text:
Page:The roamer and other poems (1920).djvu/50

40 To do Thy will unknown!" he pressed his heart,

And, patient, climbed against the barren skies,

And, fain to see, saw not; "nay, not the sight,"

He sighed, "the very truth, man's miracle,—

Not in the heaven of heavens, eternal built,

The city shining down the fadeless stars,

Where no night is, nor ever falls a tear,

Hope cannot die, and memory is not pain,

And there no partings are, but love is all."

The summit of the pass could not be far.

With bold, strong curves the ice-ribbed floor pierced on;

Loud fell his footstep; sudden opposite

The mountain broke, one headlong precipice,

Upon the western stars; and, crest on crest,

The pale ledge, like a billow of the night

On shores unknown, bore him upon his fate;

Almost he hoped—was there indeed an end?

Low in the sunken West the red moon flared;

A savage land rolled on the vacant air;

The sloping, vast, dead wilderness—'twas all.

There ran the swift descent straight to the waste.

O, evil was his case! down, down he went;

Little he thought save that his grave lay there.

Now had he borne his body to the death—


text:
Page:The roamer and other poems (1920).djvu/51

Rh The passion spent, the corpse at last would fall.

And many a sign came whispering of the end;

All helplessly he felt the loosening life

Waver from sense and flutter from his will;

And, as o'er dying men comes fantasy

Of their own selves beside them waiting lone,

A phantom seemed to reach, with motions dark,

For pity and comfort in its solitude;

But he neglectful walked, remembering all

The passion and the loyalty of years.

The peaks sprang up behind; woods arched him in,

Umnindful, and on swards of grass, he came,

Nor knew he moved, and death was in his limbs.

Ah, yet once more, out of the dark obscure

Earth's wheel of torture heaved his soul aloft,

And Nature rallied for her last farewell.

Then was he 'ware of strange lights in the North—

Pale silver gleams on banks of emerald shone

Changeful, and now a drifting rose, and now

A thousand shadowy rainbows wavering;

And lone thereunder, laid by pine trees hoar,

He saw a youth, and broken in his hand

A reed of nature set with golden stops.

He drew more near where on the brown he lay,

And knelt, and took his head between his hands,

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:The roamer and other poems (1920).djvu/52

42 And parted the fair hair from off his brows.

Upon his own dead face he seemed to look.

He could no more. He sank to earth. "Would God

Might press the sponge of death upon my lips,"

He murmured; and again by that far sea

He seemed to sit, again he died to light,

And on the burning darkness came the gloom,

Terrifically near, his soul's eclipse,

And in his ears faint rang the dying blast

Of Roland dead with all his chivalry;

Then Roland's dark breath seemed with his to mix,

Head laid to head, the heroic kiss of death;

"Non sono traditore," low he sighed;

And ere night sucked him downward, in that dusk,

Even as the flown soul to the body seems,

Borne on the drifting dark the past went by

Crying, and on its forehead was a star.


text: The roamer and other poems/The Roamer/Book I


text:
Page:Studies in Letters and Life (Woodberry, 1890).djvu/40

30 only his fledgeling flights. It was not until after more than twenty years of silence, spent in the obscurity of a country clergyman's life, that he showed the richness and abundance of his vein. Then Burke and his friends had given place to those younger men, in whose lives a new age was dawning; but as warm a welcome awaited Crabbe among them as he had ever met with in Burke's club. With them he passed his old age, pleased with Byron's praise, and with the friendliness of Moore and Rogers, and with Scott's kindly regard and correspondence. They liked to see him, with his beautiful white hair, his formal, old-fashioned garb and old-school manners, the last of that long line of poets through whom the Queen Anne taste had tyrannized for a century in English verse, sitting familiarly among themselves, who were preparing the way for the next generation to ignore the traditions which Burke and Johnson had fixed in his poetic faith. Especially did Sir Walter honor him; like Fox, he chose Crabbe's poems to be read to him just before he died.

Without reckoning the approval of others, what was the strong attraction in Crabbe's work for Scott and Fox? Their judgment


text: Author:Francis Jeffrey

title: Author:Francis Jeffrey


text:
Page:Studies in Letters and Life (Woodberry, 1890).djvu/41

Rh was not so worthless that it can be disregarded with the complacent assurance with which the decisions of Gifford and Jeffrey are set aside; on the contrary, Scott had such health and Fox such refinement that their judgment ought to raise a doubt whether our generation is not making a mistake and missing pleasure through its neglect of Crabbe.

