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Clairvoyance (Leadbeater)/Chapter 9

METHODS OF DEVELOPMENT When a men becomes convinced of the reality of the valuable power of clairvoyance, his first question usually is, "How can I develop in my own case this faculty which is said to be latent in everyone?"

Now the fact is that there are many methods by which it may be developed, but only one which be at all safely recommended for general use — that of which we shall speak last of all. Among the less advanced nations of the world the clairvoyant state has been produced in various objectionable ways; among some of the non-Aryan tribes of India, but the use of intoxicating drugs or the inhaling of stupefying fumes; among the dervishes, by whirling in a mad dance of religious fervour until vertigo and insensibility supervene; among the followers of the abominable practice of the Voodoo cult, by frightful sacrifices and loathsome rites of black magic. Methods such as these are happily not in vogue in our race, yet even among us large numbers of dabblers in this ancient art adopt some plan of self-hypnotization, such as gazing at a bright spot or the repetition of some formula until a condition of semi-stupefaction is produced; while yet another school among them would endeavour to arrive at similar results by the use of some of the Indian systems of regulation of the breath.

All these methods are unequivocally to be condemned as quite unsafe for the practice of the ordinary man who has no idea of what he is doing — who is simply making vague experiments in an unknown world. Even the method of obtaining clairvoyance by allowing oneself to be mesmerized by another person is one from which I should myself shrink with the most decided distaste; and assuredly it should never be attempted except under conditions of absolute trust and affection between the magnetizer and the magnetized, and a perfection of purity in heart and soul, in mind and intention, such as is rarely to be seen among any but the greatest of saints.

Experiments in connection with the mesmeric trance are of the deepest interest, as offering (among other things) a possibility of proof of the fact of clairvoyance to the sceptic, yet except under such conditions as I have just mentioned — conditions, I quite admit, almost impossible to realize — I should never counsel anyone to submit himself as a subject for them.

Curative mesmerism, (in which, without putting the patient into the trance state at all, an effort is made to relieve his pain, to remove his disease, or to pour vitality into him by magnetic passes) stands on an entirely different footing; and if the mesmerizer, even though quite untrained, is himself in good health and animated by pure intentions, no harm is likely to be done to the subject. In so extreme a case as that of a surgical operation, a man might reasonably submit himself even to the mesmeric trance, but it is certainly not a condition with which one ought lightly to experiment. Indeed, I should most strongly advise any one who did me the honour to ask for my opinion on the subject, not to attempt any kind of experimental investigation into what are still to him the abnormal forces of nature, until he has first of all read carefully everything that has been written on the subject, or — which is by far the best of all — until he is under the guidance of a qualified teacher.

But where, it will be said, is the qualified teacher to be found? Not, most assuredly, among any who advertise themselves as teachers, who offer to impart for so many guineas or dollars the sacred mysteries of the ages, or hold "developing circles" to which casual applicants are admitted at so much per head.

Much has been said in this treatise of the necessity for careful training — of the immense advantages of the trained over the untrained clairvoyant; but that again brings us back to the same question- where is this definite training to be had?

The answer is that the training may be had precisely where it has always been to be found since the world's history began — at the hands of the Great White Brotherhood of Adepts, which stands now, as it has always stood, at the back of human evolution, guiding and helping it under the sway of the great Cosmic Laws which represent to us the Will of the Eternal.

But how, it may be asked, is access to be gained to them? How is the aspirant thirsting for knowledge to signify to them his wish for instruction?

Once more, by the time-honoured methods only. There is no new patent whereby a man can qualify himself without trouble to become a pupil in that School — no royal road to the learning which has to be acquired in it. At the present day, just as in the mists of antiquity, the man who wishes to attract Their notice must enter upon the slow and toilsome path of self-development — must learn first of all to take himself in hand and make himself all that he ought to be. The steps of that path are no secret; I have given them in full details in Invisible Helpers, so I need not repeat them here. But it is no easy road to follow, and yet sooner or later all must follow it, for the great law of evolution sweeps mankind slowly but resistlessly towards its goal.

From those who are pressing into this path the great Masters select their pupils, and it is only by qualifying himself to be taught that a man can put himself in the way of getting the teaching. Without that qualification membership in any Lodge or Society, whether secret or otherwise, will not advance his object in the slightest degree. It is true, as we all know, that it was at the instance of some of these Masters that our Theosophical Society was founded, and that from its ranks some have been chosen to pass into closer relations with them. But that choice depends upon the earnestness of the candidate, not upon his mere membership of the Society or of anybody within it. That, then, is the only absolutely safe way of developing clairvoyance — to enter with all one's energy upon the path of moral and mental evolution, at one stage of which this and other of the higher faculties will spontaneously begin to show themselves. Yet there is one practice which is advised by all the religions alike — which if adopted carefully and reverently can do no harm to any human being, yet from which a very pure type of clairvoyance has sometimes been developed and that is the practice of meditation.

Let a man choose a certain time every day — a time when he can rely upon being quiet and undisturbed, though preferably in the daytime rather than at night — and set himself at that time to keep his mind for a few minutes entirely free from all earthly thoughts of any kind whatever and, when that is achieved, to direct the whole force of his being towards the highest spiritual ideal that he happens to know. He will find that to gain such perfect control of thought is enormously more difficult than he supposes, but when he attains it, it cannot but be in every way most beneficial to him, and as he grows more and more able to elevate and concentrate his thought, he may gradually find that new worlds are opening before his sight.

(As a preliminary training towards the satisfactory achievement of such meditation, he will find it desirable to make a practice of concentration in the affairs of daily life — even in the smallest of them. If he writes a letter, let him think of nothing else but that letter until it is finished; if he reads a book, let him see to it that his thought is never allowed to wander from his author's meaning. He must learn to hold his mind in check, and to be master of that also, as well as of his lower passions; he must patiently labour to acquire absolute control of his thoughts, so that he will always know exactly what he is thinking about, and why — so that he can use his mind, and turn it or hold it still, as a practised swordsman turns his weapon where he wilt). Yet after all, if those who so earnestly desire clairvoyance could possess it temporarily for a day or even an hour, it is far from certain that they would choose to retain the gift. True, it opens before them new worlds of study, new powers of usefulness, and for this latter reason most of us feel it worth while; but it should be remembered that for one whose duty still calls him to live in the world it is by no means an unmixed blessing. Upon one in whom that vision is opened the sorrow and the misery, the evil and the greed of the world press as an ever-present burden, until in the earlier days of his knowledge he often feels inclined to echo the passionate adjuration contained in those rolling lines of Schiller's: Dein Orakel zu verkünden, warum warfest du mich hin In die Stadt der ewing Blinden, mit dem augfeschloss'nen Sinn? Frommt's, den Schleier aufzuheben, wo das name Schreckniss droht? Nur der Irrthum ist das Leben; dieses Wissen ist der Tod. Nimm, O nimm die trau'ge Karlheit mir vom Aug' den blut'gen Schein! Schrecklich ist es deiner Wahrheit sterbliches Gefäss zu seyn!

which may perhaps be translated, "Why hast thou cast me thus into the town of the ever-blind, To proclaim thine oracle by the opened sense? What profits it to lift the veil where the near darkness threatens? Only ignorance is life; this knowledge is death. Take back this sad clear-sightedness; take from mine eyes this cruel light! It is horrible to be the mortal channel of thy truth!" And again later he cries, "Give me back my blindness, the happy darkness of my senses; take back thy dreadful gift!"

But this of course is a feeling which passes, for the higher sight soon shows the pupil something beyond the sorrow — soon bears in upon his soul the overwhelming certainty that, whatever appearances down here may seem to indicate, all things are without shadows of doubt working together for the eventual good of all. He reflects that the sin and the suffering are there, whether he is able to perceive them or not, and that when he can see them he is after all better able to give efficient help than he would be if he were working in the dark; and so by degrees he learns to bear his share of the heavy karma of the world.

Some misguide mortals there are who, having the good fortune to possess some slight touch of this higher power, are nevertheless so absolutely destitute of all right feeling in connection with it as to use it for the most sordid ends — actually even to advertise themselves as "test and business clairvoyants!". Needless to say, such use of the faculty is a mere prostitution and degradation of it, showing that its unfortunate possessor has somehow got hold of it before the moral side of his nature has been sufficiently developed to stand the strain which it imposes. A perception of the amount of evil karma that may be generated by such action in a very short time changes one's disgust into pity for the unhappy perpetrator of that sacrilegious folly.

It is sometimes object that the possession of clairvoyance destroys all privacy, and confers a limitless ability to explore the secrets of others. No doubt it does confer such an ability, but nevertheless the suggestion is an amusing one to any one who knows anything practically about the matter. Such an objection may possibly be well-founded as regards the very limited powers of the "test and business clairvoyant", but the man who brings it forward against those who have had the faculty opened for them in the course of their instruction, and consequently possess it fully, is forgetting three fundamental facts: first, that it is quite inconceivable that anyone, having before him the splendid fields for investigation which true clairvoyance opens up, could ever have the slightest wish to pry into the trumpery little secrets of any individual man; secondly, that even if by some impossible chance our clairvoyant had such indecent curiosity about matters of petty gossip, there is, after all, such a thing as the honour of a gentleman, which, on that plane as on this, would of course prevent him from contemplating for an instant the idea of gratifying it; and thirdly, in case, by any unheard-of possibility, one might encounter some variety of low-class pitri with whom the above considerations would have no weight, full instructions are always given to every pupil, as soon as he develops any sign of faculty, as to the limitations which are placed upon its use.

Put briefly, these restrictions are that there shall be no prying, no selfish use of the power, and no displaying of phenomena. That is to say, that the same considerations which would govern the actions of a man of right feeling upon the physical plane are expected to apply upon the astral and mental planes also; that the pupil is never under any circumstances to use the power which his additional knowledge gives to him in order to promote his own worldly advantage, or indeed in connection with gain in any way; and that he is never to give what is called in spiritualistic circle "a test" — that is, to do anything which will incontestably prove to sceptics on the physical plane that he possesses what to them would appear to be an abnormal power.

