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Page:Annotated Edition of the Authorised Daily Prayer Book.djvu/170

 passage derived from the Zohar (in Section Vayakhel), and is introduced with these words: " When the Scroll is taken out in the assembly to read therein, the gates of the heavens of mercy open and the celestial love awakes. It is then fitting for a man to recite this prayer." Several phrases are mystical in the sense that they imply a direct communion between God and man, and appeal for the gift of light, while laying stress on the desire that man's heart should be opened to receive the Law. This combination of the ideas of direct intuition of God and of receptiveness to the Law is a striking feature in Jewish mysticism. The mystic is essentially a law to himself, the Jewish mystic, however, often contrives to reconcile his own free, individual emotions with obedience to law. He is not in a state of revolt against authority, as the mystic so frequently is, but he finds in authority the goal of his ecstatic devotion.

The Zohar from which the passage comes, is the finest expression of this type of Judaism, mysticism arising out of piety, just as the flower grows from its root. The word Zohar (זֹהַר) means Brightness. The book so named was first produced in Spain, in the thirteenth century, being made known by Moses de Leon, who ascribed it to the famous Rabbi of the second century, Simeon ben Yoḥai. Though the latter ascription is inaccurate, it is equally erroneous to assume that Moses de Leon was more than the compiler. The book represents a growth, and is no doubt the result of a long mystical tradition.

Page 144. The thirteen attributes. The passage: the Lord, the Lord is a merciful and gracious God (יְיָ יְיָ אֵל רַחוּם וְחַנּוּן), is a quotation from Exodus xxxiv. 6, 7 and the divine characteristics which the verses contain are reckoned at thirteen. The introduction of the passage at this point (for the Festivals) is modern, and according to Baer is derived from the book Shaare Zion (section iii.). The quotation stops short of the phrase in which the punishment of the guilty is announced (the text continues לֹא יְנַקֶּה, He will by no means clear [the

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User talk:Talknic

Welcome
Welcome

Hello, Talknic, and welcome to Wikisource! Thank you for. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers:
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Again, welcome! Beeswaxcandle (talk) 07:11, 2 July 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Talknic


text:
User:Jeansteve27

 * Jean Steve on Facebook
 * Jean Steve on Twitter

Truth in Number Beasiswa Jalan Jakarta

title: User:Jeansteve27


text:
User:Rickychemistry

Ricky Jenihansen B is a chemistry graduate faculty of Mathematics and Science University Bengkulu:, located in Bengkulu, Indonesia. Born 26 July 1988 in Bengkulu, and now located in Bengkulu. Full Address : Jl. Kalimantan NO 38 RT 08 RW 04 Rawa Makmur Permai, Bengkulu city. Zip Code :38121 contact : 085267993993

Links

 * Ricky Jenihansen B
 * Ricky Jenihansen B on Facebook
 * Ricky Jenihansen B on Twitter

title: User:Rickychemistry


text:
Page:A Picturesque Tour of the Island of Jamaica.djvu/101

, the property and residence of John Rose Palmer, Esq., is situated on the sea-side, at nearly equal distance from Montego Bay and Falmouth. The house of which we give a view is justly considered as the best in Jamaica, and was erected about fifty years since by the uncle of the present proprietor, at the expense of £30,000 sterling. It is placed at a delightful elevation, and commands a very extensive sea view. Its general appearance has much of the character of a handsome Italian villa. A double flight of stone steps leads to an open portico, giving access to the entrance hall; on the left of which is the eating-room, and on the right the drawing-room, behind which are other apartments for domestic uses. The right wing, fitted up with great elegance, and enriched with painting and gilding, was the private apartment of the late Mrs. Palmer, and the left wing is occupied as servants’ apartments and offices. The principal staircase, in the body of the house, is a specimen of joinery in mahogany and other costly woods seldom excelled, and leads to a suite of chambers in the upper story.

This estate, and the adjoining one of Palmyra, descended to the present proprietor from his great uncle. Rose-Hall estate has about 200 acres in canes, about the same quantity in grass, and about 250 in ruinate; the Negro grounds are on Palmyra estate, which is a more seasonable situation.

Palmyra estate contains about 1,250 acres.

The produce is shipped at a wharf at about two miles and a half distance. On the two estates are 252 negroes, and 276 head of cattle.


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Page:A Life of Matthew Fontaine Maury.pdf/120

106

I have now before me coils upon coils of the Telegraphic Cable, in samples, for the Atlantic. I have been most happy devising a plan for making coilings and laying it down, which appear to me to obviate every difficulty. We shall see. . . . Johnny, Molly, and I go down to Fredericksburg Friday night; I shall return here Monday, join Dick, and start for the land of the Dakotas. We are going, by invitation, to help lay the cornerstone of the Minnesota Historical Society at Saint Paul's.

I have been in the depths of the ocean. Brook's lead has finished Hecla or Vesuvius, or some other volcano. The Gulf Stream has its foot on it. . ..

The bottom of the sea all along there is two miles deep and strewed with volcanic cinders and Gulf Stream organisms. A letter yesterday from C. W. Field. He was urging telegraphic patrons in London to adopt my plan for laying the cable. We shall see, after a while, what will come of it. If I could only get the right to one wire across the Atlantic! . . ..

I have a piece of the cable they are making for the Atlantic; it's a great improvement over the others; but it costs three or four times as much as it ought to cost. Its breaking strain is four tons, and its weight about a ton to the mile. Its breaking strain need not have been over half of a ton, and its weight 500 or 600 lbs. to the mile. I'll risk anything on that.

Maury said, in a lecture delivered in Cincinnati, in November 1858, that he believed that the present "Atlantic Cable


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Rh can never be used. The reason why it has lost its power is, of course, mere conjecture; but it is most probable that the copper conducting wires are broken; every experiment made in 1857, and every one in 1858, save the final one, showed that the cable was too heavy, inasmuch as it parted, its own weight being the chief, if not the only cause.

"The copper wires being straight, and the iron outside covering being spiral, they were unequal to the strain and parted, perhaps one, perhaps two, or three, or all. When the fractures were fresh, the electric fluid might leap the chasm; but as they became corroded it would fail to do so.

"He believed 'that an electric cord, not cable, should be laid,' and regarded the 'practicability of a submarine telegraph between Europe and America as a certain thing.' He had foretold the existence of a great Telegraphic Plateau, so named by him; and before the invention of Brooke's deep sea sounding-lead and the soundings made by it, had mapped it out before the world. On this plateau the greatest depth of water does not exceed two miles; it stretches from Newfoundland to Ireland, and across it are no running waters, nor any abrading forces. On it lie the smallest shells; which if dried would float in the air like motes, being scarcely, if at all, visible to the naked eye, and as perfect as if they had been wrapped in down. These were shells of animals living near the surface, which had sunk after death to the quiet depths below.

"If such light substances would sink to the depth of two miles and lie unharmed there, a light wire, protected by any insulating substance, would sink to the same depth, and lie for ages in equal freedom from disturbing forces. Some heavier arrangement (cable possibly) would be required in the shallower waters at each end near shore, where tides affected the bottom.

"Such an achievement places man, as it were, in a higher


text:
User talk:Jeansteve27

— billinghurst  sDrewth  09:36, 2 July 2012 (UTC)

Lokasi dan nama jelas
Halo Mas Jean Steve, langsung diberitahu saja lokasinya dimana (dalam halaman profilnya) biar panitia dapat memperhitungkan/menyiapkan, skoring bisa dilihat di halaman ini. Tiga hari tidak menyunting dianggap gugur yah. Siska.Doviana (talk) 08:33, 2 July 2012 (UTC)

Proofread
Halo Jean steve, Tolong jangan mengubah status halaman menjadi validated atau proofread dulu kalau halamannya belum tepat seperti naskah aslinya. Karakter spesial seperti èéĕě juga harus dimasukkan, begitu juga dengan kata yang bercetak miring. 06Ivonne (talk) 06:12, 3 July 2012 (UTC)

Gugur
Halo Jeansteve, Anda dianggap gugur karena sudah tiga hari tidak menyunting: Special:Contributions/Jeansteve27. 06Ivonne (talk) 02:47, 6 July 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Jeansteve27


text:
User:MRidwan

 * Rumbai Pesisir, Pekan Baru
 * Truth in Number Beasiswa Jalan Jakarta

title: User:MRidwan


text:
User talk:Rickychemistry

Lokasi dan nama jelas
Bisa diberitahu nama jelas dan lokasi? Agar langsung dapat diidentifikasi oleh panitia agar dapat memperhitungkan/menyiapkan perjalanannya. Skoring bisa dilihat di halaman ini. Tiga hari tidak menyunting dianggap gugur yah. Siska.Doviana (talk) 08:33, 2 July 2012 (UTC)

Bagaimana menuliskan nama lengkap dan lokasi? di mana menuliskannya? namaku Ricky Jenihansen B lokasi di Bengkulu
Bagaimana menuliskan nama lengkap dan lokasi? di mana menuliskannya? namaku Ricky Jenihansen B lokasi di Bengkulu.