Crabbe is a story-teller. He describes the life he saw,—common, homely life, sometimes wretched, not infrequently criminal; the life of the country poor, with occasional light and shadow from the life of the gentlefolk above them. He had been born into it, in a village on the Suffolk coast, amid stern and cheerless natural scenes: landward, the bramble-overgrown heath encompassing crowded and mean houses; eastward,—

Here he had passed his boyhood, in the midst of human life equally barren and stricken with the ugliness of poverty, among surly and sordid fishers given to hard labor and rough brawl,—


text:
Page:Studies in Letters and Life (Woodberry, 1890).djvu/42

32 and the sight had been a burden to him. The desire to throw off this twofold oppression of mean nature and humanity must have counted for much in determining him on that long-remembered December day, when, as the bleak twilight came down, darkening the marshy pool on the heath where he stood, he took his resolve to go up to London and seek poetical fame; and glad at heart he must have been, that morning of early spring, when he left all this ugliness behind him, ignorant of the struggle and distress he was to meet where he was going.

In that early poem which Johnson praised Crabbe described this village life with the vigor of a youth who had escaped out of its dreary imprisonment, and without a touch of that tenderness for early associations which softened Goldsmith's retrospect of the scenes of his early days. Crabbe told of exhausting labor leading on to prematurely useless and neglected age; of storms sweeping away the shelter of the poor; of smugglers, poachers, wreckers, tavern debauchery, and, worst of all, the poor-house—a terrible picture, perhaps the best known of all his drawing—with its deserted inmates cut off from all human care except that of the heedless


text:
Page:Studies in Letters and Life (Woodberry, 1890).djvu/43

Rh and the heartless parson; a miserable tale, but too much of it only what his own eyes had seen. We do not know the contents of those piles of manuscripts which he wrote during his twenty years of silence, and—not much to the world's loss, some think—made bonfires of to amuse his children; but his first poem after that long interval was the same story, the experience of those whose names appeared in the year's parish register of births, marriages, and deaths, and was a sorrowful survey of seduction, desertion, crime, discontent, and folly. In his later tales he dealt less in unrelieved gloom and bitter misery, and at times made a trial at humor. There are glimpses of pleasant English life and character, but these are only glimpses; the ground of his painting is shadow, the shadow that rested on the life of the English poor in his generation.

Where else would one turn for an adequate description of that life, or gain so direct an insight into the social sources and conditions of the Methodist revival, or into the motives and convictions of reformers like Mary Wollstonecraft? Where would one obtain so keen a sense of the vast change which has taken place in the conditions of


text:
Page:Studies in Letters and Life (Woodberry, 1890).djvu/44

34 humble human life within this century? Mr. Leslie Stephen, in that essay which is so good-humored but so unsuccessful an attempt to appreciate Crabbe, mentions the few illustrations in modern literature of the life Crabbe described; it is seen in Charlotte Brontë's Yorkshiremen, and George Eliot's millers, and in a few other characters, "but," he says, "to get a realistic picture of country life as Crabbe saw it, we must go back to Squire Western, or to some of the roughly-hewn masses of flesh who sat to Hogarth." The setting of Crabbe's tales has this special historic interest. The schools, houses, books, habits, occupations, and all the external characteristics of the tales belong to the time: the press-gang comes to carry off the lover just before his wedding-day, and leaves the bride to nurse an unfathered child, to receive the courtship of a canting and carnal preacher, and to find a refuge from him, and from the father who favors him, in suicide; orphan boys are bound over to brutal task-masters; pictures of tho sects (from the pen of a respectable clergyman of the Established Church, it is true) recall the beginnings of Methodism with a vividness only to be equaled by the


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/290

238

Fig. 74. Distribution of Forests in South America. Zon, 1916. I

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/290


text:
Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/44

 Chapter V: Economy

Section 1: Public Finance, Monetary Affairs, Trade, Industry and Commerce

Article 105

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall, in accordance with law, protect the right of individuals and legal persons to the acquisition, use, disposal and inheritance of property and their right to compensation for lawful deprivation of their property.

