party. When the views and wishes of the majority change, these agents are usually changed also. But the far greater number of agents for doing the public business are appointed or employed. The duties of nearly all these are the same no matter what may be the policy of the majority party. In the national government, for instance, the main work for those in office, except the highest, is the collection and expenditure of the taxes. The taxes are collected on goods brought into this country for sale or on goods made here for sale; in other words, customs, duties, and internal revenue taxes. Parties differ widely as to which class of taxes should be the higher, and as to how high the custom duties should be. But all parties agree that the taxes of all sorts should be collected according to law honestly and fairly, that the money should be carefully accounted for and none of it stolen or wasted. Agents for this purpose need to be good business men of character and ability; they do not need to be of one party or another. Again, the Post-Office Department does a great part of the business of the government. It collects mail matter of all kinds, transports it, delivers it at home or abroad, makes large payments on money orders and sells the stamps by which the cost of its work is paid. As to this work, there is no difference at all between parties and there has never been. The agents engaged in it need only to be honest and efficient. They do not need to be of one party or another. In all offices where the duties are of this sort, it is plain that those engaged in them should be selected for merit only, promoted as the service requires and removed only for failure or incapacity to do their work in the best manner.

Such a policy would answer to Webster's statement of the theory of our institutions and to the practice of the early Presidents.

declared: “In every nomination to office I have endeavored, so far as my own knowledge extended or information could be obtained, to make fitness of character my primary object.” In the first 39 years of the history of the government the six Presidents made only 112 removals. A few years later, when Webster had to define anew the true theory of the public service, a very different practice had grown up. It was frankly described in that same debate by Mr. Marcy, a senator from New York. He said: “The politicians of the United States are not so fastidious as some gentlemen are as to disclosing the principles on which they act. They see nothing wrong in the rule that to the victor belongs the spoils of the enemy.” This theory is plainly the opposite of the true one. Under it elections do not merely settle the policy of the country, as to which parties may unselfishly differ. They become contests for spoils as well and tend to become more and more contests for spoils and less disputes as to principle. The spoils are the offices, the places of trust and these tend to be given not to those best fitted to perform their duties, but to those who have claims on the party. The service is hurt by putting out tried men and putting in untried men and since the untried men are chosen for other reasons than fitness, they are apt to be poorer officers. Since they owe their employment to party favor and do not get it on their merits, they are likely to be less faithful and less honest. They are liable to be turned out at the next election and they are tempted to make all they can from their places. The offices tend to be regarded as created not “for the public convenience” but “for the benefit of those who fill them.” The service tends to become poorer, less honest, more costly. Any large private business conducted in this way would surely come to disaster. So would the business of the government if it had not the pockets of the taxpayers to draw from.

The Spoils System. — The spoils system prevailed in the service of the United States government for about a half-century after 1830. It also prevailed in greater or less degree in the service of the several States and of the larger cities. It was not confined to any one party. All were more or less corrupted by it. The effect on the politics of the country was very bad. The pressure for public employment, always strong, became extreme. Probably the election of 1860 was as largely decided by moral conviction as any in the history of the country. Yet, one month after he took office, President Lincoln groaned under the burden of this pressure. “I wish,” he wrote, in his simple phrase, “I could get time to attend to the Southern question. I think I know what is wanted and believe I could do something toward quieting the rising discontent, but the office-seekers demand all my time, I am like a man so busy letting rooms in one end of his house that he cannot stop to put out the fire that is burning in the other.” In the crisis of the war for the Union he was visited by a committee of New York politicians, intent on patronage. The chairman opened his address with a reference to the “awful burden of the nation's fate weighing on the president.” “Gentlemen,” interrupted Mr. Lincoln, “it is not the fate of the nation that worries me most just now; it is your pesky post office.” These incidents throw a strong

light on the waste of time, of money and of strength imposed by the spoils system. The degradation and pollution of politics were even worse effects. The office-holders, living on the spoils of the place and greedy for more, seized the organization of their party, whichever it happened to be, and made the free exercise of honest preference among the voters difficult and often impossible. The scramble between factions in the party in possession became as intense as between opposing parties. In the custom house in New York, five collectors of the same party made 1,878 removals in a period of 1,565 business days and the service grew steadily worse. In 1881, Guiteau, an office-seeker from New York, where a bitter factional fight had long been raging, half-crazed with disappointed greed, assassinated President Garfield, to whom charged his failure.

