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Rh time tend purely to the honor and glory of God, renounce it and separate yourself from it for the love of Christ, who all his life long had no other taste or wish than to do the will of his Father whom he called his meat and nourishment. For example, you take satisfaction in hearing of things in which the glory of God bears no part. Deny yourself this satisfaction, mortify your wish to listen. You take pleasure in seeing objects which do not raise your mind to God: refuse yourself this pleasure, and turn away your eyes. The same with conversations and all other things. Act similarly, so far as you are able, with all the operations of the senses, striving to make yourself free from their yokes.

"The radical remedy lies in the mortification of the four great natural passions, joy, hope, fear, and grief. You must seek to deprive these of every satisfaction and leave them as it were in darkness and the void. Let your soul therefore turn always:

"Not to what is most easy, but to what is hardest;

"Not to what tastes best, but to what is most distasteful;

"Not to what most pleases, but to what disgusts;

"Not to matter of consolation, but to matter for desolation rather;

"Not to rest, but to labor;

"Not to desire the more, but the less;

"Not to aspire to what is highest and most precious, but to what is lowest and most contemptible;

"Not to will anything, but to will nothing;

"Not to seek the best in everything, but to seek the worst, so that you may enter for the love of Christ into a complete destitution, a perfect poverty of spirit, and an absolute renunciation of everything in this world.

"Embrace these practices with all the energy of your soul and you will find in a short time great delights and unspeakable consolations.

"Despise yourself, and wish that others should despise you.

"Speak to your own disadvantage, and desire others to do the same;

"Conceive a low opinion of yourself, and find it good when others hold the same;


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Rh "He was in his youth of a temperament full of fire and life; and when this began to make itself felt, it was very grievous to him; and he sought by many devices how he might bring his body into subjection. He wore for a long time a hair shirt and an iron chain, until the blood ran from him, so that he was obliged to leave them off. He secretly caused an undergarment to be made for him; and in the undergarment he had strips of leather fixed, into which a hundred and fifty brass nails, pointed and filed sharp, were driven, and the points of the nails were always turned towards the flesh. He had this garment made very tight, and so arranged as to go round him and fasten in front, in order that it might fit the closer to his body, and the pointed nails might be driven into his flesh; and it was high enough to reach upwards to his navel. In this he used to sleep at night. Now in summer, when it was hot, and he was very tired and ill from his journeyings, or when he held the office of lecturer, he would sometimes, as he lay thus in bonds, and oppressed with toil, and tormented also by noxious insects, cry aloud and give way to fretfulness, and twist round and round in agony, as a worm does when run through with a pointed needle. It often seemed to him as if he were lying upon an ant-hill, from the torture caused by the insects; for if he wished to sleep, or when he had fallen asleep, they vied with one another. Sometimes he cried to Almighty God in the fullness of his heart: Alas! Gentle God, what a dying is this! When a man is killed by murderers or strong beasts of prey it is soon over; but I lie dying here under the cruel insects, and yet cannot die. The nights in winter were never so long, nor was the summer so hot, as to make him leave off this exercise. On the contrary, he devised something farther—two leathern loops into which he put his hands, and fastened one on each side his throat, and made the fastenings so secure that even if his cell had been

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text: Historical Account of the Navigable Rivers, Canals, and Railways, of Great Britain/Derwent River, Derbyshire


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308 on fire about him, he could not have helped himself. This he continued until his hands and arms had become almost tremulous with the strain, and then he devised something else: two leather gloves; and he caused a brazier to fit them all over with sharp-pointed brass tacks, and he used to put them on at night, in order that if he should try while asleep to throw off the hair undergarment, or relieve himself from the gnawings of the vile insects, the tacks might then stick into his body. And so it came to pass. If ever he sought to help himself with his hands in his sleep, he drove the sharp tacks into his breast, and tore himself, so that his flesh festered. When after many weeks the wounds had healed, he tore himself again and made fresh wounds.

"He continued this tormenting exercise for about sixteen years. At the end of this time, when his blood was now chilled, and the fire of his temperament destroyed, there appeared to him in a vision on Whitsunday, a messenger from heaven, who told him that God required this of him no longer. Whereupon he discontinued it, and threw all these things away into a running stream."

Suso then tells how, to emulate the sorrows of his crucified Lord, he made himself a cross with thirty protruding iron needles and nails. This he bore on his bare back between his shoulders day and night. "The first time that he stretched out this cross upon his back his tender frame was struck with terror at it, and blunted the sharp nails slightly against a stone. But soon, repenting of this womanly cowardice, he pointed them all again with a file, and placed once more the cross upon him. It made his back, where the bones are, bloody and seared. Whenever he sat down or stood up, it was as if a hedgehog-skin were on him. If any one touched him unawares, or pushed against his clothes, it tore him."

Suso next tells of his penitences by means of striking this cross and forcing the nails deeper into the flesh, and likewise of his self-scourgings,—a dreadful story,—and then goes on as follows: "At this same period the Servitor procured an old castaway door, and he used to lie upon it at night without any bedclothes to make him comfortable, except that he took off


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Rh his shoes and wrapped a thick cloak round him. He thus secured for himself a most miserable bed; for hard pea-stalks lay in humps under his head, the cross with the sharp nails stuck into his back, his arms were locked fast in bonds, the horsehair undergarment was round his loins, and the cloak too was heavy and the door hard. Thus he lay in wretchedness, afraid to stir, just like a log, and he would send up many a sigh to God.

"In winter he suffered very much from the frost. If he stretched out his feet they lay bare on the floor and froze, if he gathered them up the blood became all on fire in his legs, and this was great pain. His feet were full of sores, his legs dropsical, his knees bloody and seared, his loins covered with scars from the horsehair, his body wasted, his mouth parched with intense thirst, and his hands tremulous from weakness. Amid these torments he spent his nights and days; and he endured them all out of the greatness of the love which he bore in his heart to the Divine and Eternal Wisdom, our Lord Jesus Christ, whose agonizing sufferings he sought to imitate. After a time he gave up this penitential exercise of the door, and instead of it he took up his abode in a very small cell, and used the bench, which was so narrow and short that he could not stretch himself upon it, as his bed. In this hole, or upon the door, he lay at night in his usual bonds, for about eight years. It was also his custom, during the space of twenty-five years, provided he was staying in the convent, never to go after compline in winter into any warm room, or to the convent stove to warm himself, no matter how cold it might be, unless he was obliged to do so for other reasons. Throughout all these years he never took a bath, either a water or a sweating bath; and this he did in order to mortify his comfort-seeking body. He practiced during a long time such rigid poverty that he would neither receive nor touch a penny, either with leave or without it. For a considerable time he strove to attain such a high degree of purity that he would neither scratch nor touch any part of his body, save only his hands and feet."


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 One or more of these British ships lay occasionally in Hampton Roads, or came to the navy-yard at Gosport for necessary repairs. Desertions were of course numerous; even the American ships-of-war had much difficulty from loss of men,—and March 7 a whole boat's crew of the British sixteen-gun sloop "Halifax" made off with the jolly-boat and escaped to Norfolk. The commander of the "Halifax" was informed that these men had enlisted in the American frigate "Chesapeake," then under orders for the Mediterranean. He complained to the British consul and to Captain Decatur, but could get no redress. He met two of the deserters in the streets of Norfolk, and asked them why they did not return. One of them, Jenkin Ratford by name, replied, with abuse and oaths, that he was in the land of liberty and would do as he liked. The British minister at Washington also made complaint that three deserters from the "Melampus" frigate had enlisted on the "Chesapeake." The Secretary of the Navy ordered an inquiry, which proved that the three men in question, one of whom was a negro, were in fact on board the "Chesapeake," but that they were native Americans who had been improperly impressed by the "Melampus," and therefore were not subjects for reclamation by the British government. The nationality was admitted, and so far as these men were concerned the answer was final; but the presence of Jenkin Ratford, an Englishman, on board the "Chesapeake" under the name of Wilson escaped notice.


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316 strips it again. It is in this way that you should feel towards your clothes, your books, your cell, and everything else that you make use of; if ordered to quit them, or to exchange them for others, have no more sorrow than if you were a statue being uncovered. In this way you will avoid using them as if they were your private possession. But if, when you give up your cell, or yield possession of this or that object or exchange it for another, you feel repugnance and are not like a statue, that shows that you view these things as if they were your private property.'

"And this is why our holy founder wished the superiors to test their monks somewhat as God tested Abraham, and to put their poverty and their obedience to trial, that by this means they may become acquainted with the degree of their virtue, and gain a chance to make ever farther progress in perfection, … making the one move out of his room when he finds it comfortable and is attached to it; taking away from another a book of which he is fond; or obliging a third to exchange his garment for a worse one. Otherwise we should end by acquiring a species of property in all these several objects, and little by little the wall of poverty that surrounds us and constitutes our principal defense would be thrown down. The ancient fathers of the desert used often thus to treat their companions. … Saint Dositheus, being sick-nurse, desired a certain knife, and asked Saint Dorotheus for it, not for his private use, but for employment in the infirmary of which he had charge. Whereupon Saint Dorotheus answered him: 'Ha! Dositheus, so that knife pleases you so much! Will you be the slave of a knife or the slave of Jesus Christ? Do you not blush with shame at wishing that a knife should be your master? I will not let you touch it.' Which reproach and refusal had such an effect upon the holy disciple that since that time he never touched the knife again." …

"Therefore, in our rooms," Father Rodriguez continues, "there must be no other furniture than a bed, a table, a bench, and a candlestick, things purely necessary, and nothing more. It is not allowed among us that our cells should be ornamented with pictures or aught else, neither armchairs, carpets, curtains,


text: Historical Account of the Navigable Rivers, Canals, and Railways, of Great Britain/Bourn Eau River


text: Historical Account of the Navigable Rivers, Canals, and Railways, of Great Britain/Bradford Canal


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322 nor without loving herself. Yet she said, 'By thy Grace I will do it, Lord!' But when she would perform her promise, she knew not where to begin. Having thought on the religious in monasteries, that they forsook all earthly things by being shut up in a cloister, and the love of themselves by subjecting of their wills, she asked leave of her father to enter into a cloister of the barefoot Carmelites, but he would not permit it, saying he would rather see her laid in her grave. This seemed to her a great cruelty, for she thought to find in the cloister the true Christians she had been seeking, but she found afterwards that he knew the cloisters better than she; for after he had forbidden her, and told her he would never permit her to be a religious, nor give her any money to enter there, yet she went to Father Laurens, the Director, and offered to serve in the monastery and work hard for her bread, and be content with little, if he would receive her. At which he smiled and said: ''That cannot be. We must have money to build; we take no maids without money; you must find the way to get it, else there is no entry here''.

