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Rh share of joke, story, or verse. The weather was perfect, and our prospects for the morrow were good. My companions' joy culminated when a packet of red fire was thrown into the flames. It hissed and bubbled for a moment or two, and then broke out into a grand flare. The effect of the momentary light was magnificent; all around the mountains were illuminated for a second, and then relapsed into their solemn gloom. One by one our party dropped off to sleep, and at last I got into my blanket-bag. It was hardly necessary, for, although we were at a height of at least 7000 feet, the minimum temperature was above 40° Fahrenheit.

We roused at three, but did not start till half-past four. Giraud had been engaged as far as this rock only, but as he wished to go on, we allowed him to accompany us. We mounted the slopes and quickly got above the trees, then had a couple of hours' clambering over bits of precipitous rock and banks of débris, and, at a quarter to seven, got to a narrow glacier—Clos de 1'Homme—which streamed out of the plateau on the summit, and nearly reached the glacier de Sapenière. We worked as much as possible to the right, in hopes that we should not have to cross it, but were continually driven back, and at last we found that it was necessary to do so. Old Sémiond had a strong objection to the ice, and made explorations on his own account to endeavour to avoid it; but Reynaud and I preferred to cross it, and Giraud stuck to us. It was narrow—in fact, one could throw a stone across it—and was easily mounted on the side; but in the centre swelled into a steep dome, up which we were obliged to cut. Giraud stepped forward and said he should like to try his hand, and having got hold of the axe, would not give it up; and here, as well as afterwards when it was necessary to cross the gullies filled with hard snow, which abound on the higher part of the mountain, he did all the work, and did it admirably.

Old Sémiond of course came after us when we got across. We then zigzagged up some snow-slopes, and shortly afterwards commenced to ascend the interminable array of buttresses which


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 Duka and those of the Karagac-Su, and rejoins the Black Sea between those two rivers XV. His Majesty the Sultan shall have the right of Turkish providing for the defence of the land and sea frontiers of the province by erecting fortifications on those frontiers, and maintaining troops there.

Internal order is maintained in Eastern Roumelia by a native gendarmerie assisted by a local militia.

In forming these corps, the officers of which are nominated by the Sultan, regard shall be paid in the different localities to the religion of the inhabitants.

His Imperial Majesty the Sultan undertakes not to employ irregular troops, such as Bashi-Bazouks and Circassians, in the garrisons of the frontiers. The regular troops detailed for this service must not in any case be billetted on the inhabitants. When they pass through the province they shall not make a stay there. XVI. The Governor-General shall have the right of summoning the Ottoman troops in the event of the internal or external security of the province being threatened. In such an eventuality the Sublime Porte shall inform the Representatives of the Powers at Constantinople of such a decision, as well as of the exigencies which justify it.

XVII. The Governor-General of Eastern Roumelia shall be nominated by the Sublime Porte, with the assent of the Powers, for a term of five years.

XVIII. Immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of the present Treaty, a European Commission shall be formed to arrange, in concert with the Ottoman Porte, the  U


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  of Eastern Roumelia . This Commission will have to determine, within three months , the powers and functions of the Governor-General, as well as the administrative, judicial, and financial system of the province, taking as its basis the various laws for the vilayets and the proposals made in the eighth sitting of the Conference of Constantinople. The whole of the arrangements determined on for Eastern Roumelia shall form the subject of an Imperial Firman, which will be issued by the Sublime Porte, and which it will communicate to the Powers. XIX. The European Commission shall be charged to administer, in concert with the Sublime Porte, the finances of the province until the completion of the new organization.

XX. The Treaties, Conventions, and international arrangements of any kind whatsoever, concluded or to be concluded between the Porte and foreign Powers, shall apply in Eastern Roumelia as in the whole Ottoman Empire. The immunities and privileges acquired by foreigners, whatever their status, shall be respected in this province. The Sublime Porte undertakes to enforce there the general laws of the Empire on religious liberty in favour of all forms of worship. The rights and obligations of the Sublime Porte with regard to the railways of Eastern Roumelia are maintained in their integrity. XXII. The strength of the Russian corps of occupation in Bulgaria and Eastern Roumelia, which shall be composed of


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Rh together and held a council. "Sémiond, old friend, do you know where we are now?" "Oh yes, perfectly, to a yard and a half." "Well, then, how much are we below this plateau?" He affirmed we were not half-an-hour from the edge of the snow. "Very good; let us proceed." Half-an-hour passed, and then another, but we were still in the same state,—pinnacles, buttresses, and gullies were in profusion, but the plateau was not in sight. So we called him again—for he had been staring about latterly, as if in doubt—and repeated the question. "How far below are we now?" Well, he thought it might be half-an-hour more. "But you said that just now; are you sure we are going right?" "Yes, he believed we were." Believed! that would not do. "Are you sure we are going right for the Pic des Arcines?" "Pic des Arcines!" he ejaculated in astonishment, as if he had heard the words for the first time. "Pic des Arcines; no! but for the pyramid, the celebrated pyramid he had helped the great Capitaine Durand," etc.

Here was a fix;—we had been talking about it to him for a whole day, and now he confessed he knew nothing about it. I turned to Reynaud, who seemed thunderstruck. "What did he suggest?" He shrugged his shoulders. "Well," we said, after explaining our minds pretty freely to Sémiond, "the sooner we turn back the better, for we have no wish to see your pyramid."

We halted for an hour, and then commenced the descent. It took us nearly seven hours to come down to our rock; but I paid no heed to the distance, and do not remember anything about it. When we got down we made a discovery which affected us as much as the footprint in the sand did Robinson Crusoe: a blue silk veil lay by our fireside. There was but one solution,—Macdonald had arrived; but where was he? We soon packed our baggage, and tramped in the dusk, through the stony desert, to Alefred, where we arrived about half-past nine. "Where is the Englishman?" was the first question. He was gone to sleep at La Ville.

We passed that night in a hay-loft, and in the morning, after settling with Sémiond, we posted down to catch Macdonald. We


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 BY THE SAME AUTHOR.

A Series of Colonial Stories, Sketches, and Literary Essays.

203 Pages, handsomely bound in green and gold. Price Five Shillings.

pleasant and entertaining book has reached us from Melbourne. The author, Mr. J. F. Hogan, is a young Irish-Australian, who, if we are to judge from the captivating style of the present work, has a brilliant future before him. Mr. Hogan is well known in the literary and Catholic circles of the Australian Colonies, and we sincerely trust that the volume before us will have the effect of making him known to the Irish people at home and in America. Under the title of "An Australian Christmas Collection," Mr. Hogan has republished a series of fugitive writings which he had previously contributed to Australian periodicals, and which have won for the author a high place in the literary world of the Southern hemisphere. Some of the papers deal with Irish and Catholic subjects. They are written in a racy and elegant style, and contain an amount of highly interesting matter relative to our co-religionists and fellow-countrymen under the Southern Cross. A few papers deal with inter-Colonial politics, and we think that home readers will find these even more entertaining than those which deal more immediately with the Irish element.

We have quoted sufficiently from this charming book to show its merits. Our readers will soon hear of Mr. Hogan again, for he has in preparation a work on the "Irish in Australia,'" which, we are confident, will prove very interesting to the Irish people in every land. We know too little about the fortunes of our countrymen abroad. We are, unhappily, so engrossed in the mighty struggle which we are waging with wrong and oppression that we sometimes forget to think of those whom the fortunes of the strife sent forth from our shores, and anything which helps to foster that spirit of union, which is so characteristic of the Ireland of the present day, ought to be received as a boon for which we could not be too grateful. We must not forget, too, how nobly the Australian Irish have stood by us in the present struggle, and that time and distance have but strengthened their love and devotion to the land of their forefathers. In conclusion, we feel great pleasure in acknowledging how much credit is due to Mr. Hogan for devoting abilities of great promise to cement the union existing between Ireland and her exiled children in Australia. The Nation, Dublin, February 19, 1887.

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Rh length; slowly and gently at first, then faster and faster, at last taking great jumps in the air, striking a stream of fire at every touch, which shone out brightly as it entered the gloomy valley below, and long after it was out of sight we heard it bounding downwards, and then settle with a subdued crash on the glacier beneath. As we turned back from this curious sight, Reynaud asked if we had ever seen a torrent on fire, and told us that in the spring, the Durance, swollen by the melting of the snow, sometimes brings down so many rocks, that, where it passes through a narrow gorge at La Bessée, no water whatever is seen, but only boulders rolling over and over, grinding each other into powder, and striking so many sparks that the stream looks as if it were on fire.

We had another merry evening with nothing to mar it; the weather was perfect, and we lay backward in luxurious repose, looking at the sky spangled with its ten thousand brilliant lights.

Macdonald related his experiences over the café noir. He had travelled day and night for several days in order to join us, but had failed to find our first bivouac, and had camped a few hundred yards from us under another rock, higher up the mountain. The next morning he discerned us going along a ridge at a great height above him, and as it was useless to endeavour to overtake us, he lay down and watched with a heavy heart until we had turned the corner of a buttress, and vanished out of sight.