The Merit System. — This proved the turning point. At the next session of Congress bills were introduced for the establishment of the merit system and a law was passed in January 1883. It was entitled “An Act to Regulate and Improve the Civil Service of the United States.” The object of the law was to secure appointment and promotion in the service for fitness. For this purpose appointments were to be made from those graded highest as the results of open competitive examinations, the appointments being made final only after a period of probation or trial. This system was to be extended throughout the service as fast and as far as the President should direct. When any part of the service was to be brought under the system, it was to be arranged in classes by order of the President; hence the term “classified service” means, under the law, the part of the service in which the merit system is applied. Within the classified service, the examinations for appointment and for promotion are chiefly competitive; that is to say a list, called an “eligible list,” is made of all applicants passing a fixed grade, in the order of their standing, and a selection is made by the appointing officer from the three highest on this list. This selection is for the period of probation or trial, six months, at the end of which term, if his conduct and capacity are satisfactory, the probationer is absolutely appointed; if not, he is discharged. Non-competitive examinations are held according to the rules laid down by the President. In these all applicants passing a fixed grade are eligible to appointment without regard to their relative standing. The rule as to probation is the same as in the other cases. The law requires that all “examinations shall be practical in their character and as far as may be shall relate to those matters which will fairly test the relative capacity and fitness of the persons examined to discharge the duties of the service to which they seek to be appointed.” Close attention is paid to this requirement. In the first place, weight is given to the experience of the candidates in the kind of work they seek, when such experience can definitely be known. Then each class is tested as to knowledge and skill particularly needed. For clerks and accountants, weight is given to accuracy and quickness in figures, to clearness and rapidity in writing and to familiarity with the principles and methods of bookkeeping. Examinations are generally for entrance to the lower grades of the service and

actual excellence in the performance of work counts in promotion. For places requiring special knowledge, trained examiners are employed. For instance, the examiners who set the questions and rated the answers in the case of the supervising architect were prominent architects from various parts of the country. They were able, from the records of the candidates, to test not only professional knowledge, but business capacity. In all cases the examiners are selected from those who are well informed as to the work to be done. The application of this law is to be carried out and watched by a commission, known as the United States Civil Service Commission, made up of three members, appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate. This commission aids the President in the formation of the rules under the law, and, with the aid of examiners, sets and conducts the examinations. All appointing officers are required to report to it all changes in the classified service, of which the commission keeps a full record, as well as of its own examinations and other proceedings. All officers of the service are required to aid in the performance of the duties of the commission.

One of the worst evils of the spoils system was the fact that public employees were made to pay a large fraction of their salaries to party funds, and another was that these employees were forced to work for the party in power in order to keep their places. Both these practices are now forbidden by law in the service of the United States. No one in the service is allowed to use his official authority or influence to coerce the political action of others. All persons in the service are forbidden to ask or receive political contributions from others in the service. Such contributions cannot be solicited in any place or building used by the government. By the rules which have the force of law, no question can be asked of candidates for appointment as to their political or religious opinions; no disclosures of such opinions can be considered; no change of rank or pay can be made because of such opinions. Under the spoils system, the office-holder got his place from his party and was taxed heavily by his party managers. The law intends to put a stop to that; it holds the officer bound only to earn his pay by honest work, and free to spend it as he chooses. The law further holds him without fear of harm or hope of aid from outside, to do his duty to his employers, the whole people of the United States. It aims to put the people and those who work for them on the same footing that is maintained in honorable private business between employers and employed.