"This astonished her greatly, and she was thereby undeceived as to the cloisters, resolving to forsake all company and live alone till it should please God to show her what she ought to do and whither to go. She asked always earnestly, 'When shall I be perfectly thine, O my God?' And she thought he still answered her, When thou shalt no longer possess anything, and shalt die to thyself. 'And where shall I do that, Lord?' He answered her, In the desert. This made so strong an impression on her soul that she aspired after this; but being a maid of eighteen years only, she was afraid of unlucky chances, and was never used to travel, and knew no way. She laid aside all these doubts and said, 'Lord, thou wilt guide me how and where it shall please thee. It is for thee that I do it. I will lay aside my habit of a maid, and will take that of a hermit that I may pass unknown.' Having then secretly made ready this habit, while her parents thought to have married her, her father having promised her to a rich French merchant, she prevented the time, and on Easter evening, having cut her hair, put on the habit, and slept a little, she went out of her chamber


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 The admiral in command of the British ships on the North American station was George Cranfield Berkeley, a brother of the Earl of Berkeley. To him, at Halifax, the British officers in Chesapeake Bay reported their grievances; and Admiral Berkeley, without waiting for authority from England, issued the following orders, addressed to all the ships under his command:—

 * "Whereas many seamen, subjects of his Britannic Majesty, and serving in his ships and vessels as per margin ["Bellona," "Belleisle," "Triumph," "Chichester," "Halifax," "Zenobia"], while at anchor in the Chesapeake, deserted and entered on board the United States frigate called the 'Chesapeake,' and openly paraded the streets of Norfolk, in sight of their officers, under the American flag, protected by the magistrates of the town and the recruiting officer belonging to the above-mentioned American frigate, which magistrates and naval officer refused giving them up, although demanded by his Britannic Majesty's consul, as well as the captains of the ships from which the said men had deserted:

 * "The captains and commanders of his Majesty's ships and vessels under my command are therefore hereby required and directed, in case of meeting with the American frigate 'Chesapeake' at sea, and without the limits of the United States, to show to the captain of her this order, and to require to search his ship for the deserters from the before-mentioned ships, and to proceed and search for the same; and if a similar demand should be made by the American, he is to be permitted to search for any deserters from their service, according to the customs and usage of civilized nations on terms of peace and amity with each other."


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336 all evil company, taking leave of father and mother, and all other relations, and traveled up and down as a stranger on the earth, which way the Lord inclined my heart; taking a chamber to myself in the town where I came, and tarrying sometimes more, sometimes less in a place: for I durst not stay long in a place, being afraid both of professor and profane, lest, being a tender young man, I should be hurt by conversing much with either. For which reason I kept much as a stranger, seeking heavenly wisdom and getting knowledge from the Lord; and was brought off from outward things, to rely on the Lord alone. As I had forsaken the priests, so I left the separate preachers also, and those called the most experienced people; for I saw there was none among them all that could speak to my condition. And when all my hopes in them and in all men were gone so that I had nothing outwardly to help me, nor could tell what to do; then, oh then, I heard a voice which said, 'There is one, even Jesus Christ, that can speak to thy condition.' When I heard it, my heart did leap for joy. Then the Lord let me see why there was none upon the earth that could speak to my condition. I had not fellowship with any people, priests, nor professors, nor any sort of separated people. I was afraid of all carnal talk and talkers, for I could see nothing but corruptions. When I was in the deep, under all shut up, I could not believe that I should ever overcome; my troubles, my sorrows, and my temptations were so great that I often thought I should have despaired, I was so tempted. But when Christ opened to me how he was tempted by the same devil, and had overcome him, and had bruised his head; and that through him and his power, life, grace, and spirit, I should overcome also, I had confidence in him. If I had had a king's diet, palace, and attendance, all would have been as nothing; for nothing gave me comfort but the Lord by his power. I saw professors, priests, and people were whole and at ease in that condition which was my misery, and they loved that which I would have been rid of. But the Lord did stay my desires upon himself, and my care was cast upon him alone."


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 The admiral's conception of the "customs and usage of civilized nations" did not expressly require the use of force; and any captain or commander who received this circular must at once have asked whether, in case the American captain should refuse to allow a search,—as was certain,—force should be employed. The order, dated June 1, 1807, was sent to Chesapeake Bay by the frigate "Leopard," commanded by Captain S. P. Humphreys; and since the "Leopard" was the admiral's flagship, Captain Humphreys was probably acquainted with the meaning of his instructions. The "Leopard" arrived at Lynnhaven on the morning of June 21; and Captain Humphreys reported his arrival and orders to Captain John Erskine Douglas of the "Bellona," a line-of-battle ship, then lying with the "Melampus" frigate in Lynnhaven Bay, enjoying the hospitality of the American government. Apparently Captain Douglas carried verbal explanations of the order from Captain Humphreys, for he made no attempt to qualify its extremest meaning. The "Leopard" remained twenty-four hours with the "Bellona," while the two commanders were in consultation. The next morning, June 22, at 4, the "Leopard" made sail, and two hours later re-anchored a few miles to the eastward, and about three miles north of Cape Henry Lighthouse.

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Rh youth, at sunrise, sitting in the ruins of the castle of Faucigny; and again in the mountains, under the noonday sun, above Lavey, lying at the foot of a tree and visited by three butterflies; once more at night upon the shingly shore of the Northern Ocean, my back upon the sand and my vision ranging through the milky way;—such grand and spacious, immortal, cosmogonic reveries, when one reaches to the stars, when one owns the infinite! Moments divine, ecstatic hours; in which our thought flies from world to world, pierces the great enigma, breathes with a respiration broad, tranquil, and deep as the respiration of the ocean, serene and limitless as the blue firmament; … instants of irresistible intuition in which one feels one's self great as the universe, and calm as a god. … What hours, what memories! The vestiges they leave behind are enough to fill us with belief and enthusiasm, as if they were visits of the Holy Ghost."

Here is a similar record from the memoirs of that interesting German idealist, Malwida von Meysenbug:—

The well-known passage from Walt Whitman is a classical expression of this sporadic type of mystical experience.


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396

I could easily give more instances, but one will suffice. I take it from the Autobiography of J. Trevor.

"One brilliant Sunday morning, my wife and boys went to the Unitarian Chapel in Macclesfield. I felt it impossible to accompany them—as though to leave the sunshine on the hills, and go down there to the chapel, would be for the time an act of spiritual suicide. And I felt such need for new inspiration and expansion in my life. So, very reluctantly and sadly, I left my wife and boys to go down into the town, while I went further up into the hills with my stick and my dog. In the loveliness of the morning, and the beauty of the hills and valleys, I soon lost my sense of sadness and regret. For nearly an hour I walked along the road to the 'Cat and Fiddle,' and then returned. On the way back, suddenly, without warning, I felt that I was in Heaven—an inward state of peace and joy


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Rh hearsay. Then I recognized that what pertains most exclusively to their method is just what no study can grasp, but only transport, ecstasy, and the transformation of the soul. How great, for example, is the difference between knowing the definitions of health, of satiety, with their causes and conditions, and being really healthy or filled. How different to know in what drunkenness consists,—as being a state occasioned by a vapor that rises from the stomach,—and being drunk effectively. Without doubt, the drunken man knows neither the definition of drunkenness nor what makes it interesting for science. Being drunk, he knows nothing; whilst the physician, although not drunk, knows well in what drunkenness consists, and what are its predisposing conditions. Similarly there is a difference between knowing the nature of abstinence, and being abstinent or having one's soul detached from the world.—Thus I had learned what words could teach of Sufism, but what was left could be learned neither by study nor through the ears, but solely by giving one's self up to ecstasy and leading a pious life.

"Reflecting on my situation, I found myself tied down by a multitude of bonds—temptations on every side. Considering my teaching, I found it was impure before God. I saw myself struggling with all my might to achieve glory and to spread my name. [Here follows an account of his six months' hesitation to break away from the conditions of his life at Bagdad, at the end of which he fell ill with a paralysis of the tongue.] Then, feeling my own weakness, and having entirely given up my own will, I repaired to God like a man in distress who has no more resources. He answered, as he answers the wretch who invokes him. My heart no longer felt any difficulty in renouncing glory, wealth, and my children. So I quitted Bagdad, and reserving from my fortune only what was indispensable for my subsistence, I distributed the rest. I went to Syria, where I remained about two years, with no other occupation than living in retreat and solitude, conquering my desires, combating my passions, training myself to purify my soul, to make my character perfect, to prepare my heart for meditating on God—all according to the methods of the Sufis, as I had read of them.


