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Page:Historical Essays and Studies.djvu/398

 Histoire de l'Esclavage dans l'Antiquité was better than what his own countrymen were doing in philology. A reviewer of Guerry declares him at least the equal of Roscher in learning; and Roscher places the Réforme Sociale of Le Play at the head of books on social science. The best Frenchmen—Rénier, Rougé, Le Blant, Molinier, Riant, A. Rambaud—stood or stand just as well on one side of the Vosges as on the other, although Bekker never forgave Cobet's utterance that Germans were doctiores quam saniores. Madvig's supremacy among Latinists was admitted by Halm, in spite of the Danish depreciation of Mommsen. Harnack, writing in the principal theological review, judges that his country possesses no history of early Christianity as good as that of Renan, nothing equal to Hatch on the primitive constitution of the Church, or to the Introduction to Ecclesiastical History of a Flemish Jesuit. A less perfect courtier than Bunsen would perhaps have made a better fight.

When the euthanasia of metaphysic anticipated by Carlyle was setting in about 1850, physical science came forward as its rival, and history as its heir. The philosophers themselves turned into historians, and beat their speculations into facts. Their lecture-rooms were empty, and Schelling confessed to a traveller that the end had come: "La pensée allemande est aujourd'hui dans un cul-de-sac, et je ne vois pas qui pourra l'en tirer." Braniss conceived that religion, which had been brought low by the negations of thinkers, would be restored by the affirmations of scholars; and others said that history is the only unassailable revelation. Belief and unbelief both led to the same conclusion: Kuno Fischer opened his great work on modern metaphysics by defining philosophy as the self-knowledge of history; and Schaarschmidt, on the opposite side, calls philosophy and history one and the same thing. One of the philosophical reviews declared that the history of the systems was a substitute for the systems themselves; and even the laggards of a priori science were won by the assurance that the


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Page:Historical Essays and Studies.djvu/399

Rh idea is the substance of all history. The historic mind had always glowed beneath the metaphysical ice cap. Goethe described it as one of his last steps in mental progress to have the unseen past always present; and he had approved the fine piece of idealism, since copied by Renan, in which Humboldt denounced the prosaic improvements which would make Rome a place unfitted for the spectres who are its worthiest inhabitants. Gerlach, the leader of the Prussian conservatives, used to say that what he had admired most in England was Mr. Speaker's wig. For when he spoke of it as a time-honoured relic, an historical-minded Englishman told him that it was nothing of the sort, but quite a modern institution, not two centuries old. At Göttingen one day a Protestant was defending the celibacy of the clergy, and saying that without it Catholicism would lose its identity. A Catholic replied: "We were used to married priests so long that it is the law of celibacy which we feel as an innovation."

The scientific era had its own lesson for historians. The world proceeded on its new path with increasing velocity, there was no stopping, and no step backward; and the law of progress, which had been a crude and vague speculation, became a manifest reality. With this new aspect of the life of men and of societies, a conception of history arose of which Du Bois Reymond is the prophet. The future depends on truths and forces being, and to be, discovered. The past survives only by supplying available material that may be a guide for science and an equivalent of power. The function of history is to reveal its own futility, to display the conquest of the ancient realm of uncertainty, probability, inheritance, by irresistible demonstration. Bourbons and Habsburgs go over to the Egyptian kings, and make room on earth for the monuments of a dynasty that begins with Copernicus and will never pass away. All else is ballast to be discharged, and the Greek exercise must surrender to conic sections. As mere denial of history, the new conception is an old one. But by promoting the neglected history of scientific

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
They live so long

 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "They live so long" in The Bellman (26 August 1916).
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "They live so long" in Poems II.

title: They live so long


text:
Page:Historical Essays and Studies.djvu/400

388 ideas, it promises greatly to enrich both historians and philosophers.

Forty years after Savigny's Vocation made Germany a nation of historically thinking men, every branch of knowledge had felt its influence. It had penetrated jurisprudence by the end of the French war; language, with the first volume of Grimm's Grammar in the edition of 1822; geography, when Ritter drew the spark from Humboldt; philosophy, when Hegel lectured at Berlin; art, with Schnaase's Letters from the Netherlands; theology, with Baur's work on the Atonement; and canon law when Richter was made, instead of Stahl, the adviser of the Prussian government in Church and State. Until 1840, political economy was almost the only science in which Germany followed, with unequal steps, the lead of France and England. The change came when Roscher, who had been the ripest of Ranke's scholars, a man more perfectly endowed with historic instinct than Niebuhr or Baur, was set to train practical economists for the kingdom of Hanover. He united in an eminently receptive mind the better strains of the German character—the wide and not absorbing sympathy, the impartial attentiveness to the several sides of questions, the notion that error is not done with until it has been made to yield a residue of truth, confidence in the general reasonableness of things, regulation of private opinion by universal experience. Abstraction was already losing its strong grip, and experimental methods were obtaining sway. "The history of a science," said Goethe, "is the science itself"; Trendelenburg spoke of definitions as the end, not the beginning, of knowledge; and Say told de Candolle that he had acquired the art of observing social physiology from the naturalists. These fluid notions were much in the air. Hermann, the strictest of dogmatists, being asked what to read, advised men to learn the making of the science in the economic articles which appeared from the beginning in the Edinburgh and Quarterly Reviews. The prodigy of Roscher's reading and his historic bent of mind urged him to detach propositions from their place in the system, in order to trace


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 1.djvu/49

Rh PROGRAM OF A TRANSLATION

OF

THE SACRED BOOKS OF THE EAST.

I here subjoin the program in which I first put forward the idea of a translation of the Sacred Books of the East, and through which I invited the co-operation of Oriental scholars in this undertaking. The difficulty of finding translators, both willing and competent to take a part in it, proved far greater than I had anticipated. Even when I had secured the assistance of a number of excellent scholars, and had received their promises of prompt co-operation, illness, domestic affliction, and even death asserted their control over all human affairs. Professor Childers, who had shown the warmest interest in our work, and on whom I chiefly depended for the Pali literature of the Buddhists, was taken from us, an irreparable loss to Oriental scholarship in general, and to our undertaking in particular. Among native scholars, whose co-operation I had been particularly desired to secure, Rajendralal Mitra, who had promised a translation of the Vâyu-purâna, was prevented by serious illness from fulfilling his engagement. In other cases sorrow and sickness have caused, at all events, serious delay in the translation of the very books which were to have inaugurated this Series. However, new offers of assistance have come, and I hope that more may still come from Oriental scholars both in India and England, so that the limit of time which had been originally


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Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/269

 was hired and fitted up as his cathedral, and here he commenced his self-denying labours as Bishop of Adelaide."

South Australia enjoys the unique distinction of being the only colony that has so far given to the Church a religious order peculiar to the southern hemisphere. This order is known as the Sisters of St. Joseph, and is mainly composed of the daughters of Irish families, who have devoted their lives to the education of the poor. The sisters conduct schools in all the leading centres of South Australia, and have latterly been extending their field of duty to the neighbouring colonies as well. At the inception of the order, they had a hard struggle to maintain a footing in their own colony, for they were assailed by slanders and misrepresentations, and for a time they were suppressed and disbanded, on prudential grounds by Dr. Shell, the then Bishop of Adelaide. An appeal to Rome ensued, and Pope Pius IX. reversed the bishop's decision. The order was thereupon re-established, and it has ever since nobly vindicated its right to exist, and effectually silenced the voice of calumny, by the earnest, self-denying labours of its members throughout the colonies in the cause of Catholic primary education. Its founder, the Rev. Julian E. Tenison-Woods, has gained a widespread reputation as perhaps the most eminent scientist in the southern hemisphere; but many who have read his numerous works on the geology, botany, and natural history of the Australian continent, are, perhaps, not aware that his real vocation is that of a hard-working missionary priest, and that his scientific studies have been for the most part pursued in the brief intervals of leisure allowed him by the calls of sacred duty.

It is related that a little over forty years ago a few priests ventured northwards from New South Wales to what was

title: Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/269


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 1.djvu/50

xl assigned to the publication of twenty-four volumes may not, I hope, be much exceeded.

Apart from the interest which the Sacred Books of all religions possess in the eyes of the theologian, and, more particularly, of the missionary, to whom an accurate knowledge of them is as indispensable as a knowledge of the enemy's country is to a general, these works have of late assumed a new importance, as viewed in the character of ancient historical documents. In every country where Sacred Books have been preserved, whether by oral tradition or by writing, they are the oldest records, and mark the beginning of what may be called documentary, in opposition to purely traditional, history.

There is nothing more ancient in India than the Vedas; and, if we except the Vedas and the literature connected with them, there is again no literary work in India which, so far as we know at present, can with certainty be referred to an earlier date than that of the Sacred Canon of the Buddhists. Whatever age we may assign to the various portions of the Avesta and to their final arrangement, there is no book in the Persian language of greater antiquity than the Sacred Books of the followers of Zarathustra, nay, even than their translation in Pehlevi. There may have been an extensive ancient literature in China long before Khung-fû-𝔷ze and Lâo-𝔷ze, but among all that was rescued and preserved of it, the five King and the four Shû claim again the highest antiquity. As to the Koran, it is known to be the fountain-head both of the religion and of the literature of the Arabs.