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 IN

GEORGE ROBERTSON & CO., MELBOURNE & SYDNEY 1888

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It is now some five years since I conceived the idea of writing a history of my fellow-countrymen in Australasia, but it was only within the last year or two that I could find sufficient time to make any material progress with the undertaking, although I had been collecting the materials for some period in advance. To all those old Irish colonists, to whom I applied for general reminiscences or specific information, and who very kindly, readily, and fully complied with my request, I am deeply indebted for a variety of interesting details concerning the events of the early days that were not otherwise obtainable. Written for the most part in Melbourne, the work was subjected to a thorough revision during my recent three weeks' voyage across the Pacific from Sydney to San Francisco, and the seven days on the Atlantic between New York and Liverpool. We are now at the close of the first century of colonisation in Australia, and the time is therefore opportune for an estimate of the influence exercised by the Irish element of the population on the remarkable growth and development of the Greater Britain of the South. Having lived in Australia from childhood, I have endeavoured, not I hope without some success, to present in this volume a faithful panorama of Irish life, Irish history, and Irish achievements in the land I know and love so well. J. F. HOGAN.
 * , October 5th, 1887.

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Rh summits in sight, with the single exception of the Viso, had given in, and we looked over an immense expanse — a perfect sea of peaks and snow-fields. Still the pinnacles rose above us, and opinions were freely uttered that we should see no summit of Pelvoux that day. Old Sémiond had become a perfect bore to all; whenever one rested for a moment to look about, he would say, with a complacent chuckle, "Don't be afraid, follow me." We came at last to   a very bad piece, rotten and steep, and no hold. Here Reynaud and Macdonald confessed to being tired, and talked of going to sleep. A way was discovered out of the difficulty; then some one called out, "Look at the Viso," and we saw that we almost looked over it. We worked away with redoubled energy, and at length caught sight of the head of the glacier as it streamed out of the plateau. This gave us fresh hopes; we were not deceived; and with a simultaneous shout we greeted the appearance of our longwished-for snows. A large crevasse separated us from them; but a bridge was found; we tied ourselves in line, and moved safely over it. Directly we got across there rose before us a fine snow-


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Author:Julius Berncastle

Works

 * A Voyage to China (2 vols., 1850)
 * The Revolt of the Bengal Sepoys (1857)
 * The Defenceless State of Sydney (1865)
 * Australian Snakebites
 * The Use and Abuse of Tobacco (1868).

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 {| style="margin: 1em auto 1em auto;"
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MONT PELVOUX AND THE ALEFROIDE, FROM NEAR MONT DAUPHIN, IN THE VALLEY OF THE DURANCE.
 * }


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 have indulged, regarding what the future has in store for these great southern hinds. There is, it must needs be admitted, a substantial foundation on which the prophet is at liberty to build. Abounding in vast and still undeveloped resources, possessing large areas of unoccupied territory, blessed with many safe and commodious harbours, and enjoying the freest of free constitutions, there is nothing to prevent the Australian colonies becoming, at no distant date, a second America, a national safety-valve, a home for millions. Manhood suffrage is the almost universal law, and no restriction whatever is placed, nor would it be tolerated for an instant, on the free and untrammelled exercise of the franchise. Practically, every man who can sign his name, and is not suffering under any legal disability, has a potential voice in the making of the laws by which he is governed. It is to the operation of this grand principle, that the Irishmen of the antipodes have been enabled to exert their due influence on the conduct of public affairs; to send, as representatives to their local parliaments, men of ability chosen from their own ranks; and, on occasions, by the weight of their united sentiment and generous indignation, have succeeded in keeping off the colonial statute-book some of those legislative enactments that have been productive of lamentable evils in the land of their birth. The Celtic element of the Australian population has, in fine, proved a valuable factor in the work of building up new states, and founding free, intelligent and enlightened communities beneath the Southern Cross. THE END.

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 every movement devised for the furtherance of the common weal. Not a few Irish-Catholic charities in the principal Australasian cities number Protestant ladies and gentlemen amongst their most generous patrons and subscribers. This well-known and pleasing fact was once felicitously referred to by Mr. Dalley, in addressing a Sydney audience, as "a proof of their enjoyment of a civilisation which made the efforts of the intolerant and the fanatical mere exhibitions of impotent malignity, which could have no effect whatever upon the actions of the good and the gentle."

Lady Wilde ("Speranza"), writing a few years ago in a London magazine, prophesied that "the Australian Irish will in time be as powerful a people as their American kindred," and expressed her conviction that "the chances of wealth are even greater in Australia" than in the republic of the west. The famed poetess of the Young Ireland era went further, and anticipated a day when the Australian Irish would "return to green Erin and buy up the estates of the pauperised landlords." This would certainly be a sensational dramatic revenge—the evicted coming back with well-filled purses to enter into possession of the properties of the once harsh but now humble evictors—but it is by no means beyond the range of probability, in view of the remarkable rapidity with which large fortunes have been accumulated in Australia by Irishmen who landed there with nothing to bless themselves with, save the clothes on their backs and the few shillings in their dilapidated pockets.

When it is remembered that the marvellous progress detailed in the foregoing pages, to which Irish brains, courage, and enterprise contributed so much, has taken place within the lifetime of a single generation, no one will be surprised at the glowing anticipations in which many writers

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Rh precipice on the other. Macdonald cut up it, and at a quarter to two we stood shaking hands on the loftiest summit of the conquered Pelvoux. The day still continued everything that could be desired, and, far and near, countless peaks burst into sight, without a cloud to hide them. The mighty Mont Blanc, full seventy miles away, first caught our eyes, and then, still farther off, the Monte Rosa group; while, roiling away to the east, one unknown range after another succeeded in unveiled splendour; fainter and fainter in tone, but still perfectly defined, till at last the eye was unable to distinguish sky from mountain, and they died away in the far-off horizon. Monte Viso rose up grandly, but it was less than forty miles away, and we looked over it to a hazy mass we knew must be the plains of Piedmont. Southwards a blue mist seemed to indicate the existence of the distant Mediterranean; to the west we looked over to the mountains of Auvergne. Such was the panorama; a view extending in nearly every direction for more than one hundred miles. It was with some difficulty we wrenched our eyes from the more distant objects to contemplate the nearer ones. Mont Dauphin was very conspicuous, but La Bessée was not readily perceived. Besides these not a human habitation could be seen; all was rock, snow, or ice; and, large as we knew were the snowfields of Dauphiné, we were surprised to find that they very far surpassed our most ardent imagination. Nearly in a line between us and the Viso, immediately to the south of Chateau Queyras, was a splendid group of mountains of great height. More to the south an unknown peak seemed still higher; while close to us we were astonished to discover that there was a mountain which appeared even higher than that on which we stood. At least this was my opinion; Macdonald thought it not so high, and Reynaud much about the same as our own.

This mountain was distant a couple of miles or so, and was separated from us by a tremendous abyss, the bottom of which we could not see. On the other side rose this mighty wall-sided peak,


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 {|

 * chap.|||||page
 * I.||—A Survey of the South|||1
 * II.||—Greater Britain's Metropolis |||18
 * III.||—The Story of Burke and Wills|||45
 * IV.||—A Birthplace of Freedom|||57
 * V.||—A Golden City|||88
 * VI.||—A Few Irish Centres|||100
 * VII.||—Irish Immigrants in the Colonies|||130
 * VIII.||—The Voyage of the "Erin-go-Bragh"|||155
 * IX.||—The Mother of the Australias|||170
 * X.||—Four of the Family|||195
 * XI.||—The Church in the Colonies|||225
 * XII.||—A Group of Statesmen|||265
 * XIII.||—Notable Irish-Australians|||303
 * XIV.||—Literature, Science and Art|||328
 * XV.||—Irish-Australian Characteristics|||341
 * }
 * VIII.||—The Voyage of the "Erin-go-Bragh"|||155
 * IX.||—The Mother of the Australias|||170
 * X.||—Four of the Family|||195
 * XI.||—The Church in the Colonies|||225
 * XII.||—A Group of Statesmen|||265
 * XIII.||—Notable Irish-Australians|||303
 * XIV.||—Literature, Science and Art|||328
 * XV.||—Irish-Australian Characteristics|||341
 * }
 * XIII.||—Notable Irish-Australians|||303
 * XIV.||—Literature, Science and Art|||328
 * XV.||—Irish-Australian Characteristics|||341
 * }
 * XV.||—Irish-Australian Characteristics|||341
 * }
 * }

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 CHAPTER I.

A SURVEY OF THE SOUTH.

" Ireland in America" is a familiar phrase to Celtic and Saxon ears, but a "New Ireland in Australia" will perhaps be a rather novel expression to many. Yet the words in the latter case convey the idea of an accomplished fact, equally as well as in the former. For more than thirty years two great streams of emigration have been flowing from Ireland, the larger shaping its course across the Atlantic and discharging its human freight on the shores of the Great Republic of the West, the smaller in volume turning to the South, and, after traversing half the circumference of the globe, striking against the sunny shores of Australia. As a consequence of the comparative proximity of America to the Old World, no difficulty whatever has been experienced in arriving at a true estimate of the position and prospects of the Irish transplanted to the West. Friends and foes alike have been enabled to closely follow their 1

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Rh We were at least 10,500 feet high, and if it commenced to rain or snow, as the gathering clouds and rising wind seemed to threaten, we might be in a sore plight. We were hungry, having eaten little since 3, and a torrent we heard close at hand, but could not discover, aggravated our thirst. Sémiond endeavoured to get some water from it; but, although he succeeded in doing so, he was wholly unable to return, and we had to solace him by shouting at intervals through the night.