 * Ya, di halaman penggunanya sudah OK kok. Itu sudah benar. Siska.Doviana (talk) 00:46, 3 July 2012 (UTC)

scoring
Very good edits. Score of 6. Terima kasih. John Vandenberg (chat) 12:53, 7 July 2012 (UTC)

Halaman habis - peserta untuk terus menyunting agar tidak gugur
Halo Rahmat, Charis memberitahukan pada panitia bahwa halaman sudah habis. Ini panitia sadari beberapa jam yang lalu. Pengumuman beasiswa akan kita matikan lebih cepat dari rencana, karena halaman merah sudah tidak ada atau harus diidentifikasi berapa yang betul di "proofread" (kaji halaman) tetapi belum dikerjakan. Para peserta yang masih bertahan diharapkan untuk terus menyunting baik itu memvalidasi halaman atau memperbaiki halaman hingga tanggal 17 Juli, agar tidak gugur sembari panitia menghitung skornya. Untuk melihat halaman seluruhnya, silahkan klik kamus dalam versi halaman lengkap dan betulkan halaman yang bermasalah untuk terus menyunting. Terima kasih dan semoga yang terbaik yang menang. Siska.Doviana (talk) 13:07, 12 July 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Rickychemistry


text:
Page:Atharva-Veda samhita.djvu/442

v. 28-

1. Nine breaths with nine he combines (? sam-mā), in order to length of life for a hundred autumns; in the yellow (hárita), three; in silver, three; in iron (? áyas), three—enveloped with fervor.

2. Fire, sun, moon, earth, waters, sky, atmosphere, directions, and quarters, they of the seasons in concord with the seasons—let them rescue (pāray) me by this triple one.

3. Let three abundances (póṣa) resort to the triple one; let Pūshan anoint it with milk, with ghee; affluence of food, affluence of man (púruṣa), affluence of cattle—let these resort hither.

4. O Ādityas, sprinkle this man well with good (vásu); O Agni, do thou, thyself increasing, increase him; unite him, O Indra, with heroism; let the prospering triple one resort to him.

5. Let earth, the all-bearing, protect thee with the yellow one; let Agni rescue [thee] in accord with the iron; let the silver one (árjuna), in concord with the plants, bestow (dhā) on thee dexterity, with favoring mind.

6. Triply born by birth [is] this gold: one was Agni's dearest; one fell away of Soma when injured; one they call the seed of devout waters; let that triple gold be thine in order to life-time.

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273

7. Triple life-time of Jamadagni, Kaçyapa's triple life-time, sight of the immortal (amṛ́ta) triply, three life-times have I made for thee.

8. When the three eagles (suparṇá) went with the triple one, becoming, mighty ones (çakrá), a single syllable, they bore back death along with (sākám) the immortal, warding off (antar-dhā) all difficulties.

9. From the sky let the yellow one protect thee; from the midst let the silver one protect thee; from the earth let that made of iron protect [thee]; this [man] hath gone forward to strongholds of the gods.

10. These [are] three strongholds of the gods; let them defend thee on all sides; bearing these, do thou, possessing splendor, become superior to them that hate thee.

11. The stronghold of the gods, deathless (amṛ́ta) gold, what god first bound on in the beginning, to him I pay homage, [my] ten extended [fingers]; let him approve my binding-on the triple one.

12. Let Aryaman fasten (cṛt) thee on, let Pūshan, let Brihaspati; what is the name of the day-born one, therewith we fasten thee over.

13. Thee with the seasons, with them of the seasons; thee unto lifetime, unto splendor; with the brilliancy of the year—with that we make [thee] of closed jaw (? sáṁhanu).

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Page:The White Peacock, Lawrence, 1911.djvu/257

Rh She could hardly wait to take off her hat, but went round cutting the string of her parcels, opening them, talking all the time to my mother.

“Look, Little Woman. I’ve got a ready-made underskirt—isn’t it lovely. Listen!” and she ruffled it through her hands. “Shan’t I sound splendid! Frou-Frou! But it is a charming shade, isn’t it, and not a bit bulky or clumsy anywhere?” She put the band of the skirt against her waist, and put forward her foot, and looked down, saying, “It’s just the right length, isn’t it. Little Woman?—and they said I was tall—it was a wonder. Don’t you wish it were yours, Little?—oh, you won’t confess it. Yes you like to be as fine as anybody—that’s why I bought you this piece of silk—isn’t it sweet, though?—you needn’t say there’s too much lavender in it, there is not. Now!” She pleated it up and held it against my mother’s chin. “It suits you beautifully—doesn’t it. Don’t you like it, Sweet? You don’t seem to like it a bit, and I’m sure it suits you—makes you look ever so young. I wish you wouldn’t be so old fashioned in your notions. You do like it, don’t you?”

“Of course I do—I was only thinking what an extravagant mortal you are when you begin to buy. You know you mustn’t keep on always——”

“Now—now. Sweet, don’t be naughty and preachey. It’s such a treat to go buying: You will come with me next time, won’t you? Oh, I have enjoyed it—but I wished you were there—Marie takes anything, she’s so easy to suit—I like to have a good buy—Oh, it was splendid!—and there’s lots more yet. Oh, did you see this cushion cover—these


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250 are the colours I want for that room—gold and amber——”

This was a bad opening. I watched the shadows darken further and further along the brightness, hushing the glitter of the water. I watched the golden ripeness come upon the west, and thought the rencontre was never to take place. At last, however, Lettie flung herself down with a sigh, saying she was tired.

“Come into the dining-room and have a cup of tea,” said mother. “I told Rebecca to mash when you came in.”

“All right. Leslie’s coming up later on, I believe—about half past eight, he said. Should I show him what I’ve bought?”

“There’s nothing there for a man to see.”

“I shall have to change my dress, and I’m sure I don’t want the fag. Rebecca, just go and look at the things I’ve bought—in the other room—and, Becky, fold them up for me, will you, and put them on my bed?”

As soon as she’d gone out, Lettie said:

“She’ll enjoy doing it, won’t she, mother, they’re so nice! Do you think I need dress, mother?”

“Please yourself—do as you wish.”

“I suppose I shall have to; he doesn’t like blouses and skirts of an evening he says; he hates the belt. I’ll wear that old cream cashmere; it looks nice now I’ve put that new lace on it. Don’t those violets smell nice?—who got them?”

“Cyril brought them in.”

“George sent them you,” said I.

“Well, I’ll just run up and take my dress off. Why are we troubled with men!”


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Page:A Life of Matthew Fontaine Maury.pdf/122

108 scale of existence, since he thus becomes mentally ubiquitous,—holding converse of thought with the people of every part of the globe.

"The accomplishment of the enterprise has been brought about by a variety of inventions and discoveries at different times, without regard to each other; and yet all were necessary to the successful laying and working of a submarine telegraphic communication. Without the knowledge of the Atlantic plateau, it would not have been deemed practicable to lay the cable; without the discovery of the uses of gutta-percha about this time, the wire could not have been rendered suitable; and without steamships, it could not have been laid." In this lecture Maury also paid just tributes to Mr. Morse, as the first inventor of the electric magnetic telegraph; and to the Messrs. Field as the projectors of the submarine telegraphic enterprise.