This being the case, it was but natural that the attention of the historian should of late have been more strongly attracted by these Sacred Books, as likely to afford most valuable information, not only on the religion, but also on the moral sentiments, the social institutions, the legal maxims of some of the most important nations of antiquity. There are not many nations that have preserved sacred writings, and many of those that have been preserved have but lately become accessible to us in their original form, through the rapid advance of Oriental scholarship in Europe. Neither Greeks, nor Romans, nor Germans, nor Celts, nor Slaves have left us anything that deserves the name of Sacred Books. The


text:
Self-confident Youth

 * Coates, Florence Earle (1915), "Self-confident Youth" in Lippincott's Monthly Magazine (January 1915).
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "Self-confident Youth" in Poems II.

title: Self-confident Youth


text:
Page:The Days Work (1899).djvu/251

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR

This time it was William that wiped her eyes.

title: Page:The Days Work (1899).djvu/251


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/439

Rh 19. (extinct).

20. (4027):

21., or (1126).

22. (978):

23. (93):

24. (1091):

25., or (1100):

26., or (699):

27. (29,191):

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/439


text:
Where Harold Sleeps

 * Coates, Florence Earle (1914), "Where Harold Sleeps" in Lippincott's Monthly Magazine (September 1914).
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "Where Harold Sleeps" in Poems II.

title: Where Harold Sleeps


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Mosque

MOSQUE (Fr. mosquée, from Sp. mezquita, from Ar. masjid, temple, from sajada, to prostrate one's self, to pray). A Mohammedan house of prayer and worship. Examples of these buildings are found wherever the Mohammedan faith has prevailed, from Spain to India and Turkestan. There is no fixed form of structure for them; in poor comnuinities a bare room provided with a miḥrāb to mark the kiblah (q.v.) often serves the purpose. In general the earliest type of mosque was an open court, surrounded on all sides by an arcaded portico, like the atrium or cloister of a church or the peristyle court of an Egyptian temple, but sometimes differing from them in having not a single row, but two or more rows of columns or piers. The side of the court toward Mecca is usually deeper than the other three, with more rows of supports; it contains the miḥrāb and to the right of it the mimbar (pulpit), and, in front, generally a platform and reading desk. In the open court (ṣaḥn) is the fountain for ablutions, often of large size and covered with a dome.

The mosques of India and Central Asia are generally constructed after this plan. The Mohammedans, however, have always been influenced by the native forms of architecture in the different countries which they have entered. The Spanish mosques, for example, closely resembled churches, having many parallel aisles supported on a forest like the old Cordova mosque, or fewer aisles, like the mosque at Toledo, now San

Cristo de la Luz. The dome was not used to any extent till the fourteenth century, when two new types made it their central form: the mausoleum mosque originating in Cairo, and the Turkish mosque derived from the Byzantine plan of Saint Sophia (q.v.) at Constantinople. The masterpiece of the first type is the Hasan mosque at Cairo (1356), followed by those of Barkuk, Khawand al-Baraka, and others. Of the second type, besides the several superb examples at Constantinople (Sulaiman, Ahmad, and others) there is the earlier one at Isnik, and the model spread even to Egypt, as in the Sinan mosque at Bulak. Still another way of employing the dome appeared in certain of the mosques of India, as the Doshamma mosque at Delhi. Among the most famous and sacred of the early mosques were the Masjid al-Ḥarām at ../Mecca/ (q.v.), the Masjid al-Nabī at ../Medina/ (q.v.), the Masjid al-Āḳsā, the Mosque of Omar at Jerusalem, and the great Mosque of Walid at Damascus. All of these have been rebuilt so that their early form is no longer recognizable. The old mosque at ../Kairwan/ (q.v.) is a well preserved early example (eighth century), as is also the Mosque of Tulun at Cairo; the Mosque of Amru at Cairo is of even earlier foundation, and still retains portions of old work. The Mosque of Omar represents the concentric mausoleum type. It is now two or three centuries since mosques of any architectural importance have been erected. The poorer mosques have bare whitewashed walls with no decoration of any kind. The larger and more pretentious are often elaborately and artistically decorated with carvings, arabesques, and passages from the Koran in the most involved style of ornamental calligraphy. Hundreds of oil lamps and sometimes ostrich eggs, elephant's tusks, and the like hang from the ceiling. The floor is usually covered with matting. A striking feature of mosque architecture is the minaret (q.v.).

The five prayers are said in the mosque daily. (See .) The worshiper on entering removes his shoes, carries them in his left hand, sole to sole, and puts his right foot first over the threshold. He performs the necessary ablutions and takes his place in the congregation facing the miḥrāb. The attendance is more general on Friday, when some special prayers are said and a sermon (khuṭbah) is often added. A mosque which has this service is called masjid al-jāmi‛ (“mosque of the general assembling”) or simply jāmi‛. Women are not forbidden to enter the mosque, but their presence is not considered seemly during the time of prayer; sometimes a special place, secluded by a screen, is provided for them. There are few mosques to which unbelievers do not now have access. The utmost decorum and solemnity are observed during services, and the mosques are deeply reverenced by the faithful. At the same time they are intended for daily use, and when services are not going on are general gathering and lounging places; persons may be seen there sewing, spinning, or engaged in some similar handicraft; and they serve as resting places for travelers and wanderers. It has been the custom from the beginning for teachers and professors to give lectures and hold classes in the larger mosques, which thus serve as college buildings. The teacher takes his place at a pier or column at stated hours, his favorite pupil holds his books or

notes, and the audience sits around on mats. Several such courses are carried on simultaneously in different parts of the covered arcades. Until medressehs were built in the eleventh century, the mosques were probably the only regular seat of advanced teaching. In recent times the advanced education in the mosques has been largely confined to the preparation of candidates for the position of imam, but there are still notable exceptions. The Azhar Mosque in Cairo has long been the main centre of advanced instruction in Mohammedan countries, the only survivor of many finer mediæval institions, and its courses are attended by between 5000 and 10,000 students. Minor buildings, such as school-rooms, academies, libraries, hospitals, dormitories, public kitchens, and almshouses, are often connected with the mosques.

The revenues of the mosques are derived not only from the contributions of the faithful, but also from investments in landed property (wuḳūf), often from gifts made centuries ago; this property is in the hands of trustees. The income serves to keep the building in repair and to pay necessary expenses. The mosque officials and attendants include the ’imām, who leads the prayers, the learned men who teach (mawlawī, ’ulamā), the khāṭib or preacher (in a jāmi‘), the muezzins (q.v.), who call to prayers, door-keepers, lamp-lighters, etc. Their number depends entirely upon the revenues; sometimes a single imam combines in his person the functions of all the others. The imam has a salary from the revenues, but the teachers are dependent entirely upon the gifts of their pupils. See . Consult the Bibliography of.


text:
Cherubim

 * The Cherubim, a poem by Florence Earle Coates

title: Cherubim


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/Highway Construction in Massachusetts


text:
The Cherubim (Coates)

 * Coates, Florence Earle (1913), "The Cherubim" in The North American Review (August 1913).
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "The Cherubim" in Poems II.

title: The Cherubim (Coates)


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/The Davenport Academy of Natural Sciences


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/Sources of the New Psychology


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/The Latent Vitality of Seeds


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/Strange Personifications


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/418

398

manner as shall appear equitable, and shall not be limited to apportionment between the land sold and the residue of the land subject to the superior interest.

(4.) Where a holding is sold by the Land Judge to the tenant thereof, and an advance under the Land Purchase Acts is made for the purpose, the Land Judge shall have the powers of apportionment and redemption conferred on the Land Commission by 8ection fifteen and sixteen of the Land Law (Ireland) Act, 1887, and by section twenty of the Purchase of Land (Ireland) Act, 1891, as the same are amended and extended by this Act in like manner as if the Land Judge were the Land Commission.

(5.) The price or compensation to be paid in respect of a superior interest, or of any apportioned part thereof, shall be determined in the manner provided by the said sections for the redemption of annuities, rentcharges, and rents: Provided that, if the court are of opinion that any such superior interest is of no appreciable value to the persons entitled thereto, the purchase money of the land may be distributed without regard to such superior interest.

(6.) If a superior interest, or the benefit arising thereunder, is settled land within the meaning of the Settled Land Acts, 1882 to 1890, the person who constitutes the tenant for life, or who has the powers of a tenant for life under those Acts, shall have power to enter into any consent in relation to the sale being made discharged from such superior interest, and to the redemption or satisfaction of the same out of the purchase money.

(7.) Where a superior interest is subject to an incumbrance a&, defined by the Land Law (Ireland) Act, 1887, the court shall have the same powers as if such incumbrance had been charged directly upon the land sold.

(8.) The expression "superior interest" shall include any rent, rentcharge, annuity, fees, duties, or services, payable or to be rendered in respect of the land sold to any person, including Her Majesty and Her successors, and any estates, exceptions, reservations, covenants, conditions, or agreements, contained in any fee-farm grant, or other conveyance in fee, or lease, under which such land is held, and, if such land is held under a lease for lives or years renewable for ever, or for a term of years of which not less than sixty are unexpired at the date of the sale, shall include any reversion or estate expectant on the determination of such lease or expiration of such term, and notwithstanding that such reversion or estate may be vested in Her Majesty and Her successors.

(9.) Nothing in this section shall affect the' rights of the public or of any class of the public in respect of the land sold.

(10.) The Land Commission or the High Court shall not in any case be empowerd to make any requisition as to title the making of which by a purchaser would be prevented by the Vendor and Purchaser Act, 1874, or any Act amending the same.