A more detestable locality for a night out of doors it is difficult to imagine. There was not shelter of any kind; it was perfectly exposed to the chilly wind which began to rise, and it was too steep to promenade. Loose rubbly stones covered the ground, and had to be removed before we could sit with any comfort. This was an advantage, although we hardly thought so at the time, as it gave us some employment, and, after an hour's active exercise of that interesting kind, I obtained a small strip about nine feet long, on which it was possible to walk. Reynaud was furious at first, and soundly abused the porter, whose opinion as to the route down had been followed rather than that of our friend, and at last settled down to a deep dramatic despair, and wrung his hands with frantic gesture, as he exclaimed, "Oh, malheur, malheur! Oh misérables!"

Thunder commenced to growl, and lightning to play among the peaks above, and the wind, which had brought the temperature down to nearly freezing-point, began to chill us to the bones. We examined our resources. They were six and a half cigars, two boxes of vesuvians, one-third of a pint of brandy-and-water, and half-a-pint of spirits of wine: rather scant fare for three fellows who had to get through seven hours before daylight. The spirit-lamp was lighted, and the remaining spirits of wine, the brandy and some snow was heated by it. It made a strong liquor, but we only wished for more of it. When that was over, Macdonald endeavoured to dry his socks by the lamp, and then the three lay down under my plaid to pretend to sleep. Reynaud's woes were aggravated by toothache; Macdonald somehow managed to close his eyes.


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 movements, to study their mode of life under altered conditions, to ascertain the opinion held respecting them by people of other nationalities, and to determine whether or not the virtues characteristic of the old land flourish on the soil of the new. And splendidly have the Irish-Americans as a body borne this crucial test. Not on the authority of friendly critics alone, but many foes of his faith and fatherland have been forced to acknowledge the genuine worth of the typical Irish-American. They have given, perhaps unwillingly, the most conclusive testimony to his value as a citizen, his fidelity as a husband, his devotion as a father, and though last, not least, his loyalty as a Catholic. The Irish at home are proud to know, from the mouths of independent and even hostile witnesses, that though a stormy ocean separates their exiled brethren from the land of their affections, they are still as Irish in heart and feeling as ever; they still cherish the memories of the historic past, and their aspirations for national unity and local self-government are only intensified by distance. The poor persecuted peasant, whom, with weak wife and helpless family, a brutal landlord or pitiless agent has evicted in the depth of winter from the hallowed home of his ancestors, is traced across the Atlantic, followed into a newly-settled district and there discovered—a respected resident, a good neighbour, and, very often, an independent man. The ardent young patriot, who employs his talents in the cause of his country's freedom, and pays the orthodox penalty for loving one's country "not wisely but too well" by a compulsory residence for a season amongst convicted criminals, is seen receiving a cordial welcome on landing in the Empire City, and soon his name is referred to as being the occupant of a distinguished and honourable position, won by the exercise of those abilities for

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Rh Our discovery that the peak which is to be called the Pointe des Ecrins was a separate and distinct mountain from Mont Pelvoux—and not its highest point—gave us satisfaction, although it was also rather of the nature of a disappointment.

On our return to La Bessée we wrongly identified it with the peak which is seen from thence to the left of the Pelvoux. The two mountains bear a considerable resemblance to each other, so the mistake is not, perhaps, unpardonable. Although the latter mountain is one that is considerably higher than the Wetterhorn or Monte Viso, it has no name; we called it the Pic Sans Nom.

It has been observed by others that it is improbable the French surveyors should have remained for several days upon the Pic de la Pyramide without visiting the other and loftier summit. If they did, it is strange that they did not leave some memorial of their visit. The natives who accompanied them asserted that they did not pass from one to the other; we therefore claimed to have made the ascent of the loftiest point for the first time. The claim, however, cannot be sustained, on account of the ascent of M. Puiseux. It is a matter of little moment; the excursion had for us all the interest of a first ascent; and I look back upon this, my first serious mountain scramble, with more satisfaction, and with as much pleasure as upon any that is recorded in this volume.

After parting from my agreeable companions; I walked by the gorge of the Guil to Abides, and made the acquaintance at that place of an ex-harbour-master of Marseilles,—a genial man, who spoke English well. Besides the ex-harbour-master and some fine trout in the neighbouring streams, there was little to invite a stay at Abries. The inn—l'Etoile, chez Richard—is a place to be avoided. Richard, it may be observed, possessed the instincts of a robber. At a later date, when forced to seek shelter in his house,


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Rh approaching the place the odour of sanctity became distinctly perceptible; and on turning a corner the cause was manifested; there was the priest of the place, surrounded by some of his flock. I advanced humbly, hat in hand, but almost before a word could be said, he broke out with, "Who are you?" "What are you?" "What do you want?" I endeavoured to explain. "You are a deserter; I know you are a deserter; go away, you can't stay here; go to Le Monta, down there; I won't have you here," and he literally drove me away. The explanation of his strange behaviour was that Piedmontese soldiers who were tired of the service had not unfrequently crossed the Col de la Traversette into the valley, and trouble had arisen from harbouring them. However, I did not know this at the time, and was not a little indignant that I, who was marching to the attack, should be taken for a deserter.

So I walked away, and shortly afterwards, as it was getting dark, encamped in a lovely hole—a cavity or kind of basin in the earth, with a stream on one side, a rock to windward, and some broken pine branches close at hand. Nothing could be more perfect: rock, hole, wood, and water. After making a roaring fire, I nestled in my blanket bag (an ordinary blanket sewn up, double round the legs, with a piece of elastic riband round the open end), and slept, but not for long. I was troubled with dreams of the Inquisition; the tortures were being applied—priests were forcing fleas down my nostrils and into my eyes—and with red-hot pincers were taking out bits of flesh, and then cutting off my ears and tickling the soles of my feet. This was too much; I yelled a great yell and awoke, to find myself covered with innumerable crawling bodies; they were ants; I had camped by an ant-hill, and, after making its inhabitants mad with the fire, had coolly lain down in their midst.

The night was fine, and as I settled down in more comfortable


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Soden, Hermann, Freiherr von

SODEN, HERMANN, (1852-1914), German biblical scholar (see ), died Jan. 15 1914.


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Socialism

SOCIALISM (see ).—Socialism is at once a theory, or rather a whole body of theories, and a movement, or rather a number of movements more or less closely connected. The name has been used during the past century to describe many different social theories, in all of which a common character has been perceived. In recent times it has come to be used less with reference to any definite theory than for the purpose of describing the movements in various countries which have adopted the name or have declared their adhesion to Socialism. It is thus possible, in setting out to give a summary account of Socialism, to describe it either by its connotation, that is to say, in terms of the ideas for which it stands, or by its denotation, that is, in terms of the groups and parties which profess allegiance to it. But neither of these methods of description is by itself satisfactory, nor is it possible by either, or even by a combination of both, to arrive at a satisfactory or adequate definition of Socialism. The word is used, and has been used increasingly in recent years, in a number of different and frequently overlapping senses. It has changed its meaning with time: but the changes have not served to clarify it, but rather to increase the number of different senses in which the term is used.

It would be well to begin by ruling altogether out from the scope of this article certain popular uses of the term which have been current especially during the past generation. The well-known phrase, “We are all Socialists now,” and the constant references to “socialistic legislation,” only serve to obscure the real meanings which attach to the word. When it is said that, “We are all Socialists now,” all that is meant is that everybody nowadays is prepared to agree that a greater measure of governmental intervention both in industry and in the affairs of society generally is necessary than was currently regarded as necessary or even possible 100 years ago.

The phrase “socialistic legislation” again is frequently used to cover almost any extension of governmental activity in the sphere either of industry or of provision under the State or under local government auspices for the needs of the people. The phrase “socialistic taxation” is used, with a greater approximation to accuracy, in reference to those forms of taxation which aim not merely at producing revenue for the public authorities, but at bringing about an actual readjustment in the distribution of income in the community, arrived at by the unregulated operation of capitalist economic forces. Again, almost any extension in the sphere of local government action, such as the taking over of a tramway system or the establishment of banking or insurance facilities by a local authority, is frequently referred to as

“municipal socialism,” even if the public body which inaugurates this policy does not consist of members who profess any allegiance to, or have any sympathy with, the doctrines of any Socialist party or group. All these and similar uses of the word “Socialism” are here ruled out of consideration.

The word “Socialism” first came into use in the third or fourth decade of the 19th century in England and France. The first-known literary reference to it occurs in the “Poor Man's Guardian” in 1833; but it is believed that the word was occasionally used at an earlier date in both France and England. In Great Britain it was most frequently used during the first half of the 19th century in reference to the doctrines associated with the name of Robert Owen and his disciples, and to the theories of the anti-capitalist economists, such as W. Thompson, who were largely affected by Owenite teaching. In France the name similarly attached itself to the doctrines of thinkers of whom the most important were followers of St. Simon and Fourier. Its use then spread much more rapidly on the continent of Europe than in Great Britain, and it was mainly in connexion with the growth of continental Socialist movements (Louis Blanc in 1848; the First International Working Men's Association in the 'sixties and the Paris Commune of 1871) that it was used by English writers, until it was reimported into Great Britain as the name applied to a constructive body of doctrines in the early 'eighties, especially under the auspices of H. M. Hyndman and the Democratic Federation (subsequently the Social Democrat Federation).