With regard to this latter proviso people often say, "But why should he not? It would be so easy to confute and convince your sceptic, and it would do him good!" Such critics lose sight of the fact that, in the first place, none of those who know anything want to confute or convince sceptics, or trouble themselves in the slightest degree about the sceptic's attitude one way or the other; and in the second, they fail to understand how much better it s for that sceptic that he should gradually grow into an intellectual appreciation of the facts of nature, instead of being suddenly introduced to them by a knockdown blow, as it were. But the subject was fully considered many years ago in Mr. Sinnett's Occult World, and it is needless to repeat again the arguments there adduced.

It is very hard for some of our friends to realize that the silly gossip and idle curiosity which so entirely fill the lives of the brainless majority on earth can have no place in the more real life of the disciple; and so they sometimes enquire whether, even without any special wish to see, a clairvoyant might not casually observe some secret which another person was trying to keep, in the same way as one's glance might casually fall upon a sentence in someone else's letter which happened to be lying open upon the table. Of course he might, but what if he did? The man of honour would at once avert his eyes, in one case as in the other, and it would be as thought he had not seen. If objectors could but grasp the idea that no pupil cares about other people's business, except when it comes within his province to try to help them, and that he has always a world of work of his own to attend to, they would not be so hopelessly far from understanding the facts of the wide life of the trained clairvoyant.

Even from the little that I have said with regard to the restrictions laid upon the pupil, it will be obvious that in very many cases he will know much more than he is at liberty to say. That is of course true in a far wider sense of the great Masters of Wisdom themselves, and that is why those who have the privilege of occasionally entering their presence pay so much respect to their lightest word in subjects quite apart from the direct teaching. For opinion of a master, or even of one of his higher pupils, upon any subject is that of a man whose opportunity of judging accurately is out of all proportion to ours.

His position and his extended faculties are in reality the heritage of all mankind, and, far though we may now be from those grand powers, they will none the less certainly be ours one day. Yet how different a place will this old world be when humanity as a whole possesses the higher clairvoyance! Think what the difference will be to history when all can read the records; to science, when all the processes about which now men theorize can be watched through all their course; to medicine, when doctor and patients alike can see clearly and exactly all that is being done; to philosophy, when there is no longer any possibility of discussion as to its basis, because all alike can see a wider aspect of the truth; to labour, when all work will be joy, because every man will be put only to that which he can do best; to education, when the minds and hearts of the children are open to the teacher who is trying to form their character; to religion, when there is no longer any possibility of dispute as to its broad dogmas, since the truth about the states after death, and the Great Law that governs the world, will be patent to all eyes.

Above all, how far easier it will be then for the evolved men to help one another under those so much freer conditions. The possibilities that open before the mind are as glorious vistas stretching in all directions, so that our seventh round should indeed be a veritable golden age. Well for us that these grand faculties will not be possessed by all humanity until it has evolved to a far higher level in morality as well as in wisdom, else should we but repeat once more under still worse conditions the terrible downfall of the great Atlantean civilization, whose members failed to realize that increased power meant increased responsibility. Yet we ourselves were most of us among those very men; let us hope that we have learnt wisdom by that failure, and that when the possibilities of the wider life open before use once more, this time we shall bear the trial better.

title: Clairvoyance (Leadbeater)/Chapter 9


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Inskipp, James

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Insula, Robert de


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Inverarity, Elizabeth


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Inverkeithing, Richard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Inwood, Henry William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Inwood, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Iolo Goch


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Iorwerth ab Bleddyn


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Page:Life of Octavia Hill as told in her letters.djvu/70

 that I ought to be the agent in awakening it. It is a very wonderful work in which we are engaged. It is a very awful work, when you feel how easily you can reach their hearts, how hard it is to reach their consciences; they will do anything for you, they will do hardly anything because it is right. And tho' this is dangerous, because so false a ground to stand upon, yet this inclination testifies of a precious truth. It might teach us, if we would only learn, how much all human beings must crave for personality; how cold, how dead, how distant are all abstractions. A soul diffused thro' nature, an ideal, an essence, a principle, may seem to satisfy a comfortably situated philosopher. It is sufficient to dream and speculate about; it is not enough to live upon. Even in his most easy moments, there will be strange questionings in him as to what connection this God of his bears to life; and there will come a time when the ground beneath him shall be shaken; when he shall ask what he is standing upon; when evil shall rise before him as something very real, very near; then he will have to ask whether there is nothing nearer, nothing more real; yes! in his old creeds (if they deserve the name) there is an essence pervading all things. An essence, when this is a real battle, when evil is gathered up in some person, is felt to be most terribly personal. If evil is all vague, all mysterious, and yet most real, is there no Person stronger than it, mysterious through His divinity? Yes! then all history, all life will testify there is such a one. Man has been trying to bow down even to himself; he has longed to worship, but it must be something definite, something eternal; such a one has been shown. Every man is to act as if it were so. You are all to speak to those around you, as if they had that


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Page:Life of Octavia Hill as told in her letters.djvu/67

 laughing, and saying that she had succeeded. … It came out that this was the case. … Ockey had wanted very much to go with Mr. Pickard; but he was going in his cart; and Ockey could not go in an omnibus and meet him there, because it would offend him; so Miranda persuaded Mama to let Ockey go in the cart. She says that she enjoyed it so much; Mr. Pickard was so kind and thoughtful. He did not drive up to the door in the cart, but left it at some distance. Ruskin received them very kindly and was very much pleased with the letters, and has given an order for two more to be done. When they left Ruskin, Mr. Pickard seemed determined that they should enjoy themselves. He wanted to explore a pretty road that there was; and soon he set his heart on going to the Crystal Palace; so he took Ockey there, and showed her all over the gardens which she had never seen before, and led her about from room to room. … At last Ockey began to fear that he would never leave, and that she should be late for the meeting at the Agency. However, she got back in time.

Ladies' Guild, July 6th, 1855. .

We shall be very happy to see your friends and your uncle, who I think I have had the pleasure of meeting at Mrs. Howitt's.

It gives us very great pleasure to see anyone who is really interested in our work. Sympathy is very precious, and the knowledge that we are not working utterly alone; it is a wonderfully interesting work, at times a difficult one; thrown so much together as we all are, we have to ask ourselves what it is that unites


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 us, now that we have at last broken thro' the wall of ice that has surrounded these children's hearts, threatening to shape them into machines, not to educate them as human beings, having individuality, powers of perception and reflection; tho', thank God! it never could have achieved its work entirely because they would always have had power of loving, however blunted it might have been. … I do not think the influence that the rich and poor might have upon one another has been at all understood by either. I think we have all taken it too much for granted—a great deal more than we should have done—that the giving is all on one side, the receiving on the other. … I have had a great success to-day, in destroying, I trust for ever, a six years' quarrel between two of the children. But a long work lies before us; and to-day's victory is but a small emblem of what must be. There must be many a cloud, and many a storm, and many an earthquake; and yet we must rise victorious, to lead these children to love truth, to realize it as more eternal, more real than any material substances; to teach them that in the principle of a sacrifice lies all strength; to open their hearts and eyes to all beauty; to bring out the principle of obedience and sacrifice, as opposed to selfishness and lawlessness. This is not a small work, and they must learn to do that which lies before them, to look upon the fulfilment of the duties which God has given them, in whatever position they may be, as that which will open to them the Kingdom of Heaven. This is a work which we must ask to be able to undertake in all humility, all energy, all earnestness, all faith; feeling that our only strength, our sufficient strength is that God is working with us.

I do not know whether I ought to apologise for writing


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 such a long letter; but I hardly remembered what I was doing.

Ladies' Guild, 4, Russell Place, Fitzroy Square, July 16th, 1855.

It has given me much pleasure to receive your very kind letter. I thank you in my own name and in that of the children for your welcome invitation. It will give us very great pleasure to accept it. … Your letters have given me much pleasure because they are assurances that we are not working utterly alone; because we want this assurance; because the evil which is so great, and so near, is almost crushing, without a consciousness of having fellow labourers. It is such a very small number that can come within our reach; our influence is so limited even on those with whom we have most to do; there is "so much in ourselves that hinders us from understanding and loving these children as we should do; so much in them that hinders them from caring for our love. Fancy appealing to a child's sense of duty to do something which will delay her work, prevent her earning so much as she would otherwise have done, perhaps deprive her of a meal, very often of a new pair of shoes! How strong her sense of duty must be, how real right must seem to her (if she is to prevail), to counterbalance the reality of the dinner and clothes! How dare I hope, I very often ask myself, to awaken this sense? And yet I do go on acting as if it were existing; appealing to it, and receiving proofs of its existence continually. I dare not hope that I shall have the power of creating it. I dare not


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 in them which would recognise and reverence this Conqueror, this Knight; and yet as if they knew that He could only be God's warrior, because He came not to crush but to raise; and yet that, just because of this, He was bound to fight with evil, bound to destroy; and I do hope we may be able to awaken in the hearts of these children a knowledge that they are called soldiers of Christ, in whatever place they may find themselves; that it is their duty not to speak or act or think as if there were no evil; that it is no proof of trust in God to shut their eyes. They do see evil, they do feel it in themselves, they are bound to testify that God is stronger than the devil, light than darkness, life than death. There is all danger of our disbelieving this. I feel it in myself. I am frequently inclined to act as if I believed that another than a righteous God was ruling, especially in the hearts of others; as if there was nothing so strong as selfishness, nothing so mighty as self interest; and yet I am bound to claim for these children, to claim for all of us, the name of Christians, children of God, inheritors of His Kingdom.

Ladies' Guild, July 24th, 1855.

… And now I must thank you all very very much for your kindness, which I am sure we shall never any of us forget. I am sure you will be glad to hear how much we all enjoyed the whole day. I am sure that it was to many of us a revelation not only of beauty and comfort, but of gentleness and generosity, which we have cause to be very grateful for. The children have never ceased talking about it; the boat, the water, the garden, the flowers are continual sources


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 проявлять (dur of проявить) to show. Вся их бригада проявляет большой интерес к работе. Their entire brigade shows a great enthusiasm for their work.