32.—(1.) The Land Commission shall prepare the vesting order, see fit to dispense therewith, shall fiat the agreement for the purchase of the holding, subject to such conditions, exceptions, and modifications as they think necessary; and on the advance being paid such fiat shall have effect as if it were a vesting order


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/Sketch of James Nasmyth


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/Editor's Table


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/Scientific Literature


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/General Notices


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/Publications Received


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/Fragments of Science


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/Minor Paragraphs


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/May 1897/Notes


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Nationalization

NATIONALIZATION. The fact that “Nationalization” had become in 1916-21 one of the burning political questions of the day is unfortunate as regards arriving at a clear appraisal of its principles, for, from the outset, it is difficult for a writer to avoid a certain bias in approaching its discussion. Yet Nationalization of some services and industries has been an accomplished fact for many years, without giving rise to any political controversy. In its narrow sense, Nationalization means taking over the ownership and control of an industry or service by the community, as opposed to ownership and control for the benefit of a person or a certain number of persons, be it in their individual capacity, or in corporate form in the shape of a company. The most familiar example of such a nationalized service in Great Britain and, indeed, practically every country is the Post Office.

The word Nationalization is, however, generally used to denote the principle of Public Ownership (to employ the much better term used throughout N. America) as opposed to that of private enterprise. For instance, in 1908, the three separate dock companies (one of them already an amalgamation of several companies) which owned and operated those undertakings in and around London were bought out, and ownership and management vested in a composite body known as the Port of London Authority, the Board of which is constituted as follows: seventeen members are elected by the payers of the dock dues; one by the wharfingers; four are selected by the Government (one representing Labour); two by the Corporation of the City of London, and two by the London County Council (one of them representing Labour). Strictly speaking, it would not be correct to say the Docks of London were “nationalized,” for the taxpayers and ratepayers of Northumberland, for instance, are not in any way directly concerned with the undertaking, but the exploitation or the carrying on of the enterprise of the Docks of London has been converted from a number of private undertakings directed to the earning of profits for a certain number of proprietors, into a public undertaking the primary function of which is to render to the town of London, and the region dependent thereon, services connected with the provision of dock accommodation and of the things accessory thereto. This is not really Nationalization, but it embodies the principle meant by ninety-nine people out of every hundred who use the word, viz.: Public Ownership, be such ownership vested in a national authority, a municipal body or an ad hoc authority like the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board or the Metropolitan Water Board. It is, therefore, with this interpretation of Nationalization that we shall deal in this article.

Relation to Socialism.—A word must be said as to the relationship of Nationalization to Socialism. The two are by no means identical and although the nationalization of the means of production, distribution and exchange has long been a Socialist shibboleth, many modern Socialists oppose Nationalization as being merely “State Capitalism,” a form of industry, they say, in which the workers might still be exploited for the benefit of those who control the national machine—probably the same governing classes as we now possess. The truth of the matter is that, although Nationalization is not Socialism, it is the most suitable economic machine whereby the aims of Socialism can be carried out, because, by eliminating the private entrepreneur and converting him into a rentier in receipt of fixed interest instead of being a participator in the profits, it removes one of the conflicting factors in industry, namely the owner, and reduces these factors to two, viz. the community in its dual capacity of owner and consumer, and all the workers in that industry.

It is the elimination of this private profit-making incentive which, in the minds of the advocates of Nationalization, is one of the principal arguments in its favour, and, in the minds of its opponents, is the chief argument against it. Nationalize industry, say the latter, and you do away with the desire of personal gain which is the dominant human motive leading to improvement, invention and efficiency; you stereotype existing conditions, you do away with competition and all the benefits arising therefrom, and you get wasteful management from a horde of Government officials who ride on the backs of the tax-payers.

Against this, the advocates of Nationalization urge that private enterprise, precisely because its dominant motive is personal gain, often fails to render the service that is its ostensible justification; it leads to adulteration, misdescription, and all sorts of chicanery, and while competition has its undoubted value as a stimulus to invention and new methods, our present system of industry does, of itself, run to amalgamations, absorptions and price agreements resulting in the abolition of real competition with its attendant advantages, so that we arrive at much the same result as if we had Nationalization, in the shape of monopoly, open or concealed, but with the profits arising from the elimination of real competition and the economies resulting from monopoly and unification going into the pockets of a small section of the community instead of being spread over the whole nation,

either in the shape of a better or cheaper service, or both; and that, even if our present imperfect Governments result in too many officials, it is no worse for the community that a certain number of persons (officials) with their families should be enjoying a decent livelihood out of the industry than that a number of other persons (entrepreneurs and large shareholders) should derive fortunes from the same industry. Further, they allege that no system of private enterprise combined with Government regulation (the usual suggestion for meeting a tendency towards monopoly) will be satisfactory, as it results in just that multiplicity of officials of the most uneconomic nature, in that they do not produce anything, that is the bugbear of State control.

It is not for us to determine here which view is right; and the former, the anti-nationalization view, is certainly that expressed most frequently in the columns of the Press. Be this as it may, it is an undoubted fact that throughout the whole world—in the United Kingdom as well as elsewhere—the principle of public ownership, unpopular as it appeared to be in many quarters, was in 1921 steadily gaining ground, and it may be useful if we consider some of the developments in this direction and endeavour to find some guiding principles which account for its growth.

Factors making for Public Ownership.—Prominent among these is the fear of combination among suppliers of services leading up to a monopoly, open or concealed, which, “human nature being what it is,” inevitably results, sooner or later, in excessive prices being charged to the consumer. When this occurs, or tends to occur, in the case of a service vital to most sections of the community, a Government, however hostile its individual members may be to further extensions of public ownership, finds itself compelled to make a public service of it. It may itself assume a monopoly of such service, as in the case of Italy and Uruguay, both of which countries, early in the present century, had nationalized life insurance and made of it a national monopoly; more frequently, however, a Government in such circumstances starts a State-owned and operated service in competition with existing services, with the view of setting a standard of services and conditions and preventing prices from mounting beyond a reasonable basis. Coming under this head are the Commonwealth of Australia shipping line, the New Zealand and Queensland State Insurance Departments, the hundreds of publicly owned grain elevators that are to be found throughout Canada, and, in the United Kingdom, the Imperial Cable Service.

The Commonwealth Government line of steamers (see also ) was started by the purchase in 1919 by the Australian Prime Minister (Mr. Hughes) of the Strath Line of 13 steamships, and some other vessels. The Australian Government gave it to be understood that it established the line as a means to a special end, viz. the protection of the Australian shippers and public from possible adverse results of recent amalgamations of private shipping interests, and not with any idea of driving the shipping companies out of the field. One of the abuses against which the institution of a State-owned mercantile fleet was aimed was the rebate system adopted by some of the big shipping lines, whereby shippers who forwarded goods by any line outside the combine had to pay higher freights, these being charged in the first instance and a rebate allowed only, provided that the said line received all their cargo. In an official circular issued by the Manager of the Commonwealth Government line of steamers appeared the following passages:—

The Commonwealth Government actively continued the development of its shipping business, by the construction of 18 new steamers, with the result that in 1921 it had a fleet aggregating 444,000 tons.

The point that the principal aim of a State-owned competitive undertaking was to protect the public from overcharge, was brought out by the Lieutenant-Governor of Queensland at the opening of the Queensland Parliament in August 1920 when, referring to the State Insurance Department, he said:—

In the case of the Imperial cable which links the United Kingdom with Canada, West Indies and Australasia, the chief factor in building up a State-owned system was the value for political and defensive purposes of having a cable wholly under British control, and in its advertisements the Post Office boasted that “the Imperial Cable is Government owned and is the only Atlantic cable under purely British control.” While the rates charged for ordinary telegrams were the same as for those sent by other Atlantic routes, the official advertisements stated:—

Here we have the case of a nationalized service affording more facilities than its privately owned competitor.

Another motive for the provision by the State of a service hitherto performed by private enterprise is that of protecting persons against the dishonesty of individuals in the shape of malversation of trust funds. As in many similar directions, New Zealand was the pioneer in appointing a public trustee, but in 1908, despite active hostility on the part of the legal profession, such an office was opened in the United Kingdom.

Its purpose was described in the official pamphlet published by the Public Trustee Office as follows:—

Extensive use was made of this nationalized service, which exists in competition with professional people and companies performing the same functions (see ).

Yet another circumstance which drives State or municipal authorities into public ownership is the fact that certain public needs exist which are not filled by private enterprise on account of their not fulfilling the first condition of private enterprise, viz. profit. It is this incentive, rather than those already referred to as governing Australia's action in acquiring shipping, that caused Britain, the United States and Canada during the war to build and operate State-owned merchant fleets. With the disappearance of the emergency created by the war, the British Government rapidly disposed of its merchant ships to private owners, and its action in this respect was in 1921 apparently being followed by the United States Government.

For the same reason as that already mentioned, viz. the failure of private enterprise to supply the need, the national authority has in many countries had to arrange for the construction of houses and to let them at uneconomic rents.

Sometimes a Government finds itself compelled to nationalize an undertaking by reason of the fact that a privately owned concern of public utility fails financially and, if the State did not take it over, would become derelict. From this cause the Canadian Government has of late years found itself constrained to become the owner of the greater part of the railroads in the Dominion, the only other railroad owner of importance (but of very great

importance) being the Canadian Pacific Railway Company. It requires no great stretch of imagination to picture the same development with the railways of the United Kingdom.

