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 was a desire to escape conventional architectural detail and to return to the simplest form of mere building; rock-faced masonry, sometimes of materials picked up on the site; chimneys which were plain shafts of masonry or brickwork; woodwork simply hewn and squared, but the whole arranged with a view to picturesque effect (figs. 97 and 98). This form of American house became an incident in the course of modern architecture; it even had a recognizable influence on English architects. About the same time an impetus of a more special nature was given to American architecture by a man of genius, H. H. Richardson, who, falling back on Romanesque and Byzantine types of architecture as a somewhat unworked field, evolved from them a type of architectural treatment so distinctly his own (though its origines were of course quite traceable) that he came very near the credit of having personally invented a style; at all events he invented a manner, which was so largely admired and imitated that for some ten or fifteen years American architecture showed a distinct tendency to become “Richardsonesque” (see also Plate XVI., fig. 137). As with all architectural fashions, however, people got tired of this, and the influence of another very able American architect, Richard M. Hunt, coupled perhaps with the proverbial philo-Gallic tendencies of the modern American, led to the American architects, during the last decade of the 19th century, throwing themselves almost entirely into the arms, as it were, of France; seeking their education as far as possible in Paris, and adopting the theory and practice of the École des Beaux-Arts so completely that it is often impossible to distinguish their designs, and even their methods of drawing, from those of French architects brought up in the strictest régime of the “École.” By this French movement the Americans have, on the one hand, shared the advantages and the influence of what is undoubtedly the most complete school of architectural training in the world; but, on the other hand, they have foregone the opportunity which might have been afforded them of developing a school or style of their own, influenced by the circumstances of their own requirements, climate and materials. Figs. 133 and 134, Plate XV., show examples of recent American architecture of the European classic type. Thus, in the two countries which in this period have shown the most activity and restlessness in their architectural aspirations, and given the most original thought to the subject, England has constantly tended towards throwing off the yoke of precedent and escaping from the limits of a scholastic style; while America, commencing her era of architectural emancipation with an attempt at first principles and simple but picturesque building, has ended by a pretty general adoption of the highly-developed scholastic system of another country. The contrast is certainly a curious one. Only one original contribution to the art has been made by America in recent days—one arising directly out of practical conditions, viz. the “high buildings” in cities; a form of architecture which may be said to have originated in the fact that New York is built on a peninsula, and extension of the city is only possible vertically and not horizontally. The tower-like buildings (see Plate XV., fig. 131, and, Plate II., figs. 3 and 4), served internally by lifts, to which this condition of things has given rise, form a really new contribution to architecture, and have been handled by some of the American architects in a very effective manner; though, unfortunately, the rage for rapid building in the cities of the United States has led to the adoption of the false architectural system of running up such structures in the form of a steel framing, cased with a mere skin of masonry or terra-cotta, for appearance’ sake, which in reality depends for its stability on the steel framing. It must be admitted, however, to be a new contribution to architecture, and renders New York, as seen from the harbour, a “towered city” in a sense not realized by the poet.

Some sketch of the state of recent architectural thought or endeavour in England seemed essential to the subject, since it is there that what may be called the philosophy of architecture has been most debated, and that thought has had the most obvious and most direct effect on architectural style and movement. That this has been the case has no doubt been largely due to the influence of Ruskin, who, though his architectural judgment was on many points faulty and absurd in the extreme, had at any rate the effect of setting people thinking—not without result. In other countries architecture continued to pursue, up to the close of the century, the scholastic ideal impressed upon it by the Renaissance, without exciting doubt or controversy unless in a very occasional and partial manner, and without any changes save those minor ones arising from changing habits of execution and use of material. In Germany there appears to be a certain tendency to a greater freedom in the use of the materials of classic architecture, a certain relaxation of the bonds of scholasticism; but it has hardly assumed such proportions as to be ranked as a new movement in architecture.

The last years of the 19th century witnessed the progress to an advanced stage of the most remarkable piece of English church architecture of the period, the Roman Catholic cathedral at Westminster, by J. H. Bentley (1839–1902), a building which is not a Gothic revival, but goes back to earlier (Byzantine) precedents; not, however, without a considerable element of novelty and originality in the design, especially in some of the exterior detail. The interior was intended for decoration in applied marble and mosaic, yet even as a shell of brickwork, with its solid domes and the

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Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 2.djvu/72

38 Here giant weeds a passage scarce allow

To Halls deserted, portals gaping wide:

Fresh lessons to the thinking bosom, how

Vain are the pleasaunces on earth supplied;

Swept into wrecks anon by Time's ungentle tide!

XXIV.

Behold the hall where chiefs were late convened!N4

Oh! dome displeasing unto British eye!

With diadem hight Foolscap, lo! a Fiend,

A little Fiend that scoffs incessantly,

There sits in parchment robe arrayed, and by

His side is hung a seal and sable scroll,

Where blazoned glare names known to chivalry,

And sundry signatures adorn the roll,

Whereat the Urchin points and laughs with all his soul.

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Page:In the Lena Delta - 1885.djvu/95

 THE SEPARATION OF THE BOATS IN THE GALE.

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Page:In the Lena Delta - 1885.djvu/323

 THE CITY OF YAKUTSK, SIBERIA.

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 Going to the Lecture at Independence Hall.


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 Water-Gate at Pyeng-Yang.


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 West Gate or "Gate of Generous Righteousness."


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 immense masses of the piers, it is one of the most impressive and monumental interiors of modern date.