проясниться (pct of проясняться) to brighten up. Она выслушала меня, и лицо её прояснилось. She listened to me and her face brightened up. • to clear up. Наутро у меня голова прояснилась. In the morning my head cleared up. — Если до вечера прояснится, матч состоится. The match will take place if the weather clears up before evening.

проясняться (dur of проясниться) to become clear. Дело начинает проясняться. The situation is becoming clear now.

пруд (P -ы, -ов/на пруду/) pond. Слышите, как лягушки квакают в пруду? Do you hear the frogs croaking in the pond? □ *У неё денег, хоть пруд пруди. She could fill a couple of banks with the money she has.

пружина spring. Тут лопнула пружина. The spring is broken here.

прыгать (/pct: прыгнуть/) to jump. Мне приходилось всё время прыгать через лужи. I had to jump puddles the whole way. — У меня сердце так и прыгает от радости. I'm so happy my heart's jumping with joy. • to bounce. Дайте мне другой мяч, этот плохо прыгает. Give me another ball; this one doesn't bounce. • to hop. Полно прыгать, стой смирно! Stop hopping! Stand still for a while! □ Он хорошо прыгает с шестом. He pole-vaults well.

прыгнуть (pct of прыгать) to jump. Во время пожара он прыгнул со второго этажа и сильно расшибся. During the fire he jumped from the second story and got badly hurt.

прыжок (-жка) jump. Это был его первый прыжок с парашютом. That was his first parachute jump. • leap. Одним прыжком он очутился на другой стороне. He reached the other side in one leap. □ Он чемпион по прыжкам в высоту. He's a champion high jumper.

пряжка buckle. Мне нужна новая пряжка для пояса. I need a new buckle for my telt. • hair clip. Есть у вас пряжки для волос? Do you have any hair clips?

прямой (sh прям, -а /-о, -ы/; adv прямо) direct. Идите по шоссе — это прямая дорога в город. Take the paved road; it's the direct route to town. — Не увиливайте — дайте прямой ответ. Don't hedge; give me a direct answer. • straight. Мы спустились к реке почти по прямой линии. We followed an almost straight path down to the river. • straightforward. Он очень прямой человек. He's a very straightforward person. □ прямой билет through ticket. Вам прямой билет или пересадочный? Do you want a through ticket or a transfer? прямой налог direct taxes. прямо straight. Идите прямо, потом сверните налево. Go straight and then turn left. — Посмотрите мне прямо в глаза и повторите, что вы сказали. Look me straight in the eye and repeat what you said. • straight out. Не стесняйтесь — прямо так ему и скажите. Don't be bashful; say it straight out. • directly. Мы приедем прямо к вам. We'll go directly to your house. • really. Вы знаете, я прямо поражён его терпением. You know, I'm really amazed at his patience. • just. Это прямо замечательно! This is just wonderful! • right. Он угодил прямо в лужу. He fell right into the puddle. □ Вам прямой расчёт так поступить. It'll be to your advantage to act this way. • Моя прямая обязанность предупредить его. It's my duty to warn him. • Она не имеет права отказываться стенографировать — это её прямая обязанность. She can't refuse to take shorthand; that's just what she was hired for.

пряник cake. У нас есть пряники и медовые, и мятные. We have both honey cakes and mint cakes.

прятать (прячу, -чет; /pct: с-/) to hide. Куда это она прячет ножи? Where on earth does she hide the knives?

-ся to hide (oneself). Почему он от меня прячется? Why's he hiding from me? • to keep to oneself. Куда это вы всё прячетесь? Why are you keeping to yourself?

прячу See прятать.

прячусь See прятаться.

птица bird. Бросьте горсть крошек, и птицы сейчас слетятся. Throw out some crumbs and the birds will come and get them. — *А это ещё что за птица? And who's that bird? • poultry. На рынке сегодня было много птицы. There was a lot of poultry at the market today.

публика public. Музей открыт для публики. The museum is open to the (general) public. • audience. Публика громко аплодировала оратору. The audience applauded the speaker loudly. • people. На концерте было много публики. There were many people at the concert. □ своя публика one's own bunch. Не стесняйтесь, здесь всё своя публика. Don't be bashful; just our own bunch are here.

публичный public. Я не привык к публичным выступлениям. I'm not used to public appearances. — Я работаю в публичной библиотеке. I'm working in a public library. □ публично publicly. Он в этом публично сознался. He admitted it publicly.

пугать (/pct: ис- and пугнуть/) to scare, to frighten. Не пугайте меня трудностями — я всё равно поеду. Don't try to scare me with the hardships; I'll go anyway. — Не пугайте его, он и так очень встревожен. Don't frighten him; he's upset enough as it is.

пугнуть (pct of пугать).

пуговица button.

пудра powder. Нет, я пудры не употребляю. No, I don't use any powder.

пузырёк (-рька) bottle. Я разбил пузырёк с иодом. I broke the bottle of iodine.

пулемёт machine gun.

пульс pulse. Дайте мне пощипать ваш пульс. Let me take your pulse.

пуля bullet.

пункт point. В нашем договоре такого пункта нет. There's по such point in our agreement. — Я ему возражал по всем пунктам. I raised objections on every point he made. • place. Где назначен сборный пункт? Where is the meeting place? □ санитарный пункт aid station.

пуск. □ Всё готово к пуску нового завода. Everything in the new plant is ready for operation.

пускай let. Пускай он придёт ко мне завтра утром. Let him come to me tomorrow morning. □ Что ж, пускай будет по-вашему! Well, have it your own way!

пускать (/pct: пустить/) to let. Закройте дверь и не пускай-


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[ 2 ]

N Burgo Malmeberie'' habet Rex 26 mauras hopitata, et 25 mauras in quibus unt domus quæ non reddunt geldam pluquam vata terra. Unaquaque harum maurarum reddit 10 denarios de gablo. Hoc et imul 43 solidos et 6 denarios. De feudo Epicopi Baiocenis et ibi dimidia maura vata quæ nullum ervitium reddit. Abbas Malmeburienis habet 4 mauras et dimidiam, et foris burgenes 9 cocez qui geldant cum Burgenibus. Abbas Glatingberienis habet 2'' Rh


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 те сюда никого. Close the door and don't let anybody in. • to open. Мы сегодня пускаем завод. We're opening the factory today. • to start. Пускайте мотор, пора! Start the motor; it's time.

-ся to start. Завтра с утра мы пускаемся в путь. We're starting on our way tomorrow morning.

пустить (пущу, пустит; pct of пускать) to let. Пустите нас ночевать. Will you let us spend the night here? — Доктор не пустил меня сегодня к сыну. The doctor wouldn't let me see my son today. — Я не пустила сегодня дочь в школу. I didn't let my daughter go to school today. • to let into. По-моему, вас на это собрание, не пустят. I think they won't let you into this meeting. • to start. Кто, собственно, пустил этот слух? Just who started this gossip? □ Домна будет пущена через две недели. The blast furnace will be working in two weeks. • Первые станки уже пущены в ход. The first lathes are already operating. • Можете пустить этот материал в работу. You can put this material to use.

-ся to start. Он пустился бежать. He started running. □ Он, говорят, пустился во все тяжкие. They say he let down all bars.

пустой (sh пуст, -ста, -пусто, -сты) empty. Мы слишком рано пришли, зал ещё пустой. We came too early; the hall is still empty. — Раньше поешьте, нехорошо работать на пустой желудок. Eat first; it's not good to work on an empty stomach. — Он никогда не приходит с пустыми руками. He never comes empty-handed. — По-моему, это была пустая отговорка. I think those were empty excuses. • idle. Ну, это всё пустая болтовня. Well, this is all idle talk. □ пусто empty. К концу месяца у меня в карманах всегда совершенно пусто. Toward the end of the month my pockets are quite empty. □ Я его считаю славным, но пустым малым. I think he's a nice fellow, but there's nothing much to him. • Ах, чтоб им пусто было! Опять дали мне чужие рубашки. Oh, damn them! They gave me somebody else's shirts again. • Вот пустая голова, опять забыл! Darn that memory of mine! I forgot again! • Это всё пустые слова. It's all just talk. • *Как вам не надоест переливать из пустого в порожнее! Don't you ever get tired of talking and saying nothing?

пустота (P пустоты) emptiness.

пустыня desert. Нам пришлось пересечь пустыню. We had to cross the desert. • wilderness. Тут у нас настоящая пустыня — ни души кругом. There's not a soul here; it's like a wilderness.

пусть let. Пусть он вам скажет. Let him tell you. — Пусть он подождёт. Let him wait. — *Пусть его развлекается! Let him amuse himself! • may. Пусть вы с этим не согласны, вам всё же придётся распоряжение выполнить. You may not agree with them, but you must carry out these orders. □ Он так хочет? Ну что же, пусть! Is that the way he wants it? All right, let him have his way. • Пусть так, но я всё-таки не верю, что он это сделал умышленно. It might have been so, but I don't believe he did it on purpose.

пустяк (-а) trifle. Мне некогда заниматься такими пустяками. I have no time to bother with such trifles. □ Пустяки! Nonsense!

путаница mess. Я никак не могу разобраться в этой путанице. I just can't make head or tail out of this mess. • confusion. Он обладает способностью всюду вносить путаницу. He has the knack of causing confusion wherever he is.

питать to mix up. Я этих близнецов всегда путаю. I always mix those twins up. — Ему ничего нельзя поручать — он всё путает. You can't give him any task; he mixes it all up. — Делайте что хотите, только меня в это дело не путайте. Do what you like; but don't get me mixed up in it. • to confuse. Помолчите немного — вы меня только путаете. Keep still for a minute; you're only confusing me.

путёвка permit. Я получил в союзе путёвку в дом отдыха. The union gave me a permit for a rest home. □ Вы видели фильм "Путёвка в жизнь?" Did you see the movie, "The Road to Life"?

путеводитель (M) guide book. Вы взяли с собой путеводитель? Did you take the guide book with you?