A perhaps less meritorious motive that causes many Governments to nationalize a service or industry is that of acquiring revenue thereby. When this occurs, the State undertaking is invariably made a monopoly, and is as much a means of indirect taxation as it is a business undertaking. Nationalized services of this description have hitherto been much rarer in the United Kingdom, as compared with other countries, although they are common enough in India and the British Crown Colonies. In India the working and sale of salt, in the Straits Settlements the sale of tin, and in many countries the manufacture and sale of tobacco in every shape and form are State monopolies, from which large profits are made or derived.

Services having to do primarily with the health and wellbeing of the whole community show a decided tendency towards public ownership. The sewerage systems of most countries are in the hands of public authorities, and in several departments of activity relating to the health and wellbeing of the community, one can see in operation throughout the world the transition stage from private to public ownership, both systems working side by side, but with an invariable tendency on the part of the publicly owned service to grow, not merely by the establishment of additional institutions, but by the absorption of privately owned undertakings. This process is steadily in operation in England in connexion with such services as asylums, hospitals, cemeteries and water-works, whilst education is rapidly being transformed from a private into a publicly owned industry. The growth of these public services is not confined in England to the provision of services imposed upon municipal authorities by law; for example, municipally owned lunatic asylums now make provision for private paying patients, and are made use of to an increasing extent, so that the private asylum is gradually dying out.

Another class of undertaking which is becoming more and more publicly owned is the service which is essential to the whole community or at least to most sections thereof. First and foremost comes the transmission of correspondence through the post-office, the most familiar form of nationalized undertaking. When one bears in mind the fact that the nationalized British post-office is the largest multiple shop concern in that country, having a branch in every village, it can readily be seen that such a network of Government shops lends itself most easily to an extension of duties. How convenient such a network of Government shops may be to meet a sudden emergency is shown by the duties placed upon the post-office at short or no notice during the war. When it was decided to collect from the nation magazines and books for distribution to the troops at the various fronts, it sufficed merely to notify the public that it could hand such publications over the counter at any post-office. In their capacity of Government shops, the post-offices of the United Kingdom, within 1908-21, had taken on additional work involved by the following new services:—

Nor are these new services all side-lines of small account; in hundreds of offices the actual sale of health and unemployment insurance stamps exceed the sale of postage stamps. With the increased tendency towards social legislation, there is little doubt that the services performed by means of the comprehensive post-office organization in every country will inevitably be extended still further. In the United Kingdom the Union of Post Office Workers had for some time before 1921 been carrying on an agitation for the provision of new facilities for the public which are in operation in other countries, such as the introduction of the postal cheque and transfer system, dispatch of parcels on the cash-on-delivery system, the collection of bills and subscriptions, etc. This agitation is worth noting by students of

Nationalization, as indicative of fields of activity for trade unions composed of workers in a nationalized undertaking, additional to those concerned merely with their own betterment.

There are, however, other services which, being essential to all or most sections of the community, are gradually coming to be recognized as due to be transferred from the realm of private profit-making to that of public service. In most countries railway and canal transport are regarded as naturally falling within this category, and not a year passes without numerous water, gas and electricity undertakings in all parts of the world being transferred from companies to municipal bodies.

In the working out of the problem that has for some time been engaging the attention of engineers, of the most economical large-scale production and distribution of energy or power, the trend has been inevitably towards public ownership. The largest generator and distributor of hydro-electric power in the world was, in 1921, the Hydro-Electric Power Commission of Ontario, a publicly owned body formed on a coöperative basis by city and rural municipalities, through which the province of Ontario generated through hydro-electric energy over 95% of the total consumption of power within its borders from all sources. The Australian Government Morwell Power scheme will supply electricity to the greater part of Victoria, and in Sweden and Switzerland the respective Governments are developing electricity from water-power on a very large scale. In fact, throughout the world, almost all the great developments in this direction were in 1921 being carried out by, or on behalf of, Governments or municipal authorities, or combinations of both.

At first sight it might appear possible to draw a line of demarcation between these services which naturally fall within the sphere of public ownership and those which belong to the realm of private enterprise; but this is not so simple as it looks. It is easy to say that the community should carry on non-profit-making undertakings like the roads, sewers and public conveniences, leaving all other services, out of which profits can be made, to private enterprise, which, with the aforesaid profit-making incentive, is likely to give more facilities and be more receptive to new ideas. But it is only custom which makes us regard the provision of a drainage system, the collection of refuse, etc., as a non-profit-making service. In Rosario, the second most populous city in the Argentine Republic, and in Valparaiso, the second largest city of Chile, the drains belong to, and are operated by, the Rosario Drainage Company, and the Valparaiso (Chile) Drainage Company, respectively, both English companies. In Paris and Brussels limited companies make the business of supplying public conveniences pay handsomely.

Another argument might be that, as water, gas, electricity and tramway services cannot be carried on without disturbance to the publicly owned roads and bridges, it is natural that these undertakings should be owned by the same authority as is responsible for the roads. This might explain the fact that, gradually, such undertakings are becoming nationalized or municipalized, but one is constrained to ask why the roads and bridges themselves should be publicly owned; they were not always so, and practically every municipality now makes a monetary loss on bridges which at one time, under private enterprise, produced good profits to their owners.

Many people would agree that services directly connected with the health of the community should be carried on as public undertakings without regard to profit, e.g. isolation and general hospitals, ambulance services, sewers, extinction of fires and saving of lives in connection therewith. But here again it is difficult to draw a definite line of demarcation. If sewers are vital to the health of a city, so also is a supply of pure milk; and the extension of public ownership along this direction is shown by the fact that the town of Sheffield, since November 1918, has municipalized its milk supply, and its example was in 1921 likely to be followed by other British cities.

State Leases.—There is an intermediate form of Nationalization or public ownership which to a considerable extent bridges the gulf between those who consider that all services and industries vital to the community should be carried on by the community.

and those who consider that Nationalization or public ownership leads to wasteful and bureaucratic methods and the disappearance of enterprise. This via media lies in the direction of the State or municipality owning an undertaking, but leasing it to a company under a concession for a fixed term of years, on a profit-sharing basis. The State or municipality, as representing the community, has control or a deciding voice in matters of principle, conditions of labour, etc., whilst the concessionaire company has the customary incentive to commercial efficiency. At the end of the concession the State or municipality is free to take over a complete service that has been organized on a commercial basis, or to grant a fresh concession. This system is becoming increasingly popular throughout the world, and appears preferable to the composite bodies, composed of municipalities and joint-stock companies, hitherto favoured in England.

Nationalization of Industries.—Detailed nationalization schemes for three separate industries in Great Britain had already been published by 1921, covering mines, railways and land respectively. That for mines was prepared in 1919 on behalf of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, that for railways was prepared on behalf of the Railway Nationalization Society, and that for land was based upon an original draft made by the present writer for the Land Nationalization Society. The three schemes approximate more nearly to one another than might have been anticipated, having regard to the difference between the three services of coal mining, railway transport, and land ownership. Each provides for administration by a national council, appointed as to part by the Government and part by the workers engaged in the industry, with a Cabinet Minister at the head.

The miners' nationalization scheme (which covers coal and ironstone, shale, fire clay and limestone, but excludes sandstone, granite, slate, chalk, building clay, gravel and sand) provides for a National Mining Council consisting of a President and 20 members, 10 of whom are to be appointed by the Government, and 10 by the Miners' Federation.

The railway scheme provides for a National Transport Council consisting of the Minister for Transport, 3 persons nominated respectively by the Minister for Transport, the Board of Trade and the Treasury, and 3 representatives of the railway workers selected by the Transport Ministry from a panel of not less than 12 persons nominated annually for that purpose by the several committees of the 20 principal trade unions of which the membership is drawn wholly or in great part from persons engaged in the services of transport. This more complex method of providing for representatives of the workers in a nationalized transport system is due to the fact that, whilst practically all the workers in and about coal-mines are members of units making up the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, workers on the railways alone, apart from other branches of transport, are spread over a large number of trade unions. It will be further noticed that while the miners' scheme imposes upon the Minister for Mines ten members of the council definitely selected by the Miners' Federation, the railway scheme gives the Transport Minister some latitude of choice, by giving him powers of selection from a panel. This scheme not merely overcomes the difficulty of having to deal with a number of trade unions, but also enables the Minister to select as colleagues those on the panel with whom he considers he can best work, or who seem the most suitable.

In the case of land ownership—a totally distinct matter from the working of the land—there is no large body of workers which may justly claim representation on the management, and here representation of the various sectional interests has been aimed at by providing that the National Land Council should consist of the Minister for Lands; three members appointed by him, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Food respectively; one appointed by the Minister for Lands from a panel of not less than three persons nominated for the purpose by representatives of Farmers' Unions and Chambers of Agriculture; one appointed by the Minister from a panel of not less than three persons nominated by Associations of Smallholders and Allotment holders; and one appointed by the Minister from a panel of not less than three persons nominated by Agricultural Labourers' Unions.

In all three schemes provision is made for local or district councils, to which the National Council may delegate such powers as it thinks fit. The constitution of these district councils is analogous to that of the national councils, the proportion of workers' representation being the same, and in the case of the mines, provision is made also for the formation of councils for the separate pits. Members of all the councils are to receive such remuneration as the National Council, with the consent of the Treasury, may determine. The miners' scheme allows for the formation of a council to represent the interests of consumers, but such council has no executive powers and is purely advisory. In the case of the transport and land schemes no such provision is made, it being assumed that the members of the council nominated by the Government do, ipso facto, represent the general community, which in this case constitutes the consumer.