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404 "This retreat only increased my desire to live in solitude, and to complete the purification of my heart and fit it for meditation. But the vicissitudes of the times, the affairs of the family, the need of subsistence, changed in some respects my primitive resolve, and interfered with my plans for a purely solitary life. I had never yet found myself completely in ecstasy, save in a few single hours; nevertheless, I kept the hope of attaining this state. Every time that the accidents led me astray, I sought to return; and in this situation I spent ten years. During this solitary state things were revealed to me which it is impossible either to describe or to point out. I recognized for certain that the Sufis are assuredly walking in the path of God. Both in their acts and in their inaction, whether internal or external, they are illumined by the light which proceeds from the prophetic source. The first condition for a Sufi is to purge his heart entirely of all that is not God. The next key of the contemplative life consists in the humble prayers which escape from the fervent soul, and in the meditations on God in which the heart is swallowed up entirely. But in reality this is only the beginning of the Sufi life, the end of Sufism being total absorption in God. The intuitions and all that precede are, so to speak, only the threshold for those who enter. From the beginning, revelations take place in so flagrant a shape that the Sufis see before them, whilst wide awake, the angels and the souls of the prophets. They hear their voices and obtain their favors. Then the transport rises from the perception of forms and figures to a degree which escapes all expression, and which no man may seek to give an account of without his words involving sin.

"Whoever has had no experience of the transport knows of the true nature of prophetism nothing but the name. He may meanwhile be sure of its existence, both by experience and by what he hears the Sufis say. As there are men endowed only with the sensitive faculty who reject what is offered them in the way of objects of the pure understanding, so there are intellectual men who reject and avoid the things perceived by the prophetic faculty. A blind man can understand nothing of colors save what he has learned by narration and hearsay. Yet God


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Rh Müller's custom was to never run up bills, not even for a week. "As the Lord deals out to us by the day, … the week's payment might become due and we have no money to meet it; and thus those with whom we deal might be inconvenienced by us, and we be found acting against the commandment of the Lord: 'Owe no man anything.' From this day and henceforward whilst the Lord gives to us our supplies by the day, we purpose to pay at once for every article as it is purchased, and never to buy anything except we can pay for it at once, however much it may seem to be needed, and however much those with whom we deal may wish to be paid only by the week."

The articles needed of which Müller speaks were the food, fuel, etc., of his orphanages. Somehow, near as they often come to going without a meal, they hardly ever seem actually to have done so. "Greater and more manifest nearness of the Lord's presence I have never had than when after breakfast there were no means for dinner for more than a hundred persons; or when after dinner there were no means for the tea, and yet the Lord provided the tea; and all this without one single human being having been informed about our need. … Through Grace my mind is so fully assured of the faithfulness of the Lord, that in the midst of the greatest need, I am enabled in peace to go about my other work. Indeed, did not the Lord give me this, which is the result of trusting in him, I should scarcely be able to work at all; for it is now comparatively a rare thing that a day comes when I am not in need for one or another part of the work."

In building his orphanages simply by prayer and faith, Müller affirms that his prime motive was "to have something to point to as a visible proof that our God and Father is the same faithful God that he ever was,—as willing as ever to prove himself the living God, in our day as formerly, to all that put their trust in him." For this reason he refused to borrow money for any of his enterprises. "How does it work


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Rh moment, when they threaten to impede the effort after higher interests.)

"Besides all this, other noteworthy things come to pass, of which it is not easy to give account. There is no doubt whatever that now one walks continually through 'open doors' and on the easiest roads, with as little care and trouble as it is possible to imagine.

"Furthermore one finds one's self settling one's affairs neither too early nor too late, whereas they were wont to be spoiled by untimeliness, even when the preparations had been well laid. In addition to this, one does them with perfect tranquillity of mind, almost as if they were matters of no consequence, like errands done by us for another person, in which case we usually act more calmly than when we act in our own concerns. Again, one finds that one can wait for everything patiently, and that is one of life's great arts. One finds also that each thing comes duly, one thing after the other, so that one gains time to make one's footing sure before advancing farther. And then everything occurs to us at the right moment, just what we ought to do, etc., and often in a very striking way, just as if a third person were keeping watch over those things which we are in easy danger of forgetting.

"Often, too, persons are sent to us at the right time, to offer or ask for what is needed, and what we should never have had the courage or resolution to undertake of our own accord.

"Through all these experiences one finds that one is kindly and tolerant of other people, even of such as are repulsive, negligent, or ill-willed, for they also are instruments of good in God's hand, and often most efficient ones. Without these thoughts it would be hard for even the best of us always to keep our equanimity. But with the consciousness of divine guidance, one sees many a thing in life quite differently from what would otherwise be possible.

"All these are things that every human being knows, who has had experience of them; and of which the most speaking examples could be brought forward. The highest resources of worldly wisdom are unable to attain that which, under divine leading, comes to us of its own accord."


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Rh 'hypothesis' renounces the ambition to be coercive in his arguments. The most I can do is, accordingly, to offer something that may fit the facts so easily that your scientific logic will find no plausible pretext for vetoing your impulse to welcome it as true.

The 'more,' as we called it, and the meaning of our 'union' with it, form the nucleus of our inquiry. Into what definite description can these words be translated, and for what definite facts do they stand? It would never do for us to place ourselves offhand at the position of a particular theology, the Christian theology, for example, and proceed immediately to define the 'more' as Jehovah, and the 'union' as his imputation to us of the righteousness of Christ. That would be unfair to other religions, and, from our present standpoint at least, would be an over-belief.

We must begin by using less particularized terms; and, since one of the duties of the science of religions is to keep religion in connection with the rest of science, we shall do well to seek first of all a way of describing the 'more,' which psychologists may also recognize as real. The subconscious self is nowadays a well-accredited psychological entity; and I believe that in it we have exactly the mediating term required. Apart from all religious considerations, there is actually and literally more life in our total soul than we are at any time aware of. The exploration of the transmarginal field has hardly yet been seriously undertaken, but what Mr. Myers said in 1892 in his essay on the Subliminal Consciousness is


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512 as true as when it was first written: "Each of us is in reality an abiding psychical entity far more extensive than he knows—an individuality which can never express itself completely through any corporeal manifestation. The Self manifests through the organism; but there is always some part of the Self unmanifested; and always, as it seems, some power of organic expression in abeyance or reserve." Much of the content of this larger background against which our conscious being stands out in relief is insignificant. Imperfect memories, silly jingles, inhibitive timidities, 'dissolutive' phenomena of various sorts, as Myers calls them, enter into it for a large part. But in it many of the performances of genius seem also to have their origin; and in our study of conversion, of mystical experiences, and of prayer, we have seen how striking a part invasions from this region play in the religious life.

Let me then propose, as an hypothesis, that whatever it may be on its farther side, the 'more' with which in religious experience we feel ourselves connected is on its hither side the subconscious continuation of our conscious life. Starting thus with a recognized psychological fact as our basis, we seem to preserve a contact with 'science' which the ordinary theologian lacks. At the same time the theologian's contention that the religious man is moved by an external power is vindicated, for it is one of the peculiarities of invasions from the


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. The inefficiency of the Government in doing those duties which governments had hitherto been created to perform, was shown even more strikingly in the story of the "Chesapeake" than in the conspiracy of Burr. The frigate "Constitution" had sailed for the Mediterranean in August, 1803. The Government knew that her crew were entitled to their discharge, and that the President had no right to withhold it. The country was at peace; no emergency of any kind existed. A single ship of about one thousand tons burden needed to be fitted for sea at a date fixed three years beforehand; yet when the time came and the "Constitution" ought to have reached home, the "Chesapeake" had not so much as begun preparation. Captain James Barron was selected to command her as commodore of the Mediterranean squadron; Captain Charles Gordon—a native of the eastern shore of Maryland, the youngest master-commandant on the list—was appointed as her captain. Both were good officers and seamen; but Gordon received his orders only February 22, and could not take command until May 1,—long after he should have reached Gibraltar. Such was the inefficiency of the navy-yard at Washington that although the Secretary of the Navy had the "Chesapeake" under his eye and was most anxious to fit her out, and although Gordon fretted incessantly, making bitter complaints of delay, the frigate still remained in the mechanics' hands until the month of May. According to Commodore Barron the Washington


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[12th 1809.]

HEREAS Irregularities and Inconveniencies have arien or may arie from the unneceary Multiplicity of Regiters in Scotland in which Deeds and other Writings may be competently recorded, either for Execution or for Preervation: And whereas the Laws heretofore devied for regulating the Formation and Cutody of the Public Records, and more epecially of thoe in the Local Regitries throughout Scotland, have not been found effectual; and it is of high Importance that the Whole of the Public Records within that Part of the United Kingdom hould be placed under one general and effectual Plan of Management and Controul: And whereas by an Act of the Parliament of Scotland, paed on the Thirteenth Day of June in the Year One thouand ix hundred and eighty-five, intituled, Act concerning the Regitration of Writs in the Books of Seion, it is inter alia tatuted and ordained, "That no Clerk of inferior Court for the future preume to regitrate any Writs in his Books, either for Conervation or where Execution is to pas againt any Party that dwells without the Juridiction, under the Pain of Deprivation and of Five hundred Merks of Penalty, the one Half to his Majety, and the other Half to the Party puruer," which Proviions of the aforeaid Act it has become neceary to renew, modify, and enlarge; May it therefore pleae Your Majety that it may be enacted; and be it enacted by the King's mot Excellent Majety, by and with the Advice and Conent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this preent Parliament aembled, and by the Authority of the ame, That from and after the Expiration of Six Months after the paing of this Act, but with and under the Exceptions and Reervations herein, after mentioned, it hall not be


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 navy-yard was more than incompetent. "I have long known," he claimed to have written, "the perverse disposition of the rulers of that establishment." Yet he urged Gordon to complete his outfit at Washington, because the Norfolk yard was worse. "I would by no means advise your leaving the navy-yard with any unfinished work and depend on Norfolk. You will experience more difficulty and trouble than you can imagine." As Burr's trial showed that the army was honeycombed by incompetence and conspiracy, so Barron's court-martial proved that nothing in naval administration could be depended upon.