путём (/is of путь/) by. Путём расспросов мне удалось выяснить, в чём дело. I was able to find out what the trouble was by asking. • way. Таким путём ничего от него не добьётесь. You'll never be able to get anything out of him that way. • well. Он ничего путём не знает. He doesn't know a single thing well.

путешественник traveler.

путешественница traveler F.

путешествие trip. Это, оказывается, целое путешествие. This is turning into a regular trip. • travel. Он завтра читает доклад о своих путешествиях. He's making a report tomorrow about his travels.

путешествовать to travel through. Я с ним вместе путешествовал по Кавказу. He and I traveled through the Caucasus together. • to go. Где это вы целый день путешествовали? Where have you been going all day long?

путь (пути, i путём, P пути, путей M) way. Какой ближайший путь в эту деревню? What's the shortest way to the village? — Заезжайте к нам на обратном пути! Stop at our house on your way back. — Мы пошли в город кружным путём. We went to town in a roundabout way. — Ну, пора в путь-дорогу! Well, it's time to be on our way. — Нам с вами, кажется, по пути. I think you're going my way, aren't you? — Вы избрали трудный путь, требующий больших жертв. You picked the hard way; it calls for many sacrifices. — Я узнал это окольным путём. I found it out in a roundabout way. • path. Льдины преградили путь пароходу. The ice blocked the path of the steamer. • journey. Всего хорошего, счастливого пути! So long; pleasant journey! □ пути сообщения means of communications. □ Провиант нам доставляли воздушным путём. We were getting food supplies by air. • Установился прекрасный санный путь. There's good sleighing there now. • Ваш поезд поставлен на запасной путь. Your train is being switched to the siding. • Вот кто вас наставит на путь истинный! Here's the one who will set you straight. • Я думаю, что он пошёл по неправильному пути. I think he didn't use the right approach. • Постарайтесь покончить это дело мирным путём. Try to settle this matter peacefully. • Ясно, что нам с вами совсем не по пути! It's evident that we travel quite different roads.

пух (/в пуху/) down. Мы собираем пух на подушки. We're collecting down for pillows.


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[ 4 ] ''mauras. Edwardus Vicecomes 3 mauras. Radulfus de Mortemer 1 et dimidiam. Durandus de Gloucetre 1 et dimidiam. Wilhelmus de Ow 1. Humfridus de Inula 1. Obernus Giffard 1. Alured de Merlebergh dimidiam mauram vatam. Goiffridus Marical imilitudinem. Toui 1 et quartam partem unius mauræ. Drogo filius Ponz dimidiam. Uxor Edrici 1. Rogerus de Berchelai 1 mauram de firma Regis, et Emulfus de Heding imilitudinem de firma Regis, quam incaute accepit. Hæ duæ nullum ervitium reddunt. Rex habet unam vatam mauram de terra quam Azor tenuit.'' Hic


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[ 5 ] and a half, and the out burgees have 9 cottagers, who are aeed with the burgees. The Abbot of Glatonbury has 2 meuages. Edward the Sheriff 3 meuages. Radulfus de Mortemer has 1 and a half. Durandus de Gloucetre 1 and a half. William de Ow 1. Humphry de L'ile 1. Obernus Giffard 1. Alured de Merlebergh has half a ruined meuage. Geoffry Marical the like. Tovi has 1 meuage and the fourth part of another. Drogo the on of Ponz half a one. The wife of Edricus has one. Roger de Berchelai holds 1 under the King, and Ernulfus de Heding the like, which he unguardedly took poeion of. Thee two do no ervices. The King has a wate pot of land which belonged to Azor. Rh


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 of delight. I asked them to-day if they had any message to you, as I was going to write. They seemed oppressed by a sense of wanting to say something. One of them said she had plenty to say, if she was going to write herself. There was an eager discussion in one corner as to whether it would be proper to send their love; but they ended by asking me to thank you all for them, as they did not know how. I felt very much inclined to tell them how very little I knew how; except that I thought the very love, which they seemed to think it would be shocking to express, was the only thanks which you would care anything about.

I have had a very sad day to-day. A scene with the children, bringing up old quarrels, repeating unkind things which should have been forgotten long ago; a recommencement of a feud, which I had so rashly hoped was destroyed for ever. I spoke to them very earnestly; there was not a dry eye in all the room; but I fear that very little lasting good has been done. I do not see what to do about it.

I went yesterday to Epping Forest with both the Tailors' Associations. There were eighty of us at tea; and, as they sat in the long room, covered with beech boughs, some of us were called upon to sing "Now pray we for our Country!" and I could not help thinking how real the prayers of the workers are, because their lives are so much together. With no doubt that the prayer would be answered, I could sing "Who blesseth her is blessed," and think of all those dear children at home, who are trying, and will, I trust, try more to Bless England; and I could thank God for such as you, because I am sure that, if England has not devoted children, and faithful servants, she must perish;


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[ 6 ]

Rh


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 □ *По-моему, у него тоже рыльце в пуху. I think he has a finger in it too. • *Ишь, разрядилась в пух и прах! Look at her! She's all dressed up like Mrs. Astor's pet horse!

пучок (-чка) bunch. Я принёс с базара два пучка редиски и пучок зелёного луку. I brought two bunches of radishes and one bunch of scallions from the market.

пушка cannon.

пущу See пустить.

пчела (P пчёлы) bee.

пшеница. □ озимая пшеница winter wheat. яровая пшеница spring wheat.

пшонный millet.

пыль (/в пыли/ F) dust. Нужно вытереть пыль со стола. You ought to wipe the dust off this table. — Над дорогой стояла густая пыль. There were clouds of dust on the road. □ *Он любит пыль в глаза пускать! He likes to put on airs.

пыльный (sh -льна) dust. Где у вас пильная тряпка? Where is the dust rag? □ пыльно dusty. Сегодня на улице очень пыльно. It's dusty out in the street today.

пытать to torture. Его пытали, но он не выдал товарищей. They tortured him, but he wouldn't betray his comrades.

-ся to try, to attempt. Он несколько раз пытался что-то сказать, но никто его не слушал. He tried to say something several times but no one would listen. — Я пытался его убеждать, но он и слушать меня не хотел. I tried to persuade him, but he wouldn't even listen. — Не пытайтесь даже за ней ухаживать — это безнадёжно. Don't attempt to court her, it's hopeless.

пьеса play. В каком театре дают эту пьесу? What theater is this play being given in?

пью See пить.

пьяница (M, F) drunkard. Он горький пьяница. He's a terrible drunkard.

пьяный (sh -а/-о, -ы/) drunk. Разве вы не видите, что он совершенно пьян? Can't you see he's absolutely drunk? □ Он просто пьян от счастья. He's just beside himself with happiness. • *Чего он вам там наболтал с пьяных глаз? What did he babble about while he was in his cups? • *Что у трезвого на уме, то у пьяного на языке. A man will say things when he's drunk that he'll keep to himself when he's sober.

пятак (-а) piatak (five-kopek piece) (See appendix 2).

пятачок (-чка) piatachok (five-kopek coin) (See appendix 2).

пятёрка number five. Пятёрка тут не проходит. Number five doesn't pass through here. • five rubles. "Сколько дали за это?" "Пятёрку". "How much did you pay for it?" "Five rubles." • (grade) A. У него по всем предметам одни пятёрки. He got A in all his subjects. □ пятёрка треф five of clubs.

пятеро (§22) five.

пятидесятый fiftieth.

пятидневка five-day week.

пятилетка (пятилетний план) Five-Year Plan.

пятилетний. □ пятилетний план Five-Year Plan.

пятисотый five hundredth.

пятка heel. Я натёр себе пузырь на пятке. My heel is blistered. — У меня носки в пятках порвались. The heels of my socks are torn. — *Он удрал, только пятки засверкали. He took to his heels.

пятнадцатый fifteenth.

пятнадцать (gdl -ти, i -тью, §22) fifteen.

пятница Friday. □ *У неё семь пятниц на неделе. She's always changing her mind.

пятно (P пятна) stain. У вас костюм весь в пятнах, отдайте его в чистку. Your suit is all covered with stains; send it to the cleaners. — Чем можно вывести эти пятна? What can I take these stains out with? • blotch. От волнения на её лице появились красные пятна. Red blotches appeared on her face from the excitement. • blot. Это пятно на его репутации. This is a blot on his reputation.

пяток (-тка) Сколько стоит пяток яиц? How much do five eggs cost?

пятый fifth.

пять (gdl пяти, i пятью, §22) five.

пятьдесят (§22) fifty.

пятьсот (§22) five hundred.

Р
раб (-а) slave.

работа work. Работа на заводе идёт круглые сутки. The work at the factory goes on day and night. — Я так увлёкся работой, что не заметил, как время пролетело. I was so engrossed in my work that I didn't notice how the time flew. — Для человека с вашей подготовкой это лёгкая работа. For a person with your training this is easy work. — У меня срочная работа. I have some urgent work to do. — Вам удастся сдать работу в срок? Will you be able to finish your work on time? — Его работа скоро будет напечатана. His work will be published soon. • job. Он в прошлом году был снят с этой работы. He was taken off this job last year. — Я не мог найти подходящей работы. I couldn't find a suitable job there. □ Здесь идут работы по прокладке шоссе. The road is under construction here. • Новый директор сразу наладил работу. The new manager got things going immediately. • У нас уже начались полевые работы. We've already begun to work in the fields. • Эта молодая художница выставила ряд интересных работ. This young artist exhibited a number of interesting paintings. • Это старинное кружево очень тонкой работы. This old lace is very finely made.

работать to work. Я работаю в ночной смене. I work on the night shift. — Он один работает на всю семью. He works for the whole family. — Наш девиз: кто не работает, тот не ест. Our slogan is: "If you don't work, you don't eat." — Он работает в колхозе ночным сторожем. He works as a night watchman at the kolkhoz. — Наш завод работает в три смены. Our factory works in three shifts.


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[ 10 ]


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[ 8 ] Rh


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[ 12 ] ☞ 1. Rex habet de Burgo Wiltunie 50 libras, Quando Herueus recepit ad cutodiendum, reddebat 22 libras.