In ordinary church architecture, though there is still a good deal of mere imitation medieval work carried out, England has not been without examples of a new and original application of Gothic materials. The interior of the church of St Clare, Liverpool, by Mr Leonard Stokes (fig. 100), is a good example of the modified treatment of the three-aisled medieval plan already referred to, the side aisles being reduced to passages; and also of the tendency in recent years to simplify the treatment of Gothic, in contrast to the florid and over-carved churches of the Gothic revival. The churches of James Brooks, as already noted, have shown many examples of a solid plain treatment of Gothic, yet with a great deal of character; and J. D. Sedding (1838–1891) built some showing great originality, among which the interior of his church of the Holy Redeemer, Clerkenwell, affords also an interesting example of the modern free treatment of forms derived from classic architecture.

The event of most importance in English church architecture at the beginning of the 20th century was the commencement of a modern cathedral at Liverpool. In the early ’eighties the proposal for a cathedral had led to an important competition between three sets of invited architects, Sir William Emerson, Messrs Bodley and Garner and James Brooks. Nothing, however, resulted, except the production of three very fine sets of drawings. Subsequently the subject was taken up again with more energy, and a sketch competition invited for a cathedral on a new site (the one originally intended being no longer available); from among the sketch competitors five were invited to join in a final competition, viz. Messrs Austin and Paley, C. A. Nicholson, Gilbert Scott (grandson of Sir Gilbert Scott), Malcolm Stark and W. J. Tapper. Mr Scott’s design was selected (May 1903) and the building of it commenced not long after. It is a design in revived Gothic, of the orthodox type as to detail, though containing some points of decided originality in the general treatment. The condition proposed in the first instance by the committee, that the designs sent in must be in the Gothic style, gave rise to a strong protest, in the architectural journals and elsewhere, on the ground that the revival of ancient styles was a mistaken and exploded fallacy; and in deference to this expression of opinion the committee officially withdrew the limitation as to style. That, in view of their obvious bias, they would confine their selection to designs in the Gothic style, was, however, a foregone conclusion. It is much to be regretted that the opportunity was not taken to evolve a modern and Protestant type of cathedral, with a central area and a dome as its principal feature.

In the architecture of public buildings one of the earliest incidents in this latest period was the completion of the Albert Hall, which, though the work of an engineer, and commonplace in detail, is in the main a fine and novel architectural conception, and a practical success (considering its abnormal size) as a building for musical performances. Had its constructor been bold enough to roof it with a solid masonry dome, with an “eye” in the centre (as in the Pantheon) instead of a huge dish-cover of glass and iron, there would have been little to find fault with in its general conception. It was also the first modern English building of importance to be decorated externally with symbolical figure composition, in the shape of the large frieze in coarse mosaic of terra-cotta, which is carried round the upper portion of the exterior, and which, if not very interesting in detail, at all events fulfils very well its purpose as a piece of decorative effect. The subject of the government offices in London forms in itself an important chapter in recent architectural history. The home and foreign office block was finished in 1874; a sumptuous, but weak and ill-planned building designed by Scott, invita Minerva, in a style alien to his own predilections. In 1884 took place the great competition for the war and admiralty offices conjointly, won by a commonplace but admirably drawn design, presenting some good points in planning. The building was to stand between Whitehall and St James’s Park, with a front both ways. The competition came to nothing, and the successful architects were eventually employed to build the new admiralty as it now stands, a mean and commonplace building with no street frontage, in which economy was the main consideration, and totally discreditable to the greatest naval power in the world. In 1898–1899 it was at last resolved to a war office and other government offices much needed, and an irregular site opposite the Horse Guards was selected for the war office and one in Great George Street for the others. In this case there was no competition, but the government selected two architects after inquiry as to their works (“classic” architecture being a sine qua non); W. Young (d. 1900) for the war office, and J. M. Brydon for the Great George Street block. The war office site is inadequate and totally unsymmetrical, the boundary of the building being settled by the boundary of the street curb, and the inner courtyards are of very mean proportions compared with the great courtyard of the home and foreign office. Both architects produced grandiose designs, but in regard to the war office at least the government threw away a great opportunity.

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 {|align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0"
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 * Photo, L.L. Paris..—PAVILLON RICHELIEU, THE LOUVRE, PARIS. (VISCONTI.)
 * }
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 MEAN MONTHLY TEMPERATURE.


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 MEAN MONTHLY ISOBARS.


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 MEAN MONTHLY RAINFALL.


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. 52.


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 FLOOD RAINS IN SOUTH—EAST AUSTRALIA.

. 76.


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 WEATHER CHARTS.-FLOODS OF JANUARY, 1910.


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 {| align=center Passing over Inland Victoria, with general rains. || INLAND WINTER RAINS— Of Tropical origin and Cyclonic ending. || TROPICAL RAIN STORM— Moving from the Territory Southward into South Australia.
 * ANTARCTIC CYCLONE—
 * ANTARCTIC CYCLONE—
 * ANTARCTIC CYCLONE—Passing over Inland Victoria, with general rains.png || INLAND WINTER RAINS—Of Tropical origin and Cyclonic ending.png || TROPICAL RAINSTORM—Moving from the Territory Southward into South Australia.png
 * }
 * }
 * }

.—Shading shows where rain fell during previous 24 hours. Wind direction shown thus strong winds


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 {| align=center THROUGH BASS STRAIT. || |ANTICYCLONE FORCED SOUTHWARD OVER TASMANIA BY CYCLONE OFF NEW SOUTH WALES COAST. || COLD SNAP, SOUTH-EAST AUSTRALIA.
 * EASTERLY GALES
 * EASTERLY GALES
 * EASTERLY GALES THROUGH BASS STRAIT.png || [[File:ANTICYCLONE FORCED SOUTHWARD OVER TASMANIA BY CYCLONE OFF NEW SOUTH WALES COAST.png|frameless|200px]] || COLD SNAP, SOUTH-EAST AUSTRALIA.png
 * }
 * }
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.—Shading shows where rain fell during previous 24 hours. Wind direction shown thus strong winds


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 PROLONGED HOT SPELLS—SOUTH-EASTERN AUSTRALIA.