For much of this, Congress and the people were responsible, and they accepted their own feebleness as the necessary consequence of a system which acted through other agencies than force; but much was also due to the Administration and to the President's instincts, which held him aloof from direct contact with both services. Jefferson did not love the deck of a man-of-war or enjoy the sound of a boatswain's whistle. The ocean was not his element; and his appetite for knowledge never led him to criticise the management of his frigates or his regiments so long as he could shut his eyes to their shortcomings. Thus while Wilkinson was left at his own pleasure to create or to stifle a rebellion at New Orleans, the crew of the "Constitution" were in a state of mutiny


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Rh woods of Annesley, dark and fascinating. Already his heart went down. He Was being taken into bondage. His freedom in the beloved home valley was going now.

The brewers’ waggons came rolling up from Keston with enormous barrels, four a side, like beans in a burst bean-pod. The waggoner, throned aloft, rolling massively in his seat, was not so much below Paul’s eye. The man’s hair, on his small, bullet head, was bleached almost white by the sun, and on his thick red arms, rocking idly on his sack apron, the white hairs glistened. His red face shone and was almost asleep with sunshine. The horses, handsome and brown, went on by themselves, looking by far the masters of the show.

Paul wished he were stupid. “I wish,” he thought to himself, “I was fat like him, and like a dog in the sun. I wish I was a pig and a brewer’s waggoner.”

Then, the room being at last empty, he would hastily copy an advertisement on a scrap of paper, then another, and slip out in immense relief. His mother would scan over his copies.

“Yes,” she said, “you may try.”

William had written out a letter of application, couched in admirable business language, which Paul copied, with variations. The boy’s handwriting was execrable, so that William, who did all things well, got into a fever of impatience.

The elder brother was becoming quite swanky. In London he found that he could associate with men far above his Bestwood friends in station. Some of the clerks in the office had studied for the law, and were more or less going through a kind of apprenticeship. William always made friends among men wherever he went, he was so jolly. Therefore he was soon visiting and staying in houses of men who, in Bestwood, would have looked down on the unapproachable bank manager, and would merely have called indifferently on the Rector. So he began to fancy himself as a great gun. He was, indeed, rather surprised at the ease with which he became a gentleman.

His mother was glad, he seemed so pleased. And his lodging in Walthamstow was so dreary. But now there seemed to come a kind of fever into the young man’s letters. He was unsettled by all the change, he did not stand firm on his own feet, but seemed to spin rather giddily on the quick current of the new life. His mother was anxious for him. She could feel him losing himself. He had danced and gone to the theatre, boated on the river, been out with friends;


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298 be lawful for the Clerks of Royal Burghs, or of Burghs of Regality or Barony within Scotland, to receive any Deeds or other Writings for the Purpoe of being recorded by them in the Books or Regiters of their repective Courts, either in virtue of an Act of the Parliament of Scotland paed on the Thirtieth Day of Augut in the Year One thouand ix hundred and ninety-eight, intituled, Act concerning Regitration of Probative Writs, or in virtue of any Claue contained in uch Deeds and Writings, conenting that the ame hould be recorded either for Preervation thereof, or for Execution: Provided always, that this Act hall not extend to or affect the Right of the Clerks of Royal Burghs to receive Intruments of Protet on Bills of Exchange, Inland Bills and Promiory Notes, and to record the ame: Provided alo, that this Act hall not extend to or affect the Right of the Clerks of Royal Burghs to record in their Books Intruments of Seiin and other Writs relative to heritable Property holding Tenements within in Burgage and ituated within their repective Burghs or Liberties thereof in virtue of an Act of the Parliament of Scotland, paed on the Sixth Day of September in the Year One thouand ix hundred and eighty-one, intituled, Act concerning the Regitration of Seiins and Reverions of Tenements and Deeds within Burgh: Provided alo, that this Act hall not extend to or affect the Right of the Clerks of Royal Burghs to receive and record Dipoitions, Tacks, and other Deeds, relating excluively to the Property or Poeion of Subjects holding in Burgage and ituated within uch Burghs or Liberties thereof repectively,  or any Deeds or Intruments where all the Parties to the ame hall be Burgees or have a legal Domicil within uch Burghs, at the Time that uch Deeds or Intruments hall be preented for Regitration.

II. And be it further enacted, That from and after the Expiration of Six Months after the paing of this Act, it hall not be lawful for the Clerks of the everal Commiary Courts within Scotland, to receive any Deed or other Writing for the Purpoe of being recorded by them in the Books or Regiters of their repective courts, either in virtue of the above mentioned Act of the Parliament of Scotland, paed on the Thirtieth Day of Augut in the Year One thouand ix hundred and ninety-eight, or in virtue of any Claue contained in uch Deeds or Writings conenting that the ame hould be recorded either for Preervation thereof or for Execution, or in virtue of an Act of the Parliament of Scotland, paed on the Sixteenth Day of September in the Year One thouand ix hundred and eighty-one, intituled, Act concerning Bills of Exchange, or of any Acts of the Parliament of Great Britain authorizing the Regitration of Bills and Promiory Notes for the Purpoe of ummary Execution.

III. And be it further enacted, That, if after the Date aforeaid, any of the Clerks of Royal Burghs, or Burghs of Regality or Barony, or any of the Clerks of the Commiary Courts within Scotland, hall receive any of the above-mentioned Deeds or Writings, for the Purpoes of recording the ame in their repective Books or Regiters, or hall trancribe the ame into their Books, or hall give forth Copies thereof, bearing to be Extracts from their repective Books or Regiters, excepting as above excepted, the aforeaid Books, Copies, and Extracts, hall not make Faith or be of any Avail or Authority whatever; and the aforeaid Clerks or others o offending hall be liable in a Penalty of Five Pounds for each Offence, which may be ued for and hall be recoverable to his own Ue, together


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Hatherley personal indignities. She was tried for witchcraft at Guildhall assizes in July and acquitted, whereupon Hathaway was ordered to take his trial as a cheat and a rioter. Popular sympathy was in his favour. Bills were put up in several churches to pray for him against his trial, and subscriptions were started for his support. He was tried before Chief-justice Holt on two indictments for imposture, riot, and assault, found guilty on all charges, and on 8 May 1702 was fined two hundred marks, and sentenced to stand in the pillory at Southwark, Cornhill, and Temple Bar on three different days (, Brief Relation, v. 172), after which he was to be well flogged and kept to hard labour for six months. Nothing further is known of him.

 HATHERLEY, (1801–1881), lord chancellor. [See .] HATHERTON, (1791–1863). [See .]

HATHWAY, RICHARD (fl. 1602), dramatist, was probably a native of Warwickshire. Several families of the name resided in the sixteenth century at Stratford-on-Avon and its immediate neighbourhood. Shakespeare's wife was Anne Hathway or Hathaway of Shottery, and her father's christian name was Richard. Richard Hathway, the dramatist, was possibly related to the Shottery family (cf., Outlines of Life of Shakespeare, 7th edit. ii. 183 sq.)

Although named by Francis Meres in 1598 as among the best writers of comedy in his day (Wit's Treasury, New Shakspere Soc., p. 161), Hathway was one of the struggling dramatists in the pay of Philip Henslowe, the manager of the Rose Theatre, and usually wrote in conjunction with one, two, or three writers in the same unhappy condition. Only one of the plays in which he was concerned is known to be extant, and that is in print. It is entitled ‘The First Part of the True and Honorable Historie of the Life of Sir John Old-castle, the good Lord Cobham;’ was played for the first time at the Rose between 1 and 8 Nov. 1599, and was the joint work of Hathway, Drayton, Munday, and Robert Wilson, who, on the previous 16 Oct., received from Henslowe for the first part and in earnest of a second part 10l. The success seems to have been sufficient to induce Henslowe to make the four poets a present of half a crown each (Diary, Shakespeare Soc., p. 158). The play, together with a second part, was licensed for publication by the Stationers' Company to Thomas Pavier 11 Aug. 1600. Nothing is known of the second part beyond this entry in the Stationers' registers, which does not supply the authors' names. Two editions of the first part were issued in quarto by Pavier in 1600—one anonymously, and the other with the name of Shakespeare on the title-page, a very fraudulent device.

In the composition of the following plays, none of them extant, Hathway is reported to have had a share: 1. ‘The Life of Arthur, King of England,’ acted by the lord admiral's servants in Henslowe's theatre in 1598, and for which the manager paid the author 20s. ‘in earnest’ 11 April 1598. 2. ‘Valentine and Orson’ (with Munday), acted in 1598 (an interlude with this title, ‘played by her majesty's players,’ was licensed for publication 23 May 1595, and ‘a famous history,’ with this title, also played by ‘her majesty's players,’ was similarly licensed 31 March 1599–1600, but no printed copy is known). 3. ‘Owen Tudor’ (with Wilson, Munday, and Drayton), for which they received on account 4l. in January 1599 (ib. p. 163). 4. ‘Hannibal and Scipio’ (with William Rankins), in January 1600 (ib. pp. 97, 174, 175). 5. An unnamed play (with Rankins) in January 1600, in which Scogan, or Scoggin, and Skelton (a jester and jester-poet of the reign of Henry VIII) were characters (ib. p. 175). 6. ‘The Fayre Constance of Rome’ (with Munday, Drayton, and Dekker), which was completed on 14 June 1600 (ib. p. 171). A week later the four poets were busy on a second part of the same drama (ib. p. 172). 7. ‘The Conquest of Spain by John of Gaunt,’ a play belonging to the spring of 1601 (with Day and William Haughton) (cf. Alleyn Papers, Shakespeare Soc., p. 25). 8. ‘The Sixe Clothyers of the West’ (with Hathway, Wentworth Smith, and Haughton), in May or June 1601. A second part was acted in the same year. 9. ‘Too Good to be True, or the Poor Northern Man,’ a piece founded upon the old ballad reprinted by the Percy Society in 1841 (with Henry Chettle and Wentworth Smith) in 1601 (Alleyn Papers, p. 25). 10. ‘As Merry as May be’ (with Wentworth Smith and Day), acted in 1602. 11. ‘The Black Dog of Newgate’ (with Day, Smith, and ‘the other poet’), acted in 1602. A second part was produced in the same year. 12. ‘The Boast of Billingsgate’ (with Day), acted in 1602. 13. ‘The Fortunate General: a French History,’ acted in 1602. 14. ‘The Unfortunate General’ (with Day, Smith, and ‘the other poet’), acted early in 1603. Hathway has verses before J. Bodenham's ‘Belvedére,’ 1600.