Another nationalization scheme for the coal industry was sketched by Mr. Justice Sankey, the Chairman of the Coal Industries Commission, 1919. This scheme provides for national ownership and, like the miners' scheme, aims at avoiding too bureaucratic a management by handing over the administration to district councils. While, however, the miners' scheme makes the National Mining Council of which the Minister of Mines is a member, the supreme authority, the Sankey scheme leaves the Minister of Mines in supreme control, with the obligation to consult the. standing committee of the Mining Council on certain questions. Whereas the composition of the joint bodies in the miners' scheme is dual, representation being divided between the Government and the miners, in the Sankey scheme, it is tripartite, one-third representing the workers, one-third the consumers and one-third the technical and commercial side of the industry; the Government is not represented at all on this body, but, as stated, the Minister of Mines is not obliged to carry out recommendations of the National Mining Council, although that body is to meet regularly “for the purpose of superintending the operation of District Mining Councils.”

All three schemes provide for compensation to the owners for the properties to be nationalized, and for payment to be made in Government stock bearing the rate of interest current at the time on that existing Government stock which most nearly approximates in length of time and conditions to the stock con- templated under the scheme. That is to say, if British Government 5% War Loan is quoted at a price at which it yields 5½%, the stock issued in payment of the properties taken by the State is to be on the basis of 5½% at par, it being immaterial from this point of view, whether in payment of a property worth £100, the owner receives £100 of 5½% stock or £110 of 5% stock. In deciding the amount to be paid for each property acquired, there arises the thorny question of the basis of value and compensation. The miners' scheme provides for the appointment of ten commissioners for this special purpose, three of them to be nominated by the Miners' Federation and three of them by the owners' organization, the Mining Association. If a majority of commissioners cannot agree as to the purchase price of any property, the chairman (appointed by the Government) shall have power to determine the value. A coal-mine is to be valued on the average actual annual number of tons actually raised during the five years prior to August 4 1914, due regard being paid to the actual gross and net profits during that period and to the amount set aside for depreciation, renewals or development, to the probable life of the mine, and to the condition in which it is. Where a mine has not been fully developed, the amount which would be raised under full development without any increase of capital expenditure is to be taken as the average annual number of tons. The scheme, however, fixes a maximum purchase price, viz.:—

In the case of the railway nationalization scheme, the purchase price is to be a sum equal to the mean between the highest and lowest officially quoted price of each stock during the first 12 of the 18 months preceding the introduction of the bill, the idea of a buffer of six months being to prevent prices being forced up on the basis of stock quotations being made known.

In a Railway Nationalization bill issued in 1921 by two of the trade unions representing the railway workers, and sponsored by the Labour party, the price to be paid differs from that contemplated in the Railway Nationalization Society's scheme, on which the Labour party bill was largely based, in that the mean quotation of each stock during the year 1913 shall be taken as the basis, but shall be “subject to a reduction relative to the amount by which securities generally have depreciated in value in consequence of the war.” This agrees with the policy under which the three Government Committees appointed to report upon State control of the Drink Trade unanimously recommended state purchase on the following basis:—

The draft railway nationalization bill referred to suggests that this reduction on the 1913 stock exchange value should be in the neighbourhood of 30%, even that being less than the fall that has occurred on other investment stocks of the same description.

The land nationalization scheme puts forward two alternative bases for purchase, viz.:—

In the case of the land being let on lease, the compensation is to be divided between the landowner and the leaseholder in proportions determined by an ad hoc tribunal.

The Government stocks to be issued in payment of the properties nationalized are all redeemable at par in the case of the railway and land schemes by means of a sinking fund of .5%, sufficient to redeem the entire loan within approximately 50 years, while in the case of the miners' scheme, no statutory sinking fund is provided, but net profits are to be applied to that purpose. Each scheme provides for the drawing up of separate accounts, showing fully the results of the year's operations, to be submitted annually to Parliament and there discussed.

Management.—There is no doubt that the principal problem in connection with Nationalization or Public Ownership lies in the direction of efficient management. The traditions of British Government Departments, which have been concerned primarily with the administration of legislative enactments and not with the management of trading concerns, is not conducive to efficiency as the business man understands it. This, however, applies more to national than to local government officials, the latter being in closer contact with the people for whom they act, and being more accustomed to act in an executive capacity. Mr. Justice Sankey in his Coal Industry Commission Report (Cmd 210), dated June 20 1919, wrote:—

The need for a wider training and the creation of a new type of Government official to carry on publicly owned undertakings is now fully realized, and the newer universities and such institutions as the London School of Economics are turning out men and women suitably equipped in a technical sense to carry on such services as will be taken over by the community. Moreover, as each service is taken over, so is the existing staff who, themselves, naturally carry on to a great extent the traditions of the service whilst under ordinary commercial management.

In conclusion, it may be said that the immediate future trend of Nationalization or Public Ownership would appear to be in the direction of internal services of public utility or health, rather than industries calling for trading abroad, and while all prophecy is dangerous, a survey of world tendencies leads to the conclusion that those industries which will gradually come to be publicly owned, be it nationally or municipally, will be found among the following: transport, insurance, banking, coal and oil, electricity and power generally, housing, liquor trade, tobacco. Where such a service or industry has a large foreign trade, e.g. coal, it may well be that the State will grant a concession to a company to carry on that particular department of the industry on a profit-sharing basis. Of the continued growth of the principle of public ownership there can be little doubt.

(A. E. D.)


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Evolution of the Modern Heavy Gun


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/The Silent City of the Muir Glacier


text:
Henry James

 * "Henry James", a poem by Florence Earle Coates
 * "Henry James", essay by Edmund Gosse in Scribner's Magazine, 1920
 * Henry James (1914), a work by Ford Madox Hueffer
 * "Henry James", a poem by Robert Louis Stevenson
 * Henry James (1916), a biography by Rebecca West

title: Henry James


text:
Housing of the Working Classes (Ireland) Act 1896

From the The Public General Statutes (1986),


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Suicide and the Environment


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/442

376

36. (40,801):

37. (7):

38. (1):

39. (3140):

40. (extinct).

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/442


text: Author:Albert Emil Davies

title: Author:Albert Emil Davies


text:
Romance (Coates)

 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "Romance" in The Athenaeum (July 1916).
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "Romance" in Poems II.

title: Romance (Coates)


text:
Derelict Vessels (Report) Act 1896

From the The Public General Statutes (1986),

title: Derelict Vessels (Report) Act 1896


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Globe Lightning


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/World's Geologists at St. Petersburg


text:
Page:The roamer and other poems (1920).djvu/23

Rh And ceased; and Nature's loneliness was there

That fills the desert where God talks with man.

Scarce was the soul reseated on her throne;

Still near the dark relapse he suffered doubt;

Still did he seem to seek remembered light,

With mortal senses wakened, seemed to hear

Some far-off rally of great souls in death

From fields of heroes fallen; and his gaze,

Loaded with all divine expectancy,

Was fastened as a spirit's where he saw

Those thunder-brows of storm; o'er him they loomed

Like mountains fanged, upon some desperate coast,

Whereto the sailor drifts with asking looks

And superstition; and upon him came

That strangeness round the heart that poets know,

And in the swift arrest of sleepless hope

Straightway he trembled; on that chain unloosed

The lightning burst in white and washing seas,

Pale-coursing floods; and, cloven with bolts oblique,

The vaporous summits swam in fiery air,

Chasm and cliff dividing; pass in pass,

Gulf after gulf, deep-trenched, interminable,


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Woman Suffrage and Education


text:
Page:The roamer and other poems (1920).djvu/24

14 With caverned vale on vale, the vast defile

Leapt up night's core; and like a man who shakes

With hope of what he fears, he saw, far off,

The darkness, gathering up from the wide world

In his forecasting heart, take awful shape

Upon the burning glare; terrific gloom

Stood on the mountains, black with dragon-coils,—

The vision that he dreamed, the hope he dared,

Since from the angelic flight of innocent years

There stooped and touched his lips such rosy flame

That God's might in him cannot ever die.

O, how he kindled at the very foe

Made instant visible! the fabled place,

Whose horror crests the lone eternal steep,

The goal of lost adventure, goal and grave!

There, by the slope, and worming o'er the edge,

The narrow track of noble peril ran;

And, thinly springing, many a lonely sheaf

Of beamy blades and starry-dipping points

Flashed back the battle of the dying world.

He saw—he sprang—he heard the challenge peal,

Caught like the mighty blast of Roland dead

Far-blown from standards of the fallen Christ;

And light o'erllowed within him, light long sought,


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/The History of Alcohol I


text:
Page:The roamer and other poems (1920).djvu/25

Rh From the old sources gushing, light divine,

Whose piercing revelation nought obstructs,

Created or imagined or devised,

The masks of mimicry or vestures true,

Earth's massy mould or the dark breast of man.

As one whose fixed soul settles to its hate,

A moment on the world's dismay he looked,

And felt the strength within him knit and lock;

Then slow a myriad glooms expanding swung—

Far off they knew their prey—and, vulture-like,

Their grim and soundless welcome fell on him.

Darkness, and blasts that made the willows white,

Blinded his spirit; moaning were the woods

With tempest, and the heavy-folded storm

Lifted its head and breathed against the stars.

Out o'er the sea he marked the moon grown bright;

On isle and headland and the long gray beach—

His home when home was his—once more he gazed;

How many sweet delights in one look died!

And slanting fell the silver-shafted rain,

Mist on the waters, smoke upon the sand,

And now the loud winds mingled with the sea;

But he was westward gone, his heart in heaven.


