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Author:Marcus Joseph Wright

Works

 * Life of Gov. William Blount (1884)
 * Life of General Scott (1894)
 * Analytical Reference (1904)
 * Tennessee in the War (1908)
 * General Officers of the Confederate Army (1911)
 * The Social Evolution of Woman (1912)

Works about Wright

 * "Marcus Joseph Wright" in Men of Mark

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CHAP. IV our intemperance. Like was the origin of Babylon and Rome, and like their power, greatness, and their fortunes good and ill; but unlike their destinies, since Babylon lost her kingdom and Rome keeps hers"; and Orosius refers to the clemency of the barbarian victors who as Christians spared Christians.

At the opening of his seventh book he again presents his purpose and conclusions:

Such was the point of view and such the motives of this book, which was to be par excellence the source of ancient history for the Middle Ages. But, concerned chiefly with the Gentile nations, Orosius has few palpable miracles to tell. The miracle lies in God's ineffabilis ordinatio of events, and especially in marvellous chronological parallels shown in the histories of nations, for our edification. Likewise for mediaeval men these ineffable chronological correspondences

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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Author:Syngman Rhee

Works

 * English-Korean dictionary(영한사전)
 * Chungiljeongi(청일전기)
 * Spirit of independence(독립정신)
 * inside of japen(일본 내막기)
 * Geonguk and I-sang
 * Syngman rhee hansiseon
 * Ilminjooui gaeseol(일민주의 개설)
 * Presidential Proclamation of Sovereignty over Adjacent Seas

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84 (which never existed in fact) were to be evidence of God's providential guidance of the world.

Some thirty years after Orosius wrote, a priest of Marseilles, Salvian by name, composed a different sort of treatise, with a like object of demonstrating the righteous validity of God's providential ordering of affairs, especially in those troubled times of barbarian invasion through which the Empire then was passing. The book declared its purpose in its title—De gubernatione Dei. Its tenor is further elucidated by the title bestowed upon it by a contemporary: De praesenti (Dei) judicio. It is famous for the pictures (doubtless overwrought) which it gives of the low state of morals among the Roman provincials, and of the comparative decency of the barbarians.

These examples sufficiently indicate the broad apologetic purpose in the patristic writing of history. There was another class of composition, biographical rather than historical, the object of which was to give edifying examples of the grace of God working in holy men. The reference, of course, is to the Vitae sanctorum whose number from the fourth century onward becomes legion. They set forth the marvellous virtues of anchorites and their miracles. In the East, the prime example is the Athanasian Life of Anthony; Jerome also wrote, in Latin, the lives of Anthony's fore-runner Paulus and of other saints. But for the Latin West the typical example was the Life of St. Martin of Tours, most popular of saints, by Sulpicius Severus.

To dub this class of compositions (and there are classes within classes here) uncritical, credulous, intentionally untruthful, is not warranted without a preliminary consideration of their purpose. That in general was to edify; the writer is telling a moral tale, illustrative of God's grace in the instances of holy men. But the divine grace is the real matter; the saint's life is but the example. God's grace exists; it operates in this way. As to the illustrative details of its operation, why be over-anxious as to their correctness? Only the vita must be interesting, to fix the reader's attention, and must be edifying, to improve him. These principles exerted sometimes a less, sometimes a

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CHAP. IV greater influence; and accordingly, while perhaps none of the vitae is without pious colouring, as a class they range from fairly trustworthy biographies to vehicles of edifying myth.

Miracles are never lacking. The vita commonly was drawn less from personal knowledge than from report or tradition. Report grows passing from mouth to mouth, and is enlarged with illustrative incidents. Since no disbelief blocked the acceptance of miracles, their growth outstripped that of the other elements of the story, because they interested the most people. Yet there was little originality, and the vitae constantly reproduced like incidents. Especially, Biblical prototypes were followed, as one sees in the Dialogi of Gregory the Great, telling of the career of St. Benedict of Nursia. The Pope finds that the great founder of western monasticism performed many of the miracles ascribed to Scriptural characters. Herein we see the working of suggestion and imitation upon a "legend"; but Gregory found rather an additional wonder-striking feature, that God not only had wrought miracles through Benedict, but in His ineffable wisdom had chosen to conform the saint's deeds to the pattern of Scriptural prototypes. And so, in the Vitae sanctorum, the joinder of suggestion and the will to believe literally worked marvels.

Usually the Fathers of the Church were as interested in miracles as the uneducated laity. Ambrose, the great Archbishop of Milan, writes a long letter to his sister

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86 Marcellina upon finding the relics of certain martyrs, and the miracles wrought by this treasure-trove. As for Jerome, of course, he is very open-minded, and none too careful in his own accounts. His passion for the relics of the saints appears in his polemic Contra Vigilantium. What interest, either in the writing or the hearing, would men have taken in a hermit desert life that was bare of miracles? The desert and the forest solitude have always been full of wonders. In Jerome's Lives of Paulus and Hilarion, the romantic and picturesque elements consist exclusively in the miraculous. And again, how could any one devote himself to the cult of an almost contemporary saint or the worship of a martyr, and not find abundant miracles? Sulpicius Severus wrote the Vita of St. Martin while the saint was still alive; and there would have been no reason for the worship of St. Felix, carried on through years by Paulinus of Nola, if Felix's relics had not had saving power. It was to this charming tender of the dead, afterwards beatified as St. Paulinus of Nola, that Augustine addressed his moderating treatise on these matters, entitled De cura pro mortuis. He can see no advantage in burying a body close to a martyr's tomb unless in order to stimulate the prayers of the living. How the martyrs help us surpasses my understanding, says the writer; but it is known that they do help. Very few were as critical as the Bishop of Hippo; and all men recognized the efficacy of prayers to the martyred saints, and the magic power of their relics.

Having said so much of the intellectual obliquities of the Church Fathers, it were well to dwell a moment on their power. Their inspiration was the Christian Faith, working within them and bending their strength to its call. Their mental energies conformed to their understanding of the Faith and their interpretation of its Scriptural presentation. Their achievement was Catholic Christianity consisting in the union of two complements, ecclesiastical organization and the complete and consistent organism of doctrine. Here, in fact, two living organisms were united as body and soul. Each was fitted to the other, and neither could have

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CHAP. IV existed alone. In their union they were to prove unequalled in history for coherence and efficiency. Great then was the energy and intellectual power of the men who constructed Church and doctrine. Great was Paul; great was Tertullian; great were Origen, Athanasius, and the Greek Gregories. Great also were those Latin Fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries, Augustine their last and greatest, who finally completed Church and doctrine for transmission to the Middle Ages—the doctrine, however, destined to be readjusted as to emphasis, and barbarized in character by him whose mind at least is patristically recreative, but whose soul is mediaeval, Gregorius Magnus.

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the Latin West the creative patristic epoch closes with the death of Augustine. There follows a period marked by the cessation of intellectual originality. Men are engaged upon translations from the Greek; they are busy commenting upon older writings, or are expounding with a change of emphasis the systematic constructions of their predecessors. Epitomes and compendia appear, simplified and mechanical abstracts of the bare elements of inherited knowledge and current education. Compilations are made, put together of excerpts taken unshriven and unshorn into the compiler's writing. Knowledge is brought down to a more barbaric level. Yet temperament lingers for a while, and still appears in the results.

The representatives of this post-patristic period of translation, comment, and compendium, and of re-expression with temperamental change of emphasis, are the two contemporaries, Boethius and Cassiodorus; then Gregory the Great, who became pope soon after Cassiodorus closed his eyes at the age of ninety or more; and, lastly, Isidore, Archbishop of Seville, who died in 636, twenty-two years after Gregory. All these were Latin bred, and belonged to the Roman world rather than to those new peoples whose barbarism was hastening the disruption of a decadent order, but whose recently converted zeal was soon to help on the further diffusion of Latin Christianity. They appear as transmitters of antique and patristic thought; because, originating little, they put together matter congenial to

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User:Alarbus

   A Midsummer Night’s Dream

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iii. 29- emend to çitipad-avi-devatyam or else as above?—Weber entitles the hymn "Abfindung mit dem Zoll im Jenseits."⌋

Translated: Ludwig, p. 375; Weber, xvii. 302; Griffith, i. 124.