.—Shading shows where rain fell during previous 24 hours. Wind direction shown thus strong winds


text: Handbook of Western Australia/Part 1

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text:
Page:History of England (Froude) Vol 3.djvu/346

326 declared her own satisfaction; and Henry, through his commissioners, informed him in detail of the proceedings in Parliament and Convocation, and trusted that the friendship between the Courts would not be interrupted in consequence. It would have been well had he added nothing to a bare narrative of facts; but questionable actions are rarely improved in the manner of their execution. The King was irritated at the humiliation to which the conduct of the German powers had exposed him in the spring; and the Duke of Cleves had afterwards increased his displeasure by a secret intrigue with the Court of Paris. Satisfied with his settlements upon Anne, he avowed an anxiety to be extricated from his offer of money to the Duke, 'who might percase, to his miscontentment, employ it by the advice of others, or at least without commodity to the giver.' In fact, he said, as he had done nothing but what was right, 'if the lady's contentation would not content her friends, it should not be honourable for him, with detriment and waste of his treasure, to labour to satisfy those who without cause misliked his doings, which were just, and without injury to be passed over.' Finally, he concluded: 'In case the Duke sheweth himself untractable and high-couraged, in such sort as devising interests and respects, he shall further set forth the matter, and increase it with words more largely than reason would he should, alledging, percase, that though the lady is contented, yet he is not contented,


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1540.] her mother is not contented, requiring why and wherefore, and such other behaviour as men in high stomach, forgetting reason, shew and utter, in that case you, the Bishop of Bath, declaring unto the Duke how we sent you not thither to render an account of our just proceedings, but friendly to communicate them, you shall desire the Duke to license you to depart.'

The high style of Henry contrasts unfavourably with the more dignified moderation of the answer. The Duke wrote himself briefly to the King: he replied through his minister to the ambassador, that 'he was sorry for the chance, and would well have wished it had been otherwise; yet, seeing it was thus, he would not depart from his amity for his Majesty for any such matter. He could have wished that his sister should return to Germany; but, if she was satisfied to remain, he had confidence that the King would act uprightly towards her, and he would not press it.' Of the offer of money he took little notice or none. The Bishop laboured to


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62 "What œstrum, what phrenetic mood Makes you thus lavish of your blood, While the proud Vies your trophies boast, And unrevenged walks ghost? What towns, what garrisons might you, With hazard of this blood, subdue, Which now ye're bent to throw away In vain, untriumphable fray? Shall saints in civil bloodshed wallow Of saints, and let the Cause lie fallow? The Cause, for which we fought and swore So boldly, shall we now give o'er? Then because quarrels still are seen With oaths and swearings to begin. The Solemn League and Covenant Will seem a mere God-damme rant, And we that took it, and have fought. As lewd as drunkards that fall out. For as we make war for the king Against himself, the self-same thing


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CANTO II.] Some will not stick to swear we do, For God and for religion too. For if bear-baiting we allow, What good can Eeformation do? The blood and treasure that's laid out Is thrown away, and goes for nought. Are these the fruits o' th' Protestation, The prototype of Reformation, Which all the saints, and some, since martyrs, Wore in their hats like wedding-garters, When 'twas resolved by their house, Six members' quarrel to espouse? Did they for this draw down the rabble, With zeal, and noises formidable; And make all cries about the town Join throats to cry the bishops down? Who having round begirt the palace, As once a month they do the gallows, As members gave the sign about, Set up their throats, with hideous shout. When tinkers bawl'd aloud, to settle Church-discipline, for patch1ng kettle.


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66 Told it the news o' th' last express, And after good or bad success Made prayers, not so like petitions, As overtures and propositions, Such as the army did present To their creator, th' parliament; In which they freely will confess, They will not, cannot acquiesce, Unless the work be carry 'd on In the same way they have begun. By setting Church and Common-weal All on a flame, bright as their zeal. On which the saints were all agog. And all this for a bear and dog? The parliament drew up petitions To 'tself, and sent them, like commissions, To well-affected persons, down In every city and great town, With pow'r to levy horse and men. Only to bring them back agen? For this did many, many a mile, Ride manfully in rank and file,


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CANTO III.] This equal shame and envy stirr'd In th' enemy, that one should beard So many warriors, and so stout, As he had done, and stav'd it. out, Disdaining to lay down his arms, And yield on honourable terms. Enraged thus, some in the rear Attack'd him, and some ev'rywhere, Till down he fell; yet falling fought, And, being down, still laid about; As Widdrington, in doleful dumps, Is said to fight upon his stumps.
 * But all, alas! had been in vain,

And he inevitably slain, lf Trulla and Cerdon, in the nick, To rescue him had not been quick: For Trulla, who was light of foot, As shafts which long-field Parthians shoot: But not so light as to be borne Upon the ears of standing corn, Or trip it o'er the water quicker Than witches, when their states they liquor, As some report, was got among The foremost of the martial throng; Where pitying the vanquish'd bear, She call'd to Cerdon, who stood near, Viewing the bloody fight; to whom, Shall we, quoth she, stand still hum-drum, And see stout Bruin, all alone, By numbers basely overthrown?