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/The Public and its Public Library


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Science as an Instrument of Education


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Richard Owen


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Editor's Table


text:
Page:The roamer and other poems (1920).djvu/26

16 So was he driven forth and out from men.

Then I the shadow seemed, and he the one

Who truly lived; and since it so was ruled,

And in my bosom lodges all his woe,

I build the Song, unheard except by me,

That rises in his heart; and with his voice,

Whose common words dropped singing from his lips,

My own will echo. Wherefore, yet once more,

O Muse severe, who hast in heavenly charge

My footsteps lest I fall, not without hope

Before the altar of thy ancient fire

With olden usage, holy reverence,

I come, and lay the ever-youthful verse,

His music, and invoke the Heavenly Mind:

Even Thee, who, when this whirling world began

Didst loose the music of ten thousand spheres

In one full voice that sang, and ever sings,

Glory to God: with notes below that strain—

From Thy great harmony how far removed!—

The wrath of life I sing, the spirit's woe,

Our realm of ruin; and him I go to meet,

The wrestling angel who doth wield this world

With mighty question in the soul of man

Till God shall arbitrate that argument,

Now dark and doubtful; doubtful not, nor dark,


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Scientific Literature


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/General Notices


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Publications Received


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Fragments of Science


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/508

488 Class 8.— Gaslight Companies and Undertakings— continued. *Guildford. Ch. xxiii.
 * Ilfracombe. Ch. xxv.
 * Leamington Corporation. Ch. cxlii (Part x.).
 * Matlock Bath. Ch. cxxiii.
 * Newcastle-upon-Tyne and Gateshead. Ch. cxxxii.
 * Rotherham Corporation. Ch. xxvi.
 * South Metropolitan. Ch. ccxxvi.
 * Ystradyfodwg Urban District Council (Gas and Water). Ch. lxxi.

[For Acts concerning Provisional Orders relating to Gas undertakings, see Class 19 (5), (10(a)).]

Class 8a.—Electric Light Companies, &c.

 * Liverpool Electric Supply (Transfer), Ch, xii.

[For Acts confirming Provisional Orders under Electric Lighting Acts, 1882 and 1888, see Class 19 (3),]

Glass 9.—Harbours, Docks, Ports, Piers, Quays, &c.

 * Alexandra (Newport and South Wales) Docks and Railway. Ch. cxcii.
 * Blackrock and Kingstown Drainage and Improvement (Construction of Boat Harbour). Ch. ccliii.
 * Brading Harbour and Railway. Ch. ccxliii.
 * Brighton Marine Palace and Pier. Ch. ccii.
 * Brixham Harbour and Market, Ch. lv.
 * Burntisland Harbour. Ch. clv.
 * Dundee Harbour (Additional Powers). Ch. xxxiv.
 * Invergarry and Fort Augustus Railway (Construction of Pier). Ch. ccxl
 * Llanelly Harbour. Ch. clxxxvi.
 * Millwall Docks. Ch. ix.
 * Port Talbot Railway and Docks (Ogmore Valleys Extension). Ch. cxlv.
 * Port Talbot Railway and Docks (South Wales Mineral Railway Junction). Ch. ccxii.
 * Ribble Navigation (Further borrowing and other powers for harbour purposes), Ch. cliv.
 * South Shields Corporation (Construction of Quay). Ch. 1. (Part v.).
 * Sutton Bridge Dock. Ch. xvii,
 * Swansea Harbour. Ch. cxli.

[For Acts confirming Provisional Orders under General Pier and Harbour Act, 1861, and Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, see Class 19 (6), (12).]

Class 10.—Improvements in Towns, Municipal and County and Local Government Matters, Markets, &c.

 * Barnsley Corporation (Water). Ch. lii.
 * Barry Urban District Council. Ch. ccxlv.
 * Belfast Corporation. Ch. ccxlvi.


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Minor Paragraphs


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/June 1897/Notes


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Putumayo

PUTUMAYO, or (see ), one of the larger tributaries of the Upper Amazon, rising in Ecuador in the Cordillera of the Andes, near Pasto, flowing in a S.E. direction and joining the Amazon at a point somewhat S. of lat. 4° S. The middle reaches of the river are also known as the Caquetá, the lower reaches being called the Caquetá or Yadurá. The Putumayo, which gives its name to the whole region through which it flows—a wilderness of tropical forest of which the sovereignty has been long in dispute between the republics of Peru, Ecuador and Colombia—obtained an evil notoriety in 1912 after the publication by the British Government of the Blue Book containing the evidence, collected by Mr. (afterwards Sir Roger) Casement, of the atrocious methods employed in this district by the agents of the Anglo-Peruvian Amazon Rubber Co. in order to force the natives to collect rubber. These crimes, which recalled those of the Congo and covered the whole gamut of hideous atrocity (there were some too horrible to publish

even in the Blue Book), were first denounced in La Felpa and La Sancion, papers published at Iquitos, in 1907, shortly before the Peruvian firm of Arana Brothers—who had exploited this territory since 1896—was merged in the Anglo-Peruvian Co., with its headquarters in London. It was not, however, till 1909 that the attention of the British Government was directed to this matter by the revelations of Mr. Hardenburger, an American traveller, in the British periodical Truth. Since certain British subjects, negroes from Barbadoes, were implicated in these charges, Mr. Casement, then British consul-general at Rio de Janeiro, was commissioned in 1910 to proceed to Iquitos and the Putumayo and institute inquiries on the spot.

As a result of the report submitted by him a Select Committee of the House of Commons investigated the matter, and its report was issued on June 9 1913 as a White Paper (148). This analysed the evidence with great care, and, as the result, decided that Senor Julio C. Arana (who had come over to give evidence), together with other partners of the firm, was responsible for the atrocities committed by his agents in the Putumayo. The Committee, however, was satisfied that he did not communicate his knowledge of them to the British directors of the company before the Truth revelations. These directors were severely censured for culpable negligence in respect of the labour conditions under the company, but it was found that they had not individually laid themselves open to any charge under the Slave Trade Acts. The Committee further reported that existing enactments might be extended so as to cover the gravest offences against the person and against the practices of forced labour which are akin to slavery. A committee, consisting of members of Parliament and others, subsequently met to devise and press forward legislation to this effect; but its labours were interrupted by the outbreak of the World War.

The Putumayo atrocities called attention to the whole system of “loan slavery” and forced labour as practised throughout Latin America. For it was clear that the treatment of the Putumayo Indians was exceptional only in the maddest demonstrations of its inhumanity, and that the slave-driving habit which made it possible was not confined to one region of the continent. The Putumayo region, though vast, is but a small part of the rubber-producing territory of the Amazon; and in all there was evidence that similar conditions prevailed to a greater or less degree. The root of the whole evil was the so-called patrón or “peonage” system—a variety of what used to be called in England the “truck system”—by which the employee, forced to buy all his supplies at the employer's store, is kept hopelessly in debt, while by law he is unable to leave his employment until his debt is paid. Not only natives but many foreigners—including British immigrants—have been caught by this system. The peon is thus, as often as not, a de facto slave; and since in the remoter regions of the vast continent there is no effective government, he is wholly at the mercy of his master. His main safeguard against the worst forms of cruelty is his commercial value; for labour is scarce and, as was said to the present writer by a planter from the Beni in Bolivia, “You do not kill a man who is worth £80.”

This safeguard has, however, in effect, proved insufficient; for the rubber-gatherers have been more concerned to make rapid fortunes than to look to the future. One result has been a hideous wastage of labour. In 1906 the Indian population of the Putumayo was estimated to number 50,000; five years later Mr. Casement put it at 10,000 at most; while a writer in the South American Supplement of The Times (Feb. 25 1913) spoke of the labour difficulty in the Brazilian rubber districts, due to “the dying-out of the native races from disease and bullets.”

That the same process of extermination was proceeding in other districts is shown by a pastoral letter “on the amelioration of the actual condition of our Indians,” issued on March 14 1913 by Dr. Manuel Polit, Bishop of Cuenca in Ecuador:—

Similar evidence is given in the reports of Padre Estanislao de Las-Corts, Apostolic Prefect of the Caquetá and founder of the Colombian settlement of Puerto Asis on the upper Putumayo, who speaks of “the arms of the devil for dragging the poor Indians down to hell, some with the title of corregidor, others calling themselves doctors, and all in league with the caucheros, who style themselves patrónes.”

In addition to the martyrdom and partial extermination of the Amazon Indians, this savage exploitation of the wealth of the Amazon forests has produced another result—the rapid destruction of the wild rubber trees, tapped by unscientific methods, never replaced, and of late years deliberately destroyed by the Indians as the source of all their woes. Many solutions of the problem have been suggested, of which the most notable is perhaps the proposal of an international control of the whole rubber-producing region by a commission representing the Amazon States, and scientific exploitation of these regions by means of imported Chinese and Japanese labour. There are already Japanese colonies on the upper Amazon, and both Chinese and Japanese mix and intermarry freely with the more civilized native “Indians,” whose ultimate affinity with the Mongol race is at least highly probable.