It is important to realize that in all its modern meanings the word “Socialism” refers definitely to doctrines and movements which owe their rise to the growth of large-scale production and the capitalist system in industry. It is, indeed, sometimes applied to theories and Utopian speculations, such as those of Sir Thomas More, which have no direct reference to any particular stage of social evolution and are merely attempts to outline the structure of an ideal commonwealth. But, although such Utopias as those of Plato and More may present features of resemblance to the doctrines of modern Socialism, there is no real connexion between these and the theories or attitudes towards property which are sometimes comprehended under the terms “mediaeval Socialism” and “mediaeval Communism.” Socialism, as a body of doctrine and as a movement applicable to modern conditions—and these are the senses of the term which matter to the student—made its appearance when the changes in methods of production and transport, which are usually described as the “Industrial Revolution,” had created the modern working class or “proletariat,” and had caused this class to make the attempt to organize for common protection against the the evil effects of new industrial conditions.

Modern Socialism, although it has claimed many adherents belonging to other classes, is thus essentially a working-class or “proletarian” movement, in that it is based upon and directly due to the rise of the “proletariat” as a distinct social class capable of independent class organization and suffering under a sense of injustice and inhibition. The Socialism of the Owenite period serves in certain respects very clearly to reveal this essential character of the movement. Owen himself has indeed been described by subsequent social thinkers—by Marx, for example— as a “Utopian” Socialist; but the rise of the Owenite movement is very clearly and directly traceable to the actual economic conditions of the early 19th century. It was out of his experience as a factory manager and owner at New Lanark and elsewhere that Owen developed his Socialist doctrines; and, in the minds of most of his followers even more than Owen himself, these doctrines possessed always a close and definite relation to the rise of the working class to social consciousness and to the possibility of social power. Thus, while Owen was expounding his doctrine of ideal Coöperative or Socialist communities, and endeavouring to demonstrate by practical experiment possibilities of achieving Socialism by the foundation of such communities in the midst of a rapidly developing capitalist environment, many of those who were most affected by his doctrines were engaged either, as economists, in developing their critique of the current economic theories based on capitalism, or,

as leaders in the new-born working-class movement, in endeavouring to organize the “proletariat” for the winning of control over industry and over the machinery of Society. The Grand National Consolidated Trades Union, in which Owenite ideas played so large a part, was organized by men who were aiming not merely at the protection of the working class in face of the adverse conditions created by the new factory system, but at a definite transformation of the industrial order and the winning of control over industry for the “productive classes.” This aim was even more clearly defined in the other great “Owenite” union of the period, the Builder's Union, and its abortive plan of 1833 for the formation of a Grand National Gild of Builders. The Chartist movement, which was largely influenced by Owenite and Socialist ideas, was definitely aiming at the conquest of political power by the organized working class with a view to social transformation.

Socialism in Great Britain thus came into existence as: (1) a challenge to the orthodox economic theories of Ricardo and other writers; and (2) an attempt to win power in Society for the organized working class. It was, however, left for later thinkers, and above all for Karl Marx (1818-83), to take up where they had been dropped by the original English pioneers both the anti-capitalist economic teachings and the endeavour to build up the working-class movement into a constructive force aiming at the transformation of the social order. The Socialism of Karl Marx is frequently contrasted with the Socialism of previous thinkers as being “scientific,” whereas their Socialism was “Utopian.” But, in fact, Marx's Socialism was very largely based upon that of the earlier thinkers and working-class leaders, although he for the first time formulated into a definite system the views and the policy which they had only suggested and sought after.

All modern Socialism, even that of the schools which repudiate or at least profess no allegiance to Marx, has been profoundly influenced by him. This applies even to those schools of Anarchist Communists and French and Italian Syndicalists who seem to have least in common with Marxian teaching; for, even in their case, many Marxian ideas have blended with the ideas which they have derived from other Socialist and quasi-Socialist thinkers, such as P. J. Proudhon; and, although they have interpreted the Marxian teaching differently, a great deal of it has found its way into their systems and policies.

Marx's first important contribution to Socialist thinking, The Communist Manifesto (1847), which was drafted jointly by him and Friedrich Engels, is generally recognized as the starting point of the modern Socialist movement. His Das Kapital, of which the first volume was published in 1867, is the working-out into a system of the most vital ideas originally presented in The Communist Manifesto. These works have, of course, been translated into practically all European languages, and their ideas have generally passed into the common stock of European Socialist thought. This has hitherto been true of Great Britain in a less degree than of any other important industrial country; but even English Socialism began in the 'eighties on an essentially Marxian foundation, and, although Marx fell into disfavour with British Socialists in the 'nineties and in the earlier years of the present century, there has recently been an important revival of the study of his works among the more radical section of the British working-class movement. In other countries the organized Socialist movement is in practically all cases definitely Marxian, and bases its thinking and its propaganda throughout on Marxian terminology and Marxian ideas. Thus we find that, as divergent currents have again and again appeared in European Socialism, the name of Marx and his fundamental conceptions have been invoked, for the purpose of justifying widely divergent policies and conceptions. During the past few years, for example, a great pamphleteering controversy has been proceeding between Nikolai Lenin on the one side and Karl Kautsky on the other, representing two very different tendencies in European Socialism. Each of these writers bases his contentions on an almost theological reverence for the words of Marx, and seeks to justify his position by copious quotations from Marx's books and manifestos.

In the criticism which has been directed against Marx by orthodox economists in many countries, attention has been paid mainly to his theory of value, and only in a considerably less degree to his theory of history. This is unfortunate; for there is no doubt that the theory of value has played a quite secondary part to the so-called “materialist conception of history” in the influence which Marx's teaching has exercised on the modern working-class movement. The theory of value, as it was presented by Marx, and his attempt to build a theoretical economic system on the idea of labour as the source of value and exploitation as consisting in the appropriation by a privileged class, the owners of the means of production, of the surplus value created by labour, was mainly a criticism and inversion, to suit Socialist ends, of the current economics of Marx's own day. Like Thompson and the earlier English economists to whom he owed so much, Marx took the Ricardian theory of value and drew from it conclusions by no means acceptable to orthodox economic theorists. Undoubtedly his ideas of “surplus value,” and exploitation resulting from the individual appropriation of “surplus value,” played an important part in creating the sense of injustice and oppression among the workers; but by themselves they would never have sufficed to give Marx his dominant position as the theorist of modern Socialism.

This position depends far more on his theory of history, the effect of which was to give to those members of the working class who encountered his teaching the sense of possessing a mission and of having on their side the great world forces of social transformation. Interpreting historical changes as the result of the operation of economic forces, Marx insisted that to each stage in the evolution of the means of production there corresponds an evolution in the forms of political society and in the class structure of society. The industrial system of the 19th century, he claimed, had called into existence a new social class, the propertyless, wage-earning “proletariat”; for, although there had been capitalists and wage-earners in earlier stages of social evolution, the economic structure of Society had not before been based upon the dominance of the capitalists as a class. Nor had the “proletariat” been called into existence as a class, confronting the possessing capitalists throughout the industrial system in all the countries of the world which had reached the capitalist phase. The next stage in social evolution, according to Marx, would be the rise to power of the “proletariat,” and, just as the capitalists had risen to power and displaced or absorbed the privileged classes with which social authority had previously rested, so the “proletariat” under the system of large-scale industry would improve its organization and increase its strength until it was able to do battle with, and to overthrow, the capitalist class. In expounding this theory of “economic determinism” or the “materialist conception of history,” Marx made a number of prophecies concerning the actual future of capitalist industrialism which have not thus far been at all completely verified. The progressive elimination of the small capitalist, the aggregation of the control of capital into fewer and fewer hands, the progressive “misery” of the “proletariat,” which Marx prophesied, are forecasts in which truth and falsehood are intertwined. But these prophecies concerning the actual course of events are in no sense vital to his central idea, which is that of the gradual rise to power of the “proletariat” or working class, and the conquest by it of economic authority, resulting necessarily in the transformation of the political structure of Society and in the abolition of social classes.

It is easy to see that this doctrine was bound to exercise a strong fascination over the minds of those men and women of the working classes who were brought into contact with it. Whereas, without some such theory they were conscious only of the enormous strength of the forces to which they were subject, and of their manifest weakness as almost property-less wage-earners, living in constant insecurity, at the mercy of trade fluctuations which resulted periodically in widespread unemployment, Marx gave them the sense of fulfilling an historic mission, and of having on their side a world-force far more powerful than the huge economic and political strength which seemed to be in

the possession of the ruling classes of the day. It is this one thing, and one thing only, that explains the veneration in which Marx is held throughout practically the whole Socialist movement. It was he, who, more than anyone else, gave the working class a sense of power, and imported into their efforts towards organization and concerted resistance to the evils to which they found themselves subject a conscious purpose not merely of combating capitalism, but also of replacing it.

In the earlier article some account was given of the rise of Socialist parties in various European countries. This rise continued at an increasing pace in later years, a great impetus having been given to the Socialist forces in almost all parts of Europe by the circumstances of the World War.