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122 Where saints themselves are brought to stake For gospel-light, and conscience-sake; Expos'd to scribes and presbyters, Instead of mastiff dogs and curs; Than whom th' have less humanity, For these at souls of men will fly. This to the prophet did appear, Who in a vision saw a bear, Prefiguring the beastly rage Of church-rule, in this latter age: As is demonstrated at full By him that baited the pope's bull. Bears naturally are beasts of prey, That live by rapine; so do they. What are their orders, constitutions, Church-censures, curses, absolutions, But sev'ral mystic chains they make, To tie poor Christians to the stake? And then set heathen officers, Instead of dogs, about their ears. For to prohibit and dispense, To find out, or to make offence; Of hell and heav'n to dispose, To play with souls at fast and loose; To set what characters they please, And mulets on sin or godliness; Reduce the church to gospel-order, By rapine, sacrilege, and murder; To make presbytery supreme, And kings themselves submit to them;


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128 A creature of amphibious nature, On land a beast, a fish in water: That always preys on grace or sin; A sheep without, a wolf within. This fierce inquisitor has chief Dominion over men's belief And manners; can pronounce a saint Idolatrous, or ignorant, When superciliously he sifts, Through coarsest bolter, others' gifts. For all men live and judge amiss, Whose talents jump not just with his. He'll lay on gifts with hand, and place On dullest noddle light and grace. The manufacture of the kirk. Whose pastors are but th' handiwork Of his mechanic paws, instilling Divinity in them by feeling. From whence they start up chosen vessels, Made by contact, as men get measles. So cardinals, they say, do grope At th' other end the new-made pope. Hold, hold, quoth Hudibras, soft fire, They say, does make sweet malt. Good Squire, Festina lente, not too fast; For haste, the proverb says, makes waste. The quirks and cavils thou dost make Are false, and built upon mistake: And I shall bring you, with your pack Of fallacies, t' Elenchi back; And put your arguments in mood And figure to be understood. I'll force you by right ratiocination To leave your vitilitigation.


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132 A trade of knowledge as replete, As others are with fraud and cheat; An art t' incumber gifts and wit, And render both for nothing fit; Makes light unactive, dull and troubled, Like little David in Saul's doublet: A cheat that scholars put upon Other men's reason and their own; A fort of error to ensconce Absurdity and ignorance, That renders all the avenues To truth impervious, and abstruse, By making plain things, in debate, By art perplex'd, and intricate: For nothing goes for sense or light That will not with old rules jump right, As if rules were not in the schools Deriv'd from truth, but truth from rules. This pagan, heathenish invention Is good for nothing but contention. For as in sword-and-buckler fight. All blows do on the target light; So when men argue, the greatest part O' th' contest falls on terms of art. Until the fustian stuff be spent, And then they fall to th' argument. Quoth Hudibras, Friend Ralph, thou hast Out-run the constable at last; For thou art fallen on a new Dispute, as senseless as untrue, But to the former opposite, And contrary as black to white;


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152 'Tis like that sturdy thief that stole, And dragg'd beasts backward into's hole; So love does lovers, and us men Draws by the tails into his den, That no impression may discover, And trace t' his cave, the wary lover. But if you doubt I should reveal What you intrust me under seal, I'll prove myself as close and virtuous As your own secretary, Albertus. Quoth she, I grant you may be close In hiding what your aims propose: Love-passions are like parables, By which men still mean something else: Tho' love be all the world's pretence, Money's the mythologic sense, The real substance of the shadow, Which all address and courtship's made to. Thought he, I understand your play, And how to quit you your own way; He that will win his dame, must do As Love does, when he bends his bow; With one hand thrust the lady from, And with the other pull her home. I grant, quoth he, wealth is a great Provocative to am'rous beat:


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CANTO I.] It is all philtres and high diet, That makes love rampant, and to fly out: 'Tis beauty always in the flower, That buds and blossoms at fourscore: 'Tis that by which the sun and moon, At their own weapons are outdone: That makes knights-errant fall in trances, And lay about 'em in romances: 'Tis virtue, wit, and worth, and all That men divine and sacred call: For what is worth in anything, But so much money as 'twill bring? Or what but riches is there known, Which man can solely call his own; In which no creature goes his half, Unless it be to squint and laugh? I do confess, with goods and land, I'd have a wife at second hand; And such you are: nor is't your person My stomach's set so sharp and fierce on; But 'tis your better part, your riches, That my enamour'd heart bewitches: Let me your fortune but possess, And settle. your person how you please; Or make it o'er in trust to the devil, You'll find me reasonable and civil. Quoth she, I like this plainness better Than false mock-passion, speech, or letter, Or any feat of qualm or sowning, But hanging of yourself, or drowning; Your only way with me to break Your mind, is breaking of your neck:


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160 As one cut out to pass your tricks on, With fulhams of poetic fiction: I rather hop'd I should no more Hear from you o' th' gallanting score; For hard dry-bastings us'd to prove The readiest remedies of love, Next a dry diet; but if those fail, Yet this uneasy loop-hol'd jail, In which y' are hamper'd by the fetlock, Cannot but put y' in mind of wedlock: Wedlock, that's worse than any hole here, If that may serve you for a cooler, T' allay your mettle, all agog Upon a wife, the heavier clog. Nor rather thank your gentler fate, That, for a bruis'd or broken pate, Has freed you from those hanks that grow, Much harder, on the marry'd brow: But if no dread can cool your courage, From vent'ring on that dragon, marriage; Yet give me quarter, and advance To nobler aims your puissance; Level at beauty and at wit; The fairest mark is easiest hit. Quoth Hudibras, I am beforehand In that already, with your command; Por where does beauty and high wit But in your constellation meet? Quoth she, What does a match imply, But likeness and equality? I know you cannot think me fit To be th' yokefellow of your wit; Nor take one of so mean deserts, To be the partner of your parts;