1. What the kings share among themselves—the sixteenth of what is offered-and-bestowed—yon assessors (sabhāsád) of Yama: from that the white-footed sheep, given [as] ancestral offering (svadhā́), releases.

2. All desires (kā́ma) it fulfils, arising (ā-bhū), coming forth (pra-bhū), becoming (bhū); [as] fulfiller of designs, the white-footed sheep, being given, is not exhausted (upa-das).

3. He who gives a white-footed sheep commensurate (sámmita) with [his] world, he ascends unto the firmament, where a tax is not paid (kṛ) by a weak man for a stronger.

4. The white-footed sheep, accompanied with five cakes, commensurate with [his] world, the giver lives upon, [as] unexhausted in the world of the Fathers.

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137 5. The white-footed sheep, accompanied with five cakes, commensurate with [his] world, the giver lives upon, [as] unexhausted in the sun and moon.

6. Like refreshing drink (írā), it is not exhausted; like the ocean, a great draught (páyas); like the two jointly-dwelling gods, the white-footed one is not exhausted.

7. Who hath given this to whom? Love hath given unto love; love [is] giver, love acceptor; love entered into the ocean; with love I accept thee; love, that for thee!

3. Let earth accept thee, this great atmosphere; let me not, having accepted, be parted with breath, nor with self, nor with progeny.

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160 made mistakes; the scribe is always guilty in these cases until he is proved innocent; and so arises store of controversy over textual matters in infinite detail. But the meaning and the vigor of the whole are beyond controversy.

Then cried to his band the battle-young king: “ ’Tis no dawn from eastward; no dragon flies; nor burn on this hall the hornéd gables: but hither comes bearing a hostile band its battle-gear bright: the birds are calling, “gray-coat” howls, and harsh dins the war-wood,


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8 The Revolutionary Committee is certain that in all its present onerous work it will have the active support of all those who have suffered from plutocratic tyranny, for the poor have nothing to lose by revolution but sordid misery and odious slavery.

They have a world to gain!

This manifesto having been posted up in all places of public resort, was at once acted upon. The newspapers, telegraphs, and railways, which hitherto had been always at the disposal of the plutocracy, were, if used at all, used only by the strikers to facilitate their own operation.

The Revolutionary Committee also strengthened its hands tremendously at this period by the institution of National Workshops and Stores, which supplied the strikers and other revolutionists with the necessaries of life and the sinews of war.

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Rh shield answers shaft. Yon shines the moon full from the clouds; and foul deeds rise to whelm this people with peril and death. But waken ye now, warriors mine; seize your shields, be steadfast in valor, fight at the front, and fearless bide!” Then rose from rest, with ready courage, many gold-decked thanes, and girt them with swords. Then went to the door those warriors doughty, Sigeferth and Eawa, swords they drew; to the other entrance, Ordlaf and Guthlaf, whom Hengest himself all hastily followed. Yet with Garulf pleaded Guthere then to draw no sword at the door of the hall nor risk at first rush his royal life where the rugged-in-war would wrest it from him.


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162 But he cried across all in no craven’s voice, hardy hero: “Who holds the door?” “Sigeferth my name is, Secgas’ prince, wide-heralded hero: heavy my trials, hard wars that I waged; there awaits thee now such as thyself would serve to me!” Then din by the door from death-blows sounded; in hands of heroes were hewn the shields, the bone-helms burst; and the burg-floor groaned, until in the grim fight Garulf fell first of the earls of earth-dwellers there, Guthlaf’s son, and good men beside him. Sank still the slain: wide circled the raven sallow-brown, swarthy: the sword-light gleamed as if Finn’s whole burg were blazing with fire. Never heard I that worthier warring men, conquerors sixty, more splendidly fought, and for mead-draughts sweet such service rendered,


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Rh as hero-liegemen paid Hnæf their lord! Five days fought they in full succession, five nights as well; but none was slain of those doughty warriors warding the door.

Then wended away a wounded clansman, said that his breastplate was broken sore, his harness hewn, his helmet pierced. Swiftly then asked the shepherd-of-folk how the warriors all their wounds were bearing, or which one, now, of the heroes twain. ..


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User talk:GallantPelhams

— billinghurst  sDrewth  11:18, 23 March 2012 (UTC)

Southern Historical Society Papers
Nice work with the John Pelham articles. The problem with the title appeared to be one too many "../"; I've replied further on my talk page. Welcome to Wikisource. - AdamBMorgan (talk) 14:07, 23 March 2012 (UTC)

Portal talk:Southern Historical Society
Portal talk:Southern Historical Society

I found a few books on Archive.org that have chapters on John Pelham I would like to help proofread - if somebody could upload them and set them up here?

http://www23.us.archive.org/details/waritsheroes00ayre

http://archive.org/details/wearinggray00cookrich

GallantPelhams (talk) 23:17, 4 April 2012 (UTC)

 * I would not know how to place them on Wikisource but you are correct in that they both are good books. However, neither of those two books are a part of the 52 volumes of the Southern Historical Society Papers so I suppose they would have to be placed elsewhere. They also have good illustrations. I am wondering if you are you planning to do only two John Pelham articles, one in each book, or other entries in those two books as well? Perhaps you would fare better if you re-post your message on [] "Scriptorium" where abundant help exists. Everything I have stated is just a suggestion by a worker on the 52 SHSP volumes. Kindest regards, —William Maury Morris II Talk 01:10, 5 April 2012 (UTC)

— William Maury Morris II Talk 01:15, 5 April 2012 (UTC)

 * ✅ These books can be found at Index:War and its Heroes.djvu and Index:Wearing of the Gray.djvu. AdamBMorgan (talk) 01:11, 7 April 2012 (UTC)

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 So far as the characters of the Beowulf are concerned, a brief statement of their functions and mutual relations has been made in the Introduction to that poem. For further study of this matter, and of kindred subjects, the reader may be referred to the following books and essays. Müllenhoff, Beovulf, Berlin, 1889 (previously published papers collected in one volume); ten Brink, Beowulf, Strassburg, 1888; and H. Möller, Das Beowulfepos, Kiel, 1883, are full of valuable suggestions, although their main purpose is to prove theories now for the most part set aside. Equally important are the various essays of Sophus Bugge, particularly his Studien über das Beowulfepos in Vol. XII of Paul and Braune’s Beiträge, and of E. Sievers, particularly Beowulf und Saxo in the Reports of the Saxon Academy of Sciences, Vol. XLVII. Two articles by F. Klaeber in Vol. Ill of Modern Philology may be named as important for more than one phase of Beowulf criticism. Other essays and books, many of them highly significant in their day, but now absorbed into the main body of information about the epic,—such as Grein’s paper on its historic relations, in Vol. IV of Ebert’s Jahrbuch,—will be found in the excellent bibliography prefixed to Vol. II of Holthausen’s edition of Beowulf, Heidelberg and New York, 1905, 1906. The text, notes, and glossary of this edition are admirable. A good English edition is that of Wyatt, Cambridge, 1898. The notes to J. R. Clark Hall’s prose translation, London, 1901, and to Gering’s metrical translation in German, Heidelberg, 1906, have been noted above as valuable for their general information. References to material for study of the other poems, such as W. W. Lawrence’s article on Widsith, will be found in the several Introductions above. On the general question of epic structure in the Beowulf, readers are referred to W. M. Hart’s Ballad and Epic in the Harvard Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature, Boston, 1907.

It will be remarked that some of the names in Widsith are omitted from this index. Only those are given which are mentioned in the other poems, or belong to the common Germanic legend.

Abel, B. 108. Ælfhere, B. 2604. Ælfhere, Wa. A, 11; B, 19. Æschere, B. 1323, 1329, 1420, 2122. Attila, Wa. A, 6; Wi. 18.