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Page:The White Peacock, Lawrence, 1911.djvu/259

Rh “It’s a trouble you like well enough,” said mother.

“Oh, do I? such a bother!” and she ran upstairs.

The sun was red behind Highclose. I kneeled in the window seat and smiled at Fate and at people who imagine that strange states are near to the inner realities. The sun went straight down behind the cedar trees, deliberately and, it seemed as I watched, swiftly lowered itself behind the trees, behind the rim of the hill.

“I must go,” I said to myself, “and tell him she will not come.”

Yet I fidgeted about the room, loth to depart. Lettie came down, dressed in white—or cream—cut low round the neck. She looked very delightful and fresh again, with a sparkle of the afternoon’s excitement still.

“I’ll put some of these violets on me,” she said, glancing at herself in the mirror, and then taking the flowers from their water, she dried them, and fastened them among her lace.

“Don’t Lettie and I look nice to-night?” she said smiling, glancing from me to her reflection which was like a light in the dusky room.

“That reminds me,” I said, “George Saxton wanted to see you this evening.”

“What ever for?”

“I don’t know. They’ve got notice to leave their farm, and I think he feels a bit sentimental.”

“Oh, well—is he coming here?”

“He said would you go just a little way in the wood to meet him.”

“Did he! Oh, indeed! Well, of course I can’t.”


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252 “Of course not—if you won’t. They’re his violets you’re wearing by the way.”

“Are they—let them stay, it makes no difference. But whatever did he want to see me for?”

“I couldn’t say, I assure you.”

She glanced at herself in the mirror, and then at the clock.

“Let’s see,” she remarked, “it’s only a quarter to eight. Three quarters of an hour—! But what can he want me for?—I never knew anything like it.”

“Startling, isn’t it!” I observed satirically.

“Yes,” she glanced at herself in the mirror:

“I can’t go out like this.”

“All right, you can’t then.”

“Besides—it’s nearly dark, it will be too dark to see in the wood, won’t it?”

“It will directly.”

“Well, I’ll just go to the end of the garden, for one moment—run and fetch that silk shawl out of my wardrobe—be quick, while it’s light.”

I ran and brought the wrap. She arranged it carefully over her head.

We went out, down the garden path. Lettie held her skirts carefully gathered from the ground. A nightingale began to sing in the twilight; we stepped along in silence as far as the rhododendron bushes, now in rosy bud.

“I cannot go into the wood,” she said.

“Come to the top of the riding”—and we went round the dark bushes.

George was waiting. I saw at once he was half distrustful of himself now. Lettie dropped her skirts


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User talk:Zahra cantik

— billinghurst  sDrewth  12:13, 2 July 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Zahra cantik


text:
Portal:Epistle to the Romans

Translations
Versions and translations of the Epistle to the Romans are listed at Romans (Bible).

Related works

 * "On the Epistle to the Romans," by Saint John Chrysostom (translated by J. B. Morris and W. H. Simcox; revised by George B. Stevens), in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, volume 11

Reference

 * "Epistle to the Romans" in Easton's Bible Dictionary, 1897

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 Still, it was clear that he must be disposed of as quickly as possible, and Fairfax requested the Houses to take other measures against the king (June 26). This they did by paying up the arrears due to Leven’s army and bringing it to the Severn valley. On the 8th of July Leven reached Alcester, bringing with him a Parliamentarian force from Derbyshire under Sir John Gell. The design was to besiege Hereford.

38. Langport.—By that time Fairfax and Goring were at close quarters. The Royalist general’s line of defence faced west along the Yeo and the Parrett between Yeovil and Bridgwater, and thus barred the direct route to Taunton. Fairfax, however, marched from Lechlade via Marlborough and Blandford—hindered only by Clubmen—to the friendly posts of Dorchester and Lyme, and with these as his centre of operations he was able to turn the headwaters of Goring’s river-line via Beaminster and Crewkerne. The Royalists at once abandoned the south and west side of the rivers—the siege of Taunton had already been given up—and passed over to the north and east bank. Bridgwater was the right of this second line as it had been the left of the first; the new left was at Ilchester. Goring could thus remain in touch with Charles in south Wales through Bristol, and the siege of Taunton having been given up there was no longer any incentive for remaining on the wrong side of the water-line. But his army was thoroughly demoralized by its own licence and indiscipline, and the swift, handy and resolute regiments of the New Model made short work of its strong positions. On the 7th of July, demonstrating against the points of passage between Ilchester and Langport, Fairfax secretly occupied Yeovil. The post at that place, which had been the right of Goring’s first position, had, perhaps rightly, been withdrawn to Ilchester when the second position was taken up, and Fairfax repaired the bridge without interruption. Goring showed himself unequal to the new situation. He might, if sober, make a good plan when the enemy was not present to disturb him, and he certainly led cavalry charges with boldness and skill. But of strategy in front of the enemy he was incapable. On the news from Yeovil he abandoned the line of the Yeo as far as Langport without striking a blow, and Fairfax, having nothing to gain by continuing his détour through Yeovil, came back and quietly crossed at Long Sutton, west of Ilchester (July 9). Goring had by now formed a new plan. A strong rearguard was posted at Langport and on high ground east and north-east of it to hold Fairfax, and he himself with the cavalry rode off early on the 8th to try and surprise Taunton. This place was no longer protected by Massey’s little army, which Fairfax had called up to assist his own. But Fairfax, who was not yet across Long Sutton bridge, heard of Goring’s raid in good time, and sent Massey after him with a body of horse. Massey surprised a large party of the Royalists at Ilminster on the 9th, wounded Goring himself, and pursued the fugitives up to the south-eastern edge of Langport. On the 10th Fairfax’s advanced guard, led by Major Bethel of Cromwell’s own regiment, brilliantly stormed the position of Goring’s rearguard east of Langport, and the cavalry of the New Model, led by Cromwell himself, swept in pursuit right up to the gates of Bridgwater, where Goring’s army, dismayed and on the point of collapse, was more or less rallied. Thence Goring himself retired to Barnstaple. His army, under the regimental officers, defended itself in Bridgwater resolutely till the 23rd of July, when it capitulated. The fall of Bridgwater gave Fairfax complete control of Somerset and Dorset from Lyme to the Bristol channel. Even in the unlikely event of Goring’s raising a fresh army, he would now have to break through towards Bristol by open force, and a battle between Goring and Fairfax could only have one result. Thus Charles had perforce to give up his intention of joining Goring—his recruiting operations in south Wales had not been so successful as he hoped, owing to the apathy of the people and the vigour of the local Parliamentary leaders—and to resume the northern enterprise begun in the spring.

39. Schemes of Lord Digby.—This time Rupert would not be with him. The prince, now despairing of success and hoping only for a peace on the best terms procurable, listlessly returned to his governorship of Bristol and prepared to meet Fairfax’s impending attack. The influence of Rupert was supplanted by that of Lord Digby. As sanguine as Charles and far more energetic, he was for the rest of the campaign the guiding spirit of the Royalists, but being a civilian he proved incapable of judging the military factors in the situation from a military standpoint, and not only did he offend the officers by constituting himself a sort of confidential military secretary to the king, but he was distrusted by all sections of Royalists for his reckless optimism. The resumption of the northern enterprise, opposed by Rupert and directly inspired by Digby, led to nothing. Charles marched by Bridgnorth, Lichfield and Ashbourne to Doncaster, where on the 18th of August he was met by great numbers of Yorkshire gentlemen with promises of fresh recruits. For a moment the outlook was bright, for the Derbyshire men with Gell were far away at Worcester with Leven, the Yorkshire Parliamentarians engaged in besieging Scarborough Castle, Pontefract and other posts. But two days later he heard that David Leslie with the cavalry of Leven’s army was coming up behind him, and that, the Yorkshire sieges being now ended, Major-General Poyntz’s force lay in his front. It was now impossible to wait for the new levies, and reluctantly the king turned back to Oxford, raiding Huntingdonshire and other parts of the hated Eastern Association en route.

