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H does, and returned to England with him in the following January. The Portland was paid off on 17 March, and was soon afterwards broken up.

In June 1743 Hawke was appointed to the Berwick, a new ship of 70 guns. The war with Spain, the imminence of war with France, and the large fleets already on foot in the West Indies, the Mediterranean, and the Channel, rendered seamen scarce, and increased the difficulty of manning a newly commissioned ship. It was more than two months before the Berwick was able to drop down the river, and then with a crew largely composed, as Hawke wrote to the admiralty on 23 Aug., of ‘very little, weakly, puny fellows, that have never been at sea, and can be of little or no service.’ The passage out to the Mediterranean tried such a ship's company severely. On 27 Oct., shortly after leaving Gibraltar, Hawke reported that 123 of his working men were sick with fever or scurvy, and falling down by tens and twenties every day. ‘A great number of them,’ he wrote, ‘are lately come from the East Indies, and others are raw men picked up by the press-gangs in London.’ Towards the middle of November the Berwick arrived at Port Mahon almost disabled; but a few weeks' care and rest did wonders, and she finally joined the fleet in the roadstead of Hyères on 11 Jan. 1743–4. It was the first time that Hawke had seen a fleet since he had been with Ogle in the Edinburgh; nor, though the war had been going on for upwards of four years, had he yet seen a shot fired in anger. On 8 Feb., when the allied fleet put to sea from Toulon, the English fleet also getting under way to follow them, the Berwick was in the squadron under the command of Rear-admiral Rowley, which led on the port tack, formed the van of the fleet in the action of the 11th [see ; ; ], and in an intermittent manner, though in fairly good order, engaged the French division of the allies, with which were two or three of the leading Spanish ships. The others astern were much scattered; but the English centre, opposed to them, was also in disorder, and there was no directing head. The Berwick beat her immediate antagonist, the Spanish Neptuno, out of the line, and was left without an opponent. Astern the Poder, by herself, was keeping at bay a number of the English ships, which ‘were a-barking’ at her (Narrative of the Proceedings of His Majesty's Fleet in the Mediterranean, by a Sea-Officer, 1744, p. 60), feebly endeavouring to obey Mathews's contradictory signals. Hawke, on his own responsibility, wore out of the line, ran down to the Poder, and engaged her within pistol-shot. His first broadside is said to have killed twenty-seven men, and to have dismounted several of her lower-deck guns. In twenty minutes she was dismasted; after a brave but unavailing defence she struck her colours, and was taken possession of by a party from the Berwick under Mr. Lloyd, her first lieutenant. They were scarcely well on board her when it was seen that the French had tacked and were standing towards them; the English fleet had also tacked, and was retiring to the northward. The Berwick and her prize were left alone, and Hawke, hailing Lloyd to return to his ship, was, without waiting for him to do so, obliged to make sail after the fleet. Lloyd, after an extraordinary and adventurous cruise in a boat full of Spanish prisoners, succeeded in getting on board the Royal Oak, while the Poder, with the prize crew on board, was retaken by the French. The next morning Lloyd rejoined his ship, and in the afternoon was sent to give Rowley an account of his proceedings, and to acquaint him that seventeen men had been left on board the Poder. Rowley promised to ‘endeavour to save the prize and give Captain Hawke the honour of carrying her to Minorca,’ and spoke in high terms of Hawke's conduct. He directed the Berwick and Diamond to go down to the Poder, then some distance astern of the allied fleet, in company with a French ship, which, on the approach of the English, left her to her fate. The Essex, however, by Mathews's order, had anticipated Rowley's ships, and set the Poder on fire, much to Hawke's annoyance. He wrote to Mathews complaining that another should have been ordered to burn the prize which he took, and asking him to order Captain Norris and his officers to restore the colours and things which they had taken out of her. Norris, however, kept the trophies; and a few months later fled into Spain to escape a probable sentence of death for cowardice.

For the next eighteen months Hawke continued attached to the Mediterranean fleet, though often on detached command at Gibraltar, off Cadiz, or on the coast of Genoa. The service is now chiefly noticeable because the severe drill accustomed him to the routine of squadrons. On 3 Aug. 1745 he was moved by Rowley, then commander-in-chief, into the Neptune, with orders to return to England in charge of the homeward trade. He arrived in the Sound on 20 Sept., and for the next year was on shore, apparently not in very good health. In June 1746 he was summoned as a witness on the trials of Lestock and Mathews, but did not attend. On 30 March


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H 1747 he was appointed to the Mars, but before she was ready for sea he was advanced to flag rank on 15 July. The very large promotion then made was specially extended in order to include Boscawen [see ], and for this purpose several most respectable officers were retired. Hawke's name was still little known to the incompetent administration then at the admiralty, and after the death of his uncle Bladen, in 1746, he had no political interest. It was determined to pass him over. The king, however, who had taken a strong interest in the discussions concerning the battle of Toulon, is said to have declared that ‘he would not have Hawke “yellowed;”’ he was accordingly promoted to be rear-admiral of the white. A week later he hoisted his flag on board the Gloucester, and on 3 Aug. was appointed second in command of the fleet in the Channel under Vice-admiral Sir Peter Warren.

Warren was in indifferent health, and proposed that the squadron should go out under the command of Hawke, hoping that by the time it returned his health would be re-established. Anson felt very uneasy about sending the fleet to sea ‘under so young an officer,’ and with great reluctance yielded to the proposal. During the next fortnight Warren's health got worse, and on 5 Sept. he was obliged to resign the command. On the 8th orders were sent to Hawke to take the independent command and cruise between Ushant and Cape Finisterre. These orders he did not receive for nearly a month; but his original instructions had taught him that the first object of his cruise was to intercept a French convoy expected to sail from Rochelle. Spanish galeons too were spoken of as likely to be on the way to Cadiz, and the temptation to send part of his force to look for them must have been great. He decided, however, that treasure-hunting might wait, that to crush the enemy in arms was his first duty, and he kept his ships together. On 12 Oct. he was broad off Rochelle, nearly midway between Ushant and Finisterre, in a ‘situation,’ he wrote, ‘very well calculated for intercepting both the outward and homeward bound trade of the enemy.’ Two days later his efforts were rewarded by his outlying vessels signalling the French fleet in sight. He had then with him fourteen ships of the line, mostly of 60 guns, but two were of 70 and two of only 50. His own flagship, the Devonshire, was of 66 guns, though these were heavier than usual. She had been built as an 80-gun ship, but had proved so crank that she had been cut down to a two-decker. The enemy when sighted was reported to have twelve large ships; three of them were, however, merchantmen; there were really only nine ships of war. Of these one was of 50 guns, and another of 60; the rest were larger, including three of 74 guns and one of 80. The difference of force was thus nothing like what is shown by the mere numbers of the ships; still the French admiral, M. de l'Étenduère, conceived that the odds against him were too great, and Hawke, seeing that he was intent only on favouring the escape of the convoy, ‘made the signal for the whole squadron to chase.’ The result was decisive; as the English ships came up with the rear of the enemy they engaged; and so, successively creeping on towards the van, took the whole line except the two leading ships, the one of 80 and the other of 74 guns, which, owing chiefly, it was thought, to a blunder of Captain Fox of the Kent, made good their escape. The Content, the 60-gun ship, was with the convoy, which also got away, though Hawke, by promptly sending out the news to the West Indies, insured the capture of the greater part of it. The action, by far the most important and most brilliant of the war, had the misfortune of coming after Anson's of 3 May; and the acknowledgments of the admiralty, of which Anson was a member, were almost ungracious. For a victory over an enemy of barely one-third of his strength Anson had been made a peer. Hawke, for a victory as decisive over a nearly equal force, was merely made a knight of the Bath, the reward which had been given to Sir Peter Warren, Anson's second in command.

On the return of the fleet with the prizes to Portsmouth, Warren resumed the command, and during the rest of the war Hawke continued with him, for the most part cruising in the Bay of Biscay. On 12 May 1748 he was advanced to be vice-admiral of the blue. He had already, in December 1747, been elected member of parliament for Portsmouth by the interest of the Duke of Bedford, then first lord of the admiralty. For nearly thirty years Hawke continued to represent Portsmouth, but he rarely spoke in the house. There is not even any record of his having taken part in the debates of 1749 on the new articles of war and the reform of naval discipline. On 26 July 1748 he succeeded Warren in command of the home fleet, a charge which he held continuously during the next four years, for the most part at Portsmouth, but during 1750 in the Thames and Medway. Of this service the notices are scanty. Probably Hawke's chief work was in assisting or in advising Anson in the important changes which he introduced. As commander-in-chief at Portsmouth he was president of the remarkable courts-martial on Rear-admiral

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Rundle, Elizabeth


text:
Executive Order 13632

By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, it is hereby ordered as follows:

{|style="border-collapse:collapse; empty-cells:hide; margin: 0em 0em 0em 3.0em;"

 * }

Barack Obama The White House, Washington, December 7, 2012. [FR Doc. 2012–30310 Filed 12–13–12; 8:45 am] Billing Code 3195–F3

title: Executive Order 13632


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H Knowles and his captains in December and February 1749–50 [see, and ], and of that on Vice-admiral Griffin in December 1750 [see ]. In November 1752 he struck his flag, but in February 1755 was again ordered to hoist it on board the St. George at Portsmouth. On 16 July he was appointed to the command of the western squadron, with orders from the lords justices (22 July) to go to sea with sixteen sail of the line, and cruise between Ushant and Cape Finisterre in order to intercept a French squadron which, under the command of M. Du-Guay, had been cruising in the neighbourhood of Gibraltar and had put into Cadiz. He was instructed in precise words ‘not to go to the southward of Cape Finisterre’ unless positive intelligence should show it to be necessary; and accordingly, while Hawke was cruising in the Bay of Biscay, Du-Guay, by making a long stretch to the westward, succeeded in getting safely into Brest. On 29 Sept. Hawke returned to Spithead. It was quite time, for the weather had been bad, and the ships' companies were very sickly. During the winter he was employed as commander-in-chief at Portsmouth, and in the spring was again in the Bay of Biscay, keeping watch on the enemy's ships in Rochefort. He returned to Spithead on 8 May 1756.