Beanstan, B. 524. Becca, Wi. 115. Beowulf (Dane), B. 18, 53. Beowulf (Geat), 343, 364, 405, 457, 501, 506, 529, 609, 623, 631, 653, 676, 795, 818, 856, 872, 946, 957, 1020, 1024, 1043, 1051, 1191, 1216, 1299, 1310, 1383, 1441, 1473, 1651, 1704, 1758, 1817, 1854, 1880, 1971, 1987, 1999, 2194, 2207, 2324, 2359, 2389, 2425, 2510, 2663, 2681, 2724, 2807, 2842, 2907, 3066. Rh


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ROM the famous Waltharius, one of the best poems of medieval times, although written in Latin hexameters by a scholar at the monastery of St. Gall as a kind of exercise in composition, we learn the story of Walter and Hiltigund as it was current early in the tenth century among the Alemannians. Probably Ekkehard, who wrote it, had his material in Latin prose; it is not now believed that the young poet translated directly from a German original. Surely, however, there were poems about Walter in the vernacular; and the present fragments in Anglo-Saxon show that the story itself was popular throughout the Germanic world. Jacob Grimm believed that Walter was originally a Gothic hero; and the connection with Attila makes for this supposition. As for the flight of the pair, the pursuit, the combats, there is reason to believe that these romantic elements are based on the old story of Heden and Hilde, runaway lovers, where Hagen is the father of the bride.

The fragments of our Anglo-Saxon epic poem—for such it probably was, and not merely a short lay—show an older form of the story than is found in Ekkehard’s version. Guthhere is “friend,”—that is, king,—“of the Burgundians,” while for Ekkehard Guntharius has become Frank. But the story cannot have varied much in its essential facts. Attila, pictured as an amiable and Rh


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Rh accomplished monarch, carries off hostages from sundry kingdoms of Western Europe to insure promised tribute, but gives his young captives the best of training and nurture. “Hagano,” Hagen, is hostage for the Frankish king; Herericus of Burgundy must give his daughter Hiltigund—in Anglo-Saxon, Hildeguth; while Alphere, king of Aquitania, surrenders his son Waltharius. The three grow into strength and beauty at Attila’s court, treated as sons and daughter. Hagen and Walter are sworn friends—“blood-brothers.” Gunther (Guntharius; Guthhere in Anglo-Saxon) meanwhile succeeds to the Frankish throne, and Hagen escapes in order to join his master. Walter and Hiltigund, too, soon fly as a betrothed pair from Attila, taking with them treasure of great value. Gunther learns that the fugitives are in his domain, and summons his vassals to help him capture the booty and the maiden. Hagen tries to dissuade him, but goes along with the other eleven chosen companions of the king. This of course is the size of a comitatus for kings or heroes on particularly dangerous quests. The fugitives are overtaken. Walter chooses a good defensive ground, with rocks behind him and on both sides. Hagen again tries to prevent bloodshed, but in vain. Walter in single combat kills eight heroes who come upon him successively; among them is Hagen’s sister’s son, who will not desist for all his uncle’s warning. Then four together come upon the heroic Walter with a curious weapon, a kind of combined trident and lasso; but three of them are killed in the attempt. Of all his foes Walter has only Gunther and his old friend Hagen left. But the old friend feels now a motive for fighting; he must revenge the killing of his sister’s son. Moreover, Gunther makes the last appeal


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166 to Hagen’s loyalty; and the hero consents, pointing out, however, that Walter must be enticed out of his impregnable fighting-place. So the king and his vassal apparently give up the battle and withdraw.

All night Walter and Hiltigund rest, and next day resume their journey. In the open Walter is attacked by both Gunther and Hagen; they fight as in ballads, for long hours; but after all three of the combatants have suffered mutilations of the severest kind, peace is made; the woman acts as surgeon; and amid jocosities between the reconciled brothers-in-arms, and with much drinking of wine, the poem ends, not omitting, however, the picture of future felicity for Walter and his bride.

The first of these Anglo-Saxon fragments belongs before the fight in the open. Exhausted by the long struggle with his foes, Walter now for the first time hesitates; he is not quite sure either of himself or of his sword. His own favorite weapon is the spear; and, as he says in the second fragment to Guthhere, he is battle-spent and weary. Probably the Anglo-Saxon poem did not put a night between the two sets of encounters. However that may have been, Hildeguth, who is here no shrinking and quiet maiden, exhorts Walter to play the man. As for his sword, that never failed yet; as for himself, she knows well what he has done, and willed to do, in the most desperate straits of war. Let him drive Guthhere in disgrace from the field. . . . Not very much of the text between the fragments has been lost. In the second Guthhere is advancing to fight and uttering his boast. He praises his sword


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Rh and gives its proud history. Walter, or Waldere, replies that tired as he is, he is a match for the king; nor has Hagen, as the king hoped, broken down Walter’s strength so as to make him an easy victim. His defiant invitation to Guthhere to come and fetch the spoils of war from his person is good Germanic; so perhaps is the pious bow to fate, to God, but it has been set to a feebler tune. The style of these fragments is not so energetic and convincing as the style of Finnsburg; but taken all together they show that our literature has lost a fine story not ineffectively told.

The manuscript of the Waldere belongs to the library of Copenhagen, where it was found as cover for some unvalued sermons.

''Hildeguth spake. She'' heartened him eagerly: “Sure, work of Wayland will weaken never with any man who can Mimming wield, hoary-hued sword. Many heroes by turn blood-stained and blade-pierced in battle it felled. Attila’s van-leader, valor of thine let not fail thee to-day or thy doughty-mood fall!


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LTHOUGH not written in English, the Hildebrand Lay, sole fragment of the old epic poetry in German, is so nearly related in matter and manner to parts of the English epic, and derives its theme from sources related so closely to the source of Waldere, that a translation of it may well be added to the foregoing pieces. One has thus a body of West-Germanic poetry of the early period, to offset the far greater mass of East-Germanic poetry preserved by happy chance in Scandinavia.

The facts about this lay of Hildebrand and Hathubrand are hard to fix in detail; but the general drift is clear. Not far from the year 800, two monks, who may have belonged to the monastery at Fulda, copied the poem, which lacks both beginning and end, on the covers of a theological manuscript. Probably they had the poem before them in writing. If so, this in its turn was written, as Lachmann urges for the copy, from memory; and memory retained only those parts that have come to us. Some roving singer had sung to the High-German writer a song which was mainly in Low-German dialect; and what this writer could remember of it he had set down in a curious mixture of linguistic forms, but not in such utter confusion as to forbid the recognition of the original piece as substantially of Saxon origin.

The main theme is very old and has always been


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172 ; for proof, one needs but to mention such a distant and modern treatment of it as the Sohrab and Rustum of Matthew Arnold. Scholars have found it in widely spread and varying forms; and a German ballad, many centuries later, has actually given to the grim scene a happy ending. In its present shape the story has become part of the Theodoric legend, and as such must be credited to the romantic and highly poetical Goths; would that some kindly fate had preserved the rich and sonorous words of their version! The Nibelungen, as every one knows, places old Hildebrand as Dietrich’s right-hand man, who, with his lord, has been long among the Huns, in that banishment of which Deor speaks in the Anglo-Saxon lyric,—only in the Hildebrand Lay one is told that Odoacer is cause of the flight. Kögel points out the curious perversity of legend when it deals with historical facts: it was Odoacer whom Theodoric really shut up in Ravenna and put to death. That Attila and Theodoric became contemporary in this cycle of legends, and are treated as overlord and chief vassal, is another license of the legendary muse. But the poem is the thing. Undoubtedly it is much closer than such epic verse as the Beowulf, and even the Waldere fragments, to the old songs which minstrels had come to sing and which warriors still made about their own deeds or the deeds of their friends. The nervous directness is here which one was tempted to find characteristic of Finnsburg. Full of blunders as the manuscript is, with patches of something very like prose when the scribe failed to remember his original,—one should think of a schoolboy writing out from memory The Charge of the Light Brigade,—the whole effect is that of contact with strong and resonant verse.