40. Montrose’s Last Victories.—David Leslie did not pursue him. Montrose, though the king did not yet know it, had won two more battles, and was practically master of all Scotland. After Auldearn he had turned to meet Baillie’s army in Strathspey, and by superior mobility and skill forced that commander to keep at a respectful distance. He then turned upon a new army which Lindsay, titular earl of Crawford, was forming in Forfarshire, but that commander betook himself to a safe distance, and Montrose withdrew into the Highlands to find recruits (June). The victors of Auldearn had mostly dispersed on the usual errand, and he was now deserted by most of the Gordons, who were recalled by the chief of their clan, the marquess of Huntly, in spite of the indignant remonstrances of Huntly’s heir, Lord Gordon, who was Montrose’s warmest admirer. Baillie now approached again, but he was weakened by having to find trained troops to stiffen Lindsay’s levies, and a strong force of the Gordons had now been persuaded to rejoin Montrose. The two armies met in battle near Alford on the Don; little can be said of the engagement save that Montrose had to fight cautiously and tentatively as at Aberdeen, not in the decision-forcing spirit of Auldearn, and that in the end Baillie’s cavalry gave way and his infantry was cut down as it stood. Lord Gordon was amongst the Royalist dead (July 2). The plunder was put away in the glens before any attempt was made to go forward, and thus the Covenanters had leisure to form a numerous, if not very coherent, army on the nucleus of Lindsay’s troops. Baillie, much against his will, was continued in the command, with a council of war (chiefly of nobles whom Montrose had already defeated, such as Argyll, Elcho and Balfour) to direct his every movement. Montrose, when rejoined by the Highlanders, moved to meet him, and in the last week of July and the early part of August there were manœuvres and minor engagements round Perth. About the 7th of August Montrose suddenly slipped away into the Lowlands, heading for Glasgow. Thereupon another Covenanting army began to assemble in Clydesdale. But it was clear that Montrose could beat mere levies, and Baillie, though without authority and despairing of success, hurried after him. Montrose then, having drawn Baillie’s Fifeshire militia far enough from home to ensure their being discontented, turned upon them on the 14th of August near Kilsyth. Baillie protested against fighting, but his aristocratic masters of the council of war decided to cut off Montrose from the hills by turning his left wing. The Royalist general seized the opportunity, and his advance caught them in the very act of making a flank march (August 15). The head of the Covenanters’ column was met and stopped by the furious attack of the Gordon infantry, and Alastair Macdonald led the men of his own name and the Macleans against its flank. A breach was made in the centre of Baillie’s army at the first rush, and then

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 Montrose sent in the Gordon and Ogilvy horse. The leading half of the column was surrounded, broken up and annihilated. The rear half, seeing the fate of its comrades, took to flight, but in vain, for the Highlanders pursued à outrance. Only about one hundred Covenanting infantry out of six thousand escaped. Montrose was now indeed the king’s lieutenant in all Scotland.

41. Fall of Bristol.—But Charles was in no case to resume his northern march. Fairfax and the New Model, after reducing Bridgwater, had turned back to clear away the Dorsetshire Clubmen and to besiege Sherborne Castle. On the completion of this task, it had been decided to besiege Bristol, and on the 23rd of August—while the king’s army was still in Huntingdon, and Goring was trying to raise a new army to replace the one he had lost at Langport and Bridgwater—the city was invested. In these urgent circumstances Charles left Oxford for the west only a day or two after he had come in from the Eastern Association raid. Calculating that Rupert could hold out longest, he first moved to the relief of Worcester, around which place Leven’s Scots, no longer having Leslie’s cavalry with them to find supplies, were more occupied with plundering their immediate neighbourhood for food than with the siege works. Worcester was relieved on the 1st of September by the king. David Leslie with all his cavalry was already on the march to meet Montrose, and Leven had no alternative but to draw off his infantry without fighting. Charles entered Worcester on the 8th, but he found that he could no longer expect recruits from South Wales. Worse was to come. A few hours later, on the night of the 9th-10th, Fairfax’s army stormed Bristol. Rupert had long realized the hopelessness of further fighting—the very summons to surrender sent in by Fairfax placed the fate of Bristol on the political issue,—the lines of defence around the place were too extensive for his small force, and on the 11th he surrendered on terms. He was escorted to Oxford with his men, conversing as he rode with the officers of the escort about peace and the future of his adopted country. Charles, almost stunned by the suddenness of the catastrophe, dismissed his nephew from all his offices and ordered him to leave England, and for almost the last time called upon Goring to rejoin the main army—if a tiny force of raw infantry and disheartened cavalry can be so called—in the neighbourhood of Raglan. But before Goring could be brought to withdraw his objections Charles had again turned northward towards Montrose. A weary march through the Welsh hills brought the Royal army on the 22nd of September to the neighbourhood of Chester. Charles himself with one body entered the city, which was partially invested by the Parliamentarian colonel Michael Jones, and the rest under Sir Marmaduke Langdale was sent to take Jones’s lines in reverse. But at the opportune moment Poyntz’s forces, which had followed the king’s movements since he left Doncaster in the middle of August, appeared in rear of Langdale, and defeated him in the battle of Rowton Heath (September 24), while at the same time a sortie of the king’s troops from Chester was repulsed by Jones. Thereupon the Royal army withdrew to Denbigh, and Chester, the only important seaport remaining to connect Charles with Ireland, was again besieged.

42. Philiphaugh.—Nor was Montrose’s position, even after Kilsyth, encouraging, in spite of the persistent rumours of fighting in Westmorland that reached Charles and Digby. Glasgow and Edinburgh were indeed occupied, and a parliament summoned in the king’s name. But Montrose had now to choose between Highlanders and Lowlanders. The former, strictly kept away from all that was worth plundering, rapidly vanished, even Alastair Macdonald going with the rest. Without the Macdonalds and the Gordons, Montrose’s military and political resettlement of Scotland could only be shadowy, and when he demanded support from the sturdy middle classes of the Lowlands, it was not forgotten that he had led Highlanders to the sack of Lowland towns. Thus his new supporters could only come from amongst the discontented and undisciplined Border lords and gentry, and long before these moved to join him the romantic conquest of Scotland was over. On the 6th of September David Leslie had recrossed the frontier with his cavalry and some

infantry he had picked up on the way through northern England. Early on the morning of the 13th he surprised Montrose at Philiphaugh near Selkirk. The king’s lieutenant had only 650 men against 4000, and the battle did not last long. Montrose escaped with a few of his principal adherents, but his little army was annihilated. Of the veteran Macdonald infantry, 500 strong that morning, 250 were killed in the battle and the remainder put to death after accepting quarter. The Irish, even when they bore a Scottish name, were, by Scotsmen even more than Englishmen, regarded as beasts to be knocked on the head. After Naseby the Irishwomen found in the king’s camp were branded by order of Fairfax; after Philiphaugh more than 300 women, wives or followers of Macdonald’s men, were butchered. Montrose’s Highlanders at their worst were no more cruel than the sober soldiers of the kirk.