Early in June, on the news of Byng having withdrawn to Gibraltar [see ], Hawke was sent out to take the command in the Mediterranean, and with him Saunders to replace Rear-admiral West, and Lord Tyrawley to supersede General Fowke as governor of Gibraltar. The Antelope, with this ‘cargo of courage,’ as it was called, arrived at Gibraltar on 4 July. Byng, West, and all the commissioned officers of the Ramillies and Buckingham, were ordered on board the Antelope for a passage to England, and Hawke hoisted his flag on board the Ramillies. On 10 July he put to sea with instructions to do everything possible for the relief of Minorca, but if he found the enemy already in possession of it, then ‘to endeavour by all means to destroy the French fleet in the Mediterranean,’ to prevent their landing troops or supplies on the island, and ‘to annoy and distress them there as much as possible.’ It was too late. On 15 July he had certain intelligence that Fort St. Philip had surrendered, that the French were in full possession of the island, and that the fleet had returned to Toulon. His hope that it might again put to sea was not realised, and his work was limited to re-establishing the prestige of the English flag and putting a check on the insults of such petty states as Tuscany and Malta (, pp. 272–4;, Studies in Naval History, p. 220).

On the approach of winter the greater part of the fleet was recalled from the Mediterranean, a small force only remaining under Saunders. Hawke arrived in England on 14 Jan. 1757. On 24 Feb. he was promoted to be admiral of the blue. His health was much shaken, both by the worry of his command and also by the loss of his wife, to whom he appears to have been sincerely attached, and who had died during his absence on 28 Oct. 1756. Contemporary gossip said that a coolness approaching to a quarrel sprang up between him and Pitt. Hawke, it was said, publicly contradicted Pitt's statements in favour of Byng, and refused to accept Pitt's disapproval of some incidents of his late command (, pp. 271, 276). The details are untrustworthy, but the relations between the two men seem to have been far from cordial. When the new government was formed in June, with Pitt as its virtual head, Anson was reappointed first lord of the admiralty, but was unable, notwithstanding his wish, to give Hawke a seat at the board (ib. p. 277). In August, however, when Pitt was devising the expedition against Rochefort, it was Hawke who was selected for the command. The credit of the appointment has been generally attributed to Pitt. It would seem to be more probably due to Anson.

Pitt had learned that on the land side Rochefort was practically undefended, and that the arsenal and dockyard might be destroyed by a comparatively small force. Some seven thousand troops under the command of Sir John Mordaunt [q. v.] were told off for this service, and Hawke was to command the covering fleet. On 5 Aug. the two commanders-in-chief received their instructions, Hawke's being ‘to act in conjunction and to co-operate with Sir John Mordaunt in the execution of the services prescribed to him,’ while Mordaunt was directed ‘to attempt, as far as shall be found practicable, a descent on the French coast at or near Rochefort; to attack, if practicable, … that place,’ and to destroy its docks, shipping, magazines, and arsenals.

Within a week from the date of these instructions the fleet and army were ready, but the navy board had not provided a sufficient number of transports; and in remedying the miscalculation nearly a month slipped away. The troops did not embark till 6 Sept., and on the afternoon of the 8th the expedition sailed from St. Helen's. Twelve days later it was fog-bound in the entrance to the Basque Roads, and it did not pass into the roadstead till the 23rd. A half-finished fort on the


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H island of Aix was at once reduced by the Magnanime and Barfleur, but it was found that the renegades, who had been shipped as pilots, were quite ignorant of the place. A sounding party, under the immediate command of Rear-admiral Brodrick, was sent to make independent observation. It returned late on the evening of the 24th, and on the 25th a council of war was held. From Brodrick's report it appeared that the troops might be landed on a hard sandy beach in Chatelaillon Bay, that the transports might anchor about a mile and a half from the shore, the ships of war not within two miles. The general did not consider this encouraging; the ships, he said, at this distance could not cover the landing, nor a retreat if the army should sustain any reverse; and such a reverse was extremely probable. The enemy, he argued, was well prepared; and most likely had a large army waiting for them behind the sandhills of Chatelaillon Bay. Hawke confined himself to laying before the council the possibility of putting the men on shore; this, he said, he was ready to do; as to the further operations, it was for the soldiers to decide. But the soldiers, after much hesitation, determined to do nothing. On the 29th Hawke sent them a formal message that if they had no military operations to propose he would take the fleet home. The general assented. The fleet left the anchorage on 1 Oct., and arrived at Spithead on the 6th.

A very angry public feeling was excited by the news of the failure. It was asserted that there were secret political reasons for it; that Rochefort had been spared as an equivalent for the sparing of Hanover, and as the price of more favourable terms in the convention of Kloster-Seven (Potter to Pitt, 11 Oct. 1757; Correspondence of the Earl of Chatham, i. 277;, Letters to his Son, 10, 26 Oct., 4, 20 Nov.; Horace Walpole to Conway, 13 Oct.) It was, however, on Mordaunt, not on Hawke, that indignation or suspicion fell (, p. 331), and on 22 Oct. Hawke again put to sea to look for the homeward-bound fleet of Du Bois de la Mothe. He fortunately missed it, so that it carried into Brest the terrible pestilence which raged there instead of at Portsmouth during the winter (, Traité sur les Maladies des Gens de Mer, p. 97, 2nd edit. 1780). He returned to Spithead on 15 Dec. On 12 March 1758 he again sailed, on information that the French were preparing a large convoy for America. In the beginning of April he learned that it was putting to sea; on the 3rd he chased it into St. Martin's in the Isle of Ré; on the 4th he looked into Basque Roads. Inside the Isle of Aix were five ships of the line, which threw overboard their guns and stores, and escaped on to the mud flats; the next day, with the assistance of boats from Rochefort, they got into the river. Hawke had all along vainly urged on the admiralty his want of bomb-vessels and fireships; without these he could do nothing more than cut adrift the buoys with which the flying enemy had marked their anchors and guns, and send a working party on shore at Aix to destroy the new fortifications in progress. He returned to Portsmouth, leaving a small squadron, under Captain Keppel of the Torbay, to blockade the convoy in St. Martin's. He had effectually prevented the sailing of the French expedition for many months, but was discontented at having been unable to destroy it altogether. The admiralty also were discontented; they knew that the fault was their own, and naturally vented their spleen on Hawke, whose return was coldly acknowledged. Four days' leave was curtly refused him. On 10 May he received an order to put the squadron designed for a secret expedition under the command of Captain Howe [see HOWE, RICHARD, Earl Howe]. Howe waited on Hawke with their lordship's letter about four o'clock in the afternoon, and at seven o'clock Hawke replied in an outspoken and angry letter, protesting against the conduct of the admiralty towards him during the past twelve months, more especially now in appointing Howe over his head, and finally acquainting them that he had struck his flag.

The admiralty were astounded, but Hawke could not be spared. They sent for him to attend the board; explanations and assurances were given and accepted, and on 17 May he resumed his command. Howe was still to command the secret expedition; and, to prevent the difficulty of his corresponding directly with the admiralty, independent of the commander-in-chief, Anson himself was to hoist his flag, Hawke going with him as second in command. This he would seem to have meant as a formal acknowledgment that he accepted the admiralty's explanations; and a month later (18 June) he applied to Anson to be sent home, on the pretext of a severe feverish cold, a complaint he was very subject to. He did not again hoist his flag till 13 May 1759, when he took command of the western squadron. It was known that the French were contemplating an invasion of England, or more probably of Ireland; that troops were mustered in the Morbihan; flat-bottomed boats for their transport were collected at Havre, and every exertion was to be made, by uniting the Toulon and Brest squadrons, to obtain command of the Channel. In the Mediterranean Bos-


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H cawen was watching the Toulon squadron, which he eventually destroyed in the Straits of Gibraltar and Lagos Bay on 18 and 19 Aug. [see ]. Nearer home Rodney destroyed the flat-bottomed boats at Havre in July [see ]; it was for Hawke to keep watch over the fleet in Brest, a service which he carried out with a persistence till then unknown, thereby practically initiating a revolution in naval strategy. The technical details of the blockade, as well as the measures which he took for the victualling of the fleet and for the frequent refreshing of the men by short visits to Plymouth, two or three ships at a time, deserve close study. ‘The relief of the squadron,’ he wrote on 4 Aug., ‘depends more on the refreshment of the ships' companies than on cleaning the ships. … As to myself, it is a matter of indifference whether I fight the enemy, if they should come out, with an equal number, one ship more or less. … What I see I believe, and regulate my conduct accordingly’ (cf., Nelson Despatches, vi. 192). He held Brest a sealed port from May to November. At times, indeed, he was compelled by a strong westerly gale to take refuge in Torbay or the Sound; but as soon as the weather moderated he was again on his post, sometimes at anchor under Point St. Mathieu, at others standing out to seaward, but with a chain of vessels stretching into the very entrance of the Goulet. Never before had a fleet been able to keep the sea for such a time, nor did any fleet again do so for the next forty years. Walpole has absurdly described Hawke as a man of steady courage, ‘but really weak, and childishly abandoned to the guidance of a Scotch secretary’ (Memoirs of the Reign of George II, ii. 240). As a matter of fact, many of his letters are in his own handwriting; and his courage on the day of battle was not more conspicuous than his freedom from all fear of responsibility, his carelessness about making things smooth at the admiralty, or the pains he took in maintaining the well-being of his fleet. He insisted on due supplies of fresh beef and vegetables; he condemned bad beer, summarily dismissed incompetent medical officers, and peremptorily refused to discuss with the navy board his right to do so.

November set in with very bad weather. After struggling against a tremendous westerly gale for three days the fleet put into Torbay on the 9th, went out on the 12th, but on the 13th was again driven in. The Ramillies, which had carried Hawke's flag through the summer and autumn, was in need of a thorough refit. Hawke shifted his flag to the Royal George, and put to sea on the 14th. On the 17th he had news that the French fleet was at sea. He was then off Ushant, and concluded that it must have gone round to embark the troops in Morbihan. The wind, blowing hard at S.S.E., drove him to the westward; it was still adverse through the 18th and 19th. On the morning of the 20th, being then some forty miles to the west of Belle Isle, the Maidstone frigate made the signal for seeing a fleet. No time was lost in the pedantic evolutions favoured by the ‘Fighting Instructions.’ The enemy was making off. Hawke made the signal ‘for the seven ships nearest them to chase, and draw into a line of battle ahead of the Royal George, and endeavour to stop them till the rest of the squadron should come up, who were also to form as they chased.’ Happily the French admiral, Marshal de Conflans, had been tempted out of his course in chase of the frigate squadron which, under Captain Duff, had for months past been keeping watch on the Morbihan coast. He had not time to recover his lost ground and reach the sheltering rocks and shoals of Quiberon Bay before the headmost ships of Hawke's irregularly formed line were on him. ‘All the day (in Hawke's own words) we had very fresh gales at N.W. and W.N.W. with heavy squalls. Monsieur Conflans kept going off under such sail as all his squadron could carry and at the same time keep together, while we crowded after him with every sail our ships could bear. At half-past 2 P.M., the fire beginning ahead, I made the signal for engaging. We were then to the southward of Belle Isle; and the French admiral headmost soon after led round the Cardinals, while his rear was in action. About 4 o'clock the Formidable struck, and a little after the Thésée and Superbe were sunk. About 5 the Héros struck and came to an anchor, but it blowing hard, no boat could be sent on board her. Night was now come, and being on a part of the coast among islands and shoals, of which we were totally ignorant, without a pilot, as was the greatest part of the squadron, and blowing hard on a lee shore, I made the signal to anchor.’