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- AdamBMorgan (talk) 13:03, 23 March 2012 (UTC)

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Rh The original, as was hinted above, must have had a tragic ending; the theme demands it, and not only a scrap of this same tale in Old Norse, but analogy of other cases, where similar matter is handled, sustains the demand. The father unwillingly kills his son. Such things must have actually happened now and again in the days of the comitatus, and ten Brink surmises such a case in the Finnsburg with Garulf and Guthlaf; but the killing of near kin remained the capital crime for a German. The frequency of it means, for the Sibyl of the Voluspa poem, the approaching end of the world. Here, then, was tragedy of the kind which thrilled a Greek audience at the fearful dilemma of Orestes. Loyalty to one’s lord was a Germanic virtue which grew stronger with the necessities of constant warfare, until it came to be supreme, and thus overshadowed the obligations of actual kindred. Hildebrand is a victim of the clash of these two duties,—and not for once only. Thirty years before this crowning tragedy, he was forced to choose between his lord, a banished man, and his wife and child. Now the child faces him in arms.

. . . I heard it said. . that as foemen in fight sole faced each other Hildebrand and Hathubrand, two hosts between. There son and father their fighting-gear tested,


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F the Beowulf and the Waldere were epic poems composed by that more deliberate process in vogue in the scriptorium, there are lays like the Hildebrand and Finnsburg, material of the epics, which seem to demand the living voice, the banquet in hall, the excited band of warriors who listen and shout applause to the singer. A minstrel of this type had in memory a store of favorite lays, old and new. He had, too, the technique of his art, and could on occasion improvise upon new material, using of course the traditional and conventional phrases which made a good half of all his songs. He was a striking figure. In two happy rescues from the wreckage of our old poetry, he not only tells the story of his life, but indicates the range of the material at his command.

On the face of it, this distinctly charming lyric is a kind of “Ode to Himself” in Ben Jonson’s vein. The aging minstrel has ceased to please the public, particularly the king; his place as court poet, even his home and lands, are given to a successful rival. Well, he has sung in his day of many a man and woman of the heroic time who knew fortune’s frown at its blackest, and yet came


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Rh into sunshine at last. The exempla shall give him hope; and hope is the overword of his breezy refrain. It is a manly piece of verse. The poet does not rail on lady fortune herself, does not whine or snivel over the king’s inconstancy, and does not call the public hard names,—“dull ass” is Jonson’s way,—with insistence on his own superiority. Granting, what is true, that “Widsith” is a wholly ideal figure, composite, a type, and granting, what is probable, that Deor must pass as a definite man, it is highly gratifying that the first poet whom we can name as an individual in the long English list gives such an amiable account of himself.

Careful reading of the lyric, however, takes away something of the immediate impression made by its plan and its seeming purpose. Deor, to be sure, stands before us a definite and quite real man, but he is not an Englishman; he belongs on the continent, and his people, the “sons of Heoden,” are shadowy folk. He is even accused of getting into English by translation out of the Norse. Any actual personal poem that such a singer could have made about his own fortunes had a long and thorny way to travel before it came to its present estate as the oldest lyric in our tongue. From our point of view, it is the story of the typical court-singer, just as Widsith is a story of the typical wandering singer. Widsith, too, talks in the first person, tells what gifts he got, where he wandered, and how excellent was his art. “I and Scilling were as good poets as you could find,—and the best judges of poetry applauded us to the echo,” is his complacent account of the matter. The difference really lies in the fact that Widsith, for all his first personal confidences, makes no impression as an individual on any count;


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180 he comes in sections; while Deor is artistically an individual, if not a definite man who tells us as matter of the witness-box his own emotion and thought. It is true that all the material of Deor’s song is continental; but Anglo-Saxon poets were quite capable of making such a compact and convincing “dramatic lyric” out of the old stuff. They were accustomed to “ego” verses: one thinks of the Riddles, and, still better, of The Dream of the Rood. The Wanderer is another case, not unlike this of Deor, though of much later origin; both poems are artistically sincere and sympathetic. Deor, old as it is, has the modern lyric note of annexing wide human interests and a sweep of history in order to illustrate the singer’s proper fate; and this conception on the part of an English poet would blend admirably with the tradition of some minstrel in the ancestral home, who took courage from his own stock of lays and fronted his evil hour with a smile. That, however, is an impression. There are facts which must be considered; and these facts seem at first to allow another inference.

The form of Deor’s Song is peculiar. It has a refrain-line which marks off the verses into sections or paragraphs, so that one is tempted to call it a poem in stanzas. Traces of the same structure are noted in the Rune-Lay, and naturally also in the Psalms; but the mere recurrence of a refrain does not suffice to form the regular stanza. In part of the Gnomic Verses, or Maxims, of the Exeter manuscript, however, and in what used to be called the first of the Riddles, there is an attempt to make those regular stanzas which are so familiar in Old Norse; and the result must be noted here, in order to reach a right judgment about


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 CHAPTER XIV.

1.—I had intended concluding my diary last week; but a most important event has happened, so I shall continue for a little while longer on the fly-leaves attached to the end of my last year's diary. It had just struck half-past one, and I was on the point of leaving the office to have my dinner, when I received a message that Mr. Perkupp desired to see me at once. I must confess that my heart commenced to beat and I had most serious misgivings.

Mr. Perkupp was in his room writing, and he said: "Take a seat, Mr. Pooter, I shall not be a moment."

I replied: "No, thank you, sir; I'll stand." I watched the clock on the mantelpiece, and 156

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Rh the structure of the old singer’s lay. The first of the Riddles was once interpreted as giving the name of the poet Cynewulf. Recently it has been taken out of the category of riddles and referred to an incident in the famous Saga of the Volsungs, a Norse tale, whose legend was familiar in far older form to the poet of the Beowulf. As Signy’s Lament, Professor Schofield translates it and explains its meaning. Signy is twin sister to Sigmund; she is married against her will to Siggeir, who slays her father and has all her brothers exposed and killed save Sigmund, who is helped by Signy to escape to the forest, where he lives as an outlaw. An outlaw was often called “wolf.” The Wolf of the poem, therefore, is Sigmund. Signy is fain to revenge her slaughtered kinsfolk; her own sons by King Siggeir are nought; and she resolves to have by her own brother a son who shall show the Volsung mettle. Revolting as the deed seems to her, she must do it for the sake of revenge. Disguised, she goes to Sigmund in the forest, is entertained as a wanderer; returns to her palace; and in due time bears a son, Sinfiotli, the Fitela of the verses in the Beowulf, whom she rears for a while and then takes to her brother. Ignorant of his true relation, Sigmund trains up the boy as his nephew, and together they destroy Siggeir, with whom Signy also perishes, as a true Germanic wife, though she is glad thus to avenge her father. Professor Schofield places this Lament at the time when Signy commits the boy to her brother’s care.

Such is the probable matter. It is the manner, the verse-form, which gives this poem such significance for the study of Deor. Its rimes are here and there inaccurate; the rhythm is close in some parts to the kind common


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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. I was waiting quite twenty minutes; but it seemed hours. Mr. Perkupp at last got up himself.

I said: "I hope there is nothing wrong, sir?"

He replied: "Oh dear, no! quite the reverse, I hope." What a weight off my mind! My breath seemed to come back again in an instant.

Mr. Perkupp said: "Mr. Buckling is going to retire, and there will be some slight changes in the office. You have been with us nearly twenty-one years, and, in consequence of your conduct during that period, we intend making a special promotion in your favour. We have not quite decided how you will be placed; but in any case there will be a considerable increase in your salary, which, it is quite unnecessary for me to say, you fully deserve. I have an appointment at two; but you shall hear more to-morrow."

He then left the room quickly, and I was not even allowed time or thought to express a single word of grateful thanks to him. I need not say how dear Carrie received this joyful news. With perfect simplicity she said: "At last we shall be able to have a chimney-glass for the back drawing-room, which we always wanted." I added: "Yes, and at last you shall have that little costume which you saw at Peter Robinson's so cheap."

157

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182 in Scandinavian but practically unknown in Anglo-Saxon; and therefore Professor Lawrence, who was first to study this phase of it, assumed it to be a translation out of the Norse. As it follows Deor in the Exeter manuscript, and Deor also has refrain and what have been taken for stanzas, the two poems are bracketed for similar origins.