Such compensation shall correspond to the real value of the property concerned at the time and shall be freely convertible and paid without undue delay.

The ownership of enterprises and the investments from outside the Region shall be protected by law.

Article 106

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall have independent finances.

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall use its financial revenues exclusively for its own purposes, and they shall not be handed over to the Central People's Government.

The Central People's Government shall not levy taxes in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

Article 107

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall follow the principle of keeping expenditure within the limits of revenues in drawing up its budget, and strive to achieve a fiscal balance, avoid deficits and keep the budget commensurate with the growth rate of its gross domestic product.

title: Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/44


text:
Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/45

 Article 108

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall practise an independent taxation system.

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall, taking the low tax policy previously pursued in Hong Kong as reference, enact laws on its own concerning types of taxes, tax rates, tax reductions, allowances and exemptions, and other matters of taxation.

Article 109

The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall provide an appropriate economic and legal environment for the maintenance of the status of Hong Kong as an international financial centre.

Article 110

The monetary and financial systems of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be prescribed by law.

The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall, on its own, formulate monetary and financial policies, safeguard the free operation of financial business and financial markets, and regulate and supervise them in accordance with law.

Article 111

The Hong Kong dollar, as the legal tender in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, shall continue to circulate.

The authority to issue Hong Kong currency shall be vested in the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The issue of Hong Kong currency must be backed by a 100 per cent reserve fund. The system regarding the issue of Hong Kong currency and the reserve fund system shall be prescribed by law.

The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may authorize designated banks to issue or continue to issue Hong Kong currency under statutory authority, after satisfying itself that any issue of

title: Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/45


text:
Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/46

 currency will be soundly based and that the arrangements for such issue are consistent with the object of maintaining the stability of the currency.

Article 112

No foreign exchange control policies shall be applied in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The Hong Kong dollar shall be freely convertible. Markets for foreign exchange, gold, securities, futures and the like shall continue.

The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall safeguard the free flow of capital within, into and out of the Region.

Article 113

The Exchange Fund of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be managed and controlled by the government of the Region, primarily for regulating the exchange value of the Hong Kong dollar.

Article 114

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall maintain the status of a free port and shall not impose any tariff unless otherwise prescribed by law.

Article 115

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall pursue the policy of free trade and safeguard the free movement of goods, intangible assets and capital.

Article 116

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be a separate customs territory.

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may, using the name "Hong Kong, China", participate in relevant international organizations and international trade agreements (including preferential trade

title: Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/46


text:
Page:Studies in Letters and Life (Woodberry, 1890).djvu/45

Rh books and pamphlets of the early converts' own writing. This historic value of the tales, however, great as it is to the student of manners, is secondary to their poetic value, which lies in the sentiment, feeling, and pathos with which the experience of life embodied in them, the workings of simple human nature, in however debased surroundings, is set forth. It is an experience which results usually from the interplay of low and selfish motives, and of ignoble or weak passions; it is, too often, the course of brutal appetite, thoughtless or heartless folly, avarice, sensuality, and vice, relieved too seldom by amiable character, sympathy, charity, self-sacrifice, or even by the charm of natural beauty. Yet if all the seventy tales be taken into account, they contain nearly all varieties of character and circumstance among the country poor; and, though the darker side may seem to be more frequently insisted upon, it is because the nature of his subject made it necessary, because he let his light, as Moore said,—

rather than because he had any lack of cheerfulness of temper.


text:
Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/47

 arrangements), such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and arrangements regarding international trade in textiles.

Export quotas, tariff preferences and other similar arrangements, which are obtained or made by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region or which were obtained or made and remain valid. shall be enjoyed exclusively by the Region.

Article 117

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may issue its own certificates of origin for products in accordance with prevailing rules of origin.

Article 118

The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall provide an economic and legal environment for encouraging investments, technological progress and the development of new industries.

Article 119

The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall formulate appropriate policies to promote and co-ordinate the development of various trades such as manufacturing, commerce, tourism, real estate, transport, public utilities. services, agriculture and fisheries, and pay regard to the protection of the environment.