During the night, and the early morning of the 21st, two of the English ships, Resolution and Essex, struck on the Four, and were irrecoverably lost, though most of their men were saved. The French flagship, Soleil Royal, ran ashore near Croisic and was burnt; so also the Héros, which, after striking, was endeavouring to escape. Besides these five ships, taken or destroyed, seven, throwing overboard their guns and stores, ran up the Vilaine, where four of them broke their backs. The other nine escaped to the


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H southward, some into the Loire, some into Rochefort; but in either case their service during that war was at an end. The circumstances of the action—the short November day, the gale, the rocks, the ‘hawk-like swoop’ of the English fleet, the destruction of the French, and the relief from the tension of the last few months, during which an invasion had appeared imminent—all combined to raise popular enthusiasm in England to an unwonted pitch. Afloat, it appeared to the seamen as if the country expressed its gratitude coldly. The heavy weather of November continued through December. The fleet was safely anchored in Quiberon Bay, but the communication with England was interrupted; the supplies of fresh provisions became irregular; the ships' companies, no longer sustained by the excitement of a prospective battle, fell sick. The situation was shortly described in the familiar doggerel:— Ere Hawke did bang Mounseer Conflans, You sent us beef and beer: Now Mounseer's beat, We've nought to eat, Since you have nought to fear. Hawke meantime was engaged in a curious correspondence with the Duc d'Aiguillon, the commander-in-chief of the French army, relative to the exchange or surrender of prisoners. He demanded the men of the Héros, who had escaped by a breach of faith. D'Aiguillon of course refused: it is, indeed, now recognised that a ship in the position of the Héros has a right to escape if she can; but in 1759 the victor's theory was that a ship, by striking her flag, surrendered, ‘rescue or no rescue.’ The severity of the French loss is illustrated by Hawke's letter to the admiralty (2 Dec.): ‘As the number of men much wounded on board the Formidable was very great and very nauseous, I desired the Duc d'Aiguillon would send vessels to take them on shore. … The wounded were sent for. He also sent an officer to desire that I would send on shore five companies of the regiment of Saintogne and 140 militia on the terms of the cartel. … As only about 120 of the French soldiers survive, I consented that they should go on shore on parole given.’

His work being finished, on 16 Dec. Hawke requested to be relieved. He had, he wrote, been thirty-one weeks on board, without setting his foot on shore. It was not, however, till 17 Jan. 1760 that he was permitted to return to England. On the 21st the king received him at court in the most flattering manner. On the 28th he received the thanks of the House of Commons, conveyed by the speaker in a glowing eulogium. The government was less enthusiastic; and a pension of 1,500l., afterwards increased to 2,000l. a year for two lives, was the sole official acknowledgment of the greatest victory at sea since the defeat of the Spanish Armada. Personal pique on the part of Pitt, and personal jealousy on the part of Anson, probably explain the government's niggardly recognition (cf., p. 422). Their neglect has reacted on historians, who seem scarcely to have recognised the importance of the victory. So far as England was concerned, Quiberon Bay was the decisive action of the war; not only did it put an end to the long-cherished scheme of invasion, but for the time it completely destroyed the naval power of France. During the rest of the war no French squadron ventured to sea; the Bay of Biscay was an English sea; Quiberon Bay and Basque Roads were the anchorages of the English fleets, and their islets were cultivated as cabbage gardens for the refreshment of English seamen.

To Hawke's career, too, the battle was decisive. It left nothing further for him to do. His command in Quiberon Bay from August 1760 to March 1761, or at Spithead and in the Bay of Biscay from April to September 1762, was uneventful; though during these last months he was enriched by the capture of several valuable Spanish ships by his cruisers. He struck his flag for the last time on 3 Sept. 1762. On 21 Oct. he was promoted to be admiral of the white, and on 21 Dec. to be rear-admiral of Great Britain; on 21 Oct. 1765 to be vice-admiral of Great Britain, and on 15 Jan. 1768 to be admiral and commander-in-chief of the fleet.

In September 1766 Pitt, then Earl of Chatham, constant in his dislikes, passed over Hawke, and selected Sir Charles Saunders [q. v.] to be first lord of the admiralty. Hawke was nevertheless, it is said, one of the first to call on Saunders with his congratulations. Saunders, however, held the office for only a couple of months, and on his resignation Hawke was appointed, 28 Nov. 1766. Walpole, often merely the retailer of ignorant gossip (Memoirs of the Reign of George III, iv. 205, 257), Junius, who wrote what he thought might be pleasing to Chatham (5 March 1770, 17 Jan. 1771), and other scurrilous opponents of the government (Gent. Mag. 1770, p. 63), have represented Hawke as an incapable administrator, a charge entirely unsupported by any evidence. Proof positive of the efficiency of a naval administration in time of peace is difficult to obtain; but it was openly stated that his guiding maxim was ‘that our fleet could only be termed considerable in the proportion it bore to that of the House of Bourbon,’ and


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Russell, Charles (1832-1900)


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H that, while he broke up fourteen ships of the line during his term of office, he built or laid down twenty-eight (, p. 455). That in 1778 the English navy was found to be below the necessary strength cannot be attributed to Hawke's mismanagement; he retired from office seven years before, and on 25 June 1779 it was stated without contradiction in the House of Lords that ‘Hawke left 139 sail of the line behind him, 81 of which were at that time ready for sea’ (cf. Parl. Hist. xx. 976).

After his retirement from the admiralty in January 1771 Hawke resided mostly at Sunbury-on-Thames. On 20 May 1776 he was created a peer by the title of Baron Hawke of Towton; but he took little or no part in public affairs. His health was much broken during his later years, and he was much affected by the tragical death of Chaloner, his youngest son, on 17 Sept. 1777 (, Peerage, 1779, viii. 334;, Letters, ed. Cunningham, vi. 483, 490). His second son, Edward, a lieutenant-colonel in the army, had also died on 2 April 1773. With the exception of his signing, in December 1778, the protest of the admirals against the court-martial ordered on Keppel [see ], his name scarcely came before the public, though the scanty remains of his private correspondence show the interest he continued to take in naval matters [see ]. In one of the latest of his letters, 26 Aug. 1780, he wrote to Geary on his return from his summer cruise: ‘I wish the Admiralty would see what was done in former times; it would make them act with more propriety both for the good of officers and men. … For God's sake, if you should be so lucky as to get sight of the enemy, get as close to them as possible. Do not let them shuffle with you by engaging at a distance, but get within musket-shot if you can; that will be the way to gain great honour, and will be the means to make the action decisive.’ He died at Sunbury on 17 Oct. 1781. ‘Lord Hawke is dead,’ wrote Walpole to Mann on the 18th, ‘and does not seem to have bequeathed his mantle to anybody.’ He was buried by the side of his wife in the church of North Stoneham in Hampshire, where a monumental inscription records, without exaggeration, that ‘wherever he sailed victory attended him.’ Besides a daughter, Catherine, who is described as ‘the comfort of her father's life in his declining years,’ he left one son, Martin Bladen, who succeeded to the title as second baron.

Hawke's actions have very commonly been spoken of as a series of happy chances, recognised as such by the government which dealt out its rewards with a sparing hand. A close study of his career proves that his successes were due rather to care and foresight. Alike as captain and admiral his anxiety for the health and comfort of his men was incessant. Far in advance of his age, he arrived, however imperfectly, at a solution of the difficult problem of how to keep a ship's company healthy; and his discipline appears to have been strict, but kindly. His reproof of impiety, his care for the happiness of his men, his manly decision and dignified deportment worked a rapid though silent reformation through the whole fleet (Gent. Mag. 1832, pt. i. p. 611). Whether he was a consummate tactician must be, to some extent, matter of opinion. Unlike Nelson, he left no theoretical exposition of his views; his teaching was purely practical, but his two great actions were fought—in defiance of the ‘Fighting Instructions’—on the soundest tactical principles.

A full-length portrait of Hawke, by Francis Cotes, is in the Painted Hall at Greenwich, to which it was presented by the third Lord Hawke. Another similar picture, the property of Lord Hawke, is at Womersley Park, near Pontefract.

HAWKER, EDWARD (1782–1860), admiral, son of Captain James Hawker [q. v.], had his name placed by Prince William Henry on the books of the Pegasus in 1786, but he first went to sea in 1793 on board the Pegasus frigate, and afterwards in the Swiftsure, with his brother-in-law, Captain Charles Boyles. In July 1796 he was promoted to be lieutenant of the Raisonnable, also with Captain Boyles; in 1799–1800 he was in the Spitfire sloop with his brother-in-law, Commander (afterwards Sir Michael) Seymour (1768–1834) [q. v.], and from 1801 to 1803 in the Thames frigate with Captain Aiskew Paffard Hollis [q. v.], at Gibraltar and on the coast of Egypt. He afterwards commanded the Swift cutter in the West Indies, and in August 1803 was promoted to the command of the Port Mahon brig. In June 1804 he was advanced to post rank, and in the following


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H month was appointed to the Theseus, bearing the flag of Rear-admiral Dacres, on the West Indian station. He afterwards commanded, on the same station, the Tartar and the Melampus till 1812, being continually engaged in active and successful cruising against the enemy's privateers. From 1813 to 1815, first in the Bellerophon and afterwards in the Salisbury, he was flag-captain to Sir Richard Goodwin Keats, commander-in-chief at Newfoundland, and from 1827 to 1830 was flag-captain to the Earl of Northesk at Plymouth. He had no further service afloat, but became in due course rear-admiral in 1837, vice-admiral in 1847, admiral in 1853, and died at Brighton 8 June 1860.

During his later years he was a frequent correspondent of the ‘Times,’ writing on naval subjects under the signature of ‘A Flag Officer.’ A letter to Wellington in 1840 was published separately. He was also well known in religious and philanthropic circles. He was married and left issue.