43. Digby’s Northern Expedition.—Charles received the news of Philiphaugh on the 28th of September, and gave orders that the west should be abandoned, the prince of Wales should be sent to France, and Goring should bring up what forces he could to the Oxford region. On the 4th of October Charles himself reached Newark (whither he had marched from Denbigh after revictualling Chester and suffering the defeat of Rowton Heath). The intention to go to Montrose was of course given up, at any rate for the present, and he was merely waiting for Goring and the Royalist militia of the west—each in its own way a broken reed to lean upon. A hollow reconciliation was patched up between Charles and Rupert, and the court remained at Newark for over a month. Before it set out to return to Oxford another Royalist force had been destroyed. On the 14th of October, receiving information that Montrose had raised a new army, the king permitted Langdale’s northern troops to make a fresh attempt to reach Scotland. At Langdale’s request Digby was appointed to command in this enterprise, and, civilian though he was, and disastrous though his influence had been to the discipline of the army, he led it boldly and skilfully. His immediate opponent was Poyntz, who had followed the king step by step from Doncaster to Chester and back to Welbeck, and he succeeded on the 15th in surprising Poyntz’s entire force of foot at Sherburn. Poyntz’s cavalry were soon after this reported approaching from the south, and Digby hoped to trap them also. At first all went well and body after body of the rebels was routed. But by a singular mischance the Royalist main body mistook the Parliamentary squadrons in flight through Sherburn for friends, and believing all was lost took to flight also. Thus Digby’s cavalry fled as fast as Poyntz’s and in the same direction, and the latter, coming to their senses first, drove the Royalist horse in wild confusion as far as Skipton. Lord Digby was still sanguine, and from Skipton he actually penetrated as far as Dumfries. But whether Montrose’s new army was or was not in the Lowlands, it was certain that Leven and Leslie were on the Border, and the mad adventure soon came to an end. Digby, with the mere handful of men remaining to him, was driven back into Cumberland, and on the 24th of October, his army having entirely disappeared, he took ship with his officers for the Isle of Man. Poyntz had not followed him beyond Skipton, and was now watching the king from Nottingham, while Rossiter with the Lincoln troops was posted at Grantham. The king’s chances of escaping from Newark were becoming smaller day by day, and they were not improved by a violent dispute between him and Rupert, Maurice, Lord Gerard and Sir Richard Willis, at the end of which these officers and many others rode away to ask the Parliament for leave to go over-seas. The pretext of the quarrel mattered little, the distinction between the views of Charles and Digby on the one hand and Rupert and his friends on the other was fundamental—to the latter peace had become a political as well as a military necessity. Meanwhile south Wales, with the single exception of Raglan Castle, had been overrun by the Parliamentarians. Everywhere the Royalist posts were falling. The New Model, no longer fearing Goring, had divided, Fairfax reducing the garrisons of Dorset and Devon, Cromwell those of Hampshire. Amongst the latter was the famous Basing House, which was stormed at dawn on the

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hamilton, John (d.1755)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hamilton, John (fl.1765-1786)


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User:GeoEvan

My political geography news and maps blog: Political Geography Now

My Taiwan wildlife photography blog: Fauna Photography Formosa

title: User:GeoEvan


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 14th of October and burnt to the ground. Cromwell, his work finished, returned to headquarters, and the army wintered in the neighbourhood of Crediton.

44. End of the First War.—The military events of 1646 call for no comment. The only field army remaining to the king was Goring’s, and though Hopton, who sorrowfully accepted the command after Goring’s departure, tried at the last moment to revive the memories and the local patriotism of 1643, it was of no use to fight against the New Model with the armed rabble that Goring turned over to him. Dartmouth surrendered on January 18, Hopton was defeated at Torrington on February 16, and surrendered the remnant of his worthless army on March 14. Exeter fell on April 13. Elsewhere, Hereford was taken on December 17, 1645, and the last battle of the war was fought and lost at Stow-on-the-Wold by Lord Astley on March 21, 1646. Newark and Oxford fell respectively on May 6 and June 24. On August 31 Montrose escaped from the Highlands. On the 19th of the same month Raglan Castle surrendered, and the last Royalist post of all, Harlech Castle, maintained the useless struggle until March 13, 1647. Charles himself, after leaving Newark in November 1645, had spent the winter in and around Oxford, whence, after an adventurous journey, he came to the camp of the Scottish army at Southwell on May 5, 1646.

45. Second Civil War (1648–52).—The close of the First Civil War left England and Scotland in the hands potentially of any one of the four parties or any combination of two or more that should prove strong enough to dominate the rest. Armed political Royalism was indeed at an end, but Charles, though practically a prisoner, considered himself and was, almost to the last, considered by the rest as necessary to ensure the success of whichever amongst the other three parties could come to terms with him. Thus he passed successively into the hands of the Scots, the Parliament and the New Model, trying to reverse the verdict of arms by coquetting with each in turn. The Presbyterians and the Scots, after Cornet Joyce of Fairfax’s horse seized upon the person of the king for the army (June 3, 1647), began at once to prepare for a fresh civil war, this time against Independency, as embodied in the New Model—henceforward called the Army—and after making use of its sword, its opponents attempted to disband it, to send it on foreign service, to cut off its arrears of pay, with the result that it was exasperated beyond control, and, remembering not merely its grievances but also the principle for which it had fought, soon became the most powerful political party in the realm. From 1646 to 1648 the breach between army and parliament widened day by day until finally the Presbyterian party, combined with the Scots and the remaining Royalists, felt itself strong enough to begin a second civil war.

46. The English War.—In February 1648 Colonel Poyer, the Parliamentary governor of Pembroke Castle, refused to hand over his command to one of Fairfax’s officers, and he was soon joined by some hundreds of officers and men, who mutinied, ostensibly for arrears of pay, but really with political objects. At the end of March, encouraged by minor successes, Poyer openly declared for the king. Disbanded soldiers continued to join him in April, all South Wales revolted, and eventually he was joined by Major-General Laugharne, his district commander, and Colonel Powel. In April also news came that the Scots were arming and that Berwick and Carlisle had been seized by the English Royalists. Cromwell was at once sent off at the head of a strong detachment to deal with Laugharne and Poyer. But before he arrived Laugharne had been severely defeated by Colonel Horton at St Fagans (May 8). The English Presbyterians found it difficult to reconcile their principles with their allies when it appeared that the prisoners taken at St Fagans bore “We long to see our King” on their hats; very soon in fact the English war became almost purely a Royalist revolt, and the war in the north an attempt to enforce a mixture of Royalism and Presbyterianism on Englishmen by means of a Scottish army. The former were disturbers of the peace and no more. Nearly all the Royalists who had fought in the First Civil War had given their parole not to bear arms against the

Parliament, and many honourable Royalists, foremost amongst them the old Lord Astley, who had fought the last battle for the king in 1646, refused to break their word by taking any part in the second war. Those who did so, and by implication those who abetted them in doing so, were likely to be treated with the utmost rigour if captured, for the army was in a less placable mood in 1648 than in 1645, and had already determined to “call Charles Stuart, that man of blood, to an account for the blood he had shed.” On the 21st of May Kent rose in revolt in the king’s name. A few days later a most serious blow to the Independents was struck by the defection of the navy, from command of which they had removed Vice-Admiral Batten, as being a Presbyterian. Though a former lord high admiral, the earl of Warwick, also a Presbyterian, was brought back to the service, it was not long before the navy made a purely Royalist declaration and placed itself under the command of the prince of Wales. But Fairfax had a clearer view and a clearer purpose than the distracted Parliament. He moved quickly into Kent, and on the evening of June 1 stormed Maidstone by open force, after which the local levies dispersed to their homes, and the more determined Royalists, after a futile attempt to induce the City of London to declare for them, fled into Essex. In Cornwall, Northamptonshire, North Wales and Lincolnshire the revolt collapsed as easily. Only in South Wales, Essex and the north of England was there serious fighting. In the first of these districts Cromwell rapidly reduced all the fortresses except Pembroke, where Laugharne, Poyer and Powel held out with the desperate courage of deserters. In the north, Pontefract was surprised by the Royalists, and shortly afterwards Scarborough Castle declared for the king. Fairfax, after his success at Maidstone and the pacification of Kent, turned northward to reduce Essex, where, under their ardent, experienced and popular leader Sir Charles Lucas, the Royalists were in arms in great numbers. He soon drove the enemy into Colchester, but the first attack on the town was repulsed and he had to settle down to a long and wearisome siege en règle. A Surrey rising, remembered only for the death of the young and gallant Lord Francis Villiers in a skirmish at Kingston (July 7), collapsed almost as soon as it had gathered force, and its leaders, the duke of Buckingham and the earl of Holland, escaped, after another attempt to induce London to declare for them, to St Albans and St Neots, where Holland was taken prisoner. Buckingham escaped over-seas.