The Putumayo revelations led to movements for reform in Latin America itself. Apart from the devoted work of Capuchin Friars, Marist Fathers and Franciscan Sisters in the Colombian districts of the upper Amazon, by the Salesian Fathers in the recently established diocese of Cuenca in Ecuador, by the com- munity of the “Discalced” Franciscans of Lima in Peru, or by the Franciscan missions of Guarayos in Bolivia, lay effort has not been wanting. In Peru the Sociedad Pro-Indigena of Lima took up the cause of the natives with great zeal, and the Colombian and Bolivian Governments both passed remedial legislation. But the Colombian reforms were necessarily limited in scope— and, indeed, till the international boundaries are fixed all effective reform is impossible—while the Bolivian decree of Nov. 25 1913 regulating “loan slavery” remained a dead letter in a country whose vast distances made any effective supervision impossible. To provide that “all contracts between master and man shall be registered at the nearest police office” is not much use in a country where the police offices are scattered hundreds of miles apart, and “where a journey of 200 m. by launch is a serious undertaking, and much more so when runners and canoes are alone available.”

(W. A. P.)

title: 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Putumayo


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/506

A LIST

OF

THE LOCAL AND PRIVATE ACTS,

(59 & 60 Vict., 1896,)

ARRANGED IN CLASSES.

Class 1.—Bridges and Ferries. 2.—Canals, Rivers, Navigations, Tunnels, and Subways. 3.—Charitable Foundations and Institutions. 4.—Drainages and Drainage Embankments. 5.—Ecclesiastical Affairs, including Tithes. 6.—Estates. 7.—Fisheries. 8.—Gaslight Companies and Undertakings. 8a.—Electric Light Companies, &c. 9.—Harbours, Docks, Ports, Piers, Quays, &c. 10.—Improvements in Towns, Municipal and County and Local Government Matters, Markets, &c. 11.—Parks, Commons, and Open Spaces. 12.—Parish Affairs. 13.—Personal Affairs. 14.—Railways. 15.—Trading and other Companies. 16.—Tramways and Tramroads. 17.—Turnpike and other Roads. 18.—Water Companies and Undertakings. 19.—Provisional Orders Confirmation.

—In this Table, words, printed in italics, following the Title, are added to explain the principal purposes of the Act; where none are added, and the Title itself conveys no explanation, the Act may be considered as one giving General Powers.

Class 1.—Bridges and Ferries.

 * Burton-upon-Trent Corporation (Transfer to Corporation of Burton Bridge and widening of Little Burton Bridge). Ch. cxlviii.
 * Cavendish, Harrington, and Willington Bridges (Transfer). Ch. xix.
 * Eledheugh Bridge. Ch. ccxxxi.


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Forecasting the Progress of Invention


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Some Facts About Wasps and Bees


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/The Principle of Economy in Evolution


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Let Us Therewith Be Content


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Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/507

A.D. 1896.] Class 2.— Canals, Rivers, Navigations, Tunnels, and Subways.

 * Boyne Navigation Transfer. Ch. xcvi.
 * Manchester Ship Canal. Cb. clxxxii.
 * North Metropolitan Railway and Canal. Ch. dxxxiv.
 * Kibble Navigation. Ch. cliv.
 * Weaver Navigation. Ch. cliii.

[For Acts confirming Provisional Orders under the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, and Railway and Canal Traffic Act, 1888, see Class 19 (12), (16).]

Class 3.— Charitable Foundations and Institutions.

 * Customs' Annuity and Benevolent Fund. Ch. xiv.
 * Foyle College. Ch. cxxxi.
 * Manchester Corporation (Transfer of Monsall Hospital), Ch. lxiv.
 * Ogilvie Meal Charity. Ch. clxxx.
 * Waterford Infirrmary. Ch. xxii.

Class 4.— Drainages and Drainage Embankments.

[For Acts confirming Provisioned Orders under the Drainage and Improvement of Lands (Ireland) Act, 1863, and Land Drainage Act, 1861, see Class 19 (2), (9).]

Class 5.— Ecclesiastical Affairs, including Tithes.

 * Falmouth Rectory. Ch. cxxiv.

Class 6.— Estates.

 * Chambers. Ch. ii.
 * Wolverton. Ch. i.

Class 7.— Fisheries.

 * Whitstable Oyster Fishery. Ch. xli.

Class 8.— Gaslight Companies and Undertakings.

 * Aldershot Gas and Water. Ch. clxxviii.
 * Barry Urban District Council. Ch. ccxlv.
 * Bexhill Water and Gas. Ch. lvii.
 * Bilston Improvement. Ch. ccxxxix.
 * Bournemouth Gas and Water. Ch. cxcvi.
 * British Gas Light Company Limited (Norwich). Ch. xxxviii.
 * Cheltenham. Ch. xiii.
 * Colwyn Bay and District Ch. lviii.
 * Cowes. Ch. lx.
 * Edinburgh Extension (Transfer to Corporation of Portobello Gasworks). Ch. cciii.


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Wild Flowers of the California Alps


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/The Planet Saturn


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/North and South


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/The History of Alcohol II


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/The Mob Mind


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Are Scorpions Matricides and Suicides?


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Sketch of Horatio Hale


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Editor's Table


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Scientific Literature


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/General Notices


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Publications Received


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Fragments of Science


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Minor Paragraphs


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/July 1897/Notes


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/New Questions in Medical Jurisprudence


text: Talk:The Putumayo, The Devil's Paradise

title: Talk:The Putumayo, The Devil's Paradise


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/The Thyroid Gland in Medicine


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/A Tortoise-Shell Wild Cat


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Anthropology a University Study


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Stones in the Head


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/A Lilliputian Monster


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/The Origin and Development of Number Systems


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Ivory: Its Sources and Uses


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/The Paradox of Diderot


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Sketch of James Croll


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Correspondence


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Editor's Table


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Scientific Literature


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/General Notices


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Publications Received


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Fragments of Science


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Minor Paragraphs


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/August 1897/Notes


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Spanish Experiments in Coinage


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/The Hawks of New England


text:
Page:The roamer and other poems (1920).djvu/27

Rh When to the littleness of mortal act

His wisdom the eternal issue joins.

O, harken! we are young; we cry for light,

Youth's cry; but wisdom is an ancient thing.

O, raise me fallen, and restore me lost,

That I, adventuring the great defeat,

May in the courts of heaven at last unhelm,

And in Christ's treasury repose my sword!

Now the ninth year declining showed a pass

Deep sunk, whose black and monstrous horns transfixed

The element serene; far from that shade

Roved the cold moon, and showed the savage steep,

Whose secret heights, untraveled by man's eye,

Only the majesty of heaven stayed

With bounds, and to the wild Sierra's snows

Their starry limit set; here was he come.

So far his soul had wandered from its youth,

So long endured in pain the stroke without,

The change within; and ever at his heart

Gnawed the slow death; if thou requirest more,

Thy own breast ask, nor search another's wounds.

Years rose and set, but he was shelterless—

A man unknown save to the heavenly powers;

Alone he was, except in memory,


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Objects and Results of Polar Research


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/The Giant Cactus


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Eskimo Bows and Arrows


text:
Page:The roamer and other poems (1920).djvu/28

18 And lost, but that the visionary sense,

His guiding birthright, visited the dark

And drew him where the Will Divine would lead;

Through woe, and want, and wastes of all neglect,

Remorseless realms, the tracts of base distress,

The wilds of thought, the deserts of desire;

And oft behind he came who dwelleth there,

The Whisperer of the wildernesses lost,

O, winning was his voice, and wise his craft,

His early harmonies not all forgot,

That once the hymns of heaven had paused to hear;

The fluting of bird-throated winds of morn,

The sighing reed of memory at eve,

Hope in the soul and in the heart regret;

In loveliest things deepest his deep disguise.

The gentle heart he sang, its own delight,

Virtue, the conscious nobleness of life,

Knowledge, man's earthly immortality;

And on the god's own lyre, divinely hymned,

Joy, beauty, truth, and love, and noble fame

Sprang ever, and the feigning Muses danced,

And, with the song consenting, Nature moved.

And oft the Roamer slipped, and oft he fell

With rose-snared feet, and night came on the plain;

But duly would the evening star come forth,


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/When Character Is Formed


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/The Scope of Botany


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Alchemy Redivivus


text:
Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/270

 then called the Moreton Bay district, in the hope of being able to plant the Church in that newly-settled quarter. But, to borrow a Biblical phrase, they could find no rest for the soles of their feet at that early period, and they were under the necessity of retreating to Sydney in a little boat. And, yet, in the comparatively few years that have elapsed since this abortive attempt was made, the Moreton Bay district has developed into the fine and populous colony of Queensland, with an Irish Catholic bishop enthroned in its capital city of Brisbane. And spread over its ample surface are scores of towns, each with its resident priest and its Catholic congregation. Bishop James Quinn was sent from Dublin in 1859 to take charge of the newly-formed diocese of Brisbane and for twenty years he spent himself in the up-hill work of its organisation. Before he passed away, and before resigning his episcopal charge into the hands of his vicar-general, the present bishop (Dr. Dunne), he had the satisfaction of seeing many of the fruits of his prudent and energetic administration. More than once was Bishop Quinn called upon to calm the angry passions of excited bands of Orangemen and Catholics, ready to fly at each other's throats and his good-humoured advice, added to his general popularity, was always effectual in dispelling the impending storm, and restoring peace and good-will to the previously agitated community.