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162 Ere I can own you, here i' th' pound. Where, if ye're sought, you may be found; And in the mean time I must pay For all your provender and hay. Quoth he, It stands me much upon T' enervate this objection, And prove myself, by topic clear, No gelding, as you would infer. Loss of virility's averr'd To be the cause of loss of beard, That does, like embryo in the womb, Abortive on the chin become: This first a woman did invent, In envy of man's ornament: Semiramis of Babylon, Who first of all cut men o' th' stone. To mar their beards, and laid foundation Of sow-geldering operation: Look on this beard, and tell me whether Eunuchs wear such, or geldings either? Next it appears I am no horse, That I can argue and discourse, Have but two legs, and ne'er a tail. Quoth she, That nothing will avail; For some philosophers of late here, Write men have four legs by nature, And that 'tis custom makes them go Erroneously upon but two; As 'twas in Germany made good, B' a boy that lost himself in a wood;


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IS strange how some men's tempers suit, Like bawd and brandy, with dispute, That for their own opinions stand fast. Only to have them claw'd and canvast. That keep their consciences in cases, As fiddlers do their crowds and bases, Ne'er to be us'd but when they're bent To play a fit for argument. Make true and false, unjust and just. Of no use but to be discust; Dispute and set a paradox, Like a straight boot, upon the stocks, And stretch if more unmercifully, Than Helmont, Montaigne, White, or Tully.


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CANTO II.] But saints, whom oaths or vows oblige, Know little of their privilege; Further, I mean, than carrying on Some self-advantage of their own: For if the devil, to serve his turn, Can tell truth; why the saints should scorn, When it serves theirs, to swear and lie, I think there's little reason why: Else h' has a greater power than they, Which 'twere impiety to say, We're not commanded to forbear, Indefinitely, at all to swear; But to swear idly, and in vain, Without self-interest or gain. For breaking of an oath and lying, Is but a kind of self-denying, A saint-like virtue; and from hence Some have broke oaths by Providence. Some, to the glory of the Lord, Perjur'd themselves, and broke their word: And this the constant rule and practice Of all our late apostles' acts is. Was not the Cause at first begun With perjury, and carried on? Was there an oath the godly took, But in due time and place they broke?


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CANTO II.] Impartial justice, in his stead did Hang an old weaver that was bed-rid: Then wherefore may not you be skipp'd, And in your room another whipp'd? For all philosophers, but the Sceptic, Hold whipping may be sympathetic. It is enough, quoth Hudibras, Thou hast resolv'd, and clear'd the case; And canst, in conscience, not refuse, From thy own doctrine, to raise use: I know thou wilt not, for my sake, Be tender-conscienc'd of thy back: Then strip thee of thy carnal jerkin, And give thy outward fellow a firking; For when thy vessel is new hoop'd, All leaks of sinning will be stopp'd. Quoth Ralpho, You mistake the matter. For in all scruples of this nature, No man includes himself, nor turns The point upon his own concerns. As no man of his own self catches The itch, or amorous French achès; So no man does himself convince, By his own doctrine, of his sins: And though all cry down self, none means His own self in a literal sense: Besides, it is not only foppish, But vile, idolatrous, and popish, For one man out of his own skin To firk and whip another's sin;


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CANTO II.] Being mounted in their best array, Upon a car, and who but they? And follow'd with a world of tall lads, That merry ditties troll'd, and ballads, Did ride with many a good-morrow, Crying, Hey for our town, thro' the borough; So when this triumph drew so nigh, They might particulars descry, They never saw two things so pat, To all respects, as this and that. First he that led the cavalcate, Wore a sow-gelder's flagellate, On which he blew as strong a levet, As well-feed lawyer on his brev'ate, When over one another's heads They charge, three ranks at once, like Sweads: Next pans and kettles of all keys, From trebles down to double base; And after them upon a nag, That might pass for a fore-hand stag, A cornet rode, and on his staff, A smock display'd did proudly wave. Then bagpipes of the loudest drones, With snuffling broken-winded tones; Whose blasts of air in pockets shut, Sound filthier than from the gut, And make a viler noise than swine In windy weather, when they whine.


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CANTO II.] 'Twas well we made so resolute A brave retreat, without pursuit; For if we had not, we had sped Much worse, to be in triumph led; Than which the ancients held no state Of man's life more unfortunate. But if this bold adventure e'er Do chance to reach the widow's ear, It may, being destin'd to assert Her sex's honour, reach her heart: And as such homely treats, they say, Portend good fortune, so this may. Vespasian being daub'd with dirt Was destin'd to the empire for't; And from a scavenger did come To be a mighty prince in Rome:


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208 And why may not this foul address Presage in love the same success? Then let us straight, to cleanse our wounds, Advance in quest of nearest ponds; And after, as we first design'd, Swear I've perform'd what she enjoin'd.


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 64/November 1903/The Renaissance of Science


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The Knight and Squire in hot dispute, Within an ace of falling out, Are parted with a sudden fright Of strange alarm, and stranger sight; With which adventuring to stickle, They're sent away in nasty pickle.