47. Lambert in the North.—By the 10th of July therefore the military situation was well defined. Cromwell held Pembroke, Fairfax Colchester, Lambert Pontefract under siege; elsewhere all serious local risings had collapsed, and the Scottish army had crossed the Border. It is on the adventures of the latter that the interest of the war centres. It was by no means the veteran army of Leven, which had long been disbanded. For the most part it consisted of raw levies, and as the kirk had refused to sanction the enterprise of the Scottish parliament, David Leslie and thousands of experienced officers and men declined to serve. The duke of Hamilton proved to be a poor substitute for Leslie; his army, too, was so ill provided that as soon as England was invaded it began to plunder the countryside for the bare means of sustenance. Major-General Lambert, a brilliant young general of twenty-nine, was more than equal to the situation. He had already left the sieges of Pontefract and Scarborough to Colonel Rossiter, and hurried into Cumberland to deal with the English Royalists under Sir Marmaduke Langdale. With his cavalry he got into touch with the enemy about Carlisle and slowly fell back, fighting small rearguard actions to annoy the enemy and gain time, to Bowes and Barnard Castle. Langdale did not follow him into the mountains, but occupied himself in gathering recruits and supplies of material and food for the Scots. Lambert, reinforced from the midlands, reappeared early in June and drove him back to Carlisle with his work half finished. About the same time the local horse of Durham and Northumberland were put into the field by Sir A. Hesilrige, governor of Newcastle, and under the command of Colonel Robert Lilburne won a considerable success (June 30) at the river Coquet. This reverse, coupled with the existence of Langdale’s

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Declaration of the World Food Summit: five years later

INTERNATIONAL ALLIANCE AGAINST HUNGER

We, the Heads of State and Government, or our representatives, assembled in Rome at the World Food Summit: five years later (WFS:fyl) at the invitation of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO);

Recalling the World Food Summit (WFS) held in Rome in November 1996 at which Heads of State and Government, or their representatives, adopted the Rome Declaration on World Food Security and the WFS Plan of Action and pledged their political will and their common and national commitment to achieving food security for all and to an ongoing effort to eradicate hunger in all countries, with an immediate view to reducing the number of undernourished people to half their level no later than 2015;

Recognizing the urgent need to reinforce the efforts of all concerned partners as an international alliance against hunger, for the fulfilment of the objectives of the 1996 Summit;

Reaffirming the right of everyone to have access to safe and nutritious food;

Reiterating that food should not be used as an instrument for political and economic pressure and reaffirming the importance of international cooperation and solidarity as well as the necessity of refraining from unilateral measures not in accordance with the international law and the Charter of the United Nations and that endanger food security;

Reaffirming the commitments that we assumed with the Rome Declaration and Plan of Action, which taking into consideration the multifaceted character of food security, encompass national action and effective international efforts to supplement and reinforce national action;

Acknowledging the considerable efforts which have been made in many countries to reduce poverty and improve food security, and recognizing the commitment of the international community to assisting this effort as expressed in the United Nations Millennium Declaration;

Noting that the average annual rate of reduction in the number of undernourished people in the world was eight million and that if this trend continues, the WFS target of reducing the number of the undernourished by half by 2015, reaffirmed by the Millennium Declaration, will not be attained;

Noting that hunger is both a cause and an effect of extreme poverty, and prevents the poor from taking advantage of development opportunities, that hunger eradication is a vital step in alleviating poverty and inequality, and that the international community has restated its commitment to the reduction of poverty. Observing further that 70 percent of the world's poor live in rural areas and depend almost entirely on agriculture and rural development for their livelihood; and noting the rapid increase in the numbers and proportion of urban people affected by poverty, hunger and malnutrition;

Conscious of the particular difficulties faced by all developing countries, in particular by the least developed countries (LDC), the low-income food-deficit countries (LIFDC), the small island developing states, and countries affected by violent conflicts, civil strife, land mines and unexploded ordnance, or exposed to desertification and natural disasters; noting further that global warming and climate change can have serious implications for food and livelihood security, especially in these countries;

Recognizing also the difficulties faced by the countries with economies in transition in addressing their food security needs in the process of conducting market-oriented reforms;

Concerned with the current estimates of the overall downward trend in the national budgets of developing countries and the decline in Official Development Assistance (ODA) and International Financial Institutions (IFIs) portfolios directly allocated for agriculture and rural development, as a contribution to food security;

Recognizing the important role of food assistance in situations of humanitarian crisis as well as an instrument for development, acting as an enabling preinvestment;

Reaffirming Commitment 4 of the WFS Plan of Action that trade is a key element in achieving world food security;

Reaffirming the fundamental importance of national production and distribution of food, sustainable agriculture and rural development, fisheries and forestry, in achieving food security;

Reiterating our deep concern at the debt burden on developing countries in particular the heavily indebted poor countries, and at its negative impact on resources for food security, in spite of progress in implementing the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative;

Recognizing that international economic and financial crises have shown dramatically the vulnerability of developing countries;

Noting with concern the acute threat of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, and the incidence of malaria, tuberculosis and other diseases, in particular those caused by water contamination in developing countries, and their devastating impact on food security;

Reaffirming our commitment to the Monterrey Consensus, which referenced the need to develop effective partnerships between developed and developing countries, based on the recognition of national leadership and ownership of development plans that embody poverty reduction strategies, and recognizing the value of exploring innovative sources of finance provided that those sources do not unduly burden developing countries, as important steps towards achieving sustainable food security;

Recognizing the importance of the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture in support of food security objectives;

Noting the outcomes of the world conferences, including the International Conference on Financing for Development, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) Special Sessions on HIV/AIDS in 2001 and on Children in 2002 and the 4th Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization (WTO) at Doha, and highlighting the forthcoming World Summit on Sustainable Development of 2002.

Article 1
We renew our global commitments made in the Rome Declaration at the World Food Summit in 1996 in particular to halve the number of hungry in the world no later than 2015, as reaffirmed in the United Nations Millennium Declaration. We resolve to accelerate the implementation of the WFS Plan of Action.

Article 2
We call on all parties (governments, international organizations, civil society organizations and the private sector) to reinforce their efforts so as to act as an international alliance against hunger to achieve the WFS targets no later than 2015. With this aim, parties should promote coordinated action. Bearing in mind the contribution of all parties, countries should continue to report on progress to the Committee on World Food Security (CFS), within its mandate as a focal point for the implementation of the WFS Plan of Action.

Article 3
We recognize that progress had not been adequate to reach the WFS target. Recognizing that responsibility for assuring national food security rests with national governments in cooperation with civil society and the private sector and with the support of the international community, we resolve to accelerate implementation of action to halve hunger by no later than 2015. This requires a rate of hunger reduction of more than 22 million per year on average.

Article 4
We stress that poverty reduction and food security strategies should, inter alia, include measures to increase agricultural productivity, food production and distribution. We agree to promote equal access for men and women to food, water, land, credit and technology which will also help in generating income and creating employment opportunities for the poor, thus contributing to reduction of poverty and hunger.

Article 5
We reaffirm the importance of strengthening the respect of all human rights and fundamental freedoms including the right to development, democracy, the rule of law, good governance, sound economic policies, the equality of rights for all without distinction as to sex, race, language, religion, the resolution of conflicts in accordance with the UN Charter and respect for international humanitarian law, and international cooperation so as to solve economic, social, cultural and humanitarian problems, which are essential for achieving food security.

Article 6
We call upon the concerned development partners to exert all necessary efforts to achieve the international development goals of the Millennium Declaration, particularly, those related to halving poverty and hunger by 2015, to improve and strengthen the indicators necessary for measuring progress and to monitor progress within their mandate; and to renew and strengthen the commitment to national and international systems in place to assess food security. We reaffirm the role of FAO, with World Health Organization (WHO) and UNICEF in monitoring progress towards the Millennium Development Goal on hunger and the importance of the Inter- Agency Working Group on FIVIMS (Food Insecurity and Vulnerability Information and Mapping Systems) in strengthening national and international monitoring of food security.

Article 7
The vast majority of the hungry and those living in absolute poverty are in rural areas. We recognize that reaching the goal of halving the number of hungry requires that the most food insecure and impoverished countries promote the alleviation of rural poverty especially through sustained growth of agricultural production, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa.

Article 8
We reconfirm that FAO has a major role to play in assisting countries to implement the provisions of the WFS Plan of Action within its mandate, keeping in mind that the WFS entrusted the Committee on World Food Security to monitor progress.

Article 9
We believe that broad international partnerships are of utmost importance for the implementation of the WFS Plan of Action. We call on governments, the international organizations and financial institutions to utilize their resources effectively, to improve their performance and strengthen cooperation and to undertake joint efforts to combat hunger, and reinforce the key role of sustainable agriculture and rural development in food security.