In referring in a preceding page to the arrival of the two duly-accredited pioneer priests, Fathers Therry and Conolly it was stated that, whilst the former made Sydney his headquarters, the hitter established himself in the new settlement at Van Diemen's Land, the "isle of beauty" lying to the south of the Australian continent, and afterwards christened under its present sweeter and shorter name,

title: Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/270


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/The Forces in an Air Bubble


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/The Discovery of the Sun Spots


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Fourteenth-Century Doctors


text:
Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/271

 Tasmania. Father Conolly landed at Hobart, the capital of Tasmania, in 1820, and, during the succeeding fifteen years, he was the only resident priest and Catholic chaplain on the island. At first his congregation assembled in the store of the leading Catholic of Hobart, Mr. Edward Curr, but, after a few months' trial of this temporary expedient. Father Conolly resolved to approach the governor (Colonel Sorrell) with a request for a grant of land, on which to commence the building of a permanent church. "The regulations allow me to grant land only to those who bring capital into the colony," was the governor's answer to the priest's request. "Well," replied Father Conolly, "when I landed, I had just £14 in my pocket." "Then I regard you as a capitalist," said the governor, with a merry twinkle in his eye, "and will give you a grant in proportion. You may have fourteen acres of land." Father Conolly lost no time in selecting a site and erecting the first modest little Catholic church on Tasmanian soil, the precursor of the present spacious and beautiful St. Mary's Cathedral of Hobart. Year after year, he lived and laboured by himself amongst the few free settlers of his faith in Tasmania, and the Catholic convicts who were being annually expatriated from the old country. On behalf of the latter, he had to fight the same battle that Father Therry successfully waged in the parent colony, in order to relieve the Catholic prisoners from compulsory attendance at the Church of England services. "Many a poor fellow had the punishment of fifty lashes inflicted on him for not going to the Protestant church on all occasions," writes one of the oldest and most respected dignitaries of the Church in Tasmania. It was not until

title: Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/271


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Sketch of Samuel Lockwood


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Correspondence


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Scientific Literature


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/General Notices


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/272

252 circumstances will permit to the existing statutory law respecting valuation lists, as regards notices, rights to inspect and take extracts, the hearing of objections, and otherwise.

(3.) The Local Government Board may by order make regulations for the purpose of this section, and also generally for carrying into effect this Act, and those regulations shall be laid before both Houses of Parliament, and if neither House of Parliament within ten days passes a resolution adverse to the said order, they shall be binding in law until varied in the same manner, shall have effect as if they were enacted in this Act, and shall amongst other matters provide —

(a) for fixing, with the concurrence of the Treasury, for the purpose of the division in the statements of agricultural land irem buildings or other hereditaments, the minimum gross estimated rental and rateable value of the buildings or other hereditaments;

(b) for giving effect to a notice of objection or appeal by the surveyor of taxes unless it is proved that such notice is unfair or incorrect;

(c) for the temporary adoption by the county council or any other council, of the division in the return between the total rateable value of agricultural land and that of buildings and other hereditaments;

(d) for the alteration of the valuation list in accordance with the statements as finally settled and sending copies of the returns to spending authorities and for applying and adapting any statutory form or procedure respecting the valuation list or poor rate; and

(e) for adapting this Act to cases where there is no valuation list, or where a sum is raised by rate from an area not a parish.

(4.) The regulations may also provide fines for the breach thereof not exceeding forty shillings, or in case of any continuing offence not exceeding forty shillings a day during the continuance of the offence, and any such fine may be recovered as a crown debt or to an amount not exceeding one hundred pounds before a court of summary jurisdiction.

7.—(1.) Where the spending authority are a school board for school district which is a parish, or the surveyors of highways, the amount which otherwise would be payable under this Act to the spending authority may be paid to the guardians of the poor law union in which the parish is situate, and, if so paid, shall be paid or credited by them to the spending authority.

(2.) Every sum paid under this Act out of the Local Taxation Account to any spending authority in respect of any rate, shall, for the purpose of its application, of account, and of audit, be deemed to have been raised by the said rate.

(3.) For the purposes of section ninety-seven of the, any amount paid or credited under this Act out of the local taxation account to a school board shall be deemed to have been actually paid by the rating authority, and the amount which would have been raised or been produced by a rate of


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Publications Received


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Fragments of Science


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Minor Paragraphs


text:
Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/272

 the arrival of the first Roman Catholic Bishop of Hobart, Dr. Willson, in May, 1844, that this gross abuse of power became entirely a thing of the past. John Francis Maguire, in his well-known work on "Rome: Its Ruler and its Institutions," mentions that the feelings of the late Pope Pius IX.—himself a great prison reformer—"were touchingly expressed on the occasion of his giving a final audience to the late Bishop Willson, when that prelate was about to return to his distant diocese: 'Be kind, my son,' said the Pope, 'to all your flock at Hobart, but be kindest to the condemned.'" These weighty words from the lips of the Sovereign Pontiff made a deep and lasting impression on the newly-consecrated prelate, and, during the whole of his subsequent episcopal career. Dr. Willson was the best friend of the banished prisoners of the United Kingdom, the "Apostle of Reform," in the words of Sir Charles Trevelyan. It was his regular practice to board every convict ship immediately on its arrival in Hobart. Then he would single out the Catholic convicts, give them a wholesome practical address, telling them what they should avoid, and pointing out to them the path of righteousness and reform. Many are the testimonies to the beneficial effects of "good Bishop Willson's" earnest endeavours to ameliorate the hard lot of Great Britain and Ireland's transported prisoners. Here is an official one out of several of the like character that might be quoted: "I can affirm," writes Mr. James Boyd, the commandant of the prison at Port Arthur for a long series of years, "from personal observation and the abundant voluntary, testimony of the prisoners themselves, that but one sentiment animates them towards his lordship's person, viz., that of mingled gratitude, respect, and affection. Many a hardened, reckless convict has, through Bishop Willson's

title: Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/272


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 51/September 1897/Notes


text:
Talk:The Borough

This is actually only a portion ("Peter Grimes", from Letter XXII) of Crabbe's "The Borough". See Google Books. Londonjackbooks (talk) 14:31, 11 October 2012 (UTC)

title: Talk:The Borough


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/273

1896. threepence in the pound on the rateable value shall be calculated in like manner as if this Act had not passed.

8.A. limit imposed by any enactment on a rate shall be construed as being only a limit on the amount to be raised by that rate, and where by that limit or otherwise the sum to be raised of any local or expended by a local authority is limited by any enactment by reference to a rate, the limit shall be varied so as to enable the local authority to raise or expend the same sum as they might have done if this Act had not passed, and in the case of a spending authority receiving any sum paid under this Act out of the local taxation account in respect of such rate that sum shall be deemed to be part of the sum raised thereby.

9. In this Act, unless the context otherwise requires-

The expression "rate" means a rate made during the continuance of this Act, the proceeds of which are applicable to public local purposes, and which is leviable on the basis of an assessment in respect of the yearly value of property, and includes any sum which, though obtained in the first instance by a precept, certificate, or other instrument requiring payment from some authority or officer, is or can be ultimately raised out of a rate as before defined:

The expression "rateable value" in the case of the county rate, or any other rate, levied according to any annual value not being rateable value as stated in the valuation list, means that annual value:

The expression "valuation list" means a valuation list under the Union Assessment Committee Acts, 1862 and 1864 or, in the metropolis, under the :

The expression "spending authority" means any of the local authorities in England mentioned in the schedule to this Act:

The expression "occupier" includes owner where the owner is rated in place of the occupier:

The expression "Local Taxation Account" has the same meaning as in the :

The expression "prescribed means prescribed by order of the Local Government Board:

The expression "agricultural land" means any land used as arable, meadow, or pasture ground only, cottage gardens exceeding one quarter of an acre, market gardens, nursery grounds, orchards, or allotments, but does not include land occupied together with, a house as a park, gardens, other than as aforesaid, pleasure-grounds, or any land kept or preserved mainly or exclusively for purposes of sport or recreation, or land used as a racecourse:

The expression "cottage" means a house occupied as a dwelling by a person of the labouring classes:

The expression "year" means the local financial year, that is to say, the twelve months beginning on the first day of April, or where the spending authority do not make up their accounts to that day on the nearest day thereto to which they do make up their accounts, or on any other prescribed day.

10. This Act may be cited as the Agricultural Rates Act, 1896.


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/274

254

County councils, councils of county boroughs, councils of boroughs and other urban districts and of rural districts, boards of guardians, the receiver of the metropolitan police district, school boards, highway boards, surveyors of highways.

 An Act to redescribe the Parliamentary Divisions of the City of Glasgow. [20th July 1896.]

E it enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:

1. This Act may be cited as the Glasgow Parliamentary Divisions Act, 1896.

2. The Sixth Schedule to the, in so far as it describes the areas of the several Parliamentary Divisions of the city of Glasgow, shall be read and have effect as if the Parliamentary Divisions of the said city had been therein described as set forth in the schedule to this Act.

The area within a line beginning at a point in the centre of Albert Bridge, where the same intersects the centre line of the River Clyde, and thence proceeding eastwards along the centre of that river till it meets the parliamentary boundary of the city at Harvie's Dyke; thence northwards along the said parliamentary boundary to the centre of London Road; thence westwards along the centres of London Road and Ginning Street to a point opposite the centre of Clyde Street; thence northwards along the centres of Clyde Street and Abercromby Street to the centre of Gallowgate; thence westwards along the centre of Gallowgate to a point opposite the centre of Saltmarket; thence southwards along the centre of Saltmarket to the centre of the River Clyde at the point first described.

The area within a line beginning at the Cross of Glasgow, and thence proceeding eastwards along the centre of Gallowgate to a point opposite the centre of Abercromby Street; thence southwards along the centres of Abercromby Street and Clyde Street to the centre of Canning Street; thence eastwards along the centres of Canning Street and London Road to the eastern parliamentary boundary of the city; thence northwards, following the said boundary line, to Carntyne Road; thence westwards