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CANTO I.] A grace which, if I could believe, I've not the conscience to receive. That conscience, quoth Hudibras, Is misinform'd; I'll state the case. A man may be a legal donor Of anything whereof he's owner, And may confer it where he lists, I' th' judgment of all casuists: Then wit, and parts, and valour may Be ali'nated, and made away, By those that are proprietors, As I may give or sell my horse. Quoth she, I grant the case is true, And proper twixt your horse and you; And whether L may take, as well As yon may give away, or sell? Buyers, you know, are bid beware; And worse than thieves receivers are, How shall I answer Hue and Cry For a roan gelding, twelve hands high. All spurr'd and switch'd, a lock on's hoof, A sorrel mane? Can I bring proof Where, when, by whom, and what y' were sold for, And in the open market toll'd for? Or, should I take you for a stray, You must be kept a year and day,


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328 persuade him to pay respect to the judgment of the Church; this, however, the Duke resolutely refused, altogether ignoring it as of no manner of moment; neither would he allow that the Lady Anne had been treated honourably, although the Bishop much pressed for the admission. A cold acquiescence in an affront which he was too weak to resent, and a promise that his private injuries should not cause the dissolution of an alliance which had been useful to the interests of religion, was the most which could be extorted from the Duke of Cleves; and, in calmer moments, Henry could neither have desired nor looked for more. But no one at that crisis was calm in England. The passions roused in the strife of convictions which divided rank from rank, which divided families, which divided every earnest man against himself, extended over all subjects which touched the central question. The impulse of the moment assumed the character of right, and everything was wrong which refused to go along with it.

Sir Edward Karne made the communication to Francis, prefacing his story with the usual prelude of the succession, and the anxiety of the country that the King should have more children. 'Even at that point' Francis started, expecting that something serious was to follow. When Sir Edward went on to say that 'the examination of the King's marriage was submitted to the clergy,' 'What,' he said, 'the matrimony made with the Queen that now is?' Karne assented. 'Then he


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1540.] fetched a great sigh, and spake no more 'till the conclusion, when he answered, 'he could nor would take any other opinion of his Highness but as his loving brother and friend should do;' for the particular matter, 'his Highness's conscience must be judge therein.'

'The Emperor,' wrote the resident Pate, 'when I declared my commission, gave me good air, with one gesture and countenance throughout, saving that suddenly, as I touched the pith of the matter, thereupon he steadfastly cast his eye upon me a pretty while, and then interrupting me, demanded what the causes were of the doubts concerning the marriage with the daughter of Cleves.' Pate was not commissioned to enter into details; and Charles, at the end, contented himself with sending his hearty recommendations, and expressing his confidence that, as the King was wise, so he was sure he would do nothing 'which should not be to the dischargeof his conscience and the tranquillity of his realm.' In confidence, a few days later, he avowed a hope that all would now go well in England; the enormities of the past had been due to the pernicious influence of Cromwell; or were 'beside the King's pleasure or knowledge, being a prince,' the Emperor said, 'no less godly brought up than endued and imbued with so many virtuous qualities as whom all blasts and storms could never alter nor move, but as vice might alter true virtue.' On the whole, the impression left by the affair on the Continent was that Henry 'had lost the hearts


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330 of the German princes, but had gained the Emperor instead.' Both the loss and the gain were alike welcome to the English conservatives. The latter, happy in their victory, and now freed from all impediments, had only to follow up their advantage.

On the 12th of July the persecuting bill was passed, and the Tithe Bill also, after having been recast by the Commons. On the 16th the Six Articles Bill was moderated, in favour not of heresy, but of the more venial offence of incontinency. Married clergy and incontinent priests by the Six Articles Bill were, on the first offence, to forfeit their benefices; if they persisted they were to be treated as felons. The King's Highness, graciously considering 'that the punishment of death was very sore, and too much extreme,' was contented to relax the penalty into three gradations. For the first offence the punishment was to be forfeiture of all benefices but one; for the second, forfeiture of the one remaining; for the third, imprisonment for life. A few days later the extension given to the prerogative, by the Act of Proclamations, was again shortened by communicating to the clergy a share of the powers which had been granted absolutely to the Crown; and


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1540.] the Parliament at the same time restored into the hands of the spiritualty the control of religious opinion. The Protestants had shifted their ground from purgatory and masses to free-will and justification; and had thus defied the bishops, and left the law behind them. The King's proclamations had failed through general neglect. A committee of religion was now constituted, composed of the archbishops, bishops, and other learned doctors of divinity; and an Act, which passed three readings in the House of Lords in a single day, conferred on this body a power to declare absolutely, under the King's sanction, the judgment of the English Church on all questions of theology which might be raised, either at home or on the Continent, and to compel submission to their decrees, under such pains and penalties as they might think proper to impose, limited only by the common law and by the restrictions attached to the Act of Proclamations.

One important matter remained. This statute conferred no powers of life and death; and there were certain chosen champions of Protestantism who had resisted authority, had scoffed at recantation, and had insulted the Bishop of Winchester. Although a penal measure could not be extended to comprehend their doctrine by special definition, an omnipotent Parliament might, by a stretch of authority, vindicate the Bishop's dignity, and make a conspicuous example of the offenders. A case of high treason was before the Houses. At the


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CANTO I.] XXV.

Convention is the dwarfish demon styled

That foiled the knights in Marialva's dome:

Of brains (if brains they had) he them beguiled,

And turned a nation's shallow joy to gloom.