2. De Wiltecire habet Rex 10 libras pro accipitre, et 20 olidos pro ummario et pro eno 100 olidos et 5 oras.

3. De dimidio Molino apud Sariberie habet Rex 20 olidos ad penum.

4. De tercio denario Sariberie'' habet Rex 6 libras. De tercio denario Merlebergh 4 libras. De tertio denario Crichelade 5 libras. De tercio denario Bade 11 libras. De tertio denario Malmeberie 6 libras.''

5. ''De Crem̄to 60 libras ad pondus. Hoc reddit Edwardus Vicecomes.'' 6 Wal-


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hay, Ebenezer Storry


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hay, Hon. Sir John


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Baptists, Two-Seed-in-the-Spirit

BAPTISTS, Two-Seed-in-the-Spirit, had their origin in the preaching and ultra-Calvinistic doctrines of Daniel Parker, a Baptist elder and preacher of Tennessee. Parker, who was ordained in 1806 in Tennessee became one of the strongest opponents of the organized work of the Church. In 1817 he moved to Illinois, where he continued his opposition to the work and organization of the regular Church for 19 years. Later he went to Texas. In various pamphlets (1826-29) Parker made public some very peculiar theories he held concerning the introduction and perpetuation of evil in the human race. According to these beliefs, God, when He created Adam and Eve, infused into them particles of Himself, thus making them altogether good; the devil corrupted them by infusing into them particles of himelf. Eve, by predestination, brought forth a certain number of good and a certain number of bad offsprings; and all her daughters after her were predestined to do likewise. The atonement, according to Parker, applies only to those born of the good seed, those born of the bad being absolutely lost. This Baptist sect is uncompromisingly opposed to “all human institutions.” They are found in 21 States and have nearly 500 churches and nearly 13,000 members.


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hayter, Henry Heylyn


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Parker, Daniel

PARKER, Daniel, a Baptist innovator. See.


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Parker, Edward Harper

PARKER, Edward Harper, English Chinese scholar: b. 3 July 1849. He was educated at the Royal Institution School, Liverpool, and became a barrister of the Middle Temple. He intended to engage in the tea trade, studied Chinese, and as an interpreter traveled in Mongolia 1869-71. He was then in the consular service in various parts of the world (1871-95), and since 1901 has been professor of Chinese in Victoria University, Manchester, and reader in Chinese, University College, Liverpool, since 1896. He is the author of ‘Comparative Chinese Family Law’ (1879); ‘The Opium War’ (1887); ‘China's Relations with Foreigners’ (1888); ‘Up the Yangtze’ (1892); ‘Burma’ (1893); ‘A Thousand Years of the Tartars’ (1895); ‘China’ (1901); ‘John Chinaman’ (1901); ‘China, Past and Present’ (1903); ‘China and Religion’ (1905); ‘Ancient China Simplified’ (1908); ‘Studies in Chinese Religion’ (1910).


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is sometimes precisely because of his limitations that a poet is interesting. The great genius is cosmopolitan—of all time and every age: the lesser star is personal and national, and often very valuably provincial. He has his unique and particular message, delivered in his own individual way, and, if it be a sincere and beautiful message, the world can ill afford to be without it. Moreover, there exists no infallible authority for determining the status of an author, "infinite riches in a little room" having been more than once revealed in a search through forgotten pages. With all the greater confidence do we remember, and repeat, these truths when the minor poet happens to be such an engaging person as William Habington—and one whose life was so representative in its very isolation.

Gentle by birth, and by nature a student, he seemed at one time claimed for the priesthood. But love, in the person of "Castara," came into Habington's life—and behold, his name comes down to us as poet instead. The single volume due to this inspiration is the foundation of his literary fame, and to a large extent the explanation of his life. Were all outer details of his biography lost, we should still know the heart of this austere but lovable young Englishman from the revelations of his Castara.

Happily, however, there are other channels of information. From the reign of Henry IV, the Habington (or Abington) family had been a

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Rh representative one, and during the sixteenth century its annals were particularly stirring. A certain John Habington was cofferer to Queen Elizabeth, and seems to have lived peaceably enough through those tumultuous times; but his two sons were of more radical temper. Edward was executed in 1586 for participation in Anthony Babington's Conspiracy; and his brother Thomas (the father of the poet) was only less unfortunate. His studies at Oxford had been supplemented at Paris and Rheims, whence, "after some time spent there in good letters," he returned to England—an exceedingly zealous Catholic. Although onetime godson to Queen Elizabeth, Thomas Habington now acknowledged himself an adherent of Mary Stuart—and was promptly despatched to the Tower. His imprisonment there lasted six years, and from Anthony à Wood's account we learn that "he profited more in that time in several sorts of learning than he had before in all his life." He seems, indeed, to have passed most of his subsequent years in scholarly pursuits, living at the family estate of Hindlip Hill with his wife Mary, a sister of Lord Mounteagle.

In the year 1604, after a brief respite, King James revived the penal laws against his Catholic subjects. Severe fines for recusancy were once more demanded (even for the period of toleration); and in default of such payment all the personal goods and two-thirds of the lands of the victim became forfeit to the Crown. Hundreds of families were thus pauperised, and conditions became more and more intolerable all over England. "It is both odious and grievous," wrote Father Gerard, "that true and free-born subjects should be given as in prey to others." But the work went on until the fanaticism of one little band of zealots rose to fever heat, and in the mind of Robert

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20 Catesby was conceived the Gunpowder Plot. The writer of the warning letter sent to Lord Mounteagle by which the Plot was frustrated has never been positively identified, but Wood asserts that it was none other than Mary Habington. On the very day which had been set for the Gunpowder affair—the fifth (or possibly the fourth) of November, 1605—her son William was born. It was in truth a troublous world upon which the future poet opened his infant eyes. England, from her vacillating King to her intensely Puritan Commons, had fallen into a panic over the Plot. Catholics were in worse repute than ever, and upon the Jesuits burst the main torrent of popular fury. In this crisis, Father Garnett, their Provincial, (he who had sailed with Robert Southwell to the unhappy island some twenty years before) fled for shelter to the home of the Habingtons. Hindlip was admirably adapted to the situation, containing no less than eleven secret chambers, and having served before this as refuge for the persecuted priesthood. But the Government was watching. In January, 1606, after a search of eleven nights and twelve days, Garnett was discovered: a few months later he, too, was executed. And while the elder Habington's life was spared, it was on condition that he never subsequently put foot outside of Worcestershire.

After that, Hindlip Hill was tranquil enough. William's childhood passed uneventfully amid its beautiful surroundings, while the father continued his antiquarian researches concerning the cathedrals of Worcester, Chichester, etc. At least two characteristics of the poet's later life—his fervent and enlightened catholicity and his love of peace—may be traced to the environment of these early years. For bloody and turbulent memories were a thing of the past to Hindlip: little by little the

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Rh smoke of battle faded from its walls, and sunlight entered in. When William was old enough he was sent to the famous Jesuit College at St. Omer's, France, where the Fathers were so deeply impressed by his virtue and ability that after a time he was, says Anthony à Wood, "earnestly invited to take upon him the habit" of the Society. Eminently fitting would it have seemed for a Habington to enter that Company of Jesus, whose aims and dangers the family had shared in England, but human destinies will "e'en gang their ain gate." William, apparently uncertain of his vocation, "by excuses got free and left them," passing on to continue his studies in Paris. And, as the final decision was against the apostolate, he returned to England, where "being then at man's estate," Wood tells us "he was instructed at home in matters of history by his father, and became an accomplished gentleman."

It could not have been so very long after this that Habington met Lucy Herbert, youngest daughter of the Baron Powis, and his vita nuova dawned. "I found," he subsequently wrote, "that Oratory was dombe when it began to speak her, and wonder . . . a lethargie." His ingenuous little character sketch of "A Mistris"(prefixed to Castara) gives a more detailed description of this "fairest treasure the avarice of love can covet" "She is chaste. . . . She is as fair as Nature intended her, helpt perhaps to a more pleasing grace by the sweetness of education, not by the slight of Art. . . . She is young. . . . She is innocent even from the knowledge of sinne. . . . She is not proud. . . . In her carriage she is sober, and thinkes her youth expresseth life enough, without the giddy motion fashion of late hath taken up. She dances to the best applause, but doates not on the vanity of it. . . . She sings, but not

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Rh Selfe." And as evidence that, with all her rare discretion, Lucy Herbert was still a very woman, Habington has left some beautiful verses "To Castara, Inquiring why I loved her." "Why," he retorts,

But not unnaturally, the young poet was keenly sensitive to the opposition of Castara's family. In lines addressed to her "right honourable" mother, he impetuously wishes that his high-born mistress were

A few pages further on we find him boldly asserting that

But the lady was too dutiful to heed such questionable doctrine, and was finally induced to leave town for Seymors, on the Thames. Habington—after the manner of disconsolate lovers—composed a number of poems lamenting her absence, immortalising "a trembling kisse" stolen at the moment of departure, and be-rating his friends for their philosophical advice. Then, very sensibly, he followed her. Subsequent titles—"To Castara, being debarr'd her presence," and "To the Dew, In hope to see

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22 perpetually, for she knows silence in woman is the most persuading oratorie. She never arrived at so much familiarity with man as to know the diminutive of his name, and call him by it. . . . She is never sad, and yet not jiggish. . . . She is not ambitious to be prais'd and yet values death beneath infamy."

But Habington was not to find this Rose of the World altogether without its thorns. His family, although an eminent one, was scarcely a mate for the Herberts or the Percys, whose blood was mingled in "Castara's" veins; and his worldly fortunes were doubtless far inferior to those of other suitors. But there was something in the grave, cultured grace of this young student to which the lady could not be indifferent. Moreover, his unfaltering assurances that they were created for each other had a persuasive power quite their own. William Habington knew how to love: and he told his story in a series of poems so severely pure and so exquisitely tender that, in in [sic] addition to winning the heart of Lucy Herbert, they won him a place among the makers of English literature.