 Section 2: Land Leases

Article 120

All leases of land granted, decided upon or renewed before the establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region which extend beyond 30 June 1997. and all rights in relation to such leases, shall continue to be recognized and protected under the law of the Region.

title: Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/47


text:
Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/48

 Article 121

As regards all leases of land granted or renewed where the original leases contain no right of renewal, during the period from 27 May 1985 to 30 June 1997, which extend beyond 30 June 1997 and expire not later than 30 June 2047, the lessee is not required to pay an additional premium as from 1 July 1997, but an annual rent equivalent to 3 per cent of the rateable value of the property at that date, adjusted in step with any changes in the rateable value thereafter, shall be charged.

Article 122

In the case of old schedule lots, village lots, small houses and similar rural holdings, where the property was on 30 June 1984 held by, or, in the case of small houses granted after that date, where the property is granted to, a lessee descended through the male line from a person who was in 1898 a resident of an established village in Hong Kong, the previous rent shall remain unchanged so long as the property is held by that lessee or by one of his lawful successors in the male line.

Article 123 Where leases of land without a right of renewal expire after the establishment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, they shall be dealt with in accordance with laws and policies formulated by the Region on its own.

 Section 3: Shipping

Article 124

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall maintain Hong Kong's previous systems of shipping management and shipping regulation, including the system for regulating conditions of seamen.

The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall, on its own, define its specific functions and responsibilities in respect of shipping.

title: Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/48


text:
Page:Studies in Letters and Life (Woodberry, 1890).djvu/46

36 Crabbe does not, in a true sense, give expression to the life of the poor; he merely narrates it. Here and there, throughout the poems, are episodes written out of his own life; but usually he is concerned with the experience of other men, which he had observed, rather than with what his own heart had felt. A description of life is of course far inferior to an utterance of it, such as was given to us by Burns, who dealt with the life of the poor so much more powerfully than Crabbe; and a realistic description has less poetic value than an imaginative one, such as was given to us by Wordsworth at his best. Crabbe's description is perhaps the most nakedly realistic of any in English poetry; but it is an uncommonly good one. Realism has a narrow compass, and Crabbe's powers were confined strictly within it; but he had the best virtues of a realist. His physical vision—his sight of what presents itself to the eye—was almost perfect; he saw every object, and saw it as it was. Perhaps the minuteness with which he saw was not altogether an advantage, for he does not seem to have taken in the landscape as a whole, but only as a mosaic of separate objects. He never gives general effects of


text:
Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/49

 Article 125

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be authorized by the Central People's Government to continue to maintain a shipping register and issue related certificates under its legislation, using the name "Hong Kong, China".

Article 126

With the exception of foreign warships, access for which requires the special permission of the Central People's Government, ships shall enjoy access to the ports of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in accordance with the laws of the Region.

Article 127

Private shipping businesses and shipping-related businesses and private container terminals in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region may continue to operate freely.

 Section 4: Civil Aviation

Article 128

The Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall provide conditions and take measures for the maintenance of the status of Hong Kong as a centre of international and regional aviation.

Article 129

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall continue the previous system of civil aviation management in Hong Kong and keep its own aircraft register in accordance with provisions laid down by the Central People's Government concerning nationality marks and registration marks of aircraft.

Access of foreign state aircraft to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall require the special permission of the Central People's Government.

title: Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/49


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/291

Rh rolling in a mat; coca chewed and mimora seeds snuffed; tobacco used for ceremonial drink only; curare and other poisons; blowgun, throwing spear, bows, paddle clubs; fish caught by poison, also with hooks, nets, traps, and a trident spear; clay eaten; cannibals, eat prisoners; drum signalling; drums in pairs, male and female, phallic decorations; palm fiber rolled on thigh and hammocks made; pottery; basketry; no metal, little stone, tools of wood; dug-out canoes, sprung into shape when hot from burning out; trees felled by holes and wedging; large wooden mortars for coca, tobacco, and maize; habitations and fields shifted often; whole community in one house, large and square, four posts inside, thatched, no smoke hole; clearing around house, but all concealed in jungle by maze-like path; no clothing except bark breechcloth for men; combs of palm splints for women; human tooth necklaces; ornamental ligatures, nose pins, leg rattles, elaborate body paint; palaver with a kind of black drink of tobacco for all important undertakings of war or peace; the couvade; women not permitted to join in serious ceremonies and not to see boys' initiations, not allowed to join a cannibal feast; personal names not spoken, even true names of mythical characters are whispered; shamanism (paye) important, tricks crude except "voice throwing," sucking for disease, but detecting evil spirits the chief function of a shaman; two serious harvest ceremonies, manioc and pineapple; boys cruelly whipped in puberty ceremonies; ordeals of stinging ants; many social dances; formal recital of one's grievances and a kind of riddle dance; pan pipe, flute, castanet, drum, gourd rattle; each house group exogamous, paternal descent; monogamy, each house has a chief, all adult males the council; many tales resembling European folklore and many animal tales reminding one of African lore; sun and moon venerated; grave burial.