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 JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER IN 1872


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 THE DRAKE WELL IN 1859—THE FIRST OIL WELL


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332 time when the invasion was impending, a party of conspirators, Sir Gregory Botolph, Clement Philpot, and three others, had contrived a project to betray Calais either to the French or the Spaniards. The plot had been revealed by a confederate; Philpot's confession is preserved. He describes how Sir Gregory Botolph, returning to Calais from a journey to Rome, took him one night upon the walls, and after swearing him to secrecy, showed himself a worthy pupil of Reginald Pole.'If England have not a scourge in time,' Botolph said, 'they will be all infidels, and no doubt God to friend, there shall be a redress; and know ye for a truth what my enterprise is, with the aid of God and such ways as I shall devise. I shall get the town of Calais into the hands of the Pope and Cardinal Pole, who is as good a Catholic man as ever I reasoned with; and when I had declared everything of my mind unto them, no more but we three together in the Pope's chamber, I had not a little cheer of the Pope and Cardinal Pole; and after this at all times I might enter the Pope's chamber at my pleasure.'Philpot asked him how he intended to proceed, Calais being so strong a place. 'It shall be easy to be done,' Botolph said. 'In the herring time they do use to watch in the lantern gate, whereat there be in the watch about a dozen persons, and against the time which shall be appointed in the night, you, with a dozen persons well appointed for the purpose, shall enter the watch and destroy them. That done, ye shall recoil back with your company and keep the stairs, and at the same time I with my company shall be ready to scale the walls over the gate. I will have five or six hundred men that shall enter with me on the first burst. We shall have aid both by sea and land, within short space.'—Confession of Clement Philpot: Rolls House MS. Viscount Lisle, the old commandant of Calais, an illegitimate son of Edward IV., was suspected of having been privy to the conspiracy, and was sent for to England. His innocence was satisfactorily proved, but he died in the Tower on the day when he would have been liberated. and the Anglo-Catholics did not intend to repeat the blunder of showing a leaning towards the Romanists, which had wrecked their fortunes in the preceding summer: they sentenced the offenders to death by an attainder; and after so


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1540.] a display of loyalty, the friends of the bishops added three more names to the list in the following words:

'And whereas Robert Barnes, late of London, clerk, Thomas Garret, late of London, clerk, and "William Jerome, late of Stepney, in the county of Middlesex, clerk, being detestable and abominable heretics, and having amongst themselves agreed and confederated to set and sow common sedition and variance amongst the King's true and loving subjects within this his realm, not fearing their most bounden duty to God nor yet their allegiance towards his Majesty, have openly preached, taught, set forth, and delivered in divers and sundry places of this realm, a great number of heresies, false, erroneous opinions, doctrines, and sayings; and thinking themselves to be men of learning, have taken upon them most seditiously and heretically to open and declare divers and many texts of Scripture, expounding and applying the same to many perverse and heretical senses, understandings, and purposes, to the intent to induce and lead his Majesty's said subjects to diffidence and refusal of the true sincere faith and belief which Christian men ought to have in Christian religion, the number whereof were too long here to be rehearsed.… Be it, therefore, enacted that the said persons, Robert Barnes, Thomas Garret, and William Jerome, shall be convicted and attainted of heresy, and that they and every of them shall be deemed and adjudged abominable and detestable heretics, and shall have and suffer pains of death


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334 by burning or otherwise, as shall please the King's Majesty.'

This was the last measure of consequence in the session. Three days after, it closed. On the 24th the King came down to Westminster in person, to thank the Parliament for the subsidy. The Speaker of the House of Commons congratulated the country on their sovereign. The chancellor replied, in his Majesty's name, that his only study was for the welfare of his subjects; his only ambition was to govern them by the rule of the Divine law, and the Divine love, to the salvation of their souls and bodies. The bills which had been passed were then presented for the royal assent; and the chancellor, after briefly exhorting the members of both Houses to show the same diligence in securing the due execution of these measures as they had displayed in enacting them, declared the Parliament dissolved.

The curtain now rises on the closing Act of the


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1540.] Cromwell tragedy. In the condemned cells in the Tower, the three Catholics for whose sentence he was himself answerable—the three Protestants whom his fall had left exposed to their enemies—were the companions of the broken minister; and there for six weeks he himself, the central figure, whose will had made many women childless, had sat waiting his own unpitied doom. Twice the King had sent to him 'honourable persons,' to receive such explanations as he could offer. He had been patiently and elaborately heard. Twice he had himself written—once, by Henry's desire, an account of the Anne of Cleves marriage—once a letter, which his faithful friend Sir Ralph Sadler carried to Henry for him; and this last the King caused the bearer three times to read over, and 'seemed to be moved therewith.' Yet what had Cromwell to say? That he had done his best in the interest of the commonwealth? But his best was better than the laws of the commonwealth. He had endeavoured faithfully to serve the King; but he had endeavoured also to serve One higher than the King. He had thrown himself in the breach against King and people where they were wrong. He had used the authority with which he had been so largely trusted to thwart the Parliament and suspend statutes of the realm. He might plead his services; but what would his services avail him? An offence in the King's eyes was ever proportioned to the rank, the intellect, the


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40 Here Folly dashed to earth the victor's plume,

And Policy regained what arms had lost: Stern Cobbett, who for one whole week forbore

To question aught, once more with transport leapt,

And bit his devilish quill agen, and swore

With foes such treaty never should be kept,

While roared the blatant Beast and roared, and raged, and—slept!!

Thus unto Heaven appealed the people: Heaven

Which loves the lieges of our gracious King,

Decreed that ere our Generals were forgiven,

Enquiry should be held about the thing.

But Mercy cloaked the babes beneath her wing;

And as they spared our foes so spared we them;

(Where was the pity of our Sires for Byng?)

Yet knaves, not idiots should the law condemn;

''Then live ye gallant Knights! and bless your Judges' phlegm!''}}

1. [Sir Hew Dalrymple's despatch on the so-called Convention of Cintra is dated September 3, and was published in the London Gazette Extraordinary, September 16, 1808. The question is not alluded to in the Weekly Political Register of September 17, but on the 24th Cobbett opened fire with a long article (pp. 481-502) headed, "Conventions in Portugal," which was followed up by articles on the same subject in the four succeeding issues. Articles iii., iv., v., vi., of the "Definitive Convention" provided for the restoration of the French troops and their safe convoy to France, with their artillery, equipments, and cavalry. "Did the men," asks Cobbett (September 24), "who made this promise beat the Duke d'Abrantés [Junot], or were they like curs, who, having felt the bite of the mastiff, lose all confidence in their number, and, though they bark victory, suffer him to retire in quiet, carrying off his bone to be disposed of at his leisure? No, not so; for they complaisantly carry the bone for him." The rest of the article is written in a similar strain.]