HAWKER, JAMES (d. 1787), captain in the navy, entered the service in 1744 on board the Shrewsbury with Captain Gideon. He was afterwards with Captain Rodney in the Sheerness, with Lucius O'Bryen in the Colchester, and Molyneux Shuldham. His passing certificate is dated 4 June 1755. On 31 Dec. 1755 he was appointed lieutenant of the Colchester, which in 1759 was attached to the fleet off Brest under Hawke. On 6 Aug. 1761 he was promoted to the command of the Barbadoes, and in April 1763 was appointed to the Sardoine. He was posted on 26 May 1768, and in March 1770 commissioned the Aldborough. In July 1779 he commanded the Iris, a 32-gun frigate, on the coast of North America, and in her, on 6 June 1780, fought a well-conducted and equal action with the French 36-gun frigate Hermione, commanded by M. La Touche Tréville, who died in 1804, vice-admiral in command of the Toulon fleet. After a severe combat the two ships separated, both disabled; the Iris returned to New York, and the Hermione made the best of her way to Boston. La Touche was greatly mortified, as his frigate was by far the more powerful, and he had previously boasted that he would clear the coast of British cruisers. Some angry correspondence ensued, with the object apparently of determining which of the two ran away from the other. This was published in the ‘New York Gazette’ (, v. 47), and created a very unfavourable impression of La Touche's conduct, to which Nelson angrily referred during the time of his Toulon command (Nelson Despatches, vi. 165). It is said that during the action a chain-shot did a good deal of damage to the Hermione, on which La Touche remarked, ‘Voilà une liaison bien dangereuse!’—it is, however, very doubtful if the Iris fired any chain-shot. On 1 Aug. Hawker was moved into the Renown, which he took to England, and on 10 Nov. was appointed to the Hero, one of the squadron with Commodore George Johnstone [q. v.] in Porto Praya on 16 April 1781. He quitted the Hero shortly afterwards, and had no further service, dying in 1787. He left a family of three sons and five daughters, three of whom married naval officers, Admiral Charles Boyles, Admiral E. Oliver Osborne, and Admiral Sir Michael Seymour, bart.; another daughter married Sir William Knighton, private secretary and keeper of the privy purse to George IV. Of the sons two entered the army; the third, Edward [q. v.], died, an admiral, in 1860.

HAWKER, PETER (1786–1853), soldier and sporting writer, born 24 Dec. 1786, was son of Colonel Peter Ryves Hawker (d. 1790) of Longparish, Hampshire, by Mary Wilson Yonge, who was of an Irish family. Like his father and many of his ancestors Hawker entered the army, his commission as cornet in the 1st royal dragoons dating from 1801. In 1803 he joined the 14th light dragoons, in which regiment he became captain the year following, and served with it in the Peninsular war. Being badly wounded at Talavera, he retired from active service in 1813, but by the recommendation of the Duke of Clarence he was made major (1815), and then lieutenant-colonel (1821) of the North Hampshire Militia. Hawker, a man of very varied ability, was a good musician as well as a keen sportsman. He composed much music, and in 1820 patented an improvement in the construction of the pianoforte. At the Exhibition of 1851 some alterations in firearms which Hawker devised attracted attention, and he hoped in vain that they would be adopted by the war office. He died on 7 Aug. 1853. An engraving of a bust of Hawker is in his ‘Instructions to Young Sportsmen’ (11th ed.)

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H lieutenant in the 74th regiment, and two daughters.

Hawker's works comprise: 1. ‘Journal of a Regimental Officer during the recent Campaign in Portugal and Spain,’ London, 1810, 8vo. 2. ‘Instructions to Young Sportsmen in all that relates to Guns and Shooting,’ London, 1814, 8vo. This work, by which Hawker became widely known, passed through many editions, and was amended and added to from time to time; the eleventh edition is dated 1859. 3. ‘Abridgment of the New Game Laws, with Observations and Suggestions for their Improvement. Being an Appendix to the sixth edition of “Instructions to Young Sportsmen,”’ London, 1851, 8vo. 4. ‘Instructions for best position on Pianoforte,’ London, 4to.

HAWKER, ROBERT, D.D. (1753–1827), Calvinistic divine, born at Exeter on 13 April 1753, was son of Jacob Hawker, a surgeon of that city. After passing through the Exeter grammar school he became a pupil of Mr. White, surgeon, of Plymouth, and in 1772 he married Anne, daughter of Lieutenant (afterwards Captain) Rains, R.N. After walking the London hospitals, he was for about three years assistant-surgeon in the royal marines. On 27 May 1778 he was matriculated in the university of Oxford as a member of Magdalen Hall. He took holy orders, and became curate of St. Martin, near Looe, Cornwall (20 Sept. 1778), and curate to the Rev. John Bedford, vicar of Charles, near Plymouth (December 1778), succeeding to the vicarage of Charles on Bedford's death in 1784. A volume of ‘Sermons on the Divinity of Christ’ procured for him the diploma of D.D. from the university of Edinburgh, 5 July 1792. He accepted the deputy-chaplaincy of the garrison at Plymouth in 1797. In 1802 he founded The Great Western Society for Dispersing Religious Tracts among the Poor in the Western District, and in 1813 he established the Corpus Christi Society in his parish. In doctrine he was a high Calvinist, and he was one of the most popular extemporaneous preachers in the kingdom, His voice was powerful, yet harmonious, and as a pulpit orator he was impressive and fascinating. For many years he paid an annual visit to London, and preached to crowded congregations in the principal churches. He died at Plymouth on 6 April 1827, and was buried in his church of Charles, where a tablet, surmounted by a marble bust, was erected to his memory.

By his wife Anne Rains (who died on 3 April 1817) he had eight children. One of his sons, the Rev. Jacob Hawker, was the father of Robert Stephen Hawker [q. v.]

His principal works are: 1. ‘Sermons on the Divinity of Christ,’ London, 1792, 8vo. 2. ‘Sermons on the Divinity and Operations of the Holy Ghost,’ Bath, 1794, 8vo. 3. ‘An Appeal to the People of England on the … French Revolution,’ 1794, 8vo. 4. ‘Paraclesis, or Consolations for a Dying Hour, from a review of the evidences of the renewed life,’ London [1797], 12mo. 5. ‘Zion's Pilgrim,’ Falmouth, 1801, 8vo; another edition, ‘to which is now first added Zion's Pilgrim past seventy,’ London, 1829, 12mo. 6. ‘Zion's Warrior, or the Christian Soldier's Manual,’ 1802. 7. ‘The Sailor Pilgrim,’ 2nd edition, London [1806?], 12mo. 8. ‘Life and Writings of the Rev. Henry Tanner of Exeter,’ London, 1807, 8vo. 9. ‘The Poor Man's Morning Portion, being a selection of a verse of Scripture, with short observations, for every day in the year,’ 2nd edition, London, 1809, 12mo. 10. ‘The Poor Man's Evening Portion,’ 4th ed. 1819. These last two works have been frequently reprinted, and were published together in 1842 and 1854. 11. ‘The Poor Man's Commentary on the New Testament,’ 4 vols., London, 1816, 12mo. 12. ‘Visits to and from Jesus upon the most interesting occasions, and in the most hallowed moments of life,’ London, 1816, 12mo. 13. ‘Lectures on the Person, Godhead, and Ministry of the Holy Ghost,’ Plymouth [1817], 12mo. 14. ‘The Poor Man's Commentary on the Old Testament,’ 6 vols., London, 1822, 12mo. 15. ‘The Portrait of an English Bishop of the Sixteenth Century,’ 2nd edition, London, 1829, 8vo. 16. ‘Life of Dr. T. Goodwin,’ 1838. 17. ‘A Concordance and Dictionary to the Sacred Scriptures, both of the Old and New Testament,’ new edition, London, 1846, 12mo. The list of Hawker's writings in the British Museum Catalogue of Printed Books occupies six columns.

His ‘Works, with a Memoir of his Life and Writings, by John Williams, D.D., minister of Stroud, Gloucestershire,’ appeared in 10 vols. London, 1831, 8vo. Prefixed to the first volume is a portrait of Hawker, engraved by R. Woodman from a painting by G. Patten.


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 HAWKER, ROBERT STEPHEN (1803–1875), poet and antiquary, born at Stoke Damerel, Devonshire, 3 Dec. 1803, and baptised in its parish church, was grandson of [q. v.], and eldest son of Jacob Stephen Hawker, then a medical man practising in and around Plymouth, but afterwards curate and vicar of Stratton, Cornwall. His mother was Jane Elizabeth, second daughter of Stephen Drewitt of Winchester, and later of Plymouth. His early education was under the Rev. Athanasius Laffer, head-master of Liskeard grammar school, and he was then articled to a solicitor, William Jacobson (, Blue Friars, pp. 10, 66, 73), at Plymouth, but the work soon became distasteful and he was sent to Cheltenham grammar school. He matriculated at Pembroke College, Oxford, on 28 April 1823, at the age of nineteen, and on 6 Nov. in the same year married, at Stratton, Charlotte Eliza Rawleigh, one of four daughters of Colonel Wrey l'Ans of Whitstone House, near that town (, Cornwall, ii. 159–60). The bride was forty-one and Hawker was not yet twenty, but the marriage proved happy. On his return to Oxford he migrated to Magdalen Hall, where he graduated B.A. 14 May 1828, and M.A. 25 May 1836, and made the acquaintance of Bishop Jeune and Bishop Jacobson (, Twelve Good Men, ii. 261, 273). While at Oxford he won the Newdigate prize in 1827 by a poem on Pompeii, which subsequently came under the notice of Bishop Phillpotts and brought him preferment. Hawker was ordained deacon in 1829 and priest in 1831. His first curacy was at North Tamerton in Cornwall. Early in 1834 he was offered by Bishop Phillpotts the vicarage of Stratton, but declined it in favour of his father, then curate there. He was instituted to the vicarage of Morwenstow 31 Dec. of the same year. The parish is situate on the north-east corner of Cornwall, and its rocky coast is the scene of many a shipwreck. The mariners who escaped found in Hawker a warm friend, and the bodies of more than forty that perished were buried under his direction. The tithes are commuted at a pound a day, and there is a glebe of seventy-two acres. Hawker was, moreover, instituted in 1851, on the presentation of Lord Clinton, to the adjoining vicarage of Wellcombe. But he was imprudent in money matters, and for many years before his death suffered acutely from poverty. In ecclesiastical affairs he did not spare himself. The church was restored in 1849. A new parsonage-house was secured through his exertions, and a central school established by him in the parish was largely maintained through his contributions. To add to his expenditure he became involved in a lawsuit, which he ultimately won, with the first Lord Churston over the ancient glebe and the well of St. John. His theological views were mainly those of the tractarians. As rural dean he set on foot in 1844 ruridecanal synods, and vindicated their existence in a pamphlet; he introduced about the same time a weekly offertory, which he advocated in a printed letter to Mr. John Walter of the ‘Times;’ and he instituted harvest thanksgivings. His wife, an accomplished lady, who published two translations from the German, died 2 Feb. 1863, aged 81, and was buried outside the chancel of Morwenstow Church. On 21 Dec. 1864 Hawker married at Trinity Church, Paddington, Pauline Anne Kuczynski, whose acquaintance he had made when she was a governess with a family resident in his parish. Her father, Vincent Francis Kuczynski, a Polish exile, who held an appointment in the Public Record Office, had married Mary Newton, an English woman. By this union Hawker had three daughters. His health began to fail in 1873. He died at 9 Lockyer Street, Plymouth, on 15 Aug. 1875, and was buried in the cemetery of that town on 18 Aug. In his last hours he was formally received into the Roman catholic faith. The question how long he had been in unison with that creed was fiercely debated for some weeks in the religious newspapers.