There was in 1921 in every industrialized country at least one Socialist party, possessing in the majority of cases a considerable representation in its national Parliament. Indeed, in many countries there had come into being more than one Socialist party; for the process of unification of Socialist political forces which had been proceeding steadily up to the outbreak of the war gave place to a separatist tendency, which resulted in a regrouping of forces in most of the countries in which the movement was strong. The first cause of these divisions was the attitude of Socialists towards the outbreak of the World War. In almost all belligerent countries the Socialist parties became divided over the issues of the war. In some cases these divisions of opinion resulted in actual cleavages within the various parties; in others the parties held together, but acute divisions of opinion continued inside them. These differences were greatly accentuated by the Russian revolutions of 1917, which inevitably exercised a very powerful influence on Socialist opinion throughout the world. Just as, in its earlier days as an organized political movement, Socialism always tended to look back to the Paris Commune of 1871, it now even more definitely looks back to the Russian revolutions of 1917, upon which the most acute divisions of opinion in the world of Socialism to-day are based. Any attempt, therefore, to analyze the forces at work in the Socialist movement of the various countries in 1921 must begin by taking into account the new alignment of opinion caused by the Russian revolutions.

The first Russian revolution of 1917 was universally acclaimed by Socialists throughout the world. It meant for them the overthrow of Tsardom and the destruction of the most powerful and complete absolutist monarchy left in the world. Moreover, refugees from Russia had played an important part in the Socialist movement in almost all countries in which it had become organized. It was not the first of the Russian revolutions but the coup of Nov. 1917 that divided acutely the Socialists of the various countries. Everywhere the left wing of the Socialists acclaimed the Bolshevik Revolution, while the right wing was hostile to what it regarded as the overthrow of the “democratic” institutions which had been introduced under the Kerensky regime.

During the following years, from 1918-21, the differences within the Socialist ranks resulting from the Bolshevik Revolution were steadily accentuated. Under the auspices of the Russian Bolsheviks, or Communists as they now call themselves, with a definite reference back to The Communist Manifesto of 1847, a new international organization of Socialism, the Third or Moscow International, was inaugurated, and an appeal was made to the “proletariat” in all countries to rally to this new body, of which the fundamental ideas were the overthrow of the capitalist regime by the intensive prosecution of the class war, involving the use of force, and the assumption by the “proletariat” of dictatorship over Society during the “transitional period,” which would be necessary both for the combating of the attempts of the “counter-revolution” to regain power, and for the laying of the foundations of a Socialist or Communist society free from class distinctions. During the years after the Bolshevik Revolution these Communist doctrines gradually spread over Europe, and resulted in the formation in most countries of Communist groups and parties of varying degrees of importance. Sometimes these began by working as groups within the existing Socialist parties, and sometimes they succeeded in winning over to their side a majority of the older Socialist parties, which thus

became Communist. In other cases, however, the Communists, unable to command a majority in the Socialist parties in other countries, founded new and rival parties of their own.

Thus in 1921 the position of European Socialism was extraordinarily complicated, as a reference to the state of affairs in a few of the principal countries will readily indicate. In France the Communists had succeeded in securing a majority in the ranks of the French Socialist party, and it had thereupon changed its name to the French Communist party. The minority, which refused to accept the change in name and policy, thereupon reformed the Socialist party as a coalition of right wing and central elements. In Italy the Socialist party, which was throughout opposed to Italian participation in the war, at first affiliated to the Moscow International; but subsequently differences arose as to the strategy to be adopted, and these led to a split in the ranks of the party, the extreme Communists, who were in a minority, seceding and forming a Communist party of their own, while the right and centre, including many Communists, held together as the Italian Socialist party. In Germany the Social Democratic party split during the war. A majority section of the party supported the German Government in the prosecution of the war and voted war credits. Gradually a minority party formed, and finally the anti-war elements left the Social Democratic party and formed the Independent Socialist party. After the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia two small Communist parties were also formed in Germany. In 1920 the majority of the Independent Socialist party resolved upon adhesion to the Moscow International and united with the Communist factions to form the German Communist party. The right wing of the Independent Socialist party continued in existence under the old name; and there were thus in Germany, in 1921, three distinct parties, Social Democrats or Majority Socialists, Independent Socialists, and Communists. In Great Britain the position was somewhat different; for political action was taken through the Labour party, a federation of trade unions, Socialist societies and kindred bodies. Of the Socialist societies, the British Socialist party, the direct descendant of the Social Democratic Federation, the earliest Socialist body in Great Britain, affiliated to the Moscow International and became the nucleus of a Communist party which applied for affiliation to the Labour party, but was refused. The Independent Labour party, which, unlike the Labour party as a whole, was hostile to participation in the war, nevertheless remained affiliated to the Labour party. There were thus only two groups undertaking political action in Great Britain—the Labour party, including the Independent Labour party, on the one hand, and the small, but militant, Communist party on the other.

These instances, drawn from a very much larger number, serve to illustrate the general character of the divisions which had arisen in the world Socialist movement since the Russian Revolutions of 1917. As the movement has been divided nationally, so a division has taken place in the international organization of Socialism. Before the war most of the Socialist parties of the world were loosely held together by the Congresses of the “Second International,” of which the first was held in 1889. Out of the Congresses developed the International Socialist Bureau, which was formed in 1900. The Bureau was unable to function effectively during the war, both because communications were to a large extent interrupted, and because of the differences of opinion between and among the various national sections. Various attempts were made to secure united action by all the national Socialist parties; but, in face of the opposition of the Governments and of internal differences, these produced little result, the attempt to call an International Socialist conference at Stockholm in 1918 breaking down. The Socialist parties of the Allied countries, however, held a number of conferences, and drew up a declaration of war aims, which exercised a certain influence. Immediately on the conclusion of hostilities steps were taken to convene a full International Socialist conference, and an attempt was made to reform the pre-war Socialist International. The reformed body, however, known as the “Second International,” never became, in face of acute differences

of opinion, at all fully representative, and during 1919 and 1920 there were numerous secessions from it, until it came to consist principally of the British Labour party, the German Social Democratic party (Majority Socialists), and the Socialist parties of a number of small countries such as Sweden, Poland, Belgium and Holland. A number of Socialist parties held aloof both from the Second and from the Third International, and these bodies in 1920 formed a provisional International “Working Union,” of which the aim was the reconstitution at a later stage of a fully representative and inclusive Socialist International. This provisional body, sometimes known as the “Vienna International,” includes the British Independent Labour party, the German Independent Socialist party, the French and Swiss Socialist parties, and a number of others. The Italian Socialists were in 1921 unconnected with any of the three Internationals.

There can be no doubt that the division of opinion in the Socialist ranks which is reflected in these divisions in national and international organization is very profound. With the growth of parliamentary representation, the political Socialist parties of the various countries have been becoming steadily more moderate and constitutional in their outlook. But the Moscow revolution, accomplished by insurrectionary methods and by “proletarian” direct action, represented a challenge to the censtitutional political attitude of the more orthodox Socialist parties. Those which have rallied to the call of Moscow profess to be the only true inheritors of the Marxian tradition and the legitimate successors of the International Working Men's Association, or “First International,” of 1864. It is still impossible in 1921 to forecast the result of the conflicts between this section and the older Socialist parties; but it seems likely that the divisions which have come into existence will be to a considerable extent permanent, even if the ultimate point of cleavage has not yet been discovered.

James Bonar on p. 301 of vol. 25 defines Socialism as “that policy or theory which aims at securing by the action of the central democratic authority a better distribution and, in due subordination thereunto, a better production of wealth than now prevails.” It will be clear from what has been said above that this definition is certainly no longer adequate or correct in 1921, even if it could be regarded as adequate at the time at which it was made. It is as true now as then that all schools of Socialism are united in seeking a better distribution and also a better production of wealth; but it cannot be assumed that this is sought solely or even mainly “through the action of the central democratic authority,” or that many Socialists would agree that any such body as a “central democratic body” exists in the community as it is organized to-day. Any present-day definition of Socialism would certainly have to emphasize the fact that it seeks not merely a better distribution and production of wealth, but a fundamental reorganization in the whole system of organized Society, political as well as economic. At the time when Bonar wrote, Socialists, especially in Great Britain, were largely engaged in combating the still prevalent doctrines of laissez-faire politicians and economists, and in seeking to emphasize the necessity for a greater measure of collective regulation of the social and economic life of the community. In Great Britain, more than elsewhere, many Socialists came to regard the political State, or machinery of government, as the principal instrument of this regulation, and to look forward to the transition to Socialism mainly through the nationalization, or transference to State ownership, of all vital industries and services, together with an extension of municipal ownership in the sphere of local public-utility services. This idea of the form of the transition to Socialism fitted in well with the stress which was laid, during the 'nineties and the earlier years of the 20th century, upon political action. This period witnessed the formation, first of the Independent Labour party, and then in 1900 of the Labour Representation Committee, which subsequently became the Labour party. It was also the period during which the Fabian Society, with its propaganda of political permeation, largely influenced British Socialism, and diverted it from the Marxism of its earlier development in the 'eighties.