Article 10
We invite the FAO Council to establish at its One Hundred and Twentythird Session an Intergovernmental Working Group, with the participation of stakeholders, in the context of the WFS follow-up, to elaborate, in a period of two years, a set of voluntary guidelines to support Member States' efforts to achieve the progressive realisation of the right to adequate food in the context of national food security; we ask the FAO, in close collaboration with relevant treaty bodies, agencies and programmes of the UN System, to assist the Intergovernmental Working Group, which shall report on its work to the Committee on World Food Security.

Article 11
We specifically urge governments to review their ongoing national food security policies with a view to filling gaps, identifying new initiatives, removing implementation obstacles and streamlining inter-ministerial and inter-departmental policy initiatives.

Article 12
We reaffirm the Monterrey Consensus and we urge all members of the WTO to implement the outcome of the Doha Conference, especially the commitments regarding the reform of the international agricultural trading system, with particular reference to paragraphs 13 and 14, given that international agricultural trade has a role to play, consistent with Commitment 4 of the WFS Plan of Action, in promoting economic development, alleviating poverty and achieving the objectives of the World Food Summit, in particular in developing countries.

Article 13
We reaffirm the need to assure gender equality and to support empowerment of women. We recognize and value the continuing and vital role of women in agriculture, nutrition and food security and the need to integrate a gender perspective in all aspects of food security; and we recognize the need to adopt measures to ensure that the work of rural women is recognized and valued in order to enhance their economic security, and their access to and control over resources and credit schemes, services and benefits.

Article 14
We emphasize the need for nutritionally adequate and safe food and highlight the need for attention to nutritional issues as an integral part of addressing food security. The recent UNGA Special Session on Children addressed the need for investments in basic economic and social infrastructure and social services, as well as social protection for vulnerable and disadvantaged groups. Attention should be given to improving the quality of diet; access to potable water, health care, and education; and sanitation. We recognize the importance of interventions to tackle micro-nutrient deficiencies which are cost-effective and locally acceptable.

Article 15
We reaffirm our pledge to the fight against world-wide conditions that pose severe health threats, and especially the spread of HIV/AIDS, which can have a uniquely devastating impact on all sectors and levels of society and consequently on food security. This requires new approaches, technologies and crops for labour-deficient HIV/AIDS-affected farming households. In this regard, we welcome the establishment of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, which constitutes an important step forward for concerted action at country level, as well as for the mobilization of new and additional resources aimed at the prevention and treatment of these diseases.

Article 16
We reaffirm the important role of Codex Alimentarius, the International Plant Protection Convention (IPPC) and the Office International des Epizooties (OIE) to provide effective, science-based, internationally-accepted standards of food safety, plant and animal health, as well as to facilitate international food and agricultural trade in their role as the WTO Agreement on Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures (SPS)-recognized standard-setting bodies.

Article 17
We pledge to continue to support efforts to strengthen developing countries' capacity with respect to the management of food safety and plant and animal health.

Article 18
We should strengthen national and international action to prepare for contingencies and emergencies, and to improve the effectiveness of emergency actions both through food and non-food based intervention. These actions must be integrated into sustainable development efforts with all stakeholders involved to achieve sustainable food security. We underscore the importance of developing the scope and coverage of social protection mechanisms, in particular of safety nets for vulnerable and food insecure households. We are committed to ensuring, through economic development, the use of early warning systems, and emergency assistance, that famine will never again be seen.

Article 19
We recognize the merit of school feeding as a social development programme. It should be based on local or regional purchase where possible, and managed in a way to respect local consumption habits. In this regard, we encourage the development of the World Food Programme's (WFP's) school feeding programmes, among others, when implemented in accordance with national priorities and educational programmes.

Article 20
We resolve to contribute to the outcome of the World Summit on Sustainable Development, recognizing the important role of the three Romebased organizations, FAO, WFP and the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), and to strengthen coordination and cooperation among national and international organizations, in order to make efficient use of resources, particularly in the areas of technical and financial cooperation, sustainable management of natural resources, fighting transboundary animal and plant diseases and securing food safety.

Article 21
We stress the need to further promote sustainable forest and fisheries management, including sustainable use and conservation of aquatic living resources, in view of the contribution of those sectors to food security and poverty eradication.

Article 22
We stress the importance of supporting alternative development activities that enable people engaged in illicit crop cultivation to reach sustainable food security and live in dignity.

Article 23
Recognizing the extent of poverty in the mountain zones, we emphasize the vital role of mountain zones and their potential for sustainable agriculture and rural development in order to achieve food security. We stress the need to build partnerships between developing and developed countries in this regard.

Article 24
We pledge to work in the spirit of cooperation and solidarity to strengthen FAO activities, within its mandate, that enable the developing countries and countries with economies in transition to meet food safety issues, to make better use of the benefits of research and technologies and to respond effectively to the challenges and opportunities of globalization, in particular with respect to agriculture and food security. We also pledge to assist those countries, particularly their food producers, to make informed choices about, and to have access to, the necessary scientific and technical knowledge related to these new technologies targeted at poverty and hunger reduction.

Article 25
We call on the FAO, in conjunction with the CGIAR and other international research institutes, to advance agricultural research and research into new technologies, including biotechnology. The introduction of tried and tested new technologies including biotechnology should be accomplished in a safe manner and adapted to local conditions to help improve agricultural productivity in developing countries. We are committed to study, share and facilitate the responsible use of biotechnology in addressing development needs.

Article 26
We recognize that the developing countries and countries in economic transition are facing difficulties in responding to the challenges and opportunities of globalization, in particular with respect to agriculture and food security, and we therefore agree in a spirit of cooperation and solidarity to consolidate FAO activities, in support of these countries to enable them to cope with the challenges and reap the benefits of globalization.

Article 27
We call on all Member States, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, the private sector and all other partners in development to consider voluntary contributions to the FAO Trust Fund for Food Security and Food Safety and other voluntary instruments. The Trust Fund should serve as a catalyst for accelerating food production and improving food access in LDCs, LIFDCs and Small Island Developing States, and for the prevention, control and eradication of transboundary pests and plant and animal diseases, and the preparation of investment projects, and South-South cooperation, in the aforementioned areas.

Article 28
We stress the inherent linkage between rapid progress towards the targets of the World Food Summit Plan of Action, as reaffirmed by the United Nations Millennium Declaration, and the size, direction and efficient use of investment in food security, agriculture, rural development, food production, processing and distribution. As we agreed in the Monterrey Consensus, mobilizing domestic and international resources to reach those objectives, is contingent on several factors, inter alia: (i) an enabling environment for savings and investment in rural areas within the framework of a sound national macro-economic system, (ii) a broad-based national poverty reduction strategy aiming at improving access to food including through increasing food production and distribution, (iii) promoting opportunities for internal and external private investment, (iv) trade, (v) adequate attention in the national budget towards social-economic development, (vi) complementing national efforts with ODA in critical areas of social infrastructure and human development and (vii) transparent and effective management of public resources.

Article 29
We urge developed countries that have not done so to make concrete efforts towards the target of 0.7% of Gross National Product (GNP) as ODA to developing countries, and 0.15% to 0.20% of GNP of developed countries to least developed countries, as reconfirmed at the Third United Nations Conference on Least Developed Countries, and we encourage developing countries to build on progress achieved in ensuring that ODA is used effectively to help achieve development goals and targets. We acknowledge the efforts of all donors, commend those donors whose ODA contributions exceed, reach or are increasing towards the targets, and underline the importance of undertaking to examine the means and timeframes for achieving the targets and goals.

Article 30
We welcome the adoption of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), and the inclusion of agriculture and food security as a component of this initiative. We invite the international community to respond to this initiative by financing programmes or projects, in the most appropriate manner, that reflect NEPAD principles and commitments.

Article 31
We will encourage the international community to continue to provide technical and financial assistance to the countries with economies in transition with a view to fostering their food security;

Article 32
With a view to reversing the overall decline of agriculture and rural development in the national budgets of developing countries, in ODA and in total lending in international financial institutions, we call for an adequate share for those sectors of bilateral and multilateral ODA, lending by IFIs and budgetary allocations of developing countries, within the framework of the Monterrey Consensus.