Hawker's chief poetical pieces were: He contributed many poems and essays in prose to periodicals; the titles of most of them are printed in the ‘Bibliotheca Cornubiensis.’ His poetical works, ‘now first collected and arranged with a Prefatory Notice by J. G. Godwin,’ appeared in 1879. Several of his prose articles on the legends of Cornwall and the traits of its inhabitants were
 * 1) ‘Tendrils by Reuben,’ Cheltenham, 1821.
 * 2) ‘Pompeii,’ a prize poem, 1827, and frequently republished; Sir Francis Doyle correctly points out (Reminiscences, p. 98) that he had made ‘considerable use’ of Macaulay's prize poem on the same subject.
 * 3) ‘Records of the Western Shore,’ 1832 and 1836.
 * 4) ‘Ecclesia,’ 1840 and 1841.
 * 5) ‘Reeds Shaken with the Wind,’ 1843; second cluster, 1844; a volume of poems mostly religious.
 * 6) ‘Echoes from Old Cornwall,’ 1846.
 * 7) ‘The Quest of the Sangraal. Chant the First,’ Exeter, 1864. This was the best of his compositions. It was composed in 1863 in his hut, ‘a rocky excavation overlooking the Severn Sea.’
 * 8) ‘Cornish Ballads and other Poems, including a second edition of the “Quest of the Sangraal,”’ 1869, and again in 1884.


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 embodied in a volume entitled ‘Footprints of Former Men in Far Cornwall,’ 1870, but his smaller contributions remain uncollected. Hawker's ballads, direct and simple in style, were composed in the true spirit of antiquity. That on ‘Trelawny,’ the most famous of all his compositions, was, according to his own account, suggested by the chorus, which he professed to regard as genuinely old:

But further evidence of the antiquity of these lines is wanting. The ballad was composed in Sir Beville's Walk in Stowe Wood, Morwenstow, in 1825, and was printed anonymously in the ‘Royal Devonport Telegraph and Plymouth Chronicle’ on 2 Sept. 1826, pt. iv. It attracted the notice of Davies Gilbert, who reprinted it at his private press at Eastbourne, and procured its insertion in the ‘Gentleman's Magazine,’ 1827, pt. ii. p. 409. Sir Walter Scott and Charles Dickens (in Household Words, 30 Oct. 1852) were among those who were deceived into the belief that it was an ancient ballad, but Dickens at a later date (ib. 20 Nov. 1852) assigned the authorship to Hawker. Shortly after Hawker's death the Rev. F. G. Lee, D.C.L., printed privately some commemorative verses, and in 1876 he issued a volume of ‘Memorials of the late Rev. R. S. Hawker,’ which was the expansion of an article from his pen that appeared in the ‘Morning Post’ 8 Sept. 1875. A second life, published in 1875 by the Rev. Sabine Baring-Gould, was subjected to very severe criticism in the ‘Athenæum’ of 26 March 1876. The result was the withdrawal of the volume and the appearance of a ‘new and revised edition.’ This in its turn was adversely criticised in the same review for 17 June 1876, Thirty copies of these critical notices were struck off for private circulation in 1876, signed with the initials W. M., i.e. William Maskell, a friend and neighbour of Hawker. Subsequent editions of Baring-Gould's ‘Memoir’ came out in 1876, 1886, and 1899. Hawker's library and pictures were sold on 29 Sept. 1875. His character is delineated as Canon Tremaine in Mortimer Collins's novel of ‘Sweet and Twenty.’

HAWKER, THOMAS (d. 1723?), portrait-painter, according to Vertue, came to live in Sir Peter Lely's house after Lely's death, in the hope of benefiting by the famous associations of the house. This hope was not realised. He is known by a full-length portrait of the Duke of Grafton, engraved in mezzotint by Beckett, a portrait of Titus Oates, engraved in mezzotint and published by R. Tompson, and a head of Sir Dudley North. One Hawker (called by Vertue, perhaps in error, Edward Hawker) is stated to have been admitted a poor knight of Windsor, and to have been living in 1721, over eighty years of age.

HAWKESBURY,. [See, 1727–1808.]

HAWKESWORTH, JOHN, LL.D. (1715?–1773), miscellaneous writer, was of humble origin. In his youth he was ‘a hired clerk to one Harwood, an attorney in Grocers' Alley in the Poultry’ (, Life of Johnson, p. 221). He belonged to the congregation of [q. v.], till expelled for some irregularities (New Biog. Dict. 1798, vii. 358). In 1744 he is said to have succeeded Johnson as compiler of the parliamentary debates in the ‘Gentleman's Magazine,’ and from 1746 to 1749 he contributed a number of poetical pieces to that magazine, several of which were signed ‘Greville’ and ‘H. Greville’ (see a list in, British Essayists, vol. xix. p. xvi). The last number of Johnson's ‘Rambler’ appeared on 14 March 1752. Encouraged by its success, Hawkesworth, in company with Johnson, Bathurst, and Warton, started the ‘Adventurer,’ the first number of which was published on 7 Nov. 1752, and the last and 140th number on 9 March 1754. This series of essays was a great success, and has been frequently reprinted. Hawkesworth, who was the editor, and signed the last number with his full name, wrote some seventy or seventy-two of the papers. In 1755 he published the ‘Works of Jonathan Swift … accurately revised, in twelve volumes, adorned with copper plates, with some account of the Author's Life, and Notes Historical and Explanatory, by John Hawkesworth,’ London, 8vo, 1754–5. A quarto edition in six volumes was also published in 1755. To these editions


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H other volumes were afterwards added (see, Lit. Anecdotes, v. 391). In 1756, at Garrick's request, Hawkesworth altered Dryden's comedy of ‘Amphitryon, or the Two Sosias,’ London, 8vo, acted at Drury Lane, in five acts, prose and verse. A letter written by Hawkesworth on 8 Nov. 1756, in reference to an abstract of Voltaire's ‘Philosophical Dictionary,’ in the ‘Gentleman's Magazine,’ declares that the magazine was not solely under his direction; and adds that he disapproved of much in it, and had nothing to do with the political articles (, Biog. Dict. xvii. 238). Archbishop Herring, having conferred upon him, on 4 Dec. 1756, the Lambeth degree of LL.D. in consideration of his literary talents, Hawkesworth thought of practising in the ecclesiastical courts. He abandoned the profession, for which he was quite unqualified, soon afterwards, and devoted himself to the superintendence of a prosperous school kept by his wife at Bromley for the education of young ladies. In 1759 he adapted Southern's tragedy of ‘Oroonoko,’ which was produced at Drury Lane. In 1760 he wrote an oratorio called ‘Zimri,’ the music of which was composed by John Stanley. In January 1761 his ‘Edgar and Emmeline, a Fairy Tale, in a Dramatic Entertainment of Two Acts’ (London, 8vo), met with great success at Drury Lane, and in the same year he published ‘Almoran and Hamet, an Oriental Tale,’ London, 16mo, 2 vols. This story attained a considerable share of popularity, a second edition being published a few months after the first. It is stated in Baker's ‘Biographia Dramatica’ that it was originally written by Hawkesworth in 1756 as a drama in three acts, and that Garrick thought of producing it, but was deterred by the expense (i. 136). The story, however, was afterwards utilised by Samuel Jackson Pratt for his tragedy of the ‘Fair Circassian,’ London, 1781, 8vo, which was produced at Drury Lane (, Lit. Anecdotes ix. 723). In April 1765 Hawkesworth was appointed the reviewer of the ‘New Publications’ in the ‘Gentleman's Magazine,’ an office originally held by Owen Ruffhead, the editor of the ‘Statutes.’ In 1766 he published ‘Letters written by the late Jonathan Swift … 1703–1740 … with Notes Explanatory and Historical, by John Hawkesworth, LL.D.,’ London, 8vo, 3 vols. These volumes were added to the octavo edition of Swift's ‘Works’ of 1755, and are numbered 17, 18, and 19. A seventh edition was published in 1768, London 12mo. In 1768 he produced his translation of the ‘Adventures of Telemachus,’ dedicated to Lord Shelburne, from Bromley, Kent, 12 April 1768. Upon Garrick's recommendation in 1771 Hawkesworth was appointed by Lord Sandwich, then first lord of the admiralty, to revise and publish an account of the late voyages to the South Seas. According to Malone he scarcely did anything to the manuscript, but sold it to Cadell and Strahan for 6,000l. (, Life of Malone, p. 441; see also, Letters, Cunningham's edit., v. 463). The work appeared in 1773 under the title of ‘An Account of the Voyages undertaken by order of his present Majesty for making Discoveries in the Southern Hemisphere … drawn up from the Journals which were kept by the several Commanders and from the Papers of Joseph Banks, Esq., by John Hawkesworth, LL.D.,’ &c., London, 4to, 3 vols. The dedication to the king is dated Bromley, Kent, 1 May 1773, and the book was profusely illustrated with a number of maps and plans at the expense of the government. The first volume contains an account of the voyages of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, the second and third the first voyage of Captain Cook. German and French translations appeared in the following year. The book met with much severe criticism (see letter from Mrs. Chapone in Autobiography, 1862, 2nd ser. i. 552). It was condemned both for inaccuracies and indecencies. Hawkesworth shocked many religious persons in his ‘general introduction’ by refusing to attribute any of the critical escapes from danger, which he had recorded, ‘to the particular interposition of providence,’ maintaining that, as he could not admit the agency of chance in the government of the world, he ‘must necessarily refer every event to one cause … as well the sufferings as the enjoyments of life’ (vol. i. pp. xix–xxi). Thurlow, in his speech on the copyright question on 24 March 1774, stated that Hawkesworth's book, ‘which was a mere composition of trash,’ sold for three guineas by the monopolising of the booksellers (Parl. Hist. xvii. 1086), while Johnson spoke of it contemptuously to Boswell (, Life of Johnson, ii. 247).