2. "'Blatant beast.' A figure for the mob. I think first used by Smollett, in his Adventures of an Atom. Horace has the 'bellua multorum capitum.' In England, fortunately enough, the illustrious mobility has not even one."—[MS.]

3. "By this query it is not meant that our foolish generals should have been shot, but that Byng [Admiral John Byng, born 1704, was executed March 14, 1757] might have been spared; though the one suffered and the others escaped, probably for Candide's reason 'pour encourager les autres.'"—[MS.]

• [Spenser (Faërie Queene, bk. vi. cantos iii. 24; xii. 27, sq.) personifies the vox populi, with its thousand tongues, as the "blatant beast."

† [In The History and Adventures of an Atom (Smollett's Works, 1872, vi. 385), Foksi-Roku (Henry Fox, the first Lord Holland) passes judgment on the populace. "The multitude, my lords, is a many-headed monster, it is a Cerberus that must have a sop; it is a wild beast, so ravenous that nothing but blood will appease its appetite; it is a whale, that must have a barrel for its amusement; it is a demon, to which we must offer human sacrifice.... Bihn-Goh must be the victim—happy if the sacrifice of his single life can appease the commotions of his country." Foksi-Roku's advice is taken, and Bihn-Goh (Byng) "is crucified for cowardice."]

‡ [Horace, Odes, II. xiii. 34: "Bellua centiceps."]

° ["Dans ce pays-ci il est bon de tuer de temps en temps un amiral pour encourager les autres."—Candide, xxii.]


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CANTO I.] For chiefs like ours in vain may laurels bloom!

Woe to the conquering, not the conquered host,

Since baffled Triumph droops on Lusitania's coast.

XXVI.

And ever since that martial Synod met,

Britannia sickens, Cintra! at thy name;

And folks in office at the mention fret,

And fain would blush, if blush they could, for shame.

How will Posterity the deed proclaim!

Will not our own and fellow-nations sneer,

To view these champions cheated of their fame,

By foes in fight o'erthrown, yet victors here,

Where Scorn her finger points through many a coming year?


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56 and self-abasement; contentedness, between avarice and slothful indifference; and magnificence, between meanness and profusion. [Since definite terms do not exist in our language with which to express these latter qualities, it is necessary to explain their content, and tell what the philosophers meant by them. A man is called magnificent whose whole intention is to do good to others by personal service, by money, or advice, and with all his power, but without meanwhile bringing suffering or disgrace upon himself. That is the medium line of conduct. The mean man is one who does not want others to succeed in anything, even though he himself may not thereby suffer any loss, hardship, or injury. That is the one extreme. The profuse man, on the contrary, is one who willingly performs the above-mentioned deeds, in spite of the fact that thereby he brings upon himself great injury, or disgrace, terrible hardship, or considerable loss. That is the other extreme. ] Gentleness is the mean between irascibility and insensibility to shame and disgrace; and modesty, between impudence and shamefacedness. [The explanation of these latter


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Rh terms, gleaned from the sayings of our sages (may their memory be blessed!) seems to be this. In their opinion, a modest man is one who is very bashful, and therefore modesty is the mean. This we gather from their saying, "A shamefaced man cannot learn". They also assert, "A modest man is worthy of Paradise", but they do not say this of a shamefaced man. Therefore, I have thus arranged them." ] So it is with the other qualities. One does not necessarily have to use conventional terms for these qualities, if only the ideas are clearly fixed in the mind.

It often happens, however, that men err as regards these qualities, imagining that one of the extremes is good, and is a virtue. Sometimes, the extreme of the too much is considered noble, as when temerity is made a virtue, and those who recklessly risk their lives are hailed as heroes. Thus, when people see a man, reckless to the highest degree, who runs deliberately into danger, intentionally tempting death, and escaping only by mere chance, they laud such a one to the skies, and say that he is a hero. At other times, the opposite extreme, the too little, is greatly esteemed, and the coward is considered a man of forbearance; the idler, as being a person of a contented disposition; and he, who by the dullness of his nature is callous to every joy, is praised as a man of moderation, [that is, one who eschews sin]. In like manner, profuse liberality and extreme lavishness are erroneously extolled as excellent characteristics. This is, however, an absolutely mistaken view, for the really praiseworthy


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maintain that though the man of self-restraint performs moral and praiseworthy deeds, yet he does them desiring and craving all the while for immoral deeds, but, subduing his passions and actively fighting against a longing to do those things to which his faculties, his desires, and his psychic disposition excite him, succeeds, though with constant vexation and irritation, in acting morally. The saintly man, however, is guided in his actions by that to which his inclination and disposition prompt him, in consequence of which he acts morally from innate longing and desire. Philosophers unanimously agree that the latter is superior to, and more perfect than, the one who has to curb his passions, although they add that it is possible for such a one to equal the saintly man in many regards. In general, however, he must necessarily be ranked lower in the scale of virtue, because there lurks within him the desire to do evil, and, though he does not do it, yet because his inclinations are all in that direction, it denotes the presence of an immoral psychic disposition. Solomon, also, entertained the same idea when he said, "The soul of the wicked desireth evil", and, in regard to the saintly man's rejoicing in doing good, and the discontent experienced by him,


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Photogravure Goupil & C


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 SARAH BERNHARDT AS CLEOPATRA