Is Deor, then, a translation, and is his song to be ranged as an early specimen of those innumerable effusions, studied or improvised, of the Scandinavian bard, which are paraphrased in Saxo’s Latin and recorded now in the prose of the Sagas and now in the actual verse? Or is it an original English poem based on traditions of the old minstrel life in Germania,—a document for the Germanic singer in days of the common legendary store in which all Ingævonic peoples about North Sea and Baltic had their part? Here is Signy’s Lament for comparison,—if a Lament it be, and the supposed making of that tragic person.

My people suppose they are pleasured with gifts. . . ........... They will surely oppress him if peril comes o’er him. Unlike are our lots.

Wolf’s on an isle and I on another; firm is the island, by fen surrounded. Unmerciful are they, the men on the isle; They will surely oppress him if peril comes o’er him. Unlike are our lots.


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Rh

On my Wolf I waited with wide-faring hopes. When rainy the weather and rueful I sat there, then the battle-brave man embraced me beside him. Delight had I of it; no less had I sorrow.

Wolf, O my Wolf, my waiting and hope of thee, ’twas they made me sick, and thy seldom-coming, my heavy-weighed heart, and not hunger for food!

Hear’st thou, O watchful! Swift whelp of us both borne by Wolf to the wood! Full lightly is parted what never was paired,— the song we two sang!

Now as compared with Deor, translated below, this Lament shows signs of the Norse stanzaic structure which are not found in the companion piece. Deor’s so-called stanzas are due simply to a recurring and consistently applicable refrain line, such as, for modern instance, one finds in Tennyson’s Tears, Idle Tears. Parallelism, obvious in Deor at the start and so characteristic of all Anglo-Saxon verse, is not found in the Lament. Deor is


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 should be given up by Great Britain. One thing at least is certain with regard to the diamond fields—they were the means of restoring the credit and prosperity of the Free State. In the opinion, moreover, of Dr Theal, who has written the history of the Boer Republics and has been a consistent supporter of the Boers, the annexation of Griqualand West was probably in the best interests of the Free State. “There was,” he states, “no alternative from British sovereignty other than an independent diamond field republic.”

At this time, largely owing to the exhausting struggle with the Basutos, the Free State Boers, like their Transvaal neighbours, had drifted into financial straits. A paper currency had been instituted, and the notes—currently known as “bluebacks”—soon dropped to less than half their nominal value. Commerce was largely carried on by barter, and many cases of bankruptcy occurred in the state. But as British annexation in 1877 saved the Transvaal from bankruptcy, so did the influx of British and other immigrants to the diamond fields, in the early ’seventies, restore public credit and individual prosperity to the Boers of the Free State. The diamond fields offered a ready market for stock and other agricultural produce. Money flowed into the pockets of the farmers. Public credit was restored. “Bluebacks” recovered par value, and were called in and redeemed by the government. Valuable diamond mines were also discovered within the Free State, of which the one at Jagersfontein is the richest. Capital from Kimberley and London was soon provided with which to work them.

The relations between the British and the Free State, after the question of the boundary was once settled, remained perfectly amicable down to the outbreak of the Boer War in 1899. From 1870 onward the history of the state was one of quiet, steady progress. At the time of the first annexation of the Transvaal the Free State

declined Lord Carnarvon’s invitation to federate with the other South African communities. In 1880, when a rising of the Boers in the Transvaal was threatening. President Brand showed every desire to avert the conflict. He suggested that Sir Henry de Villiers, Chief Justice of Cape Colony, should be sent into the Transvaal to endeavour to gauge the true state of affairs in that country. This suggestion was not acted upon, but when war broke out in the Transvaal Brand declined to take any part in the struggle. In spite of the neutral attitude taken by their government a number of the Free State Boers, living in the northern part of the country, went to the Transvaal and joined their brethren then in arms against the British. This fact was not allowed to influence the friendly relations between the Free State and Great Britain. In 1888 Sir John Brand died. In him the Boers, not only in the Free State but in the whole of South Africa, lost one of the most enlightened and most upright rulers and leaders they have ever had. He realized the disinterested aims pursued by the British government, without always approving its methods. Though he had thrown the weight of his influence against Lord Carnarvon’s federation scheme Brand disapproved racial rivalries.

During the period of Brand’s presidency a great change, both political and economic, had come over South Africa. The renewal of the policy of British expansion had been answered by the formation of the Afrikander Bond, which represented the racial aspirations of the Dutch-speaking people, and had active branches in the Free State. This alteration in the political outlook was accompanied, and in part occasioned, by economic changes of great significance. The development of the diamond mines and of the gold and coal industries—of which Brand saw the beginning—had far-reaching consequences, bringing the Boer republics into vital contact with the new industrial era. The Free Staters, under Brand’s rule, had shown considerable ability to adapt their policy to meet the altered situation. In 1889 an agreement was come to between the Free State and the Cape Colony government, whereby the latter were empowered to extend, at their own cost, their railway system to Bloemfontein. The Free State retained the right to purchase this extension at cost price, a right they exercised after the Jameson Raid. Having accepted the assistance of the Cape government in constructing its railway, the state also in 1889 entered into a Customs Union Convention with them. The convention was the outcome of a conference held at Cape Town in 1888, at which delegates from Natal, the Free State and the Colony attended. Natal at this time had not seen its way to entering the Customs Union, but did so at a later date.

In January 1889 Mr F. W. Reitz was elected president of the Free State. His accession to the presidency marked the beginning of a new and disastrous line of policy in the external affairs of the country. Mr Reitz had no sooner got into office than a meeting was arranged with president of the Transvaal, at which various Mr Kruger, terms of an agreement dealing with the railways, terms of a treaty of amity and commerce and what was called a political treaty, were discussed and decided upon. The political treaty referred in general terms to a federal union between the Transvaal and the Free State, and bound each of them to help the other, whenever the independence of either should be assailed or threatened from without, unless the state so called upon for assistance should be able to show the injustice of the cause of quarrel in which the other state had engaged. While thus committed to a dangerous alliance with its northern neighbour no change was made in internal administration. The Free State, in fact, from its geographical position reaped the benefits without incurring the anxieties consequent on the settlement of a large uitlander population on the Rand. The state, however, became increasingly identified with the reactionary party in the Transvaal. In 1895 the volksraad passed a resolution, in which they declared their readiness to entertain a proposition from the Transvaal in favour of some form of federal union. In the same year Mr Reitz retired from the presidency of the Free State, and was succeeded in February 1896 by (q.v.), a judge of the High Court. In 1896 President Steyn visited Pretoria, where he received an ovation as the probable future president of the two Republics. A further offensive and defensive alliance between the two Republics was then entered into, under which the Free State took up arms on the outbreak of hostilities with the Transvaal in 1899.

In 1897 President Kruger, bent on still further cementing the union with the Free State, visited Bloemfontein. It was on this occasion that President Kruger, referring to the London Convention, spoke of Queen Victoria as a kwaaje Vrouw, an expression which caused a good deal of offence in England at the time, but which, to any one familiar with the homely phraseology of the Boers, obviously was not meant by President Kruger as insulting.

In order to understand the attitude which the Free State took at this time in relation to the Transvaal, it is necessary to review the history of Mr Reitz from an earlier date. Previously to his becoming president of the Free State he had acted as its Chief Justice, and still earlier in life had practised as an advocate in Cape Colony. In

1881 Mr Reitz had, in conjunction with Mr Steyn, come under the influence of a clever German named Borckenhagen, the editor of the Bloemfontein Express. These three men were principally responsible for the formation of the Afrikander Bond (see : ). From 1881 onwards they cherished the idea of an independent South Africa. Brand had been far too sagacious to be led away by this pseudo-nationalist dream, and did his utmost to discountenance the Bond. At the same time his policy was guided by a sincere patriotism, which looked to the true prosperity of the Free State as well as to that of the whole of South Africa. From his death may be dated the disastrous line of policy which led to the extinction of the state as a republic. The one prominent member of the volksraad who inherited the traditions and enlightened views of President Brand was Mr (Afterwards Sir) John G. Fraser. Mr Fraser, who was an unsuccessful candidate for the presidency in 1896, was the son of a Presbyterian minister, who had acted as a minister in the Dutch Reformed Church since the middle of the century. He grew up in the country of his father’s adoption, and he consistently warned the Free State of the inevitable

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 result—the loss of independence—which must follow their mischievous policy in being led by the Transvaal. The mass of Boers in the Free State, deluded by a belief in Great Britain’s weakness, paid no heed to his remonstrances. Mr Fraser lived to see the fulfilment of these prophecies. After the British occupation of Bloemfontein he cast in his lot with the Imperial Government, realizing that it had fought for those very principles which President Brand and he had laboured for in bygone years.