The merit system has been greatly extended since the passage of the law. Under President Arthur, who signed the law in 1883, some 16,000 places were brought within its provisions. The number is now over 120,000. While this advance has been made there have been more frequent changes of party in the government of the country than in any like period in our history. Each succeeding President, until the present, has, in the discretion which the law confides to the President only, added to the number of places removed from the spoils system. President McKinley withdrew a considerable number of places from the merit system for reasons urged upon him by the

heads of some departments. The effect has been unfortunate. President Taft, near the close of his administration, transferred all the fourth class postmasterships to the classified service; President Roosevelt increased the number by including the deputy collectors of customs and internal revenue. The merit system has been extended to the service in the Philippine Islands in a way that promises to make the work of governing there clean, efficient and fair to a degree that could hardly have been looked for. In this region the bond of trusteeship rests upon our government with a peculiar and solemn obligation. The United States have taken control of the affairs of the people of these islands as the result of a war with Spain, without the assent of the people in the first instance, and against resistance by a portion of them which was overcome by arms. It would be a sore disgrace if their affairs were not managed honestly and purely and for the interest of the governed. The merit system on the lines of the Civil Service Law has been established there, under the general guidance of an experienced and skilled examiner from Washington. As many natives as practicable are being employed. It is still too early to judge of the final outcome, but the beginning is promising.

The chief aim of the merit system is, on the one hand, to get the best service for the government — that is, for the people — and, on the other hand, to remove from the party contests of the country the corrupting influence of the vast number of business places offered as spoils to the victors. The methods of competition and probation are not perfect, and, like all other human methods, are liable to mismanagement. But they are the best that have ever been tried, and they are very effective. The test of competitive examination is shown to be thorough and practical by the fact that only a very small number of those who pass that test are dropped after probation or trial. Another proof is the much larger amount of work done by persons so selected. During 10 years before the adoption of the merit system in the departments at Washington the number of clerks increased from 3,300 to 5,523, or more than two-thirds. In the 13 years after the system was adopted the number actually fell off 211, or 3 per cent, while the work of the departments had largely increased. Another proof of the efficiency of the system is the small number of changes that take place in it compared with those that take place in the branches of the service where the system is not yet applied.

The entrance examinations are held in all parts of the land, and men and women are selected for the departments at Washington with no regard whatever for their party views or the influence of politicians. This has been of great effect in laying to rest the passions bred by the Civil War, and giving to the dwellers in the South a sense of their common rights and duties as citizens of the nation. It is a great and lasting gain.

In 1884, laws for the introduction of the merit system were enacted in New York and Massachusetts, and later laws authorize the system in the service of cities in Wisconsin and Illinois. In Massachusetts and in New York the system has made much progress and the results have been good in proportion as the

system has been extended and honestly and faithfully applied. But the evils of the spoils system still prevail almost without check in the service of the cities and the States throughout the country. The enormous number of places involved are still almost wholly the prizes of party contests. The place-holders, many times more numerous than the present army of the United States, are in greater part enlisted for party rather than for public service. Efficiency, industry and economy in the public work are hard to secure. The suppression of vice and the decent administration of the affairs of cities and States are made more difficult.

Clearly it is best that the merit system should be applied to all that portion of the civil service in which the duties are of a business nature and in which the office-holders are not called on to fix the policy of the government. There is no Democratic or Republican or Populist way of being honest and industrious and intelligent which all Americans may not use. To these qualities in their service the people have a right, and no party can claim a monopoly of them. Much remains to be done to complete the work so well begun. The men in all parties who look on public employment, not as a trust, but as the spoils of party victory, resist all advance and seek to undo what has been done. They cannot succeed if the true nature of the merit system is understood, its honesty and fairness, its high utility and its fidelity to the fundamental principle of the free institutions of the American republic. From 1915 on the Civil Service Reform League conducted a vigorous agitation to bring all classes of postmasters into the classified service, all diplomatic secretaries and consular officers to be transferred to the classified service. The League also co-operated by request to ensure efficiency in war service. Consult Roosevelt, Theodore, ‘American Ideals’ (New York 1900); Fish, C. R., ‘The Civil Service and the Patronage’ (New York 1905). See.