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Rh together with the Expences of Proces, by the Sheriff Clerk or Stewart Clerk of the Shire or Stewartry within which uch Offence hall have been committed, on a ummary Complaint to the Sheriff Depute or Stewart Depute of uch Shire or Stewartry; and in Default of uch Proecution at the Intance of the Sheriff Clerk or Stewart Clerk, within Twelve Months from the Date of the Commiion of uch Offence, then uch Penalty hall and may be ued for and recovered, together with the Expences of Proces, by the Lord Clerk Regiter on a ummary Complaint preented within Three Years after the Date of uch Offence, to the Lords of Council and Seion, uch Penalty in the latter Cae being olely applicable by the Lord Clerk Regiter, to the Purpoes of the Etablihment of His Majety's General Regiter Houe.

IV. And be it further enacted, That on or before the Expiration of Six Months after the paing of this Act, the Clerk of the Commrary Court of Edinburgh hall deliver to the Lord Clerk Regiter, or his Deputy Keepers of Records, all the Books or Regiters of Deeds or of Probative Writings kept by them and their Predeceors in Office, and which hall be in their Cutody, together with the Minute Books and Warrants of the aid Regiters or Books of Record, and with an Inventory of the whole, to the Accuracy and Completenes of which the aid Clerks hall make Oath before the Lords of Council and Seion; and that the Lord Clerk Regiter or his Deputy Keepers of Recordshall receive the aforeaid Books, Regiters, and Warrants to be depoited with the other Public Records of Scotland, and hall make and ubcribe a full Duplicate of the aforeaid Inventory, to be delivered to and depoited by the aid Clerk with the other Records of the Commiary Court remaining under his Cutody and Care.

V. And be it further enacted, That on or before the Expiration of Six Months after the paing of this Act, the Clerks of the everal inferior Commiary Courts hall deliver to the Sheriff Clerks or Stewart Clerks of the Shires or Stewartries within which uch Commiary Courts are repectively ituated, all the Books or Regiters of Deeds or of Probative Writings, if any, which have been kept by them and their Predeceors in Office, and which hall be in their Cutody, together with the Minute Books and Warrants of the ame, and with an inventory of the whole, to the Accuracy and Completenes of which, the aid Clerks repectively shall make Oath in the Court of the Sheriff Depute or Stewart Depute, and that the aid Sheriff Clerks and Stewart Clerks hall receive the aforeaid Books, Regiters, and Warrants repectively, to be depoited with the other Public Records under their Cutody and Care, andhall make and ubcribe full duplicates of the aforeaid Inventories to be delivered to and depoited by the aid Commiary clerks with the other Public Records remaining under their Cutody and Care.

VI. And be it further enacted, That on or before the Expiration of Six Months after the paing of this Act, the Clerks of the everal Burghs of Regality and Barony aforeaid, hall in like Manner deliver to the Sheriff Clerks or Stewart Clerks of the Shires or Stewartries within which uch Burghs are repectively ituated, all the Books or Regiters of Deeds or of Probative Writings, if any, which have been kept by them and their Predeceors in office, and which hall be in their Cutody, together with the Minute Books


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304 And be it further enacted, That o oon as uch Compenation hall have been acertained by the Barons of the Court of Exchequer as aforeaid, it hall and may be lawful for the aid Barons, and they are hereby directed and required, from Time to Time to iue their Warrant or Warrants to His Majety's Receiver General for Scotland, who hall thereupon pay the Sum or Sums pecified therein to the Peron or Perons entitled thereto out of any Money then in his Hands; and every Sum o paid upon any uch Warrants hall be allowed in his Account.


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PHILOMELITTM 25 PHILOSOPHY

 Philomelium, titular see in, suffragan of. According to ancient writers Philomelium was situated in the south-west of Phrygia near the frontier of Lycaonia, on the road from to .  It formed part of the "w:conventus iuridicus:conventus" of. Its coins show that it was allied with the neighbouring city of Mandropolis (now Mandra). In the sixth century it formed part of, the inhabitants of which pronounced its name Philomede or Philomene. In the Middle Ages it is often mentioned by historians in connexion with the wars with the Seljukian sultans of. In the twelfth century it was one of the chief cities of the sultanate; from this time it bore the Turkish name of Ak-Sheher (white city), and to-day is the chief town of the caza of the vilayet of Konieh, numbering 4000 inhabitants, nearly all Mussulmans, and is a station on the railway from Eski-Shehr to Konieh. The ancient ruins are unimportant; they include a few inscriptions, some of them. In a suburb is the tomb of Nasr Eddin Hodja, famous for his sanctity among the Turks. Christianity was introduced into Philomelium at an early date. In 196 the wrote to the Church of Philomelium announcing the martyrdom of  ( "Hist. Eccl.", IV, xix). Seven of its bishops are known: Theosebius, present at the (381); Paul, at  (451); Marcianus, who signed the letter to Emperor Leo from the bishops of  (458); Aristodemus, present at the  (553); Marinus, at  (680 and 692); Sisinnius, at  (787); Euthymius at the  (879). In the Greek "Notitiæ episcopatuum" Philomelium is first mentioned among the suffragan sees of in, and in the ninth century among those of Amorium in Phrygia. It receives mention until the thirteenth century.

 Philomena, .—On 25 May, 1802, during the quest for the graves of Roman martyrs in the Catacomb of Priscilla, a tomb was discovered and opened; as it contained a glass vessel it was assumed to be the grave of a martyr. The view, then erroneously enter- tained in Rome, that the presence of such vessels (sup- posed to have contained the martyr's blood) in a grave was a symbol of martj-rdora, has been rejected in practice since the investigations of De Rossi (cf. Leclercq in "Diet, d'archeol. chret. et de liturg.", s. v. Ampoules de sang). The remains found in the above- mentioned tomb were shown to be those of a young maiden, and, as the name Filumena was discovered on the earthenware slabs closing the grave, it was as- sumed that they were those of a virgin martjT named Philumena. On 8 June, 1805, the relics were trans- lated to the church of Mugnano, Diocese of Nola (near Naples), and enshrined under one of its altars. In 1827 Leo XII presented the church with the three earthen- ware tiles with the inscription, which may be seen in the church even to-day. On the basis of alleged reve- lations to a nun in Naples, and of an entirely fanciful and indefensible explanation of the allegorical paint- ings, which were found on the slabs beside the inscrip- tion, a canon of the church in Mugnano, named Di Lucia, composed a purely fictitious and romantic account of the suppo.sed martyrdom of St. Philomena, who is not mentioned in any of the ancient sources. In consequence of the wonderful favours received in answer to prayer before the relics of the saint at Mu- gnano, devotion to them spread rapidly, and, after in- stituting investigations into the question, Gregory XVI appointed a special feast to be held on 9 September, "in honorem s. Philumena' virginis et martyris" (cf. the lessons of this feast in the Roman Breviary). The earthenware plates were fixed in front of the grave as follows : LuMEN.i Pax tecu-m Fi. The plates were evidently inserted in the wrong order, and the inscrip- tion should doubtless read P.x tecum FiLrMEX.. The letters are painted on the plates with red paint, and the inscription belongs to the primitive class of epi- graphical memorials in the Catacomb of Priscilla, thus dating from about the middle or second half of the second century. The disarrangement of the inscrip- tion proves that it must have been completed before the plates were put in position, although in the numer- ous other examples of this kind in the same catacomb the inscription was added only after the grave had been closed. Consequently, since the disarrangement of the plates can scarcely be explained as arising from an error, Marucchi seems justified in concluding that the inscription and plates originally belonged to an earlier grave, and were later employed (now in the wrong order) to close another. Apart from the letters, the plates contain three arrows, either as a decoration or as punctuation, a leaf as decoration, two anchors, and a palm as the well-known Christian symbols. Neither these signs nor the glass vessel discovered in the grave can be regarded as a proof of martyrdom. De W.4AL. D. Grabschrifl d. Philumena aus d. CBmeterium d Priscilla in Rom. Quartalschr., XII (1898), 42 sqq., with illustra- tion after an original photograph; Casciou, S. Filumena. vergine e marlire (Rome, 1904); Bonatexia, Conlrorersia sul eelehre epitaffio di S. Filumena vergine e marlire (Rome. 1906); Idem. La quealione puramente arckeologica e slorico-archeologica nella cmitro- versia Filumeniarui (Rome, 1907); Marucchi, Studio archeologico sutla celebre iscrizione di Filumena scoperla nel cimitero di Priscilla in Nuovo BuUettino di archeol. crist., XII (1906), 253 sqq. J. P. KiRSCH.

 Philoponus,. See ;.

 Philosophumena. See.

 Philosophy.—I. Definition of Philosophy. II. Division of Philosophy. III. The Principal Systematic Solutions. IV. Philosophical Methods. V. The Great Historical Currents of Thought. VI. Contemporary Orientations. VII. Is Progress in Philosophy Indefinite, or Is there a Philosophia Perennis? VIII. Philosophy and the Sciences. IX. Philosophy and Religion. X. The Catholic Church and Philosophy. XI. The Teaching of Philosophy. XII. Bibliography.