In Guiana we find most of these same traits, but what seems to be a higher culture, since here we have cotton cultivated and spun and the typical cassava squeezer. The Arawak peoples also have a clan organization, maternal descent. None of the Guiana peoples see coca, but smoke

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/291


text:
Page:Studies in Letters and Life (Woodberry, 1890).djvu/47

Rh beauty or grandeur; indeed, he seldom saw the beauty of a single object; he did little more than catalogue the things before him, and employ in writing poetry the same faculty in the same way as in pursuing his favorite studies of botany and entomology. Yet, with these limitations, what realist in painting could exceed in truthfulness and carefulness of detail this picture of a fall morning?—

Or this sketch of light in a decayed warehouse turned into a tenement for the poor?—

Nor is this carefulness of detail a trick, such as is sometimes employed, to give the


text:
Page:Studies in Letters and Life (Woodberry, 1890).djvu/48

38 of reality to unreal human life. Crabbe's mental vision, his sight into the workings of the passions and the feelings, although not so perfect as his physical vision, was yet at its best very keen and clear; the sentiments, moods, reflections, and actions of his characters are seldom contrary to nature. It would be difficult to show a finer delineation of its kind than his description of the meeting of two long-parted brothers. As Richard approaches his brother's hall, he reflects,—

He proud and rich, I very proud and poor?

Perhaps my friend a dubious speech mistook,

And George may meet me with a stranger's look.

How stands the case? My brother's friend and mine

Met at an inn, and set them down to dine;

When, having settled all their own affairs,

And kindly canvassed such as were not theirs,

Just as my friend was going to retire,

Said his companion; "be his friend, and tell

The captain that his brother loves him well,

And when he has no better thing in view

Will be rejoiced to see him. Now, adieu!"

I am not come to flatter you and feed.

You shall no soother, fawner, hearer, find;

I will not brush your coat, nor smooth your mind;

I will not hear your tales the whole day long,


text:
Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/63

 Annex I : Method for the Selection of the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region

1. The Chief Executive shall be elected by a broadly representative Election Committee in accordance with this Law and appointed by the Central People's Government.

2. The Election Committee shall be composed of 800 members from the following sectors:

The term of office of the Election Committee shall be five years.

3. The delimitation of the various sectors, the organizations in each sector eligible to return Election Committee members and the number of such members returned by each of these organizations shall be prescribed by an electoral law enacted by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region in accordance with the principles of democracy and openness.

Corporate bodies in various sectors shall, on their own, elect members to the Election Committee, in accordance with the number of seats allocated and the election method as prescribed by the electoral law.

Members of the Election Committee shall vote in their individual capacities.

title: Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/63


text:
Page:Studies in Letters and Life (Woodberry, 1890).djvu/49

Rh

Nor swear you're right, if I believe you wrong;

I will not earn my dinner when I dine

By taking all your sentiments for mine;

Nor watch the guiding motions of your eye

Before I venture question or reply.

Yet, son of that dear mother could I meet—

But lo! the mansion,—'t is a fine old seat!'

To be observant of each other's part.

'Brother, I'm glad!' was all that George could say,

Then stretched his hand, and turned his head away;

Richard, meantime, made some attempt to speak,

Strong in his purpose, in his trial weak.

At length, affection, like a risen tide,

Stood still, and then seemed slowly to subside;

Each on the other's looks had power to dwell,

And brother brother greeted passing well."