Hawkesworth was appointed a director of the East India Company in April 1773, but took no active part in their proceedings. The attacks made upon ‘the Voyages’ in the newspapers and the periodical press preyed greatly on his mind. He was seized with low fever, and died on 16 Nov. 1773 at the house of his friend Dr. Grant in Lime Street, aged 58, ‘out of luck not to have died a twelvemonth ago’ (, Letters, vi. 11). According to Malone he was ‘supposed to have put an end to his life by intentionally taking an immoderate dose of opium’ (,


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 wound, while he repeatedly hailed the "Leopard" in the hope of gaining a moment's time, and sent officer after officer below to hurry the men at the guns. Neither among the officers nor among the crew was courage the resource that failed them. Many of the men on the upper deck exposed themselves unnecessarily to the flying grapeshot by standing on the guns and looking over the hammocks, till Barron ordered them down. Careful subsequent inquiry could detect no lack of gallantry except in the pilot, who when questioned as to the commodore's behavior had the manliness to confess his alarm, "I was too bad scared myself to observe him very particularly."

The British account, which was very exact, said that the "Leopard's" fire lasted fifteen minutes,—from 4.30 to 4.45 ,—during which time three full broadsides were discharged without return. No one could demand that Commodore Barron should subject his crew and ship to a longer trial when he had no hope of success. The time in which the "Leopard" could have sunk the "Chesapeake" might be a matter of doubt; but in the next battle between similar ships, five years afterward, the "Constitution," with about the "Leopard's" armament, totally disabled the "Guerriere" in less than thirty minutes, so that she sank within twenty-four hours,—though at the time of the action a heavy sea was running, and the "Guerriere" fought desperately with her whole broadside of twenty-five guns. June 22, 1807, the sea was calm; the "Leopard" lay quietly within pistol-shot; the


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[Ch. 55.] and if the other amalgamated company or companies shall object to such proposed alteration or discontinuance, the matter shall be referred to the rates tribunal, who shall make such order as they shall think just.

(3) Subject to the provisions of this Act with respect to circuitous routes, in the case of a route competitive with its own by which traffic passes the through rates or fares charged by any amalgamated company shall not, unless the rates tribunal for good cause shown so order, be higher than those charged by its own route.

(4) No constituent or subsidiary company and no amalgamated company shall be at liberty to refuse to receive, forward, or deliver traffic consigned by a through route on the ground that such traffic can be carried by a route which has, through the operation of this Act, become local to such company.

Allocation of receipts on worked railways

76. Where under any Act or agreement passed or made before the passing of this Act any railway is receipts maintained and worked on terms based upon the receipts from the traffic on such railway, the amount which shall be payable to the owning company out of such receipts shall be such as would have been payable to them if the rates, fares, tolls, dues, and charges in respect of such traffic had been the same as those in operation during the year nineteen hundred and thirteen, but not less than the amount actually paid in that year with the addition of an amount in respect of interest an capital expenditure at the same rate per annum as was payable by the Government to any such company in respect of the year nineteen hundred and twenty under the agreements or arrangements relating to the possession by the "Crown of the railway of such company, and the balance of such receipts shall be retained by the company maintaining and working the said railway.

Account,returns and statistics

77.—(1) The accounts to be rendered under the shall be compiled in such manner as may be determined by the Railway Clearing House with the approval, of the Minister, or, if the Minister is unable to approve the proposals of the Railway Clearing House, as may be determined by the Minister after reference to, and considering the report thereon by, a committee composed of 63


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 1746 at Dublin, and issued there several editions of the classics. These have been much commended for their beauty and accuracy by the classical bibliographers, Edward Harwood and Thomas Frognall Dibdin. Hawkey projected an edition of Cicero in twenty volumes, which, however, was not printed. He published at Dublin handsome editions of ‘Paradise Lost’ in 1747, and ‘Paradise Regained’ in 1752. These editions, according to Milton's editor, the Rev. H. J. Todd, are valuable for their accuracy. Hawkey died at Dublin in 1759.

His editions of classical authors, all published in Dublin in 8vo, are:
 * 1) ‘Virgilius,’ 1745.
 * 2) ‘Horatius,’ 1745, dedicated to Primate John Hoadly.
 * 3) ‘Terentius,’ 1745, dedicated to the Earl of Chesterfield.
 * 4) ‘Juvenal and Persius,’ 1746, dedicated to Mordecai Cary, bishop of Killala.
 * 5) ‘Sallustius,’ 1747.

HAWKINS, CÆSAR (1711–1786), surgeon, son of Cæsar Hawkins, a country surgeon, and great-grandson of Colonel Cæsar Hawkins, who commanded a regiment of horse in the time of Charles I, was born 10 Jan. 1711, and studied with his father and with a Mr. Ranby for seven years. On 1 July 1735 he was admitted to the Company of Surgeons, and on 19 Aug. 1736 was made a member of the livery and chosen demonstrator of anatomy. This latter office he resigned in the next year on being appointed surgeon to the Prince of Wales and to one of the troops of guards. In 1735 he was elected surgeon to St. George's Hospital, and held this office till 1774. He was made sergeant-surgeon to George II on 7 Sept. 1747, and occupied the same post in the next reign. On 3 Sept. 1778 he was created a baronet, and died 13 Feb. 1786. He married Sarah, daughter of Mr. John Coxe, and left a family, one of whom, Charles, was also sergeant-surgeon, and another, the Rev. Edward Hawkins, was the father of, D.D. [q. v.], provost of Oriel, of Dr. [q. v.], and of [q. v.] The same important post was also held by Pennell Hawkins, a brother of Sir Cæsar, and by George, son of Pennell, being thus occupied by four members of the same family in three generations.

Hawkins was considered a very dexterous operator, and by his professional ability secured a large practice at an early age. He is said to have made 1,000l. a year by phlebotomy alone. He was the inventor of an instrument called the cutting gorget, but left behind him no literary work. His portrait, by Hogarth, is at the Royal College of Surgeons.

HAWKINS, CÆSAR HENRY (1798–1884), surgeon, born 19 Sept. 1798 at Bisley, Gloucestershire, was son of the Rev. Edward Hawkins, and grandson of Sir, bart. [q. v.] He received his early education at Christ's Hospital, and after serving as pupil to a Mr. Sheppard was admitted a student of St. George's Hospital under Sir Everard Home and Brodie in 1818. He became member of the Royal College of Surgeons in 1821, taught anatomy with Sir Charles Bell in the Hunterian School, Windmill Street, was appointed surgeon to St. George's Hospital in 1829, and held this office till 1861, when, on his resignation, he was appointed consulting surgeon. He was president of the Royal College of Surgeons in 1852 and again in 1861; was examiner for many years, and delivered the Hunterian oration before the college in 1849. In 1862 he was appointed sergeant-surgeon to the queen, having previously been one of her majesty's surgeons. He was elected a trustee of the Hunterian Museum in 1871, and was also a fellow of the Royal Society.

Hawkins was an eminent and successful surgeon, who throughout his long life won the respect of the whole profession by his attainments and character. His opinion was especially valued in difficult cases. While in comparative retirement as consulting surgeon he was often seen in the wards of St. George's Hospital, where he gave his colleagues the benefit of his long experience. He was noted as being for a long time the only surgeon who had performed the operation of ovariotomy with success in a London hospital, and he did much to popularise the operation of colotomy. But, though a successful operator, he always leaned to what is called conservative surgery, and it was said of him that ‘he was always more anxious to teach his pupils how to save a limb than how to remove it.’

Hawkins contributed many memoirs and lectures to the medical journals, which were collected and printed for private circulation with the title ‘The Hunterian Oration, Presidential Addresses, and Pathological and Surgical Writings,’ 2 vols. 8vo, London, 1874. Among the more important are ‘The Hunterian Oration for 1849;’ ‘On the relative Claims of Sir Charles Bell and Magendie to


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[Ch. 55.] not less than three or more than six persons nominated by the Railway Companies' Association, and not less than three or more than six expert and impartial persons of wide commercial and trading experience to be chosen by the Minister from the panel set up under section twenty-three of the Ministry of Transport Act, 1919, as extended by this Act.

(2) It shall be the duty of every railway company to compile and render to the Minister the statistics and returns set out in the to this Act, sub-divided in the case of an amalgamated company in accordance with such operating areas as may be agreed between the Minister and the company, subject, nevertheless, to such variation of those statistics and returns as may from time to time be agreed between the Minister and the Railway Companies' Association :

Provided that the Minister may exempt any light railway company from the obligations imposed by this subsection to such extent as he may think fit.

(3) In the event of non-compliance on the part of any railway company with any requirement of this section, the requirement shall be enforcable by order of the Railway and Canal Commission on the application of the Minister in any of the ways referred to in section three of the, or section six of the .}}

(4) Nothing in this section shall be interpreted to authorise any limitation of or interference with the control of the proprietors of any undertaking over the purposes to which-its expenditure is to be applied.

Provision for applications by public authorities in certain cases.

78.—(1) Where under this Act an application may be made by a representative body of traders, or by a body of persons representative of trade or a locality, the application may be made by any of the following authorities or bodies—

(a) any harbour board, or conservancy authority, the common council of the City of London, or the council of any county or borough or district; or

(b) by such association of traders or freighters, or chamber of commerce, shipping, or agriculture as may obtain a certificate from the Board of Trade that it is, in the opinion of the Board of Trade, a proper body to make such an application.

64


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H the Discovery of the Functions of the Spinal Nerves;’ ‘Experiments on Hydrophobia and the Bites of Serpents;’ ‘On Excision of the Ovarium;’ ‘On Stricture of the Colon treated by Operation;’ and valuable ‘Lectures on Tumours.’

Hawkins died 20 July 1884. He was twice married: his first wife was a Miss Dolbel; his second wife, who survives him, was Miss Ellen Rouse. He left no issue.