On entering Bloemfontein in 1900 the British obtained possession of certain state papers which contained records of negotiations between the Transvaal and the Orange Free State. The evidence contained in these state records so clearly marks the difference between the policy of Mr Kruger and the pacific, commercial policy of President Brand and his followers, that the documents call for careful consideration. From these papers it was found that, in 1887, two secret conferences had taken place between representatives of the Republics, dealing with various political and economical questions. At the first of these conferences, held in Pretoria, the object of the Free State deputies were to arrange a general treaty of amity and commerce which would knit the states more closely together, and to come to some agreement with reference to the scheme for building a railway across the Free State from the Cape, to connect with a farther extension in the Transvaal to Pretoria. The deputation also urged the Transvaal to join the South African Customs Union. Both of these suggestions were strongly disapproved by Mr Kruger, inasmuch as they meant knitting together the Boer republics and the British possessions, instead of merely bringing the Free State into completer dependence on the Transvaal. From the minutes of this conference it is clear that the two deputations were practically at cross purposes. In the minds of President Kruger and his immediate followers one idea was dominant, that of ousting and keeping out at all costs British influence and interests. On the part of the Free State there was obviously a genuine desire to further the best interests of the state, together with the general prosperity of the whole of South Africa. In President Kruger’s eyes British trade meant ruin; he desired to keep it out of the Republic at all costs, and he begged the Free State to delay the construction of their railway until the Delagoa Bay line was completed. He said, “Delagoa is a life or death question for us. Help us: if you hook on to the Colony you cut our throat How can our state exist without the Delagoa railway? Keep free.” With regard to the Customs Union, President Kruger was equally emphatic; he begged the Free State to steer clear of it. “Customs Unions,” he said, “are made between equal states with equal access to harbours. We are striving to settle the question of our own harbour peacefully. The English will only use their position to swindle the Transvaal of its proper receipts.” In response, Mr Fraser, one of the Free State delegates, remarked that a harbour requires forts, soldiers, ships and sailors to man them, or else it would be at the mercy of the first gunboat that happened to assail it. President Kruger replied that once the Transvaal had a harbour foreign powers would intervene. Mr Wolmarans was as emphatic as President Kruger. “Wait a few years You know our secret policy. We cannot treat the [Cape] Colony as we would treat you. The Colony would destroy us. It is not the Dutch there we are fighting against. Time shall show what we mean to do with them; for the present we must keep them off.”

The result of this conference was a secret session of the Transvaal volksraad and the proposition of a secret treaty with the Free State, by which each state should bind itself not to build railways to its frontier without the consent of the other, the eastern and northern frontiers of the Transvaal being excepted. The railway from

Pretoria to Bloemfontein was to be proceeded with; neither party was to enter the Customs Union without the consent of the other. The Transvaal was to pay £20,000 annually to the Free State for loss incurred for not having the railway to Cape Colony. Such a treaty as the one proposed would simply have enslaved the Free State to the Transvaal, and it was rejected by the Free State volksraad. President Kruger determined on a still more active measure, and proceeded with Dr Leyds to interview President Brand at Bloemfontein. A series of meetings took place in October of the same year (1887). President Brand opened the proceedings by proposing a treaty of friendship and free trade between the two Republics, in which a number of useful and thoroughly practical provisions were set forth. President Kruger, however, soon brushed these propositions aside, and responded by stating that, in consideration of the common enemy and the dangers which threatened the Republic, an offensive and defensive alliance must be preliminary to any closer union. To this Brand rejoined that, as far as the offensive was concerned, he did not desire to be a party to attacking any one, and as for the defensive, where was the pressing danger of the enemy which Kruger feared? The Free State was on terms of friendship with its neighbours, nor (added Brand) would the Transvaal have need for such an alliance as the one proposed if its policy would only remain peaceful and conciliatory. At a later date in the conference (see ) President Brand apparently changed his policy, and himself drafted a constitution resembling that of the United States. This constitution appears to have been modelled on terms a great deal too liberal and enlightened to please Mr Kruger, whose one idea was to have at his command the armed forces of the Free State when he should require them, and who pressed for an offensive and defensive alliance. Brand refused to allow the Free State to be committed to a suicidal treaty, or dragged into any wild policy which the Transvaal might deem it expedient to adopt. The result of the whole conference was that Kruger returned to Pretoria completely baffled, and for a time the Free State was saved from being a party to the fatal policy into which others subsequently drew it. Independent power of action was retained by Brand for the Free State in both the railway and Customs Union questions.

After Sir John Brand’s death, as already stated, a series of agreements and measures gradually subordinated Free State interests to the mistaken ambition and narrow views of the Transvaal. The influence which the Kruger party had obtained in the Free State was evidenced by the presidential election in 1896, when Mr Steyn received forty-one votes against nineteen cast for Mr Fraser. That this election should have taken place immediately after the Jameson Raid probably increased Mr Steyn’s majority. Underlying the new policy adopted by the Free State was the belief held, if not by President Steyn himself, at least by his followers, that the two republics combined would be more than a match for the power of Great Britain should hostilities occur.

In December 1897 the Free State revised its constitution in reference to the franchise law, and the period of residence necessary to obtain naturalization was reduced from five to three years. The oath of allegiance to the state was alone required, and no renunciation of nationality was insisted upon. In 1898 the Free State also acquiesced in the new convention arranged with regard to the Customs Union between the Cape Colony, Natal, Basutoland and the Bechuanaland Protectorate. These measures suggest that a slight reaction against the extreme policy of President Kruger had set in. But events were moving rapidly in the Transvaal, and matters had proceeded too far for the Free State to turn back. In May 1899 President Steyn suggested the conference at Bloemfontein between President Kruger and Sir Alfred Milner, but this act, if it expressed a genuine desire for reconciliation, was too late. President Kruger had got the Free State ensnared in his meshes. The Free Staters were practically bound, under the offensive and defensive alliance, in case hostilities arose with Great Britain, either to denounce the policy to which they had so unwisely been secretly party, or to throw in their lot with the Transvaal. War occurred, and they accepted the inevitable consequence. For President Steyn and the Free State of 1899, in the light of the negotiations we have recorded, neutrality was impossible. A resolution was passed by the volksraad on the 27th of September declaring that the state would observe its obligations to the Transvaal whatever might happen. Before war had actually

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 is of the honour, which the ambitious man desires; for all desire honour, so that it is not sufficient to say that he is ambitious who desires honour, but we must add the above-mentioned differences. Likewise, also, the quantity of riches which the avaricious man desires (must be mentioned), or what quality of pleasure the incontinent man seeks after, for he is not said to be incontinent who is vanquished by any pleasure whatever, but he who is so, by a certain one. Or again, as men define night, the shadow of the earth, or an earthquake, the motion of the earth, or a cloud, the condensation of the air, or wind, the motion of the air, for the quantity, quality, the where, and by what, must be added. In like manner, as to other such things, since he who omits any difference whatever, does not state what is the very nature of the thing; indeed we must always argue against what is wanting, for neither will an earthquake be the motion of earth in any manner, nor in any quantity, as neither will wind be the motion of air in any manner, nor in any quantity.