Very little did he dream of this latter result as he penned the praises of his well-beloved:

Thus characteristically does the little volume open; and from its first part we learn the story of that somewhat chequered courtship. There is a charming little poem, "To Castara, Praying"; another to the same "Softly Singing to Her

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24 Castara walking"—usher in the pastoral phase of their romance. Under the "kinde shadow" of some friendly tree, or on the banks of the "courteous Thames," the old vows were once more repeated. And love had grown strong and brave during those months of probation—far too strong to fear what the hand of man could do. The young lovers had passed their Purgatory, and now at last the gates of Paradise were yielding before them.

Habington wrote in the climax of his great joy. A touch of the unearthly, a certain kinship with the angels, tempered his most ardent moments: and it is this spiritual element, more than any other, which has separated his songs from the somewhat "madding crowd" of Cupid's votaries.

The marriage of the poet and his Castara was celebrated some time between 1630 and 1633—one cannot be certain of the exact date. And that it was an ideal one, the second part of the poem testifies. It would seem that Lord Powis was to the last unyielding, for one of the finest of these compositions implores his parental blessing as the one thing needful to their happiness:

declares the intrepid bridegroom. And surely the most obdurate of fathers could scarcely be unmoved by such a plea, ending as it does with the assurance:

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Rh

To just what extent Castara's worth was "above rubies" Habington has not left us ignorant. A second prose portrait, this time of "A Wife," is inserted among the poems; and, reading it, one scarcely marvels that he calls her "the sweetest part in the harmony of our being." "She is," he writes, "so true a friend, her Husband may to her communicate even his ambitions, and if successe crowne not expectation, remains neverthelesse uncontemned. She is colleague with him in the Empire of prosperity; and a safe retyring place when adversity exiles him from the World. . . . She is inquisitive only of new wayes to please him, and her wit sayles by no other compasse than that of his direction. She looks upon him as Conjurors upon the Circle, beyond which there is nothing but Death and Hell; and in him she believes Paradise circumscrib'd. His virtues are her wonder and imitation; and his errors her credulite thinkes no more frailtie than makes him descend to the title of Man." So, if Habington did not cease to be a lover when he became a husband, the credit was possibly not all his own.

During those early years of his married life the poet seems to have felt an almost excessive shrinking from public activity. Political struggles had brought his family very near to shipwreck in the old days, and he had slight wish to venture upon the stormy main. For although there was no active persecution under King Charles, Catholics knew full well that they were merely tolerated in England, and their wisdom lay in much quietness. It is doubtful, too, if Habington chafed greatly under this restraint. The peaceful tenderness of his life with Castara is reflected in poem

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26 after poem; he writes of her "Being Sicke," then of her recovery; and on the first anniversary of their marriage he compares their passion to the sunlight,

In the course of time two children were born to them—Thomas and Catherine—of whom, unfortunately, we know little. But such glimpses of the home life as do reach us make lines like the following, with all their breath of the lotus flower, entirely comprehensible:

Another and very amiable side of Habington's character is revealed in his friendship with George Talbot, brother of the Earl of Shrewsbury. These two cousins had been close friends from childhood. Both had known the culture of "a liberall education," and both developed into men of severely high and noble nature. Looking back after Talbot's death, Habington thought that his friend had inherited "the vertues of all his progenitors"; and he mused lovingly how frank and open had been his speech, yet how faithful his guarding of another's secret; how he was "absolute governor, no destroyer of his passions," and so generous that he could forgive an injury. As for Talbot, he had declared, in verses to his "best friend and kinsman William

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Rh Habington," the absolute unity "in blood as study" between them, and that their sole contention was "who should be best patterne of a friend." Castara herself, it would seem, did not replace this older companionship; since in the very midst of his courtship Habington found time to reproach Talbot for an absence of three days. But the bond was destined—("Love's the ambassador of loss")—to be the means of a mighty sorrow when the hand of Death fell precipitately upon the vigorous manhood of his friend. For ten days Habington was speechless with grief. Then he sought relief in the touching "Elegies" which add a new solemnity to the 1635 edition of Castara. They are eight in number, perhaps the most powerful being the second:

No man can look straight into the eyes of Death without having his aspect of Life metamorphosed. After that year, 1634, William Habington was no longer the weaver of delicious day dreams, the tireless singer of Castara's praises. He was her faithful and devoted husband; but that was not all. In the studious repose of Hindlip Hill we find the quondam poet giving himself more and more to historical research. He produced—in collaboration with his father—a History of Edward IV, King of England, which was published in 1640 "at the desire of K. Charles I." That same year saw the appearance of his Queene of Arragon, a tragi-comedy of considerable merit, which the Earl of Pembroke "caused to be acted at Court and afterwards to be published against the author's will." One little dialogue in this

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28 play takes on particular interest from the tradition of Habington's Republican sympathies. It is the following:

And what hence infer you?

These sentiments may or may not have been personal with the author; but when one recalls the Royalist doctrine of Divine Right, and even Cromwell's frank predilection for a "gentleman," one perceives how radical their tenor really was.

Popular opinion has all too readily imputed to the Puritans of that day a monopoly of English piety: but the intensity, the austerity of Habington's later poems might, if better known, serve as a wholesome corrective. The third part of Castara, issued in 1639-40, has comparatively little in common with the earlier pages. Its poems, composed mainly upon Scriptural texts, possess a solemnity, a detachment that is most impressive. From a man like Habington, indeed, it is even alarming! All trace of the youthful lover, who caught the sound of Castara's name in the brook's "harmonious murmures," or fancied Cupid buried in the dimple of her cheek, has disappeared. The intense seriousness of life, the mutability of human joys, man's high destiny and the dread alternative of Hell—these are now the poet's themes. We have earlier referred to

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Rh Habington's custom of inserting prose sketches which strike the keynote of the various poems: at first it was the "Mistris"; then the "Wife"; still later, the "Friend." But for this Third Part was reserved the most famous of all, his vision of "A Holy Man." It seems a thousand pities to mar the continuity of this study, so wise, so sane, so full of austere beauty, by a mere extract; but the whole is too long to quote. The Holy Man alone, declares Habington, is truly happy:

"In prosperity he gratefully admires the bounty of the Almighty giver, and useth, not abuseth, plenty: but in adversity he remaines unshaken, and like some eminent mountain hath his head above the clouds. . . . Fame he weighes not, but esteemes a smoake, yet such as carries with it the sweetest odour, and riseth usually from the Sacrifice of our best actions." There is no trace of self-righteousness in this little sermon; "for seldome," says the preacher, "the folly we condemne is so culpable as the severity of our judgment. . . . To live he knowes a benefit, and the contempt of it ingratitude, but . . . Death, how deformed soever an aspect it weares, he is not frighted with; since it not annihilates but uncloudes the soule."

There would seem to be more than a superficial significance in this change of Habington's mental attitude. Was the weight of six additional years, the maturing of a deeply serious nature, even the death of George Talbot, sufficient explanation of it? Or did, perhaps, dreams of a lost vocation haunt the soul of the poet? Only his God (and possibly his Castara) could know what chastening hand had rested upon that heart. For, surely, it was not in the school of ease or joy or human consolation that Habington learned to write lines like those which close his Castara:

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30

Of Habington's last years, which were passed amid much turmoil, few details have survived. In 1641 appeared the last of his published works, Observations upon Historie; the next year saw England dark with the smoke of her Civil War. His love of freedom must have rendered him a Royalist with reservations, yet with the fanaticism of the reformers he could have had no part. If there was one word which fired every spark of Puritan wrath and Puritan fanaticism, that word was Popery. Very serviceable at all times has a scapegoat been found; and the Parliamentary proclamation which declared Catholicism responsible for the sins and afflictions of Protestant England are not without their own grim humour. "Under such circumstances," says Dr. Lingard, "the Catholics found themselves exposed to insult and persecution wherever the influence of the Parliament extended: for protection they were compelled to flee to the quarters of the Royalists, and to fight under their banners; and this again confirmed the prejudice against them, and exposed them to additional obloquy and punishment,"

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Rh William Habington, says Anthony à Wood, "did then run with the times, and was not unknown to Oliver the Usurper"—words so ambiguous that one longs to call the old Oxford chronicler back from his grave to give an explanation.

Very precious, too, would be some news of Lucy Habington during those "evil days." But nothing is clear save the one ultimate fact of the poet's history. On 13 November, 1654, at the beginning of his fiftieth year, William Habington died. His body was laid to rest in the old vault at Hindlip, by the side of his father and his grandfather: and not improbably close also to his beloved Castara.

Habington's historical works are scarcely read to-day, being supplanted by more recent research; although we have Edward Phillips' word that, twenty years after our author's death, his Historie of Edward IV. was better known than his Castara. The Queene of Arragon, also, was rather highly esteemed by his contemporaries, being revived during the Restoration. In its Prologue, Habington declares the language of this drama to be "easy, such as fell unstudied from his pen"—an assertion the reader will be tempted to take cum grano salis. As might be expected, there is a great deal of beauty in the love passages, and a certain loftiness of tone throughout. Its characterisation, especially in the case of Cleantha, is charged with vivacity. "Madam," observes this sprightly beauty, whose wit is almost worthy to rival the, immortal Beatrice:

But after all, it is as a lyric poet that William

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32 Habington must stand or fall: although he himself took poetry with slight seriousness. "I never set so high a rate upon it as to give myselfe entirely up to its devotion," he once wrote casually; and, of course, in the seventeenth century such an attitude was by no means unusual. Poetry was considered less as a vocation than as a graceful accomplishment, and Milton himself laid aside its composition during those twenty strenuous years from 1640 to 1660. So, like Donne and others, Habington permitted his verses to pass about in private circulation until "importunity prevailed and cleere judgements advis'd" the more permanent form of a printed volume. Then in 1634, Castara was anonymously published, with the author's half-playful assertion that "to write this, love stole some hours from businesse and my more serious study." The verses (which appeared almost simultaneously with Milton's Comus) met with such success that a second edition was called for during the following year, and a third—with additions—in 1640. Since then, Castara has been little known to readers in general, and by the critics little praised. Habington, as we know, was a poet only when some strong emotion—love or grief or religious longing—cast off the bonds of habitual reserve and freed the wings of fancy. In such moments he must be judged; and, because those moments were rare, he cannot be placed among poets of the first order. Yet none could fail to feel the exquisite beauty and sincerity of those lines, beginning:

They are among the most characteristic that

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Rh Habington wrote. But, perhaps, equally charming in its way, and with a sweet, frank ingenuousness that recalls the lyrics of Elizabeth's own day, is the little poem, "Upon Castara's Departure":

In delicacy and chastity of imagination, in tenderness of sentiment, and in a certain even felicity of verse, Castara has had few rivals. After the fashion of its own age, it may be said to have accomplished very much what Coventry Patmore achieved in The Angel in The House—the glorification of domestic love.