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UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA CONCERT BAND ENSEMBLE THE WHITE HOUSE ROSE GARDEN THURSDAY, MAY 23, 1969 8:00 A.M. Arrival - SW Gate Anderson, Gayle Anderson, Carol E. Anderson, John T. Bachelder, Allen Bencriscutto, Frank Dr. Bencriscutto, Jean F. Bjork, Lucille Blake, Curtiss Brandvold, David E. Collison, Kay Marg Crow, Greg Dignin, Michael S. Ford, Marilyn Freese, Standord D. Gisslen, Wayne Hagen, Miriam M. Haggen, Myrna B. Hanson, Richard A. Hawley, David Frederick Hinds, Karen Honaas, JoAnn A. Johnson, Gary Kaess, H. Stanford Kinsman, Rebecca Levenson, Mark Lofgren, Anne Lukanene, Randolph McEachern, Mary Moldestad, Jean "Morton, Mrs James" Morton, James H. Paulson, Bruce Paulson, John Paulson, Patti Pesola, Russell Price, Donald J. Rath, Terry W. Rickord, Kate Ridenour, Robert C. Roach, Lonnie C. Rolfson, Jane Ann Seils, Cathy Simpson, Scott Smith, Merrily A. Sopoci, Steven Teisber, Janice C. Tempel, Lawrence J. Madura, Julie Wang, Linnea Wieland, Barbara L. Wintervold, Bruce Mendenhall, Dale Bye, Steven undefined

Note: At 8:00 A.M. a truck will also arrive with the equipment for the concert. Mr. Fred Nylene w/Mr. Slone will be with the truck. TSD. 54


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ABBREVIATORS, a body of writers in the papal chancery, whose business was to sketch out and prepare in due form the pope’s bulls, briefs and consistorial decrees before these are written out in extenso by the scriptores. They are first mentioned in Extravagantes of John XXII. and of Benedict XII. Their number was fixed at seventy-two by Sixtus IV. From the time of Benedict XII. (1334–1342) they were classed as de Parco majori or Praesidentiae majoris, and de Parco minori. The name was derived from a space in the chancery, surrounded by a grating, in which the officials sat, which is called higher or lower (major or minor) according to the proximity of the seats to that of the vice-chancellor. After the protonotaries left the sketching of the minutes to the abbreviators, those de Parco majori, who ranked as prelates, were the most important officers of the apostolic chancery. By Martin V. their signature was made essential to the validity of the acts of the chancery; and they obtained in course of time many important privileges. They were suppressed in 1908 by Pius X. and their duties were transferred to the protonotarii apostolici participantes. (See .) ABDALLATIF, or (1162–1231), a celebrated physician and traveller, and one of the most voluminous writers of the East, was born at Bagdad in 1162. An interesting memoir of Abdallatif, written by himself, has been preserved with additions by Ibn-Abu-Osaiba (Ibn abī Usaibia), a contemporary. From that work we learn that the higher education of the youth of Bagdad consisted principally in a minute and careful study of the rules and principles of grammar, and in their committing to memory the whole of the Koran, a treatise or two on philology and jurisprudence, and the choicest Arabian poetry. After attaining to great proficiency in that kind of learning, Abdallatif applied himself to natural philosophy and medicine. To enjoy the society of the learned, he went first to Mosul (1189), and afterwards to Damascus. With letters of recommendation from Saladin’s vizier, he visited Egypt, where the wish he had long cherished to converse with Maimonides, “the Eagle of the Doctors,” was gratified. He afterwards formed one of the circle of learned men whom Saladin gathered around him at Jerusalem. He taught medicine and philosophy at Cairo and at Damascus for a number of years, and afterwards, for a shorter period, at Aleppo. His love of travel led him in his old age to visit different parts of Armenia and Asia Minor, and he was setting out on a pilgrimage to Mecca when he died at Bagdad in 1231. Abdallatif was undoubtedly a man of great knowledge and of an inquisitive and penetrating mind. Of the numerous works—mostly on medicine—which Osaiba ascribes to him, one only,

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