But from 1910 onwards new currents of opinion were increasingly affecting these accepted dogmas of Socialism, both in Great Britain and elsewhere. Important, in this connexion, is the rise of the Syndicalist movement in France, which was at its zenith in the earlier years of the 20th century, and of the Socialist Labour party and the Industrial Workers of the World in the United States of America. There were important differences between the standpoints of French Syndicalism, which was derived largely from the semi-Anarchist doctrines of Proudhon and his school, and American Industrial Unionism, based by Daniel De Leon and his followers upon the large-scale and “trustified” American capitalist system. But they were alike in stressing rather the economic than the political character of the transition to a Socialist system, and in demanding more aggressive action by the workers in the industrial field. In Great Britain and in other European countries these doctrines, although they were not accepted in their completeness, exercised a powerful influence, seen especially in Great Britain in the rise of the Guild Socialist movement after 1912 (see ).

Whereas Syndicalism and, in some of its forms, Industrial Unionism directly challenged the utility of Socialist political action and demanded an exclusive concentration upon the industrial field, the Guild Socialists never took up this attitude, but sought, without disparaging political action, to secure an intensification of industrial activity, and in particular a change in the attitude of Socialists towards the problem of industrial control. Their influence in this direction has extended far beyond their own ranks, and it is not too much to say that the effect of the various movements possessing largely an industrial character —Syndicalism, Industrial Unionism, Guild Socialism, etc.— has been to bring about a revolution in Socialist thinking on this question. It is no longer assumed by Socialists that nationalization is necessarily desirable, or that the transference of industry to the State, even if it be accomplished by a political victory of Socialists, furnishes an adequate solution of the industrial prob- lem. Most Socialists are agreed in desiring, in a greater or less degree, as an integral part of any Socialist system, the control of the administration of industry by the organized workers by hand and brain who are engaged in it.

Nor has this change in the attitude of Socialists towards the problem of industry been without its effect in other spheres of policy. As Socialism passed from its earlier revolutionary into its middle purely constitutional and political phase, it came gradually to be assumed that the realization of Socialism would involve only the capture of political power by the Socialist parties and the use of the existing machinery of Society—modified perhaps in certain particulars, but remaining essentially the same—for socialist instead of for individualist ends. There is now acute division of opinion on this question; but most Socialists are far more ready than in 1910 to agree that the realization of Socialism would involve not a mere conquest of political power and the assumption of control over the machinery of government by the workers, but also a profound transformation in the machinery of government itself. By Lenin and the Communists (see Lenin's The State and Revolution for the best statement of this point of view) the State is regarded as purely a “capitalist organ,” the tool of a dominant class in Society. In the words of The Communist Manifesto, they regard the State as “an Executive Committee for administering the affairs of the whole governing class.” Such an instrument, essentially coercive in its character, will in their view become unnecessary with the realization of Socialism. During the transitional period of “dictatorship” the “proletariat” will indeed require an instrument fully as coercive as the capitalist State. But the Communist view of the existing machinery of the State cannot be adapted for this purpose, but must be destroyed and replaced by a “quasi-State” based definitely and exclusively upon the power of the workers themselves. Gradually, as the realization of Socialism comes nearer, they hold that this “quasi-State” will “wither away” and give place to a free organization of Society in which “government,” which they understand to imply a system based on coercion, will be replaced by “administration.” Even among those Socialists

who do not accept this Communist view, keen criticism has been directed in recent times upon the structure of the present-day State and upon the conception of political democracy which was almost universally accepted in the 19th century. Universal political suffrage is no longer held to furnish any adequate basis, or even necessarily any basis at all, for truly democratic institutions; for it is pointed out that, as long as great inequalities of wealth and power exist in the community, and as long as the industrial system is based on an acute division of classes, this “political democracy” is in fact inoperative, since the power and wealth of the few can be used in order to prevent the will of the people from finding expression, and, indeed, to prevent the people from developing any conscious or clearly formulated will of its own. By the Guild Socialists and by many others of the newer schools of Socialist thought, stress is laid upon the importance of securing a system of democratic self-government in the industrial sphere as the necessary condition of democracy in politics or in Society as a whole.

These changes in the conception of Socialist aim and method have resulted in a much closer relationship between Socialist ideas and the definitely economic forms of working-class organization, such as Trade Unionism and Coöperation. No longer basing their hopes of Socialism entirely upon action in the political sphere, Socialists are driven more and more to rely on the development of the organizations created by the working classes themselves for the protection of their interests and standard of life, under capitalism. Whereas the earlier Socialists appealed to Trade Unionists and Coöperators to realize the necessity for Socialism and to embark upon political action, the newer schools of Socialism are endeavouring also to influence the policy of the Trade Unions and of the Coöperative movement in the direction of Socialism applied to industry—that is, of the development and expansion of working-class industrial control (see and ).

The organization of the Socialist movement in Great Britain is often exceedingly bewildering to those who approach it for the first time. There are a large number of bodies of varying degrees of importance, and often with names which bear a close resemblance one to another. The Labour party, which is by far the largest political body, may be regarded as definitely Socialist in the sense in which the majority of continental European Socialist parties are Socialist. Its annual conference has repeatedly pronounced, in general terms, in favour of Socialism, and its policy on the whole coincides with that of the “right wing” Socialist parties of Europe. At the same time, its main strength is drawn from the trade unions. In 1920 it consisted of 126 affiliated trade unions with a total affiliated membership of 3,511,000. In addition it included the Independent Labour party and the Fabian Society and one or two smaller Socialist bodies. Locally it was organized in several hundred Local Labour parties, which in their turn consisted mainly of affiliated branches of trade unions, Socialist societies and kindred bodies. These Local Labour parties, under the new constitution of 1918, also admit individual members who accept the aims of the party. There is a very considerable individual membership enrolled in this way; but no figures are available. In 1920 the Labour party had 66 members in the House of Commons.

Apart from the Labour party, although in some cases affiliated to it, are the various Socialist societies, of which the largest is still the Independent Labour party, which has been mentioned above. This party had in 1920 35,000 members organized in local branches throughout the country. It had returned five members as Independent Labour party members to the House of Commons; and these sat as members of the Labour party. In addition a considerable number of members who were returned under the auspices of the trade unions, affiliated to the Labour party, belonged to the Independent Labour party.

Next in point of size stands the Communist party of Great Britain, formed in 1920 by a fusion of the British Socialist party with a number of local Communist organizations. This party is affiliated to the Third or Moscow International. It was gaining adherents in 1921. Its total membership, however, certainly did

not at that date exceed 10,000. Of minor Socialist parties the following deserve mention. The Social Democratic Federation, formerly the National Socialist party, is the result of a split which took place during the war in the British Socialist party. A section of the British Socialist party, including H. M. Hyndman, the veteran Socialist leader, and many of the older members of the earlier Social Democratic Federation, resigned from the British Socialist party as a protest against its anti-war attitude and formed a separate body of their own. The Social Democratic Federation (the name was again assumed at the end of 1920) is affiliated to the Labour party. It is very small, its membership in 1920 being returned as 2,000.

The Fabian Society, founded in 1883-4, nas been principally associated with certain intellectual leaders of the right wing of British Socialism, especially Mr. and Mrs. Sidney Webb and Mr. Bernard Shaw. It had about 2,000 members in 1920 and was affiliated to the Labour party. Its pamphlets and other propagandist work exercised a powerful influence on the formation of Socialist opinion during the period from 1889 to 1910, but it has since ceased to count as an effective influence; for, although Mr. and Mrs. Webb and other leaders remained active, they had transferred their main activities to other bodies, such as the Labour party itself.

The Socialist Labour party is an offshoot of the American “De Leonite” Socialist Labour party. It gained considerably in membership and influence during the war, when its leading members took a prominent part in the shop-stewards' movement, and in other rank-and-file trade-union and anti-war movements. Most of its more active members, however, passed over to the Communist party in 1920; and it then ceased to exercise any considerable influence. The Socialist party of Great Britain is a very small and unimportant body of rigid Marxians of the extreme left wing. The National Guilds League, the propagandist organization of the Guild Socialists, is described in the article.

It will be seen from the foregoing account that the Socialist movements of the world were in 1921 in a state of unrest and transition, due largely to the events of the war and to the revolutions in Russia. It is impossible to forecast what will be the ultimate result of this ferment of forces and ideas, or in what manner the Socialist parties and societies of the world will eventually regroup themselves. Two clearly defined tendencies can be seen in the movement. The first is a constitutionalist and parliamentary tendency, expressing itself in the activities of the Majority Socialist parties of many countries. Its adherents repudiate for the most part recourse to revolutionary methods save under quite exceptional circumstances. At the other extreme is the tendency represented by Communism and the Communist parties which have arisen in most countries in recent years. Its adherents favour the use of political as well as industrial action, but regard the transition to Socialism essentially in terms of force to be generated by the uprising of the “proletariat.” They envisage the transformation of Society by a catastrophic overthrow of the existing political and economic system, and the substitution for it of a new system based on the “dictatorship of the proletariat.” Between these two extremes there is no equally definite central body of opinion extending to a number of countries; but in almost every country there are “centrist” groups and tendencies, bearing in some cases a closer resemblance to the constitutionalist right wing (e.g. the Independent Labour party in Great Britain), and in others to the revolutionary left wing (e.g. the Socialist party in Italy).