I. .—According to its etymology, the word " philosophy" (φιλοσοφία, from φιλείν, to love, and σοφία, wisdom) means "the love of wisdom". This sense appears again in sapientia, the word used in the to designate philosophy. In the early stages of, as of every other, civilization, the boundary line between philosophy and other departments of human knowledge was not sharply defined, and philosophy was understood to mean "every striving towards knowledge". This sense of the word survives in Herodotus (I, xxx) and Thucydides (II, xl). In the ninth century of our era,, employing it in the same sense, says that philosophy is "naturarum inquisitio, rerum humanarum divinarumque cognitio quantum homini possibile est aestimare"—investigation of nature, and such knowledge of things human and Divine as is possible for man (P. L., CI, 952).

In its proper acceptation, philosophy does not mean the aggregate of the human sciences, but "the general science of things in the universe by their ultimate determinations and reasons"; or again, "the intimate knowledge of the causes and reasons of things", the profound knowledge of the universal order. Without here enumerating all the historic


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 the very specious pleas here put forward, he would quite enjoy meeting his grandmother on her own ground. He had done it before, and had played the game successfully.

But the suggestion seems to have really appealed to his sense of the fitting; he was hard pressed; he was more anxious for the fate of his God than for the fate of the Empire (a crime for which other sovereigns have suffered similar fates at the hands of infuriated populaces), besides which, Dion tells us that Antonine loved his cousin, stupid and namby-pamby as he undoubtedly was.

And there was yet another side to the suggestion which commended itself to the Emperor's favourable consideration. In his present position Alexianus was a distinct menace to the government. Since Antonine's mistake about Vesta and Severa, his cousin had been used as a lever wherewith to raise popular indignation. There had been two plots, as we have pointed out, to dethrone Antonine; and, presumably, as Julia Mamaea was behind both, to replace him by Alexianus. Why not take the boy into his own keeping, adopt him as Maesa suggested, and, by taking their tool from their hands in response to their own appeal, neutralise the influence of both aunt and grandmother at one swoop? He could then train him in his own way. Alexianus was young — Herodian says about twelve years old — and ought, if he were a natural child, to be easily won by kindness, friendship, and joy. This information of Herodian's as to age is, for a wonder, corroborated by several reliable sources;


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H (Fœdera, xi. 834, xii. 29). He attended Edward IV to France in 1475 (, Proc. Privy Council, vi. Preface, p. cxi). Hatteclyffe retained his office of secretary till 1480, when a coadjutor was given him on account of his age; he died later in the same year (ib. vi. p. cvii). According to Tanner some medical prescriptions of his were preserved at Worsley.

Hatteclyffe was possibly a relative of another (fl. 1500), who was appointed under-treasurer of Ireland on 26 April 1495, and who in 1497–8 was one of the commissioners appointed to pardon Warbeck's adherents in the western counties (Fœdera, xii. 696; Letters and Papers illustrative of Reigns of Richard III and Henry VII, ii. 335, 375). His accounts in the former capacity have been printed (ib. ii. 297–318). He married Isabel, daughter of Agnes Paston, and had issue (Paston Letters, iii. 471). A John Hatteclyffe served under him in Ireland as clerk of the ordnance.

HATTON. [See also .]

HATTON, CHRISTOPHER (1540–1591), lord chancellor, second son of William Hatton of Holdenby, Northamptonshire, who died in 1546, by Alice, daughter of Lawrence Saunders of Harrington in the same county, was born at Holdenby in 1540. The family was old, and claimed, though on doubtful evidence, to be of Norman lineage. Hatton was entered at St. Mary Hall, Oxford, probably about 1555, as a gentleman-commoner. He took no degree, and in November 1559 was admitted to the society of the Inner Temple, where, according to Fuller (Worthies, ‘Northamptonshire’), he ‘rather took a bait than a meal’ of legal study. There is no record of his call to the bar, but the register was not then exactly kept (, Northamptonshire, i. 196;, Cheshire, ed. Helsby, iii. 230; , Fasti Oxon. i. 582). At the Inner Temple revels at Christmas 1561, when a splendid masque was performed, in which Lord Robert Dudley, afterwards Earl of Leicester, figured as ‘Palaphilos, Prince of Sophie, High Constable Marshal of the Knights Templars,’ Hatton played the part of master of the game (, Orig. pp. 150 et seq.). Tall, handsome, and throughout his life a very graceful dancer, he attracted the attention of the queen at a subsequent masque at court, and became one of her gentlemen pensioners in June 1564 (, Ann. Eliz. ed. 1627, ii. 43;, Fragmenta Regalia, 27; , Worthies, ‘Northamptonshire;’ Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1547–80, p. 242). On Sunday, 11 Nov. 1565, and the two following days he displayed his prowess in a tourney held before the queen at Westminster, in honour of the marriage of Ambrose Dudley, earl of Warwick, with Lady Anne Russell, and he jousted again before the queen at the same place in May 1571 (, Cheke, p. 133;, Progr. Eliz. i. 276). Elizabeth gave him in 1565 the abbey and demesne lands of Sulby, nominally in exchange for his manor of Holdenby, which, however, was at the same time leased to him for forty years, and was two years later reconveyed to him in fee; she appointed him (29 July 1568) keeper of her parks at Eltham in Kent and Horne in Surrey; she granted him the reversion of the office of queen's remembrancer in the exchequer (1571), and estates in Yorkshire, Dorsetshire, Herefordshire, the reversion of the monastery De Pratis in Leicestershire, the stewardship of the manors of Wendlingborough in Northamptonshire, and the wardship of three minors (1571–2). She also made him one of the gentlemen of her privy chamber, though at what date is uncertain, and captain of her bodyguard (1572). It was the custom for the courtiers to make the queen new-year's presents, for which they received in return gifts of silver plate varying from fifty to two hundred ounces in weight. Hatton, however, always received four hundred ounces' weight of this plate.

Hatton's relations with the queen were very intimate. When he fell seriously ill in 1573, she visited him daily, was pensive when he left for Spa to recover his health, and sent her own physician, Julio, with him (, Northamptonshire, i. 195;, Ann. fol. ii. pt. i. 306, 337; , Smith, p. 140; , Illustr. ii. 101; , Progr. Eliz. i. 295; , pp. 5–8). His letters to her while on this journey are written in a very extravagant style; e.g. ‘My spirit, I feel, agreeth with my body and life that to serve you is a heaven, but to lack you is more than hell's torment unto them. … Would God I were with you but for one hour. My wits are overwrought with thoughts. I find myself amazed. Bear with me, my most dear sweet lady. Passion overcometh me. I can write no more. Love me, for I love you.’ He signs himself her ‘most happy bondman, Lyddes.’ She also called him her ‘mutton,’ her ‘bellwether,’ her ‘pecora campi.’ Malignant gossip said that he was her paramour,


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 not that Herodian knew he was right even in this case, because he puts the adoption in the year 220 instead of 221, which would have made Alexianus about eleven instead of over twelve years old, as he states.

This is the only rational view to take of the Emperor's apparent gullibility, as Antonine was far too quick-witted not to have scented trouble in any scheme, however specious, to which his aunt was party. He had already heard of her dealings with the soldiers, and of the money that she was spending with a purpose: obviously he saw in the adoption a loophole for his own escape, and at the same time for her undoing. His friends may have warned him to look out for rocks ahead. They knew that the boy was dealing with two able and crafty women made desperate by their continual disappointments; if so, he must have refused to listen to them, for some time early in July Antonine took his cousin Alexianus to the Senate, and there, in the presence of the women, this boy of sixteen summers went through the ceremony of adopting the child of twelve. He then solemnly declared his intention of training his son himself, fitting him for the business of Empire early, in order that he might be free from solicitudes about a successor. Now, this was by no means Mamaea's plan, and caused endless friction in the working.

Antonine obviously thought that some explanation of his decision was needed, and had the audacity to tell the assembled fathers that he was acting on the commands of the great God, who


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H and the Queen of Scots, in a letter written to Elizabeth from Sheffield in November 1584, roundly taxes her with the fact. Mary's information was, however, derived only from Lady Shrewsbury, and there is no substantial ground for supposing that it was accurate (, fol. Parker, ii. 356;, pp. 13–30, 275; , Lettres de Marie Stuart, vi. 51, 52; , History of England, xi. 2–3). Hatton was probably in London in October 1573, when Hawkins, the celebrated seaman, was mistaken for him, and stabbed in the street by one Burchet, a puritan fanatic, who had vowed to take Hatton's life as an ‘enemy to the gospel.’ Elizabeth was hardly restrained from issuing a commission to try Burchet by martial law. In 1575 Elizabeth settled on Hatton an annuity of 400l., and gave him Corfe Castle in Dorsetshire. The Bishop of Ely had granted Hatton a lease of Ely Place for twenty-one years. Hatton coveted the fee-simple, and persuaded Elizabeth to write the bishop a letter requiring him to alienate it, and, according to the traditional but probably unauthentic version, threatening to ‘unfrock’ him if he did not. The bishop expostulated in his best latinity, but a letter from Lord North intimating that the queen meant exactly what she said brought him to reason (20 Nov. 1576). In 1577 the house was further secured to Hatton by royal grant. In July 1578 Hatton attended the queen on her progress to Audley End, celebrated by Gabriel Harvey in his ‘Χαῖρη, vel Gratulatio Valdinensis,’ the fourth book of which is dedicated to the Earl of Oxford, Hatton, and Sir Philip Sidney. About the same time Hatton obtained several fresh grants of land, and on 11 Nov. he was appointed vice-chamberlain of the queen's household, with a seat in the privy council. On 1 Dec. he was knighted at Windsor (, Parker, fol. ii. 449;, Ann. fol. ii. pt. i. 288, 338, 360, 365, pt. ii. 558; , Progr. Eliz. ii. 110, iii. 41; , Diary, Camd. Soc., p. 4; , pp. 36, 38).