These qualities of fine, true physical and mental vision are the essential qualities for valuable realistic work; if there be room for regret in Crabbe's share of them, it is because their range is contracted. The limitations of his physical vision have been mentioned; in respect to his mental vision Crabbe saw only a few and comparatively simple operations of human nature, the workings of country-bred minds, not finely or complexly organized, but slow-motioned, and perplexed, if perplexed at all, not from the difficulty of the problem, but from their own dullness. Yet within these limits his


text:
Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/65

 Annex II : Method for the Formation of the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and Its Voting Procedures

I. Method for the formation of the Legislative Council

1. The Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be composed of 60 members in each term. In the first term, the Legislative Council shall be formed in accordance with the "Decision of the National People's Congress of the People's Republic of China on the Method for the Formation of the First Government and the First Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region". The composition of the Legislative Council in the second and third terms shall be as follows:

Second term

Third term

2. Except in the case of the first Legislative Council, the above-mentioned Election Committee refers to the one provided for in Annex I of this Law. The division of geographical constituencies and the voting method for direct elections therein; the delimitation of functional sectors and corporate bodies, their seat allocation and election methods; and the method for electing members of the Legislative Council by the Election Committee shall be specified by an electoral law introduced by the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and passed by the Legislative Council.

title: Page:Basic Law of Hong Kong.djvu/65


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/319

Rh designate as follows: Northern Mexico, Central Mexico, State of Oaxaca, Yucatan, and Panama. Northern Mexico is the area of which we know least, so that its demarcation is rather an expression of ignorance than otherwise. The best-known site is Casas Grandes, which has striking similarities to the Pueblo culture north of the Rio Grande, suggesting that ultimately we may find this to be an intermediate area.

14. Central Mexico. This was the seat of Nahua, or Aztec culture, and has been sufficiently characterized in the preceding chapter and in the section dealing with architecture.

15. State of Oaxaca. The most distinctive ruins in this area are those at Mitla, supposed to have been the center of Zapotec culture. While the roofs of these buildings were of the flat beam type characteristic of Areas 19, 13 and 7, the stucco mosaics are of the Maya type, or Area 16. Thus the intermediate position of this trait is clear. On the other hand, Mitla takes the lead in stone masonry and, in fact, rises almost to the level of Peru. Of particular interest is the discovery of the original quarries, with the half-cut blocks, revealing all the essential details of the process. All this stone cutting was with stone tools, as was the case in Area 16. A unique architectural feature is a cross-shaped tomb. 28 The pottery is of good quality, but frequently unpainted. So far, very little metal work has been f6und here. Of a somewhat novel interest are several striking parallels to Peruvian traits. 29

16. Yucatan. This area covers the range of Maya culture whose characteristics have been outlined in the preceding chapter and under the head of architecture. The most impressive archaeological remains are the great ruined cities, the best-known of which are shown on the accompanying map. The carved monuments, or stelæ, bear hieroglyphic inscriptions, many of which are dated. This characteristic makes them by far the most important antiquities in the New World, since it is from these alone that we get our safest idea of time perspective. 30

17. Panama. In the classification of historic cultures, we placed this geographical section with Colombia, but archæologists usually regard it as distinct. Yet no one attempts to

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/319


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/320

262

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/320


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/321

Rh deny the resemblance of its artifacts to those from the Andean region. The individuality of the area appears in pottery and gold work. In fact, this is the only part of the northern continent which to any degree approaches the Andean level in metal work. Gold was cast, hammered and alloyed with copper in a bewildering variety of forms. Objects of copper only are rare, and true examples of bronze unknown. As in the Andean region, gold objects were placed with the dead, and we may infer that they had the same religious sacrificial functions as in Colombia.

Another unique group of objects are the ornate stone metates with legs, often appearing as life-like representations of jaguars. Stone tools and ornaments of excellent finish abound, particularly highly carved jadeite celts.

The pottery is of the tripod decorated forms noted under ceramics. One unique feature is that many of these legs are hollow and contain a ball, thus suggesting bells. As golden bells made on the same principle are also numerous, this bell concept becomes a prominent trait. Perhaps closely associated with it are the numerous pottery whistles.

18. The Antilles. The leading problem in Antillean archæology will always be the continental affiliations of this insular culture. The available data are meager enough but still permit of some generalizations. According to Fewkes the culture center of the area was Porto Rico and Haiti, which is also the approximate geographical center. The culture traits of the historic tribes have been outlined in the preceding chapter, where we saw that this was also the approximate center of culture when Columbus arrived upon the scene.