 HAWKINS, EDWARD (1780–1867), numismatist and antiquary, born at Macclesfield on 5 May 1780, was the eldest son of Edward Hawkins of Macclesfield, banker, by his wife Ellen, daughter of Brian Hodgson of Ashbourne, Derbyshire. He was educated at the Macclesfield grammar school, and privately from 1797 to 1799 by Mr. Ormerod, vicar of Kensington, and father of the historian of Cheshire. About 1799 he returned to Macclesfield, and received a commission in a volunteer corps raised there. He was employed under his father in the Macclesfield bank until 1802, when the family left Macclesfield, and settled at Court Herbert in Glamorganshire. While there he was a partner with his father in a bank at Swansea, and they superintended the copper works at Neath Abbey. In 1807 he left Court Herbert, and lived successively at Glanburne, Drymon, and Dylais in North Wales. At this time he turned his attention to botany, and was elected a fellow of the Linnean Society in 1806. A service of Swansea china, hand-painted for him from the illustrations to Sowerby's ‘Botany,’ is in the possession of his son, the Rev. H. S. Hawkins. He also formed a very large collection of books and prints relating to Chester, and added a great number of engravings to his copy of Ormerod's ‘Cheshire,’ now in the possession of Mr. R. L. Kenyon. In 1816 his father died, leaving heavy debts, which Hawkins voluntarily charged on his own estates. In 1819 he took up his residence in Surrey, first at Nutfield, and then at East Hill, Oxted. In 1821 he was elected fellow of the Royal Society, of which he became vice-president.

In 1826 Hawkins was appointed keeper of antiquities (including at that time coins and medals and prints and drawings) at the British Museum, in succession to Taylor Combe (for whom he had been deputy since May 1825), and held the office till his resignation at the close of 1860 (Statutes and Rules of the British Museum, 1871). He edited and contributed to part v. and parts vii–x. of the ‘Description of Ancient Marbles in the British Museum,’ 1812, &c. fol., and completed and revised the ‘Description of the Anglo-Gallic Coins in the British Museum,’ 1826, 4to, begun by T. Combe. Hawkins published in 1841 (London, 8vo) ‘The Silver Coins of England,’ the standard work on the subject (2nd and 3rd editions by R. L. Kenyon, 1876, 8vo, 1887, 8vo). He also wrote a descriptive account of British medals, and an abridgment of part of this work (to the end of the reign of William III) was printed in 1852. The trustees of the British Museum declined to issue it, chiefly on account of several paragraphs in which Hawkins expressed his strong protestant and tory views (cf. Hansard's Debates, 3 July 1854, and Med. Illustr. i. p. vi). But when completed to the death of George II, and revised, with additions, by Mr. A. W. Franks and Mr. H. A. Grueber, it ultimately appeared as a British Museum publication in 1885, with the title ‘Medallic Illustrations of the History of Great Britain and Ireland,’ London, 2 vols. 8vo. It is the standard work on the subject. Hawkins had a minute knowledge of British medals, and had formed a magnificent collection of them, which was purchased from him by the British Museum in 1860. He also formed a large collection of English political caricatures, which was purchased by the British Museum in 1868. Hawkins edited for the Chetham Society Sir W. Brereton's ‘Travels in Holland,’ 1844, 4to, and ‘The Holy Lyfe … of Saynt Werburge,’ 1848, 4to. He was president of the Numismatic Society of London, and fellow (elected 1826) and vice-president (1856) of the Society of Antiquaries, to which he was much devoted. He contributed to the proceedings of both societies. In 1846 he was elected one of the treasurers of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.

Hawkins died at his house, 6 Lower Berkeley Street, London, on 22 May 1867, in the eighty-eighth year of his age. He remembered Dr. Johnson, whom he had seen a few days before Johnson's death. Hawkins married, on 29 Sept. 1806, Eliza, daughter of Major Rohde, and had three sons and a daughter: Edward, d. 1867; Rev. Herbert Samuel, rector of Deyton, Suffolk; Major Rohde (see below); Mary Eliza, wife of John Robert Kenyon, Q.C. An excellent bust of Hawkins by Mr. Hamo Thornycroft, R.A., is now in the possession of the Rev. H. S. Hawkins.

(1820–1884), the third son, born at Nutfield, Surrey, 4 Feb. 1820, studied architecture, and in 1841 was


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 "Chesapeake" could not injure her; and if the "Leopard" was as well fought as the "Constitution" she should have done at least equal damage. If she did not succeed, it was not for want of trying. The official survey, taken the next day, showed twenty-two round-shot in the "Chesapeake's" hull, ten shot-holes in the sails, all three masts badly injured, the rigging much cut by grape, three men killed, eight severely and ten slightly wounded, including Commodore Barron,—which proved that of the seventy or eighty discharges from the "Leopard's" guns a large proportion took effect.

After enduring this massacre for fifteen minutes, while trying to fire back at least one gun for the honor of the ship, Commodore Barron ordered the flag to be struck. It was hauled down; and as it touched the taffrail one gun was discharged from the gun-deck sending a shot into the "Leopard." This single gun was fired by the third lieutenant, Allen, by means of a live coal which he brought in his fingers from the galley.

The boats of the "Leopard" then came on board, bringing several British officers, who mustered the ship's company. They selected the three Americans who had deserted from the "Melampus," and were therefore not included in Berkeley's order. Twelve or fifteen others were pointed out as English deserters, but these men were not taken. After a search of the ship, Jenkin Ratford was dragged out of the coal-hole; and this discovery alone saved Captain


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 at Bedford. He matriculated from Balliol College, Oxford, on 19 April 1820, and took his B.A. in 1824, M.A. in 1827, and his B.D. on 14 June 1839. On his ordination he became curate to the Rev. Joseph Gould of Burwash, Sussex, and subsequently travelled on the continent with a pupil. He returned to Oxford as a fellow of Exeter College on 26 Dec. 1831, when he acted as an under-librarian of the Bodleian Library, and served the curacy of St. Aldate in the city of Oxford. Leaving Oxford about 1835 he undertook the curacy of St. George's, Bloomsbury, London. In 1838 he was appointed an under-secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and succeeded to the secretaryship in 1843. In the following year he became assistant preacher at Lincoln's Inn, and a prebendary of St. Paul's Cathedral, and in 1850 minister of Curzon Chapel, Mayfair. While he was secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, the income of the society rose from 16,000l. to 91,000l., and there was an increase of the colonial episcopate from eight to forty-seven sees. This was largely due to his tact and freedom from party feeling. During 1859 he served as vice-president of the Bishop's College at Cape Town. He retired from his secretaryship in 1864, and was promoted by the crown on 7 Nov. to a canonry at Westminster, vacated expressly for him by the voluntary resignation of William Henry Edward Bentinck, archdeacon of Westminster. Among his most intimate friends were Dr. Francis Fulford, metropolitan bishop of Canada; Dr. John Medley, bishop of Fredericton; and Dr. Edward Field, bishop of Newfoundland. Hawkins died at 20 Dean's Yard, Westminster, on 5 Oct. 1868, and was buried in the cloisters of the abbey on 12 Oct. He married, 20 July 1852, Sophia Anna, daughter of John Henry George Lefroy, rector of Ashe, Hampshire.

He was the writer or editor of: He also edited Nos. II and III of a work called ‘The Church in the Colonies.’ No. II, ‘A Journal of Visitation to a part of the Diocese of Quebec in 1843,’ and No. III, ‘A Journal of Visitation in Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, and New Brunswick in 1843.’
 * 1) ‘Documents relative to the Erection and Endowment of Additional Bishoprics in the Colonies,’ 1844.
 * 2) ‘Historical Notices of the Missions of the Church of England in the North American Colonies,’ 1845.
 * 3) ‘Annals of the Diocese of Fredericton,’ 1847.
 * 4) ‘Annals of the Diocese of Quebec,’ 1849.
 * 5) ‘Verses for 1851 in commemoration of the Third Jubilee of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel; ed. by E. Hawkins,’ 1851–2.
 * 6) ‘Documents relating to the Erection of Bishoprics in the Colonies, 1841–1855, with an historical preface,’ 1855; four editions.
 * 7) ‘Manual of Prayer for Working Men and their Families,’ 1855; four editions.
 * 8) ‘Psalms, Lessons, and Prayers adapted to the use of a Household,’ 1855.
 * 9) ‘The Book of Psalms, with explanatory notes,’ 1857; three editions.
 * 10) ‘The Gospel according to St. John. By Five Clergymen. Ed. by E. Hawkins,’ 1857.
 * 11) ‘Recent Expansion of the Church of England. The Ramsden Sermon at Oxford. With an appendix of dates and statistics,’ 1864.
 * 12) ‘Sick-bed Services. With a selection of Hymns,’ 1867; another edition, 1873.

HAWKINS, FRANCIS (1628–1681), jesuit, born in London in 1628, was son of, M.D. [q. v.], by Frances, daughter of Francis Power, esq., of Bletchington, Oxfordshire. Before he was eight he translated ‘Youth's Behaviour,’ which at his father's request was first printed by the publisher, William Lee, about 1641 (cf. Address to Reader in 1663 ed.). The edition of 1654 contains an engraved portrait of the boy, inscribed ‘François Hawkins tirant a l'aage d'huict ans,’ with four lines of English verse on his precocity. In 1649 he entered the Society of Jesus abroad, and was professed of the four vows on 14 May 1662. In 1665 he was socius to the master of novices at Watten; in 1672 confessor at Ghent; and in 1675 professor of holy scripture at Liège College, where he died on 19 Feb. 1680–1.

He is the author of ‘Youth's Behaviour, or Decency in Conversation amongst Men. Composed in French by grave persons, for the use and benefit of their youth. Now newly turned into English by Francis Hawkins,’ 2nd edition, London, 1646, 8vo. In his address to the reader the publisher apologises for ‘the Style … wrought by an uncouth and rough File of one in greene yeares.’ The 4th edition appeared at London, 1650, 12mo; other editions followed in 1652, 1653, 1654, and 1663; 9th edition, London, 1668, 8vo. A second part, entitled ‘Youth's Behaviour; or Decency in Conversation amongst Women,’ London, 1664, 12mo, with a portrait of Lady Ferrers, was added by the puritan bookmaker, [q. v.] [Foley's Records, iii. 492, iv. 700, vii. 346; Gillow's Bibl. Dict.; Granger's Biog. Hist. of England, iii. 107; Hazlitt's Bibliographical Col-


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 Humphreys from the blame of committing an outrage not only lawless but purposeless. At about seven o'clock the British officers left the ship, taking with them the three Americans and Jenkin Ratford. Immediately afterward Commodore Barron sent Lieutenant Allen on board the "Leopard" with a brief letter to Captain Humphreys:—

 * "I consider the frigate 'Chesapeake' your prize, and am ready to deliver her to any officer authorized to receive her. By the return of the boat I shall expect your answer."

The British captain immediately replied as follows:

 * "Having to the utmost of my power fulfilled the instructions of my commander-in-chief, I have nothing more to desire, and must in consequence proceed to join the remainder of the squadron,—repeating that I am ready to give you every assistance in my power, and do most sincerely deplore that any lives should have been lost in the execution of a service which might have been adjusted more amicably, not only with respect to ourselves but the nations to which we respectively belong."