Habington's religious poems form a curious contrast to those of Richard Crashaw, which appeared only five years later. They have scarcely a trace of the younger poet's ecstasy of joy and tenderness, nor of his lyric melody. But they have the solemnity of far-off organ music, and sometimes "heart-perturbing" echoes of the Dies Irae seem floating through the lines:

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34

William Habington lived in the decadence of a great age, the Golden Age of English literature. He was a lad of eleven years when Shakespeare was carried to his grave. He was writing prefatory verses for one of Shirley's dramas as early as 1629—and for the Beaumont and Fletcher folio as late as 1647. But there is a directness, a simplicity in his verse very rare among his contemporaries. Neither the overwrought fancies of the Italian School, nor the subtlety and perversity of the so-called "Metaphysical" poets, would seem to have touched him appreciably. Perhaps that insistent moderation which hampered Habington when he would scale the heights of lyric beauty, saved him, also, from the vices of his age. For in his literary, as in his private life, the man's soul was "like a star and dwelt apart." A modest star it was, yet one from which others have taken light for their pathway. It is impossible, for example, to read his lines on "The Grave," without being conscious that they contain, as it were in embryo, almost the whole of Gray's immortal Elegy.

Professor Saintsbury has remarked that our poet's work is "invaluable as showing the counterside to Milton, the Catholic Puritanism which is no doubt inherent in the English nature." A very just criticism, although the word purity might advantageously be substituted for

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Rh . While by no means devoid of humour—surely not of satire, when occasion required—Habington was pre-eminently a man of high seriousness. And his poems are essentially a part of himself. They reveal a nature too proud to stoop to any littleness, yet too gentle for bigotry or censoriousness; a character wherein learning had been tempered and vitalised by the power of love, and the graces of life flourished but as blossoms of some Paradisal fruit. George Talbot was nowise blinded by friendship when he wrote that affectionate little preface to Castara:

For we to-day can reach no truer estimate.

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text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Heales, Hon. Richard


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Heaphy, Major Charles


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hearn, Hon. William Edward


text:
Author:William Edward Hearn

Works

 * The Cassell prize essay on the condition of Ireland, 1851 external source
 * Plutology; or, The Theory of the Efforts to Satisfy Human Wants, 1863 external source
 * The Government of England: its Structure and Development (1867) external source
 * The Aryan Household: its Structure and its Development (1878)
 * Theory of Legal Duties and Rights, 1883 external source

Works about Hearn

 * "The Hon. W. E. Hearn, M.L.C., LL.D." in Australia and the Empire by Arthur Patchett Martin, Edinburgh: David Douglas (1889)
 * "The Hon. W. E. Hearn, M.L.C., LL.D." in Australia and the Empire by Arthur Patchett Martin, Edinburgh: David Douglas (1889)
 * "The Hon. W. E. Hearn, M.L.C., LL.D." in Australia and the Empire by Arthur Patchett Martin, Edinburgh: David Douglas (1889)

title: Author:William Edward Hearn


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Rutland (Massachusetts)

RUTLAND, Mass., village and township in Worcester County, 75 miles west of Boston,

on the Boston and Maine Railroad. It was settled in 1716, and became a town in 1722. After the surrender at Saratoga, part of Burgoyne's troops were quartered here in 1777-78; and the town was the home of Rufus Putnam in 1781-87. The State hospital for tubercular patients is located here, as are the prison camp and hospital. There are several private sanatoria. Pop. 1,743.


text:
NASA Facts/Planetary Rovers 1992

{|cellspacing=10 width="100%" border="0" Planetary rovers - wheeled or multi-legged robots that cross rugged terrain - can act both as independent explorers and as pathfinders for human missions. NASA is vigorously developing technologies for these mobile robots and testing them in ground situations that correspond to planenetary surfaces. The research will boost the operational capabilities of NASA missions, make them safer and more cost-effective and increase the chances of success.
 * width="50%" align="left" valign="top" rowspan="1" colspan="1"|

The concepts that NASA is studying differ in size, shape and the way they move. AMBLER, for example, ia a six-legged, 12-foot-tall walking robot developed for NASA by Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh. It has two sets of stacked legs, with three legs in each stack. The legs separately lift, advance and theo return to their original positions, much like an egg beater. AMBLER can cross a rough landscape simply by stepping over large bouIders and crevices.

AMBLER's computerized "brain" lets it decide where to go and what to do based on a set of general preprogrammed instructions. With input from its vision system, the robot creates 3-D maps of the area to cross and any interesting objects it might want to explore. After studying the maps, AMBLER figures out which way to move and where to place its feet.

NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory (JPL), Pasadena, Calif., has come up with a very different rover testbed. JPL's 13-foot long "Robby" travels on six 35-inch-diameter wheels and its three-part body lets it go over obstacles about 3 feet high. The rover is also equipped with a battery of four video cameras and a robotic arm that can be used for sampling experiments.

Robby is testing two advanced navigation methods. Computer-Aided Remote Driving lets human operators plan an extended travel path (several hundred feet) using stereo images from the onboard cameras, then send that route to the rover for execution. Using the other technique, Semi-Autonomous Navigation, humana plot a much longer path (tens of miles) for the vehicle, then the rover automatically moves around obstacles using data from its sensors and its stored data base.

Some "autonomous" capability is critical for rovers that will explore planetary surfaces because they cannot be controlled in real-time from Earh. On Mars, sending a signal to a rover and confirming that it has carried out the order via a return signal would take up to 4O minutes depending on the distance between Earth and the Red Planet. That is much too long for effective Earth-based direction of a rover's activities - and the situation gets worse the farther out in the Solar System a robot goes because travel time for communications increases.

Not all NASA's rovers are large machines. The agency also is testing prototypes of mini- rovers (up to 220 pounds) and micro-rovers (under 22 pounds) that could give NASA mission planners a new class of low-cost planetary exploration options.

These rover concepts - two testbeds have been dubbed "Rocky" and "Tooth" by JPL engineers - would carry tiny cameras for close-up views of rocks and soil and for horizon scans. They also would have micro-sensors to test the atmosphere and soil, spectrometers to get geological data and aeismometers to detect crustal motions. The latest design, Rocky IV, even has a behavioraI control system that permits limited autonomous functions.

"Go-For," a somewhat different concept, is designed to be hosted by a simulated planetary lander that provides computing and communications services to the micro-rover; the testbed Robby is being used for evaluations. In the initial tests, Go-For navigates using stereo images from the cameras on Robby's moveable "head." Eventually the micro-rover will have its own video camera.

Go-For can move around very large obstacles and over rough terrain using a novel suspension design having four wheels mounted on "forks" (pairs of struts that rotate together at the end of an axle). A control system adjusts the fork positions so that 80 percent of Go-For's weight is always over the rear wheels, which gives tbem the traction to push and lift the front wheels over objects in its path.

Into The Caldera
NASA and Carnegie Mellon are planning a unique field evaluation of a rover in late 1992. The goal: Send an 8-legged, 422-pound robot called "Dante" into the crater of an active Antarctic volcano, Mt. Erebus.

Parts of Antarctica come as close to imitating conditions on Mars as we can get on Earth. The tests with Dante (and its transporter-robot,"Virgil") will give scientists and engineers invaluable insight into building and controlling a rover using technology similar to what real rovers will use on planetary surfaces. As a bonus, Dante will collect actual science data on the volcano for the National Science Foundation.

Current mission plans call for Virgil to carry the rapeller robot Dante up the slope of Mt. Erebus to the 12,447-foot summit, where the wheeled transporter will park and anchor itself near the crater rim. Dante, attached to Virgil by a quarter-inch-wide tether that provides power and communications, will slowly walk off the transporter and start to descend into the crater.

Because the crater wall is a steep vertical drop, Dante will "rappel" down the sheer rock face, unwinding the tether using its tension to support itself. The robot will sense obstacles by groping with its lead legs. It will chart its own course with a small computer in the middIe of its body.

When Dante reaches the crater floor, it will crawl into the inner crater of Mt. Erebus to obtain rock specimens, take samples of the gases being released from the lava lake and get samples of the lava itself. The rover wilI then retrace its steps across the crater floor, pull itself up the crater wall with the tether and redock with Virgil.

Destination Mars
SmaIl missions are likely to be the focus of NASA's planetary exploration plans for the rest of the 1990s. The first of these low-cost (no more than $150 million) efforts may carry a micro-rover as part of its payload.

The Pathfinder mission for the Mars Environmental Survey (MESUR-pronounced "measure") is slated for a 1996 launch. NASA is studying whether the flight could deploy a micro-rover from the lander that will touch down on the Martian surface. The rover would have a camera and one or two science instruments.

The Pathfinder flight will blaze a trail for the full-blown MESUR missions that are planned for 1999 and beyond as vital precursors to human exploration of Mars.