The Guild Socialists and, in a less degree, the French Syndicalistes stand to a considerable extent in a different position, since in their case the main stress is laid neither on revolution nor on constitutional political action, but on the extension of the industrial power of the workers towards control over industry.

A marked feature of the more recent developments of the Socialist movement has been the growing closeness of the relationship between it and the economic organizations created by the workers for the defence of their interests and aspirations as producers and consumers. It has become far more manifest

in the later years of the igth and the early years of the 20th century that Socialism is not solely, or even mainly, a political movement, but at least equally an industrial movement, aiming at a fundamental transformation not simply in the ownership, but also in the control and administration of industry, and in the motives upon which the industrial system depends. This is, indeed, to some extent a harking back to earlier conceptions of Socialism, such as those of Robert Owen in Great Britain and of Louis Blanc in France. It has resulted in a far closer affiliation between the Socialists of all schools, “right wing,” “left wing” and “centre” alike, and the trade-union movement; and the struggles between the rival schools of Socialism now largely reproduce themselves in the industrial sphere, as the various Socialist sections seek to influence the policy and to secure the allegiance of the trade-union organizations. This is true to a less extent of the cooperative movement; but it is becoming increasingly true in this case also.

Based, as it is, mainly upon the organized working-class movement, Socialism has necessarily, to a large extent, an economic basis; but it is important to realize that a great deal of its driving force comes from the fact that it is not only an economic movement, but also a movement based on certain clear and definite ideas which are largely shared by Socialists of all schools.

The differences between Socialists are far more differences as to method than differences as to ideal. Thus all Socialists are agreed that the carrying-on of industry on a basis of private profit produces anti-social results, and that the idea that the interests of the whole are best served by the enlightened pursuit by each private citizen of his own interests is fundamentally wrong. Although they differ widely as to the structure which a Socialist society should assume, and as to the forms of industrial administration which would best express the new community spirit, Socialists are agreed in demanding that all important industries and services should pass over from private hands into some form of social ownership and control, whether into the hands of the State or of local authorities, or of self-governing guilds, or of the coöperative movement, or of other forms of organization designed to express the communal spirit. They are agreed in believing the individual ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange to be undesirable, and in holding that both the extent and the character of production should be determined, not by any anticipation of individual profit, but by considerations of social need. Moreover, all Socialists insist that with the change from the system of private ownership and control in industry to social ownership and control must go a change in the motives which operate in the industrial system. They hold that, if industries and services are conducted under forms of organization designed in the interests of the whole community, the motive of public service, which is at present thwarted and inhibited by the existence of capitalism, will be brought into play, with the result that the members of the community will be more ready to render willing and efficient service. They are also increasingly of the opinion, first strongly urged by the Guild Socialists, that in order to bring this motive of social service into play it will be essential to democratize the industrial as well as the political system, by providing for a large measure of self-government in industry by the “workers by hand and brain.”

The charge used to be brought against the Socialist parties and groups of dwelling almost exclusively upon the economic concerns of Society, and of caring little or nothing for other questions of social and political policy. This charge can hardly be made nowadays; for the Socialist and Labour parties of the world have in almost all cases been led to formulate inclusive programmes and policies, and to take an active part in furthering social reorganization in all spheres of both national and international policy. Perhaps the best exposition of the national and international policy of Socialism of the constitutional type is contained in the pamphlet Labour and the New Social Order, issued by the British Labour party in 1918. This pamphlet has had an important international influence. The Communist wing, more fully preoccupied with questions of revolution

than with plans for reform under the existing system, has not issued any quite comparable declaration of its aims; but the new Communist Manifesto of the Third (Moscow) International furnishes the clearest indication of its aims and policy as an international movement.

 * (G. D. H. C.)

title: 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Socialism


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 of the circumstances of others, without a thorough acquaintance with them, is like a man at the bottom of a well, attempting to form an opinion of the heavens. It is to be feared that the Chinese have been at the bottom of the well with regard to foreigners, and that we are not unfrequently at the bottom of the well with regard to them. The writer would fain bring each party to the brink, and exhibit them to each other. Without acceding, therefore, to the extravagant pretensions of the Chinese, or submitting to their unjust reflections upon foreigners, we must allow them a degree of civilization, which would awaken an interest in their behalf, and favour not a little the attempt to promote their evangelization.

The civilization of the Chinese will be seen in their complaisance towards each other. In no unchristian country do we find such attention paid to ceremony, such polish in daily intercourse, and so many compliments passing to and fro, as among the Chinese. In associating with friends, and in entertaining strangers, their politeness is remarkable. The poorest and commonest individual will scarcely allow a passenger to cross the door without asking him in; should the stranger comply, the pipe is instantly filled and presented to his lips, or the tea poured out for his refreshment; a seat is then offered, and the master of the house does not presume to sit down, until the stranger is first seated. The epithets employed, when conversation commences, are in keeping with the character of the people. The familiar use of the personal pronoun is not indulged in; on the contrary, "venerable uncle,"—"honourable brother,"—"virtuous companion,"—or "excellent sir,"—in addressing a stranger, are used


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 instead of the pronoun "you;, [sic]" and "the worthless fellow,"—"the stupid one,"—" the late born,"—or the "unworthy disciple," instead of the pronoun "I," are terms of common occurrence. "What is your noble patronymic?" is the first question; to which the usual reply is, "my poverty-struck family name is so and so;" again, the question is asked respecting the "honourable appellation, the exalted age, and the famous province," of the stranger, which queries are replied to by applying to one's self the epithets of "ignoble, short-lived, and vulgar;" and thus the conversation proceeds in a strain of compliment, the very commonness of which proves the civilization of the people. The titles bestowed upon the relations of others, together with the humiliating light in which persons speak of their own connections, are also remarkable. "Honourable young gentleman," for a friend's son; and "the thousand pieces of gold" for his daughter, are usual appellations; while the individual replies by bestowing the epithet of "dog's son," and "female slave," on his own offspring.

The ceremonies observed on the invitation and entertainment of guests are still more striking; complimentary cards are presented, and polite answers returned, all vieing with each other in the display of humility and condescension. On the arrival of the guest, considerable difficulty is found in arranging who shall make the lowest bow, or first enter the door, or take the highest seat, or assume the precedence at table; though the host generally contrives to place his guest in the most elevated position. When conversation commences, the mutual assent to every proposition, the scrupulous avoiding of all contradiction, and the entire absence of every offensive expression, or melancholy


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 allusion, shew what a sense these people entertain of politeness; while the congratulations or condolence lavished on every prosperous or adverse occasion, and the readiness displayed to "rejoice with them that do rejoice, and to weep with them that weep," manifest the degree of interest they appear to take in each other. Any one who would examine the style of their epistolary correspondence, the form of their invitation cards, and the phraseology of their polite discourses, must see, that, professedly at least, "they esteem every other better than themselves," which is the foundation of politeness. Their civility may indeed verge towards adulation, and their compliments assume the air of flattery; but, when we see a whole nation thus externally soft, affable, and yielding, we must acknowledge that they have made some advances in the art of good breeding.

But the civilization of the Chinese appears in a more substantial form, in the discoveries they have made, and the arts and sciences which they have cultivated. Their inventive genius has been manifested in various particulars, and at early periods. Three most important discoveries, which have given an extraordinary impulse to the progress of civilization in Europe, were known to the Chinese previous to their being found out by us. First of all ranks the invention of the mariner's compass, with which the Chinese seem to have been long acquainted. The earliest allusion to the magnetic needle is met with in the traditionary period of their history, about 2600 years before Christ; when the Yellow Emperor, having missed his way, invented a carriage, upon the top of which was a gallery,


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Snowden, Phillip

SNOWDEN, PHILLIP (1864-), British Labour politician, was born at Cowling, Yorks, July 18 1864. He was educated partly privately and partly at a board school, and in 1886 entered the Civil Service. In 1893 he retired, and devoted himself to journalism and lecturing, becoming well known for his ardent advocacy of extreme socialistic views. He unsuccessfully contested Blackburn in 1900 and Wakefield in 1902, and in 1903 he became chairman of the Independent Labour party. He held this position until 1906, and in that year was returned as Socialist member for Blackburn. He sat on various royal commissions, including those on the Civil Service and Venereal Diseases, and from 1917 to 1919 was again chairman of the Independent Labour party. Mr. Snowden made himself extremely unpopular during the World War owing to his pacifist opinions, and was one of the Socialist members of Parliament who lost their seats at the general election of 1918. He had married in 1905 Miss Ethel Annikin, who became well known as a speaker and writer on social subjects. In 1920 she went to Russia as a member of one of the various Labour delegations invited to inspect Soviet conditions of government. She published on her return an account of her experiences, under the title of Through Bolshevik Russia (1920).


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 by a little figure, pointing to the south, whichever way the carriage turned.