One of the most common objects in collections from the islands is a petal-shaped celt and its distribution is an index of the general culture distribution, for it is most abundant at the center designated above and relatively less frequent in the Bahamas and the Lesser Antilles. In the latter, it gives way to an ax with lateral notches and sometimes side grooves. Another trait of general distribution is found in a type of pictograph, closely resembling those of the South American mainland, both in essential style and in

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/321


text:
Page:EB1911 - Volume 02.djvu/265

 understand theology must familiarize himself with Scripture, the teachings of the fathers, and the decisions of councils, in such a way as to be able to make part of himself, as it were, those channels along which this divine knowledge flowed. Aquinas’s conception of reason is in some way parallel with his conception of revelation. Reason is in his idea not the individual reason, but the fountain of natural truth, whose chief channels are the various systems of heathen philosophy, and more especially the thoughts of Plato and the methods of Aristotle. Reason and revelation are separate sources of knowledge; and man can put himself in possession of each, because he can bring himself into relation to the church on the one hand, and the system of philosophy, or more strictly Aristotle, on the other. The conception will be made clearer when it is remembered that Aquinas, taught by the mysterious author of the writings of the pseudo-Dionysius, who so marvellously influenced medieval writers, sometimes spoke of a natural revelation, or of reason as a source of truths in themselves mysterious, and was always accustomed to say that reason as well as revelation contained two kinds of knowledge. The first kind lay quite beyond the power of man to receive it, the second was within man’s reach. In reason, as in revelation, man can only attain to the lower kind of knowledge; there is a higher kind which we may not hope to reach.

But while reason and revelation are two distinct sources of truths, the truths are not contradictory; for in the last resort they rest on one absolute truth—they come from the one source of knowledge, God, the Absolute One. Hence arises the compatibility of philosophy and theology which was the fundamental axiom of scholasticism, and the possibility of a Summa Theologiae, which is a Summa Philosophiae as well. All the many writings of Thomas are preparatory to his great work the Summa Theologiae, and show us the progress of his mind training for this his life work. In the Summa Catholicae Fidei contra Gentiles he shows how a Christian theology is the sum and crown of all science. This work is in its design apologetic, and is meant to bring within the range of Christian thought all that is of value in Mahommedan science. He carefully establishes the necessity of revelation as a source of knowledge, not merely because it aids us in comprehending in a somewhat better way the truths already furnished by reason, as some of the Arabian philosophers and Maimonides had acknowledged, but because it is the absolute source of our knowledge of the mysteries of the Christian faith; and then he lays down the relations to be observed between reason and revelation, between philosophy and theology. This work, Contra Gentiles, may be taken as an elaborate exposition of the method of Aquinas. That method, however, implied a careful study and comprehension of the results which accrued to man from reason and revelation, and a thorough grasp of all that had been done by man in relation to those two sources of human knowledge; and so, in his preliminary writings, Thomas proceeds to master the two provinces. The results of revelation he found in the Holy Scriptures and in the writings of the fathers and the great theologians of the church; and his method was to proceed backwards. He began with Peter of Lombardy (who had reduced to theological order, in his famous book on the Sentences, the various authoritative statements of the church upon doctrine) in his In Quatuor Sententiarum P. Lombardi libros. Then came his deliverances upon undecided points in theology, in his XII. Quodlibeta Disputata, and his Quaestiones Disputatae. His Catena Aurea next appeared, which, under the form of a commentary on the Gospels, was really an exhaustive summary of the theological teaching of the greatest of the church fathers. This side of his preparation was finished by a close study of Scripture, the results of which are contained in his commentaries, In omnes Epistolas Divi Apostoli Expositio, his Super Isaiam et Jeremiam, and his In Psalmos. Turning now to the other side, we have evidence, not only from tradition but from his writings, that he was acquainted with Plato and the mystical Platonists; but he had the sagacity to perceive that Aristotle was the great representative of philosophy, and that his writings contained the best results and method which the natural reason had as yet attained to. Accordingly Aquinas prepared himself on this side by commentaries on Aristotle’s De Interpretatione, on his Posterior Analytics, on the Metaphysics, the Physics, the De Anima, and on Aristotle’s other psychological and physical writings, each commentary having for its aim to lay hold of the material and grasp the method contained and employed in each treatise. Fortified by this exhaustive preparation, Aquinas began his Summa Theologiae, which he intended to be the sum of all known learning, arranged according to the best method, and subordinate to the dictates of the church. Practically it came to be the theological dicta of the church, explained according to the philosophy of Aristotle and his Arabian commentators. The Summa is divided into three great parts, which shortly may be said to treat of God, Man and the God-Man. The first and the second parts are wholly the work of Aquinas, but of the third part only the first ninety quaestiones are his; the rest of it was finished in accordance with his designs. The first book, after a short introduction upon the nature of theology as understood by Aquinas, proceeds in 119 questions to discuss the nature, attributes and relations of God; and this is not done as in a modern work on theology, but the questions raised in the physics of Aristotle find a place alongside of the statements of Scripture, while all subjects in any way related to the central theme are brought into the discourse. The second part is divided into two, which are quoted as Prima Secundae and Secunda Secundae. This second part has often been described as ethic, but this is scarcely true. The subject is man, treated as Aristotle does, according to his , and so Aquinas discusses all the ethical, psychological and theological questions which arise; but any theological discussion upon man must be mainly ethical, and so a great proportion of the first part, and almost the whole of the second, has to do with ethical questions. In his ethical discussions (a full account of which is given under ) Aquinas distinguishes theological from natural virtues and vices; the theological virtues are faith, hope and charity; the natural, justice, prudence and the like. The theological virtues are founded on faith, in opposition to the natural, which are founded on reason; and as faith with Aquinas is always belief in a proposition, not trust in a personal Saviour, conformably with his idea that revelation is a new knowledge rather than a new life, the relation of unbelief to virtue is very strictly and narrowly laid down and enforced. The third part of the Summa is also divided into two parts, but by accident rather than by design. Aquinas died ere he had finished his great work, and what has been added to complete the scheme is appended as a Supplementum Tertiae Partis. In this third part Aquinas discusses the person, office and work of Christ, and had begun to discuss the sacraments, when death put an end to his labours.