Moreover, in (defining) appetites, (there will be an error), if what appears is not added, and in as many other things as this is adapted to; for instance, that the will is the appetency of good, but desire the appetency of the pleasant, yet not of what appears good or pleasant. For oftentimes it escapes those who aspire after a thing that it is good or pleasant, so that it is not necessary that it should be good or pleasant, but only that it should appear to be so, wherefore it is necessary that the explanation should be made in this manner. If, on the other hand, what has been mentioned should be assigned, whoever asserts that there are ideas, must be led to ideas, since idea is not of any thing apparent, but form seems to be referred to form, thus desire itself is of the pleasant itself, and the will itself of the good itself. Now it will not be of the apparent good, nor of the apparent pleasant, since that a thing should be self-apparent good or pleasant is absurd.


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 broken out the Free State began to expel British subjects, and the very first act of war was committed by Free State Boers, who, on the 11th of October, seized a train upon the border belonging to Natal. The events of the war are given elsewhere (see : ).

After the surrender of Cronje at Paardeberg on the 27th of February 1900 Bloemfontein was occupied by the British troops under Lord Roberts (March 13,) and on the 28th of May a proclamation was issued annexing the Free State to the British dominions under the title of Orange River Colony. For nearly two years longer

the burghers kept the field under (q.v.), and other leaders, but by the articles of peace signed on the 31st of May 1902 British sovereignty was acknowledged. A civil administration of the colony was established early in 1901 with Sir Alfred Milner as governor. Major (afterwards Sir) H. J. Goold-Adams was appointed lieutenant-governor, Milner being governor also of the Transvaal, which country claimed most of his attention. A nominated legislative council was established in June 1902 of which Sir John Fraser and a number of other prominent ex-burghers became unofficial members. The railways and constabulary of the two colonies were (1903) placed under an inter-colonial council; active measures were taken for the repatriation of the prisoners of war and the residents in the concentration camps, and in every direction vigorous and successful efforts were made to repair the ravages of the war. Over £4,000,000 was spent by the British government in Orange Colony alone on these objects. At the same time efforts were made, with a fair measure of success, to strengthen the British element in the country by means of land settlements. Special attention was also devoted to the development of the resources of the country by building new lines of railway traversing the fertile south-eastern districts and connecting Bloemfontein with Natal and with Kimberley. The educational system was reorganized and greatly improved.

To a certain extent the leading ex-burghers co-operated with the administration in the work of reconstruction. The loss of their independence was, however, felt bitterly by the Boers, and the attitude assumed by the majority was highly critical of the work of the government. Having recovered from the worst effects of the war the Boers,

both in the Transvaal and Orange Colony, began in 1904 to make organized efforts to regain their political ascendancy, and to bring pressure on the government in respect to compensation, repatriation, the position of the Dutch language, education and other subjects on which they alleged unfair treatment. This agitation, as far as the Orange River Colony was concerned, coincided with the return to South Africa of ex-President Steyn. Mr Steyn had gone to Europe at the close of the war and did not take the oath of allegiance to the British Crown until the autumn of 1904. A congress of ex-burghers was held at Brandfort in December 1904, when among other resolutions passed was one demanding the grant of self-government to the colony. This was followed in July 1905 by a conference at Bloemfontein, when it was resolved to form a national union. This organization, known as the Oranjie Unie, was formally constituted in May 1906, but had been in existence for some months previously. A similar organization, called Het Volk, had been formed by the Transvaal Boers in January 1905. Both unions had constitutions almost identical with that of the Afrikander Bond, and their aims were similar—to secure the triumph of Boer ideals in state and society. Of the Oranjie Unie Mr Abraham Fischer became chairman, other prominent members being Messrs Hertzog, C. de Wet and Steyn. Mr Fischer, the leader of the party, was one of the ablest statesmen on the Boer side in the pre-war period. He was originally an attorney in Cape Colony and had joined the Free State bar in 1875. He became vice-president of the volksraad in 1893 and a member of the executive council of the state in 1896. He was one of the most trusted counsellors of Presidents Steyn and Kruger, and the ultimatum sent to the British on the eve of hostilities was recast by him. While the war was in progress he went to Europe to seek support for the Boer cause. He returned to South Africa early in 1903 and was admitted to the bar of the Orange Colony.

A counter-organization was formed by the ex-burghers who had whole-heartedly accepted the new order of things. They took the title of the Constitutional party, and Sir John Fraser was chosen as chairman. In Bloemfontein the Constitutionalists had a strong following; elsewhere their supporters were numerically weak. It was noteworthy that the programmes of the two parties were very similar, the real difference between them being the attitude with which they regarded the British connexion. While the ideal of the Unie was an Afrikander state, the Constitutionalists desired the perfect equality of both white races.

The advent of a Liberal administration under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman in Great Britain in December 1905 completely altered the political situation in the late Boer states. The previous (Conservative) government had in March 1905 made public a form of representative government, intended to lead up to self-government

for the Transvaal, and had intimated that a similar constitution would be subsequently conferred on the Orange Colony. The Campbell-Bannerman administration decided to do without this intermediary step in both colonies. In April 1906 a committee, under the chairmanship of Sir J. West-Ridgeway, was sent to South Africa to inquire into and report upon various questions regarding the basis of the franchise, single-member constituencies and kindred matters. There was in the Orange Colony a considerable body of opinion that the party system of government should be avoided, and that the executive should consist of three members elected by the single representative chamber it was desired to obtain, and three members nominated by the governor—in short, what was desired was a restoration as far as possible of the old Free State constitution. These views were laid before the committee on their visit to Bloemfontein in June 1906. When, however, the outline of the new constitution was made public in December 1906 it was found that the British government had decided on a party government plan which would have the inevitable and fully foreseen effect of placing the country in the power of the Boer majority. It was not until the 1st of July 1907 that the letters-patent conferring self-government on the colony were promulgated, the election for the legislative assembly taking place in November following. They resulted in the return of 29 members of the Oranjie Unie, 5 Constitutionalists and 4 Independents. The Constitutionalists won four of the five seats allotted to Bloemfontein, Sir John Fraser being among those returned. Following the elections the governor. Sir Hamilton Goold-Adams, sent for Mr Fischer, who formed a ministry, his colleagues being ex-General J. B. M. Hertzog, attorney-general and director of education; Dr A. E. W. Ramsbottom, treasurer; Christian de Wet, minister of agriculture, and Mr C. H. Wessels, minister of public works, &c. Mr Fischer, besides the premiership, held the portfolio of colonial secretary. The new ministry took office on the 27th of November. Of the members of the first legislative council five were supporters of the Oranjie Unie and five were regarded as Constitutionalists, the eleventh member holding the balance.

The responsible government entered upon its task in favourable conditions. Despite the many obstacles it had to meet, including drought, commercial depression and the hostility of many of the ex-burghers, the crown colony administration had achieved remarkable results. During each of its seven years of existence there had been a surplus of revenue over expenditure, despite the fact that taxation had not materially increased, save in respect to mining, which did not affect the general population. Custom duties were about the same as in 1898, but railway rates were materially lower and many new lines had been opened. The educational system had been placed on a sound basis. Departments of agriculture, mining, health and native affairs had been organized, and the civil service rendered thoroughly efficient. A substantial cash balance was left in the treasury for the use of the new government. Over 700 families had been settled on the land and thus an additional source of strength provided for the state. The first parliament under the new

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 Now that we obtain these by the same method is evident, for from those things, through which it appears to the hearers, that the subjects of investigation are syllogistically concluded, from these they may appear also to the respondent, so that there will be false syllogisms through either all or some of these, for what a person, not interrogated, thinks he has granted, he will also admit when interrogated, except that in some cases it happens at the same time that what is deficient is questioned, and what is false is detected, as in the paralogisms from diction and solecism. If then, paralogisms of contradiction arise from apparent elenchus, it is clear that false syllogisms will be derived from as many (places) as apparent elenchus. But the apparent is from parts of the true; for when each fails, there may appear an elenchus, as that which is from the conclusion not happening in consequence of the reasoning; that which leads to the impossible; also, that which makes two interrogations, one, from the proposition; and that which assumes what is from accident, instead of what is per se, and a part of this, which is (derived) from what is consequent; besides not to happen in the thing, but in the discussion; then, instead of (assuming) contradiction universally, according to the same, and with reference to the same, and after the same manner, (to assume it) in a certain thing, or according to each of these; further from the original (question), not being reckoned, to assume the original question. Hence, we shall be in possession of those things from which paralogisms occur, since they cannot arise from more, but they will all be from the (places) specified.