Article 33
We reaffirm that the enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative provides an opportunity to strengthen the economic prospects and poverty reduction efforts of its beneficiary countries, thereby increasing food security. Speedy, effective and full implementation of the enhanced Initiative, which should be fully financed through additional resources, is critical. Heavily indebted poor countries should take the policy measures necessary to become eligible for the initiative.

Article 34
We also reaffirm the Monterrey consensus to encourage exploring innovative mechanisms to address debt problems of developing countries, including middle-income countries and countries with economies in transition.

Article 35
We call on all countries that have not yet done so, to consider signing and ratifying the International Treaty on Plant Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture in order that it shall enter into force as soon as possible.


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 force on the Cumberland side, practically compelled Hamilton to choose the west coast route for his advance, and his army began slowly to move down the long couloir between the mountains and the sea. The campaign which followed is one of the most brilliant in English history.

48. Campaign of Preston.—On the 8th of July the Scots, with Langdale as advanced guard, were about Carlisle, and reinforcements from Ulster were expected daily. Lambert’s horse were at Penrith, Hexham and Newcastle, too weak to fight and having only skilful leading and rapidity of movement to enable them to gain time. Far away to the south Cromwell was still tied down before Pembroke, Fairfax before Colchester. Elsewhere the rebellion, which had been put down by rapidity of action rather than sheer weight of numbers, smouldered, and Prince Charles and the fleet cruised along the Essex coast. Cromwell and Lambert, however, understood each other perfectly, while the Scottish commanders quarrelled with Langdale and each other. Appleby Castle surrendered to the Scots on the 31st of July, whereat Lambert, who was still hanging on to the flank of the Scottish advance, fell back from Barnard Castle to Richmond so as to close Wensleydale against any attempt of the invaders to march on Pontefract. All the restless energy of Langdale’s horse was unable to dislodge him from the passes or to find out what was behind that impenetrable cavalry screen. The crisis was now at hand. Cromwell had received the surrender of Pembroke on the 11th, and had marched off, with his men unpaid, ragged and shoeless, at full speed through the midlands. Rains and storms delayed his march, but he knew that Hamilton in the broken ground of Westmorland was still worse off. Shoes from Northampton and stockings from Coventry met him at Nottingham, and, gathering up the local levies as he went, he made for Doncaster, where he arrived on the 8th of August, having gained six days in advance of the time he had allowed himself for the march. He then called up artillery from Hull, exchanged his local levies for the regulars who were besieging Pontefract, and set off to meet Lambert. On the 12th he was at Wetherby, Lambert with horse and foot at Otley, Langdale at Skipton and Gargrave, Hamilton at Lancaster, and Sir George Monro with the Scots from Ulster and the Carlisle Royalists (organized as a separate command owing to friction between Monro and the generals of the main army) at Hornby. On the 13th, while Cromwell was marching to join Lambert at Otley, the Scottish leaders were still disputing as to whether they should make for Pontefract or continue through Lancashire so as to join Lord Byron and the Cheshire Royalists.

49. Preston Fight.—On the 14th Cromwell and Lambert were at Skipton, on the 15th at Gisburn, and on the 16th they marched down the valley of the Ribble towards Preston with full knowledge of the enemy’s dispositions and full determination to attack him. They had with them horse and foot not only of the army, but also of the militia of Yorkshire, Durham, Northumberland and Lancashire, and withal were heavily outnumbered, having only 8600 men against perhaps 20,000 of Hamilton’s command. But the latter were scattered for convenience of supply along the road from Lancaster, through Preston, towards Wigan, Langdale’s corps having thus become the left flank guard instead of the advanced guard. Langdale called in his advanced parties, perhaps with a view to resuming the duties of advanced guard, on the night of the 13th, and collected them near Longridge. It is not clear whether he reported Cromwell’s advance, but, if he did, Hamilton ignored the report, for on the 17th Monro was half a day’s march to the north, Langdale east of Preston, and the main army strung out on the Wigan road, Major-General Baillie with a body of foot, the rear of the column, being still in Preston. Hamilton, yielding to the importunity of his lieutenant-general, the earl of Callendar, sent Baillie across the Ribble to follow the main body just as Langdale, with 3000 foot and 500 horse only, met the first shock of Cromwell’s attack on Preston Moor. Hamilton, like Charles at Edgehill, passively shared in, without directing, the battle, and, though Langdale’s men fought magnificently, they were after four hours’ struggle driven to the Ribble. Baillie

attempted to cover the Ribble and Darwen bridges on the Wigan road, but Cromwell had forced his way across both before nightfall. Pursuit was at once undertaken, and not relaxed until Hamilton had been driven through Wigan and Winwick to Uttoxeter and Ashbourne. There, pressed furiously in rear by Cromwell’s horse and held up in front by the militia of the midlands, the remnant of the Scottish army laid down its arms on the 25th of August. Various attempts were made to raise the Royalist standard in Wales and elsewhere, but Preston was the death-blow. On the 28th of August, starving and hopeless of relief, the Colchester Royalists surrendered to Lord Fairfax. The victors in the Second Civil War were not merciful to those who had brought war into the land again. On the evening of the surrender of Colchester, Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle were shot. Laugharne, Poyer and Powel were sentenced to death, but Poyer alone was executed on the 25th of April 1649, being the victim selected by lot. Of five prominent Royalist peers who had fallen into the hands of the Parliament, three, the duke of Hamilton, the earl of Holland, and Lord Capel, one of the Colchester prisoners and a man of high character, were beheaded at Westminster on the 9th of March. Above all, after long hesitations, even after renewal of negotiations, the army and the Independents “purged” the House of their ill-wishers, and created a court for the trial and sentence of the king. The more resolute of the judges nerved the rest to sign the death-warrant, and Charles was beheaded at Whitehall on the 30th of January.

50. Cromwell in Ireland.—The campaign of Preston was undertaken under the direction of the Scottish parliament, not the kirk, and it needed the execution of the king to bring about a union of all Scottish parties against the English Independents. Even so, Charles II. in exile had to submit to long negotiations and hard conditions before he was allowed to put himself at the head of the Scottish armies. The marquis of Huntly was executed for taking up arms for the king on the 22nd of March 1649. Montrose, under Charles’s directions, made a last attempt to rally the Scottish Royalists early in 1650. But Charles merely used Montrose as a threat to obtain better conditions for himself from the Covenanters, and when the noblest of all the Royalists was defeated (Carbisdale, April 27), delivered up to his pursuers (May 4), and executed (May 21, 1650), he was not ashamed to give way to the demands of the Covenanters, and to place himself at the head of Montrose’s executioners. His father, whatever his faults, had at least chosen to die for an ideal, the Church of England. Charles II. now proposed to regain the throne by allowing Scotland to impose Presbyterianism on England, and dismissed all the faithful Cavaliers who had followed him to exile. Meanwhile, Ireland, in which a fresh war, with openly anti-English and anti-Protestant objects, had broken out in 1648, was thoroughly reduced to order by Cromwell, who beat down all resistance by his skill, and even more by his ruthless severity, in a brief campaign of nine months (battle of Rathmines near Dublin, won by Colonel Michael Jones, August 2, 1649; storming of Drogheda, September 11, and of Wexford, October 11, by Cromwell; capture of Kilkenny, March 28, 1650, and of Clonmel, May 10). Cromwell returned to England at the end of May 1650, and on June 26 Fairfax, who had been anxious and uneasy since the execution of the king, resigned the command-in-chief of the army to his lieutenant-general. The pretext, rather than the reason, of Fairfax’s resignation was his unwillingness to lead an English army to reduce Scotland.

51. The Invasion of Scotland.—This important step had been resolved upon as soon as it was clear that Charles II. would come to terms with the Covenanters. From this point the Second Civil War becomes a war of England against Scotland. Here at least the Independents carried the whole of England with them. No Englishman cared to accept a settlement at the hands of a victorious foreign army, and on the 28th of June, five days after Charles II. had sworn to the Covenant, the new lord-general was on his way to the Border to take command of the English army. About the same time a new militia act was passed that was destined to give full and decisive effect to the

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