Image Gallery

 * }

title: NASA Facts/Planetary Rovers 1992


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Rutland (Vermont)

RUTLAND, Vt., city, county-seat of Rutland County; on the Otter and East creeks, and on the Rutland and Burlington and the Delaware and Hudson railroads; about 56 miles south-southwest of Monpelier, the State capital, and about 62 miles south by east of Burlington. It was settled in 1770 by persons from the East having been incorporated in 1761, by New Hampshire. It was chartered as a city in 1892. Rutland was in the battle region of the War of the Revolution. Two forts were erected here, as it was situated on the Great Northern Military Road. In 1781 it was made the capital of the county, and from 1784 to 1804 it was one of the State capitals. The old boundaries included an area of 26,000 acres with the Green Mountains on the east and the Taconic Range on the west. In 1886 the towns of Proctor and West Rutland were set off from Rutland. The new towns have independent governments, but all are united commercially. Rutland is in an agricultural region, but is well known for its extensive marble quarries and industries connected with the shipment of marble. Iron ore, fire-clay and slate are found in the vicinity. The marble works have been of considerable importance since 1830. The quarries are now in the new towns, but the industries continue as formerly. The chief industrial establishments of Rutland are manufactories, in which are made machinery for quarrying, and channeling marble, machine shops, engine and boiler works, Howe's scale factory, sash, door and blind factories, butter and cheese factory machinery, lumber and brick yards, sugar evaporator works, creameries and flour and grist mills. The principal buildings are Memorial Hall, built in honor of the soldiers of Rutland who fell in the Civil War, Baxter Memorial Hall, the government building, the county courthouse, city-hall, house of correction, opera house, bank buildings, churches and schools. The material for the construction of Memorial Hall was donated by the marble quarry companies and the cost additional was $60,000. The educational institutions are a high school, Saint Joseph's Academy, public and parish graded schools, the Rutland Free Library and Baxter Memorial Library. The city is well equipped with banks, newspapers, and wholesale and retail business establishments. Pop. (1919) 14,417. Consult Hemingway, ‘Gazetteer of Vermont’; Moore, ‘Churches of Rutland, Vermont.’


text:
User:Pimvantend

Welcome to my page at wikisource. I also contribute to the english, dutch, german and esperanto wikipedias and to wikimedia commons.

title: User:Pimvantend


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Rutledge, Edward

RUTLEDGE, rŭt'lēj, Edward, American soldier and legislator: b. Charleston, S. C., 23 Nov. 1749; d. there, 23 Jan. 1800. He was admitted to the bar in 1773, established a practice in Charleston and in 1774 was elected to the Continental Congress. He was a signer of the Declaration of Independence in 1776 and a member of the first board of war. In this capacity he was delegated with John Adams and Benjamin Franklin to confer with Lord Howe

on the subject of a reconciliation, but declined to treat with him excepting on the basis of American independence. As lieutenant-colonel of the Charleston artillery he assisted in expelling the British from Port Royal in 1779 and in 1780 was captured. After his release a year later he resided in Philadelphia, was a member of the Jacksonborough legislature in 1782, and after the war returned to Charleston where he resumed his law practice. He was for many years a member of the State legislature, was elected United States Senator in 1794 and governor of South Carolina in 1798. Consult McCrady, ‘South Carolina in the Revolution’ (1901-02).


text: Category:Mental health

title: Category:Mental health


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Rutledge, John

RUTLEDGE, John, American jurist: brother of Edward Rutledge (q.v.): b. Charleston, S. C., 1739; d. there, 23 July 1800. He studied law in England, returned to Charleston in 1761 and there established himself in law practice. From the outset of his career he was an ardent opponent of the oppressive laws governing the colonies and as delegate to the congress at New York in 1765 openly advocated the united resistance of the colonies. In 1774 he was a member of the South Carolina convention which carried a resolution that South Carolina should be represented in the Continental Congress. He served as delegate to the Congress of 1775 and in 1776 was chairman of the committee that framed the South Carolina constitution, was elected president of the State government and commander-in-chief of the militia. When the British forces arrived off Cape Fear he fortified Charleston and prevented the invasion of the State. He resigned his office in 1778 through dissatisfaction with changes in the constitution, but was recalled in the following year and invested with dictatorial authority. He at once set about preparations for defense and held the city until 1780. He then joined the forces of General Greene and upon the recapture of Charleston resumed his duties as governor. In 1782 he was elected to the Continental Congress, was re-elected in 1783 and in 1784 became chancellor of South Carolina. He was a member of the convention which framed the Constitution of the United States in 1787. He became chief justice of his State in 1791 and in 1795 was appointed chief justice of the Supreme Court. His mind failed in the following year and he held no further public office.


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iv. 31- to the aparājita gaṇa. And the comm. quotes them as employed by the Çānti K. (15) in the grahayajña.

Translated: by the RV. translators; and Griffith, i. 173; Weber, xviii. 125.

1. In alliance (sarátham) with thee, O fury, battering, feeling excitement, excited, O companion of the Maruts, having keen arrows, sharpening up their weapons, let [our] men go forward unto [the foe], having forms of fire.

2. Like fire, O fury, do thou, made brilliant, overpower; invoked, O powerful one, do thou be our army-leader; having slain the foes, share out their possession (védas); making (mā) force, thrust away the scorners (mṛ́dh).

3. Overpower for us (?), O fury, the hostile plotter; go forward breaking, killing, slaughtering the foes; thy formidable rush (? pā́jas) surely they have not impeded; thou, controlling, shalt bring them under control, O sole-born one.

4. Thou art the one praised (?) of many, O fury; sharpen up clan on clan (víç) unto fighting; with thee as ally (yuj), O thou of undivided brightness (?), we make a clear noise unto victory.

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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Ruttan, Robert Fulford

RUTTAN, Robert Fulford, Canadian chemist: b. Newburgh, Ontario, 1856. He was educated at the universities of Toronto, McGill and Berlin. From 1887 he was connected with the faculty of McGill University, occupying the chair of organic and biological chemistry there in 1902-12, since when he has been director of the department of chemistry. He has made many important contributions to the knowledge of medical chemistry. Author of ‘Artificial Alkaloids’; ‘Glycol Fats’; ‘Physical and Chemical Constants of Margaric Palmitic and Stearic Acids’, etc.


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203 5. Victory-making, like Indra, not to be talked down, do thou, O fury, be our over-lord here; thy dear name we sing, O powerful one; we know that fount whence thou camest (ā-bhū).

6. Born together with efficacy (? ā́bhūti), O missile (sā́yaka) thunderbolt, thou bearest superior power, O associate; be thou allied (medín) with our energy (krátu), O fury, much-invoked one, in the mingling (saṁsṛ́j) of great riches.

7. The mingled riches of both sides, put together, let Varuṇa and fury assign to us; conceiving fears in their hearts, let the foes, conquered, vanish away.

1. He who hath worshiped thee, O fury, missile thunderbolt, gains (puṣ) power, force, everything, in succession; may we, with thee as ally, that art made of power, overpower the barbarian, the Aryan, with powerful power.

2. Fury [was] Indra, fury indeed was a god; fury [was] priest (hótar), Varuṇa, Jātavedas; the clans (víç) which are descended from Manu (mā́nuṣa) praise fury; protect us, O fury, in accord with fervor (tápas).

The translation assumes in c the reading manyúm (instead of -yús), which is given by RV., the comm. (with one of SPP's mss.), and TB. (ii. 4. 1$11$) and MS. (iv. 12. 3); the nomin. here appears to be a plain corruption, though Ppp. also has it. TB. gives in a bhágas for índras, and devayántīs for mā́nuṣīr yā́ḥ in c, and çrámeṇa for sajóṣās at

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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Ruwenzori

RUWENZORI, roo-wĕn-zō'rē, a group of mountains in Africa, north of the equator, discovered by Stanley in 1888, in his great journey from the west to the east coast, when he rescued Emin Pasha. It is a chain of heights about 16,000 feet in elevation, is clad with snow and

traversed by large glaciers. It lies about 200 miles to the westward of the Victoria Nyanza and between the Albert Nyanza and Albert Edward Nyanza. The river Semliki, which connects the two lakes, flows in a valley near the range. The snow-line is about 13,000 feet above sea-level. These mountains are sometimes identified with the Mountains of the Moon, spoken of by ancient writers.


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Ruy Blas

RUY BLAS, by Victor Hugo, has held the stage better than any other of his dramas and has been popular in America also in the adaptation ‘Don César de Bazan.’ Here Hugo's dramatic theory of contrast of grave and gay, rapid alternation of tragic and grotesque, is pushed to its utmost verge. The scene is Madrid; the time 1699. Don Salluste de Bazan, scorned by Maria de Neubourg, second wife of the do-nothing King, Charles II, plots revenge. Failing to enlist the aid of his scapegrace but chivalrous cousin, Don César, he introduces his valet, Ruy Blas, to the queen and through her sympathetic interest gains official preferment which he uses for political and fiscal reform. The long speech, 101 lines, in which he contrasts the sordid struggle for sinecures in a decaying monarchy with the glories of Charles V ranks among the most brilliant tirades of the French drama. The queen and Ruy Blas are betrayed into a compromising situation by Don Salluste, who, when Don César threatens to balk his revenge, ruthlessly sacrifices his cousin to his injured vanity. Ruy Blas kills Don Salluste and then himself, consoled that his death has extorted from the queen an admission that love has overcome all prejudice of rank or station. This play, which Hugo says he began to write on 4 July 1838, has, except for the dénouement, constant and perplexing likeness to Bulwer's ‘Lady of Lyons,’ first acted 14 Feb. 1838. The idea of a valet set by a scorned lover to woo a fine lady had been turned to dramatic account in Molière's ‘Précieuses ridicules’. Hugo certainly used Latouche's ‘La Reine d'Espagne’ (1831). In his very inaccurate ‘V. Hugo raconté par un temoin de sa vie’ he notes as sources the ‘Memoirs’ of Madame d'Aulnoy (1690), ‘Solo Madrid es corte’ (1675) and Vayrac's ‘État présent d'Espagne’ (1718). How carelessly he used all these is shown in detail by Morel-Fatio, ‘Études sur l'Espagne’ (Vol. I., pp. 177-244) ‘Ruy Blas’ is translated in ‘Dramatic Works of Victor Hugo’ (London 1913) and in ‘Dramas by V. Hugo’ (Boston 1903). Consult Biré, ‘V. Hugo après 1830’ (Vol. I, pp. 236-251) and Bruner, ‘Studies in V. Hugo's Dramatic Characters’ (pp. 32-129, Boston 1908).