Hatton represented Higham Ferrers in parliament in 1571, and Northamptonshire in the following year. At first he was a silent member, but gradually took an important part in politics. He was forward in the prosecution of Stubbes, the author of a book against the projected marriage of the queen with the Duke of Anjou. In 1580 he was appointed keeper of the manor of Pleasaunce in Kent, and one of the commissioners for the increase and breed of horses, and he was one of the commissioners appointed in April 1581 to treat with the envoys from the king of France concerning the French match. Up to this time he had seemed to favour the project, but on the appearance of the duke both he and Walsingham ‘fretted,’ says Camden, ‘as if the queen, the realm, and religion were now undone;’ and when Elizabeth at Greenwich gave the duke (22 Nov.) a ring in the presence of Mauvissière, Hatton came to her and with tears in his eyes besought her to reflect (, pp. 43 et seq., 139–42, 167, 212;, Ann. Eliz., ed. 1615, i. 320–3; Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1547–80, p. 685; , Hist. of England, xi. 446–54). Sir Walter Raleigh was at this time rising into favour with the queen, and Hatton saw fit to exhibit jealousy of him, sending her (1582) some foolish tokens and a reproachful letter. A full account of this curious episode is given in Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas's ‘Life of Hatton.’ Hatton was returned to parliament for Northamptonshire in 1584, and retained the seat at the election of 1586. Having lost the queen's favour he withdrew from court early in 1584, and sulked at Holdenby until Elizabeth condescended to write him two letters desiring his return. He had early become the recognised mouthpiece of the queen in the House of Commons. In this capacity he communicated to the house on 12 March 1575 Elizabeth's desire for the release of Peter Wentworth, who had been committed to the Tower for a speech in defence of free speech, and on 24 Jan. 1581 her disapproval of an ‘apparent contempt’ committed by the house in appointing a public fast to be held at the Temple Church without taking her pleasure (Parl. Hist. i. 802, 812). On the passing of the bill against jesuits and seminary priests (21 Dec. 1584), Hatton read a prayer for the preservation of her majesty's person from their machinations. He also took a leading part in the prosecution of Parry, the only member who ventured to oppose this bill, who confessed having been long engaged in plots against the queen, and was executed in Palace Yard on 2 March 1584–1585 (, p. 408;, State Trials, i. 1095–1111). He was a member of both the commissions which in September 1586 tried Anthony Babington [q. v.] and others for their conspiracy in favour of Mary Queen of Scots, and showed much animation during the proceedings. ‘Is this,’ he said to Ballard, ‘thy religio Catholica? nay, rather it is diabolica’ (ib. 1127–40). He was also one of the Fotheringay commission which tried the Queen of Scots in the following October, and it was he who persuaded her in her own interest to submit to the jurisdiction of the court (, Ann. Eliz., ed. 1615, i. 420).

After sentence had been pronounced (5 Nov.) he hurried to London, and in the


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144 LIFE OF ELAGABALUS chap. had designated Alexianus as the successor to the name and Empire of Severus, — this on the basis of a bastardy almost as probable as his own.

The name Alexander, which was then imposed upon Alexianus, is accounted for both by Lampridius and Dion by two equally untrue and mutually contradictory stories. Lampridius says that the boy was born in the temple of Alexander at Area, on the birthday of Alexander of Macedon, 18th June 208 ; as a matter of fact he was not born until the 1st October of that year, and it was highly improbable that a woman in the social position of Mamaea would allow an accident of the kind to happen in so public and unprepared a position. Dion accounts for the new name by relating the miraculous return from the dead of the Macedonian king, and his spectral journey through Thrace, where he buried a wooden horse which has not since been found, — neither has the consonance of the story been established, for that matter. The real reason for the change of name was perfectly simple ; it was in memory of the devotion which Caracalla, his putative father, had always testified towards King Alexander of Macedon.

The ages of the two principal figures in this ceremony form the peg on which Lampridius hangs not a few jeers. Perhaps it was absurd, but far more unnatural things had been extolled : witness Septimius' adoption of the defunct Marcus Aurelius as his father, which was certainly an even less possible performance in the natural order of generation. If Lampridius jeered later, no one did so at the


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 The incident of the latrinae, mentioned by Lampridius, suggests a murder similar in circumstance to that of Caracalla. What would have been easier than for one of Mamaea's party to seize the boy, alone and unprotected in the latrinae? The Emperor once gone, the obvious thing would be for the conspirators to remove as quickly as possible all those persons who might make things difficult for his successor. Of these, Soaemias would certainly be the most troublesome. Hot and passionate, devoted to her son and to his memory, if she had lived, Rome would have resounded with the noise of the crime. It was obviously necessary to close her mouth with expedition. Why Eutychianus did not suffer the same fate is quite incomprehensible. The only theory that has been suggested is that neither Maesa nor Mamaea felt themselves capable of undertaking the whole administration alone; they felt that they must have at least one man who knew the ropes at their back.

To account for the treatment of Antonine's body at the hands of the mob is certainly difficult. We know that he had done nothing which could have rendered him obnoxious to the populace. To ascribe it to intolerance of his psychopathic condition shows, not only ignorance of Roman susceptibilities, but also a foolish ante-dating of popular prejudice. We certainly have no record of this Emperor's sepulchre; and to dismiss as mere fable the one point on which the authors all agree is equally impossible. The probable solution lies in the fact that Mamaea's money, which had caused the


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 in the Mediterranean, and the officers of the "Chesapeake" were helpless under the control of the navyyard at Washington.

At length, in the earliest days of June, Gordon dropped down the Potomac. The "Chesapeake" was to carry on this cruise an armament of forty guns,—twenty-eight 18-pounders and twelve 32-pound carronades; but owing to the shoals in the river she took but twelve guns on board at Washington, the rest waiting her arrival at Norfolk. With these twelve guns Gordon tried to fire the customary salute in passing Mount Vernon; and he wrote to the secretary in exasperation at the result of this first experience: —

 * "Had we been engaged in an active war I should suspect the officers of the yard with having a design on my character; but fortunately Mount Vernon drew our attention to the guns before we could apprehend any danger from an enemy. In the act of saluting that place I was struck with astonishment when the first lieutenant reported to me that neither the sponges nor cartridges would go in the guns.  I immediately arrested my gunner; but on his satisfying me that he had received them from the gunner of the yard I released him, and hold Mr. Stevenson responsible."

The mistakes were easily corrected, and the ship arrived in Hampton Roads without further incident. Commodore Barron, who first came aboard June 6,


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 wrote at once to the secretary, "that from the extreme cleanliness and order in which I found her I am convinced that Captain Gordon and his officers must have used great exertions. Captain Gordon speaks in high terms of his lieutenants.  The state of the ship proves the justice of his encomiums."

Nevertheless much remained to be done, and in spite of the secretary's urgency the ship was still delayed in Hampton Roads. From June 6 to June 19, notwithstanding bad weather, the whole ship's company were hard worked. The guns were taken on board and fitted; water was got in; spars and rigging had to be overhauled, and stores for four hundred men on a three-years cruise were shipped. June 19 the guns were all fitted, and the crew could for the first time be assigned to their stations at quarters. According to the custom of the service, the guns were charged with powder and shot. They had no locks, and were fired by the old-fashioned slow-match, or by loggerheads kept in the magazine and heated red-hot in the galley fire whenever need for them arose.

June 19 Captain Gordon considered the ship ready for sea, and wrote to the commodore on shore, "We are unmoored and ready for weighing the first fair wind." Both Captain Gordon and Commodore Barron were aware that the decks were more or less


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H House of Commons dilated on ‘the horrible and wicked practices’ of ‘the Queen of Scots so called,’ concluding with the ominous words ‘Ne pereat Israel, pereat Absalom.’ The house adjourned, and next day voted for a petition to the queen for the execution of the sentence. After the presentation of the petition Hatton acquainted the house (14 Nov.) with the desire of Elizabeth that Mary might be spared if it could be done with safety, upon which the house voted in the negative. Together with William Davison (1541?–1608) [q. v.] he conducted (January 1586–7) the examination of Moody, a supposed agent of the French ambassador in a plot to assassinate the queen (Parl. Hist. i. 836, 843;, State Papers, pp. 578–83). In a long speech in the House of Commons on 22 Feb. 1586–7 Hatton explained the imminent peril of Spanish invasion, and extolled the courage of the queen. It was to Hatton, as most likely to know the queen's real mind, that Davison confided his doubts as to the propriety of despatching the warrant for the execution of the Queen of Scots. Hatton had no doubt on the matter, and took Davison to the council that his scruples might be removed, and the warrant was despatched accordingly. He afterwards interrogated Davison in the Tower (Parl. Hist. i. 847–50;, pp. 96–7; , Letters, 2nd ser. iii. 111). The queen granted to Hatton in August 1582 the manor of Parva Weldon in Northamptonshire, and estates in other counties, in 1585 the keepership of the forest of Rockingham and the Isle of Purbeck, and in 1587 the demesne of Naseby in Northamptonshire. He also obtained, apparently about the same time, a grant of part of some estates which had belonged to Irish rebels in the county of Waterford (, p. 459; Hist. MSS. Comm. 3rd Rep. App. 49). Other grants to Hatton from the crown included the sites of four dissolved monasteries.