At eight o'clock Barron called a council of officers to consider what was best to be done with the ship, and it was unanimously decided to return to the Roads and wait orders. Disgraced, degraded, with officers and crew smarting under a humiliation that was never forgotten or forgiven, the unlucky "Chesapeake" dragged her way back to Norfolk.

There she lay for many months. Barron's wrong was in the nature of a crime. His brother officers


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 ::  of Father 's ‘Synopsis Apostasiæ Marci Antonii de Dominis’ [q. v.], St. Omer, 1617, 8vo [see ].
 * 1) ‘Certaine selected Epistles of St. Hierome, as also the Lives of St. Paul, the first Hermite; of Saint Hilarion, the first Monke of Syria; and of St. Malchus, by the same Saint, translated into English,’ permissu superiorum, 1630, 4to.
 * 2) ‘Fuga Sæculi; or the Holy Hatred of the World. Conteyning the Lives of 17 Holy Confessours of Christ, selected out of sundry Authors. Translated by H. H.’ (from the Italian of the jesuit father Giovanni Pietro Maffei), Paris, 1632, 4to. The preface and the arguments by the translator are in verse.
 * 3) ‘The History of St. Elizabeth, Daughter of the King of Hungary. Collected from various authors by N. A.,’ sine loco, 1632, 12mo; dedicated to Lady Jerneghan.
 * 4) ‘Partheneia Sacra. Or the Mysteriovs and Deliciovs Garden of the Sacred Parthenes; Symbolically set forth and enriched with pious devises and emblemes of devovt sovles; Contriued al to the honovr of the Incomparable Virgin Marie, Mother of God; For the pleasure and deuotion of the Parthenian Sodalitie of her Immaculate Conception, by H. A.,’ Paris (John Cousturier), 1633, 8vo, illustrated with fifty plates. Oliver mentions an edition, Rouen, 1632, 8vo. The plates are neat and the verses above mediocrity.
 * 5) ‘The Life of St. Aldegunda,’ Paris, 1636, 12mo; translated, under the initials ‘H. H.,’ from the French of the jesuit father Binet.

HAWKINS, JAMES (1662–1729), organist and composer, was a chorister of St. John's College, Cambridge, where he graduated Mus.Bac. in 1719. In the same year he dedicated his anthem, ‘Behold, O God, our Defender’ (a manuscript in the library of the Royal College of Music), ‘to the Very Rev. Mr. Tomkinson, and the rest of the great, good, and just nonjurors of St. John's.’ Hawkins succeeded John Ferrabosco [see under, d. 1661] as organist of Ely Cathedral in 1682. He remained at Ely forty-six years. During that period he carefully arranged in volumes what fragments remained of the old manuscript choir books of the cathedral, many of which had been destroyed and many mutilated in the great rebellion. With these he bound up in manuscript seventeen services and seventy-five anthems of his own composition. Some doggerel lines by Hawkins in praise of Handel, inscribed on one of two copies of that master's ‘Jubilate’ (and quoted by Dickson), illustrate the ‘cheerfulness’ recorded in Hawkins's epitaph. He died on 18 Oct. 1729, in the sixty-seventh year of his age, and was buried ‘among many of his relations’ in the cathedral. Under the same black marble was laid (1732) Mary, his wife, ‘the tender mother of ten children.’

Vol. vii. of the music manuscripts in the Ely Cathedral library is lettered ‘Mr. Hawkins' Church Musick.’ It contains 532 pages of his compositions. These pieces, with others bound up in various volumes in the same library, comprise: ‘Services in A’ (two: one in Tudway's Collection); A minor (full score); B minor; B minor (chanting); B flat; C; C minor (chanting, founded on a chant ascribed to Croft, and generally sung in B minor); D (chanting); E minor (two); E flat (two); G (part of it in Tudway's Collection); F minor; ‘Burial Service;’ ‘Gloria in excelsis.’ Of Hawkins's seventy-five anthems, sketches, and fragments, nine are in the collection of Tudway, who was in correspondence with Hawkins (Harl. MSS. 7341–2).

His son, the younger, was organist of Peterborough Cathedral from 1714 to 1750. Manuscript copies of an anthem by him, ‘O praise the Lord,’ are preserved both in Tudway's Collection and at Ely.

HAWKINS or HAWKYNS, JOHN (1532–1595), naval commander, second son of  (d. 1553) [q. v.], and younger brother of (d. 1589) [q. v.], was born at Plymouth in 1532, a date which seems established by the evidence of the legend on a contemporary portrait (, frontispiece), and of the inscription formerly on a tablet in the church of St. Dunstan's-in-the-East, in which his years, at his death in 1595, are said to have amounted to ‘six times ten and three’ (, Survey of London, vol. i. lib. ii. p. 45). He was admitted a freeman of Plymouth in 1556 (, p. 251). He was bred to the sea, and while quite a young man made ‘divers voyages to the isles of the Canaries,’ where he learned ‘that negroes were very good merchandise in Hispaniola, and that they might easily be had upon the coast of Guinea.’ The last of


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H these voyages was probably in 1561. He had already, in or about 1559, married Katharine, daughter of Benjamin Gonson, treasurer of the navy, the son of William Gonson, treasurer of the navy before him and captain of the Mary Grace in 1513, when Hawkyns's father was presumably master of the Great Galley. With the assistance of his father-in-law and of other influential friends, including Wynter, another principal officer of the navy [see ], who became ‘liberal contributors and adventurers,’ he fitted out three good ships, and sailed from England in October 1562. After touching at Teneriffe, he passed on to Sierra Leone, and there obtained, ‘partly by the sword and partly by other means,’ which included the plundering of Portuguese vessels (Portuguese depositions in State Papers, For., July 1568), ‘three hundred negroes at the least, besides other merchandises which that country yieldeth,’ and ‘with that prey he sailed over the Ocean sea unto the island of Hispaniola,’ at the several ports of which, ‘standing always upon his guard, and trusting the Spaniards no farther than that by his own strength he was able still to master them,’ he sold his English wares, and all his negroes. ‘He received, by way of exchange, hides, ginger, sugars, and some pearls,’ with which he loaded his own three ships, besides freighting ‘two other hulks with hides and other like commodities which he sent into Spain.’ He arrived in England in September 1563 (, Principal Navigations, iii. 500).

The Spanish laws against unlicensed trading to the Spanish colonies were very stringent, and the two ships which Hawkyns sent to Seville were seized as smugglers. Hampton, the companion of Hawkyns's voyage, who had taken charge of them, would have been thrown into prison had he not hastily fled the country. Hawkyns and his friends were anxious to recover the ships and their confiscated cargoes, and did not scruple to assert that they ‘were driven to San Domingo by force of weather, where they had desired license of the judges of the island to sell certain slaves, to victual themselves, and to pay their men’ (Cal. State Papers, For. 1563, No. 1465, 8 Dec.) All this, however, availed them nothing. Six months later the English ambassador at Madrid wrote to Hawkyns, advising him to come to terms with some favourite of the king, by the promise of four thousand or five thousand ducats (ib. 1564–5, No. 545, 5 July 1564); but nothing seems to have been recovered. Hawkyns estimated the loss at about 20,000l.; but the profits of the voyage were still very large.

A second expedition on a larger scale was speedily set on foot. Foremost among the adventurers were the Earl of Pembroke and Lord Robert Dudley, afterwards Earl of Leicester. The queen was induced to lend the Jesus, a ship of seven hundred tons, which had been bought from Lubeck in the reign of Henry VIII (, Memoirs of the Royal Navy, pp. 9, 11), a loan which probably involved an interest in the expedition. In the Jesus, with his former ship the Solomon, and two smaller vessels, Hawkyns sailed from Plymouth on 18 Oct. 1564, and arrived at Teneriffe on 7 Nov. Here the Spaniards were no longer friendly, and it was with difficulty that the ships were permitted to refit. Coming on the coast of Africa, the natives were everywhere hostile. On 27 Dec. Hawkyns attacked a town, where he hoped to make many prisoners, but was repulsed with the loss of seven men slain and twenty-seven wounded, taking away only ten negroes. Other attempts were more fortunate, and on 29 Jan. 1564–5 the ships sailed from Sierra Leone, having on board a ‘great company of negroes,’ but ill provided with water. Calms and baffling winds made the voyage long. When at last, on 9 March, they came to Dominica and landed in search of water, they ‘could find none but rain-water and such as fell from the hills and remained as a puddle in the dale, whereof they filled for the negroes.’ At Burburata, on the coast of Venezuela, where they first attempted to trade, leave was refused, strict orders having been sent from Spain prohibiting all traffic with any foreign nation. Hawkyns wished to argue the point, but the orders were positive; so on 16 April he landed ‘a hundred men well armed, … with the which he marched to the town wards,’ and so constrained the governor to come to terms; after which a satisfactory trade was opened, and a good many of the negroes were disposed of. At Rio de la Hacha they were met by the same prohibition. Hawkyns again attempted argument, not unmixed with falsehood; he said that ‘he was in an armada of the queen's majesty's of England, and sent about other her affairs, but, driven besides his pretended voyage, was enforced by contrary winds to come into those parts.’ As the Spaniards still refused, Hawkyns sent them word ‘to determine either to give him license to trade, or else stand to their arms.’ On 21 May he landed ‘one hundred men in armour’ with two small guns, the fire of which produced the desired effect, without any actual collision. After this the traffic proceeded quietly enough, and the whole cargo was disposed of within ten days. They then sailed northwards,


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 made severe comments on his conduct; and Captain Gordon and some of his fellow-sufferers joined in the cry. One of his harshest critics was Stephen Decatur. Public sentiment required a victim. A court of inquiry which sat at Norfolk in October reported strongly against the commodore. He was charged with neglect of duty, with having failed to prepare his ship for action, with having surrendered prematurely, with having discouraged his men; but beneath all these charges lay an unjust belief in his want of courage. After six months delay, Barron was brought before a court-martial Jan. 4, 1808, and allowed to make his defence.

The court-martial took place at Norfolk, on board the "Chesapeake,"—his own ship, which recalled at every moment his disgrace. The judges were his juniors, with the single exception of Captain John Rodgers, who was president of the court. Among them sat Stephen Decatur,—a brilliant officer, but one who had still to undergo the experience of striking his flag and of hearing the world suspect his surrender to be premature. Decatur held strong opinions against Barron, and not only expressed them strongly, but also notified Barron of them in order that he might, if he pleased, exercise the privilege of challenging. Barron made no objection, and Decatur unwillingly kept his place. In other respects Barron was still more hardly treated by fortune; the first lieutenant of the "Chesapeake" had died in the interval; Dr. Bullus, whose evidence was of the utmost