At a later period, we have a more credible account of this discovery, in the reign of Ching-wang, of the Chow dynasty, B.C. 1114; when it is said that some ambassadors came from the modern Cochin-China, affirming, that having experienced neither storm nor tempest in that country for three years, they imagined it was in consequence of the sages then existing in China; and therefore had come to pay court to them. On the return of these ambassadors, they knew not what course to take; and the prime minister of China gave them five close carriages, all provided with instruments that pointed to the south: with these they were enabled to find their way, and in a year arrived at their own country. "Hence," adds the historian, "these south-pointing carriages have ever since been used as guides to travellers." There are several other references to this important invention at later periods, so as to make it evident that they possessed the discovery before the people of Europe, and it is not improbable were the means of communicating it to us; for it is well known that Marco Paulo, the Venetian traveller, visited China A.D. 1275, and that the mariner's compass was not invented by Gioia, of Naples, until A.D. 1302, so that it is not unlikely that the Italian communicated it to his countryman. Though the Chinese have not much improved the art of navigation, and have allowed us to exceed them in nautical science, yet we should remember from whence the grand invention was derived, and accord the due meed of praise to those who so early possessed it.


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 directed him to manage a house in Wales, probably a cell of Gloucester (, Patrologia, p. 190, col. 767). His writings are contained in the Latin MS. Bibl. Reg. 6 Dix., a folio of three hundred pages: (1) folios 1–72a consist of dialogues between Osbern and a monk Nicolas on the Pentateuch; (2) on folio 73a begins a treatise, in six chapters, on the Book of Judges, dedicated to Gilbert Foliot, bishop of Hereford, 1148–1163, whose corrections Osbern desires; (3) folios 174a–201a are on the incarnation; (4) folios 201a to 241b contain Osbern's book on the nativity; (5) folios 241b to 292b are on the sacrament of the passion; (6) folios 292b to 300b are on the resurrection.

Leland ascribes to Osbern a work called ‘Panormia quasi Vocabularium,’ addressed to Hamelin, beginning ‘Cum in nocte hyemali.’ It seems to have at one time formed part of the volume already described, and was in Leland's time at Gloucester, whence Henry VIII had taken the other parts of the manuscript (Nos. 1-6). Bale ascribes the ‘Panormia,’ no doubt wrongly, to Osbern of Canterbury [q. v.] The library of Rouen apparently contains a copy of part or of the whole of Osbern's work (, Cat. Lib. MSS. p. 421, Rouen, No. 387. Sex dierum tractatus, Osbernus de incarnatione et nativitate Domini).

 OSBERT (fl. 1136), prior of Westminster. [See .]

OSBOLSTON. [See .]

OSBORN WYDDEL i.e. the Irishman, (fl. 1280), founder of the houses of Cors y gedol, Wynne of Ynys maengwyn, "Wynne of Maes y neuadd, and other important families in Merionethshire, came over from Ireland and settled in the neighbourhood of Llanaber, Barmouth, in the latter part of the thirteenth century. Tradition, the only authority for his career, asserts that he was a Geraldine, of the Desmond branch of that family. On this assumption Sir William Betham, Ulster king of arms, thought he was in all probability a son of John FitzThomas, the first Geraldine lord of Decies and Desmond (d. 1261). The circumstances of his settlement in Ardudwy (North-west Merionethshire) are unknown, though it may be conjectured that he was driven to seek a home in Wales by the temporary overthrow of the Geraldine influence in Desmond which followed the battle of Callan (1261). A spot called Berllys (or Byrllysg), a little to the north of Cors y gedol, is pointed out as the site of Osborn's first residence. He afterwards married, it is said, the heiress of Cors y gedol, and moved thither. He was assessed in the parish of Llanaber for the fifteenth levied in 1293 or 1294 upon holders of land in Wales.

 OSBORN, ELIAS (1643–1720), quaker, born at Chillington, Somerset, was baptised there 24 June 1643 (Parish Register). His mother died when he was two years old, and his father, a strict puritan, made him attend weekly lectures and repeat the substance of the sermon on the way home. He says in his autobiography that he was ‘inclined to religion’ when he was thirteen, but also loved ‘pleasure and vanity.’ At fifteen he left school, and was employed in the clothing trade. At ‘King Charles's return,’ he says, ‘I tried the common prayer, but soon wearied of it, and indeed of all other religions I then knew. Amongst the several forms,’ he continues, ‘and great professions, the Life and Power is lost.’

When nineteen he first heard of the quakers, read one or two of their books, and finally became convinced of ‘the truth.’ His father and other puritan relatives strongly opposed his conversion, and Osborn left the house and engaged himself to assist a widow with two daughters in the clothing trade. All three were quakers, and Osborn on 1 Oct. 1665, at the age of twenty-three, married Mary Horte, the younger daughter. His father, though strongly objecting to this quaker daughter-in-law, afterwards ‘loved her very dearly,’ and desired to be buried by her side. Concerning his son, he declared that, having done what he could to reclaim him, he was now satisfied it was ‘a matter of conscience with him,’ adding ‘he is more dutiful to me than before.’ Osborn and his mother-in-law, ‘a noble, generous-spirited woman,’ were imprisoned in 1670 at the suit of Lord Paulet's steward for non-payment of tithes, and their goods were more than once seized for the same cause.

They entertained many ‘travelling friends,’ and their meetings were suffered until the passing of the Conventicle Act (1670), when, Osborn says, ‘the nation seemed all of a flame, the worst men being let loose to ruin their honest neighbours by a law.’ A large monthly meeting at Stoke Gregory was the first to be broken up by Captain Lacy with a troop of horse. Other meetings were disturbed, chiefly by Justice Henry Waldron, a captain of militia, who lived eight miles


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 Next in the order of utility stands the art of printing, which it appears was known to the Chinese upwards of nine hundred years ago. Some, say, that it was invented by one Fung-taou, the time-serving minister of the first ruler of the Tsin dynasty, A.D. 937; though by a reference to Chinese history, it appears, that eleven years previous, the ruler of Tang ordered the nine classics to be engraved, printed, and sold to the people. The historians of those times do not seem to have any doubt about the art having been then in use, and merely discuss the propriety of selling the books, rather than give them away, on the principle that it would be difficult to supply so many millions gratuitously.

In the time of Confucius, B.C. 500, books were formed of slips of bamboo, upon which they wrote with the point of a style. About one hundred and fifty years after Christ, paper was invented, when the Chinese wrote on rolls, and formed volumes. A.D. 745, books were first bound up into leaves; and two hundred years afterwards they were multiplied by printing; so that the Chinese appear to have made early advances in civilization, whilst we only discovered the art of making paper in the eleventh, and that of printing in the fifteenth century. The mode of printing adopted by the Chinese is of the simplest character. Without expensive machinery, or a complicated process, they manage to throw off clear impressions of their books, in an expeditious manner. Stereotype, or block printing, seems to have taken the precedence of moveable types in all countries, and in China they have scarcely yet got beyond the original method. Their language consisting of a great number of characters, they have not thought it worth while to cut or cast an


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Osborn Wyddel


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Smyth, Herbert Weir

SMYTH, HERBERT WEIR (1857-), American classical scholar, was born at Wilmington, Del., Aug. 8 1857. He was educated at Swarthmore (A.B. 1876), Harvard (A.B. 1878), Leipzig, and Göttingen (Ph.D. 1884). During 1883-5 he was instructor in Greek and Sanskrit at Williams College, and then for two years was reader in Greek at Johns Hopkins. From 1887 to 1901 he was professor of Greek at Bryn Mawr. In the latter year he was called to Harvard as professor of Greek and in 1902 was appointed Eliot professor of Greek literature, succeeding William Watson Goodwin. During 1890-1900 he was professor of the Greek language and literature at the American Classical School at Athens. From 1889 to 1904 he was secretary of the American Philological Association and editor of its Transactions and in 1904 was elected president. He became a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, a member of the American Philosophical Society and vice-president of the Egypt Exploration Society.


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Smyth, Ethel

SMYTH, ETHEL (1858-), English musical composer, was born in London on April 23 1858, the daughter of Gen. J. H. Smyth. She began her musical studies at Leipzig in 1877, becoming a pupil of Heinrich von Herzogenberg, then conductor of the Bach Verein, whose wife was an intimate friend of Johannes Brahms. She was thus thrown from the first into a highly intellectual musical society. Her earliest works, principally chamber music, were performed at Leipzig; her first orchestral works being produced by (Sir) August Manns at the Crystal Palace concerts and the symphony concerts started in 1886 by (Sir) George Hcnschel. She also produced a Mass, performed in 1893 at the Albert Hall. Subsequently she turned her attention to opera, her first work in this direction being Fantasia, based upon a book by De Musset (produced at Weimar 1898 and revived at Karlsruhe 1901). This was followed by Der Wald, produced at Dresden in 1901 and at Covent Garden, London, in 1902, and New York 1903; and The Wreckers, produced under the title “Strandrecht” at Leipzig and Prague in 1906, at His Majesty's theatre, London, in 1909, and at Covent Garden in 1910. Her opera, The Boatswain's Male, written for a German theatre, but, owing to the war, not produced there, was produced in London in 1915, and was revived in 1918 and met with considerable success. She also published in 1907 a series of songs with instrumental accompaniment, and in 1913 four orchestral songs. Miss Smyth, who received the degree of Mus. Doc. from Durham University in 1910, became known as a leading militant suffragette, and, besides other music written for the cause, produced The March of the Women (1911). In 1919 she published two volumes of brightly written autobiography and reminiscences under the title Impressions that Remained, and in 1921 another book, Streaks of Life. On Jan. 1 1922 she was created D.B.E.