On 25 April 1587 the queen appointed Hatton lord chancellor, delivering the seal to him personally at the archiepiscopal palace at Croydon, and on 3 May he took the oaths of office, riding from Ely House to Westminster for that purpose in great state. He was preceded by forty of his retainers in blue livery wearing gold chains, part of the corps of gentlemen pensioners and other gentlemen of the court, and attended by the officers and clerks of the chancery. Burghley rode on his right hand, and Leicester on his left (, p. 463;, Reports, ed. 1682, p. 46; , Annals, ed. 1615, p. 741). His appointment occasioned much surprise and some indignation in the legal profession, as his knowledge of law was supposed to be slight, and some ‘sullen serjeants’ even refused to plead before him. His decrees have not been preserved. Camden, however, says that ‘quod ex juris scientia defuit æquitate supplere studuit.’ He was much assisted by his friend Sir Richard Swale, and had four masters in chancery to sit with him as assessors (, Ann. ed. 1615, i. 475;, Worthies, ‘Northamptonshire;’ Egerton Papers, Camd. Soc., p. 125). A speech delivered by Hatton on occasion of the call of a certain barrister named Clerke to the degree of serjeant-at-law (1587) shows that if he had not had much experience as a practitioner, he could give good advice to those who had (, Chancellors, ii. 159). A specimen of his humour is given in Bacon's ‘Apophthegms,’ 74 (51). ‘In chancery one time, when the counsel of the parties set forth the boundaries of the land in question by the plot, and the counsel of one part said, “We lie on this side, my lord;” and the counsel of the other part said, “We lie on this side;” the Lord-chancellor Hatton stood up and said: “If you lie on both sides, whom will you have me to believe?”’ The only one of Hatton's judgments which is preserved is that in the Star-chamber case of Sir Richard Knightley, deputy-lieutenant for Northamptonshire, who was fined 2,000l. for permitting the printing of Brownist books (, State Trials, i. 1263–71). On 24 April 1588 Hatton was invested with the order of the Garter; his installation followed on 23 May. It was largely through Hatton's influence that Elizabeth had abandoned her rash scheme of making Leicester lord-lieutenant of the realm in 1587. This, however, did not disturb his relations with Leicester, with whom he had long been on terms of close friendship, and who had made him one of the overseers of his will. On the death of Leicester (20 Sept. 1588) Hatton succeeded him as chancellor of the university of Oxford (, Ann. ed. 1615, i. 496;, Hist. of Knighthood, ii. Chron. List; Sydney Papers vol. i. pt. i. p. 74; , Fasti Oxon. ed. Bliss, i. 241).

Hatton opened the proceedings in parliament in 1588–9 with a long speech, in which, after celebrating the destruction of the Armada, he asked for a liberal supply for the navy (Parl. Hist. i. 853). In the following June Hatton's nephew, Sir William Newport, son of his sister Dorothy, by her husband, John Newport, was married at Holdenby to Elizabeth, daughter of Francis Gawdy [q. v.], justice of the king's bench. At the festivities which followed Hatton gaily divested himself of his gown, and, placing it in his chair with ‘Lie thou there,


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 encumbered, and that the crew had not been exercised at the guns; but they were not warranted in detaining her on that account, especially since the guns could be better exercised at sea, and the ship was already four months behind time. Accordingly, June 21, Commodore Barron came on board, and at four o'clock in the afternoon the "Chesapeake" weighed anchor and stood down the Roads; at six o'clock she came to, dropped anchor, called all hands to quarters, and prepared to start for sea the next morning. From Lynnhaven Bay the "Leopard," which had arrived from Halifax only a few hours before, could watch every movement of the American frigate.

At a quarter-past seven o'clock on the morning of June 22 the "Chesapeake" got under way with a fair breeze. Her ship's company numbered three hundred and seventy-five men and boys, all told, but, as was not uncommon in leaving port, much sickness prevailed among the crew, and by the doctor's order the sick seamen were allowed to lie in the sun and air on the upper deck. The gun-deck between the guns was encumbered with lumber of one sort or another; the cables were not yet stowed away; four of the guns did not fit quite perfectly to their carriages, and needed a few blows with a maul to drive the trunnions home, but this defect escaped the eye; in the magazine the gunner had reported the powderhorns, used in priming the guns, as filled, whereas only five were in fact filled. Otherwise the ship,


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 except for the freshness of her crew, was in fair condition.

At nine o'clock, passing Lynnhaven Bay, the officers on deck noticed the "Bellona" and "Melampus" at anchor. The "Leopard" lay farther out, and the "Bellona" was observed to be signalling. A story had been circulated at Norfolk that the captain of the "Melampus" threatened to take his deserters out of the "Chesapeake;" but rumors of this sort roused so little attention that no one on board the American frigate gave special notice to the British squadron. The "Melampus" lay quietly at anchor. Had Barron been able to read the "Bellona's" signals he would have suspected nothing, for they contained merely an order to the "Leopard" to weigh and reconnoitre in the southeast by east. The British squadron was in the habit of keeping a cruiser outside to overhaul merchant-vessels; and when the "Leopard" stood out to sea, the officers of the "Chesapeake" naturally supposed that this was her errand.

At noon Cape Henry bore southwest by south, distant one or two miles. The day was fine; but the breeze then shifted to the south-southeast, and began to blow fresh. The change of wind brought the "Leopard" to windward. At about a quarter-past two the "Chesapeake" tacked in shore to wait for the pilot-boat which was to take off the pilot. The "Leopard" tacked also, about a mile distant. At the same time dinner was served at the commodore's


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H chancellor,’ joined the dancers. It was probably this incident, coupled with the fact that Sir William Hatton resided in the house at Stoke Poges, celebrated by Gray in his ‘Long Story,’ that gave rise to the tradition that the house had once belonged to the lord chancellor, a tradition quite unfounded (, Hallamshire, i. 91;, Memoirs of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, i. 56; , p. 479). As Hatton was suspected of secretly favouring the Roman catholics, it is curious to observe that he exerted himself on behalf of Udal [q. v.], the puritan minister, charged with plotting against the queen's life in 1591. In truth he appears to have favoured neither of the extreme parties, but to have held that, in Camden's words, ‘in religionis causa non urendum, non secandum.’ He died at Ely House on 20 Nov. 1591 of a diabetes, aggravated, it is said, by vexation at the exaction by the queen of payment of a large sum of money, representing arrears of tenths and first-fruits for which he was accountable (, Whitgift, ii. 97;, Ann. ed. 1615, ii. 43; , Worthies, ‘Northamptonshire’). He was buried on 16 Dec. in St. Paul's Cathedral, between the lady chapel and the south aisle, where an elaborate monument was placed by his nephew, Sir William Hatton. The corpse was preceded to the grave by one hundred poor people in gowns and caps provided for them by the executors, and followed by four hundred gentlemen and yeomen, the lords of the council, and eighty gentlemen pensioners (, Ann. ed. 1615, p. 763;, Hist. of St. Paul's, ed. Ellis, pp. 33, 56).

Hatton had been a friend and to some extent a patron of men of letters, in particular of Spenser, who gave him a copy of the ‘Faery Queen,’ with a dedicatory sonnet (see, Works, ed. Gilfillan, i. 7); of Thomas Churchyard, who dedicated to him his account of the reception of the queen by the mayor and corporation of Bristol (14 Aug. 1574), his ‘Chippes’ and his ‘Choise’ (, Progr. Eliz. i. 393); and of Christopher Ockland, who in his ‘Eἰρηναρχία’ (1582) describes him as ‘Splendidus Hatton,’ and in his ‘Elizabetheis’ (1589) lauds him for his part in the detection of Babington's conspiracy. After his death appeared ‘A Commemoration of the Life and Death of Sir Christopher Hatton, Knight, Lord Chancellor of England, with an Epistle dedicatory to Sir William Hatton,’ by J. Philips, London, 1591 (a poem more eulogistic than meritorious, reprinted for the Roxburghe Club in ‘A Lamport Garland,’ 1881); ‘The Maiden's Dream upon the Death of the Right Honourable Sir Christopher Hatton, Knight, late Lord Chancellor of England,’ by Robert Greene, London, 1591, 4to; ‘A Lamentable Discourse of the Death of the Right Honourable Sir Christopher Hatton,’ &c., London, 1591 (Notes and Queries, 3rd ser. i. 142). Hatton's death was also bewailed in a volume of verse entitled ‘Musarum Plangores,’ mentioned by Wood, ‘Athenæ Oxon.,’ Bliss, i. 583. There is also a high-pitched eulogy of him in ‘Polimanteia; or the Meanes Lawful and Unlawful to judge of the Fate of a Commonwealth against the frivolous and foolish Conjectures of this Age,’ by W. C. (William Clerke), Cambridge, 1595. He died unmarried, and left no will. His estates he had settled by deed in tail male first on his nephew, Sir William Newport, and then on his cousin, Sir Christopher Hatton. Sir William Newport, who assumed the name of Hatton, succeeded to the estates, but died without male issue on 12 March 1596–7. Sir William's successor, Sir Christopher Hatton, was father of Christopher, baron Hatton of Kirby [q. v.]

Hatton wrote the fourth act of the tragedy of ‘Tancred and Gismund,’ performed before the queen at the Inner Temple in 1568 (, Hist. of Poetry, iii. 305). His name appears on the title-page of a little book entitled ‘A Treatise concerning Statutes or Acts of Parliament, and the Exposition thereof,’ London, 1677, 12mo, but there is no evidence external or internal by which the authenticity of the work, which is a very slight production, can be determined. His correspondence, portions of which had previously been printed in Murdin's ‘State Papers’ and Wright's ‘Queen Elizabeth and her Times,’ London, 1838, was published in its entirety by Sir Nicholas Harris Nicolas in his ‘Memoirs of Hatton,’ London, 1847, to which is prefixed a fine engraving of his portrait by Ketel.

HATTON, CHRISTOPHER, first (1605?–1670), born according to some authorities in December 1602, but baptised at Barking, Essex, on 11 July 1605 (, Environs, iv. 101), was the eldest surviving son of Sir Christopher Hatton, K.B. (d. 1619), sometime of Clay Hall, Barking, and afterwards of Kirby, Northamptonshire, a cousin of Sir Christopher Hatton [q. v.], lord chancellor. His mother was Alice, eldest daughter of Thomas Fanshawe of Dronfield, Derbyshire, and of Ware Park, Hertfordshire (. Hertfordshire). He was educated at Jesus College, Cambridge, and created K.B. at the coronation of Charles I on 2 Feb. 1626 (, Book of Knights,


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