A sophistical elenchus, is yet not simply an elenchus, but against some person, and a syllogism likewise, for except it be assumed that what is from the equivocal signifies one thing, and what is from a similar figure of speech, (signifies) this thing only, and the rest in like manner, there will neither be elenchi nor syllogisms, whether simply, or against him who is interrogated, but if this is assumed, there will be, indeed, against him who is interrogated, but simply there will not be, since they do not assume that which signifies one thing, but what appears (to do so) and from this person.


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 constitution met on the 18th of December 1907, when it was announced that the Transvaal and Orange Colony had each given notice of the termination of the intercolonial council with the intention of each colony to gain individual control of its railways and constabulary.

After a two days’ session the legislature was prorogued until May 1908, when the chief measure submitted by the government was an education bill designed to foster the knowledge of the Dutch language. This measure became law (see above § Education). Parliament also passed a measure granting ex-President Steyn a pension of

£1000 a year and ex-President Reitz a pension of £500. In view of the dissolution of the intercolonial council a convention was signed at Pretoria on the 29th of May which made provision for the division of the common property, rights and liabilities of the Orange Colony and the Transvaal in respect to the railways and constabulary, and established for four years a joint board to continue the administration of the railway systems of the two colonies. The Orange Colony assumed responsibility for £7,700,000 of the guaranteed loan of £35,000,000 of 1903 (see : ). The colony took part during this month in an inter-state conference which met at Pretoria and Cape Town, and determined to renew the existing customs convention and to make no alteration in railway rates. These decisions were the result of an agreement to bring before the parliaments of the various colonies a resolution advocating the closer union of the South African states and the appointment of delegates to a national convention to frame a draft constitution. In this convention Mr Steyn took a leading and conciliatory part, and subsequently the Orange River legislature agreed to the terms drawn up by the convention for the unification of the four self-governing colonies. Under the imperial act by which unification was established (May 31, 1910) the colony entered the union under the style of the Free State Province. (For the union movement see : .) Mr Fischer and General Hertzog became members of the first union ministry while Dr A. E. W. Ramsbottom, formerly colonial treasurer, became the first administrator of the Free State as a province of the union.

The period during which the province had been a self-governing colony had been one of steady progress in most directions, but was greatly embittered by the educational policy pursued by General Hertzog. From the date of the passing of the education act in the middle of 1908 until the absorption of the colony into the union.

General Hertzog so administered the provisions of the act regarding the media of instruction as to compel every European child to receive instruction in every subject partly in the medium of Dutch. This policy of compulsory bilingualism was persisted in despite the vehement protests of the English-speaking community, and of the desire of many Dutch burghers that the medium of instruction for their children should be English. Attempts to adjust the difficulty were made and a conference on the subject was held at Bloemfontein in November 1909. It was fruitless, and in March 1910 Mr Hugh Gunn (director of education since 1904) resigned. The action of General Hertzog had the support of his colleagues and of Mr Steyn and kept alive the racial spirit. Failing to obtain redress the English-speaking section of the community proceeded to open separate schools, the terms of the act of union leaving the management of elementary education to the provincial council.

—A. H. Keane, The Boer States: Land and People (1900); The Report on the 1904 census (Bloemfontein, 1906); The Statistical Year Book (Bloemfontein) and other official publications; W. S. Johnson, Orangia (1906), a good elementary geography; ''Précis of Information. Orange Free State and Griqualand West (War Office, 1878); D. Aitton, “De Oranje Vrijstaat,” Tijds. K. Ned. Aard. Genoots. Amsterdam'', vol. xvii. (1900); H. Kloessel, Die Südafrikanischen Republiken (Leipzig, 1888). For a good early account of the country see Sir W. Cornwallis Harris, Narrative of an Expedition into Southern Africa during 1836–37 (Bombay, 1838). For history see, in addition to the British, Cape and Orange Free State parliamentary papers, H. Dehérain, L’Expansion des Boers au xixᵉ siècle (Paris, 1905); G. McCall Theal, History of South Africa since 1795 [up to 1872], vols. ii., iii. and iv. (1908 ed.), and A. Wilmot’s Life and Times of Sir R. Southey (1904). G. B. Beak’s The Aftermath of War (1906) is an account of the repatriation work in the Orange River Colony. A. C. Murray and R. Cannon, Map of the Orange River Colony (6 sheets: 4 m. to 1 in., 1908). The place of publication, unless otherwise stated, is London. Consult also the bibliographies under, and.

 ORANGEMEN, members of the Orange Society, an association of Irish Protestants, originating and chiefly flourishing in Ulster, but with ramifications in other parts of the United Kingdom, and in the British colonies. Orangemen derive their name from King William III. (Prince of Orange). They are enrolled in lodges in the ordinary form of a secret society. Their toasts, about which there is no concealment, indicate the spirit of the Orangemen. The commonest form is “the glorious, pious and immortal memory of the great and good King William, who saved us from popery, slavery, knavery, brass money and wooden shoes,” with grotesque or truculent additions according to the orator’s taste. The brass money refers to James II.’s finance, and the wooden shoes to his French allies. The final words are often “a fig for the bishop of Cork,” in allusion to Dr Peter Browne, who, in 1715, wrote cogently against the practice of toasting the dead. Orangemen are fond of beating drums and flaunting flags with the legend “no surrender,” in allusion to Londonderry. Orangeism is essentially political. Its original object was the maintenance of Protestant ascendancy, and that spirit still survives. The first regular lodges were founded in 1795, but the system existed earlier. The Brunswick clubs, founded to oppose Catholic emancipation, were sprigs from the original Orange tree. The orange flowers of the Lilium bulbiferum are worn in Ulster on the 1st and 12th July, the anniversaries of the Boyne and Aughrim. Another great day is the 5th of November, when William III. landed in Torbay.  ORANG-UTAN (“man of the woods”), the Malay name of the giant red man-like ape of Borneo and Sumatra, known to the Dyaks as the mias, and to most naturalists as Simia satyrus. The red, or brownish-red, colour of the long and coarse hair at once distinguishes the orang-utan from the African apes; a further point of distinction being the excessive length of the arms, which are of such proportions that the animal when in the upright posture (which it seldom voluntarily assumes) can rest on its bent knuckles. Very characteristic of the old males, which may stand as much as 5 ft. in height, is the lateral expansion of the cheeks, owing to a kind of warty growth, thus producing an extraordinarily broad and flattened type of face. Such an expansion is however by no means characteristic of all the males of the species, and is apparently a feature of racial value. Another peculiarity of the males is the presence of a huge throat-sac or pouch on the front of the throat and chest, which may extend even to the arm-pits; although present in females, it does not reach nearly the same dimensions in that sex. More than half-a-dozen separate races of orangutan are recognized in Borneo, where, however, they do not appear to be restricted to separate localities. In Sumatra the Deli and Langkat district is inhabited by S. satyrus deliensis and Abong by S. s. abongensis.

In Borneo the red ape inhabits the swampy forest-tract at the foot of the mountains. In confinement these apes (of which adult specimens have been exhibited in Calcutta) appear very slow and deliberate in their movements; but in their native forests they swing themselves from bough to bough and from tree to tree as fast as a man can walk on the ground beneath. They construct platforms of boughs in the trees, which are used as sleeping-places, and apparently occupied for several nights in succession. Jack-fruit or durian, the tough spiny hide of which is torn open with their strong fingers, forms the chief food of orang-utans, which also consume the luscious mangustin and other fruits. (See .)  ORANIENBAUM, a town of European Russia, in the government of St Petersburg, lying 100 ft. above the sea on the south

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Orangemen

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Orangemen


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Orang-Utan

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Orang-Utan


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