The purely philosophical theories of Aquinas are explained in the article. In connexion with the problem of universals, he held that the diversity of individuals depends on the quantitative division of matter (materia signata), and in this way he attracted the criticism of the Scotists, who pointed out that this very matter is individual and determinate, and, therefore, itself requires explanation. In general, Aquinas maintained in different senses the real existence of universals ante rem, in re and post rem.

The best modern edition of the works of Aquinas is that prepared at the expense of Leo XIII. (Rome, 1882–1903). The Abbé Migne published a very useful edition of the Summa Theologiae, in four 8vo vols., as an appendix to his Patrologiae Cursus Completus; English editions, J. Rickaby (London, 1872), J. M. Ashley (London, 1888). See Acta Sanct., vii. Martii; A. Touron, La Vie de St Thomas d’Aquin, avec un exposé de sa doctrine et de ses ouvrages (Paris, 1737); Karl Werner, Der Heilige Thomas von Aquino (1858); and R. B. Vaughan, St Thomas of Aquin, his Life and Labours (London, 1872): other lives by P. Cavanagh (London, 1890); E. Desmousseaux de Giuré (Paris, 1888); M. Didot (Louvain, 1894). For the philosophy of Aquinas, see Albert Stöckl, Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters, ii.; B. Hauréau, De la philosophie scolastique, vol. ii.; J. Frohschammer, ''Die Philos. d. Th. von A. (Leipzig, 1889); K. Prantl, Geschichte d. Logik, vol. iii.; C. M. Schneider, Natur, Vernunft, Gott (Regensburg, 1883), Das Wissen Gottes nach d. Lehre des Th. v. A. (4 vols. Regensburg, 1884–1886), Die socialistische Staatsidee beleuchtet durch Th. v. A. (Paderborn, 1894); A. Harnack, Hist, of Dogma'' (trans. Wm.

title: Page:EB1911 - Volume 02.djvu/265


text:
Page:EB1911 - Volume 02.djvu/266

 Gilchrist, London, 1899); Ueberweg’s History of Philosophy, vol. i. See also H. C. O’Neill, New Things and Old in St Thomas Aquinas (1909), with biography.

AQUINO, a town and episcopal see of Campania, Italy, in the province of Caserta; it is 56 m. N.W. by rail from the town of Caserta, and 7 m. N.W. of Cassino. Pop. (1901) 2672. The modern town, close to the ancient, is unimportant, though the canons of the cathedral have the privilege of wearing the mitre and cappa magna at great festivals. It is close to the site of the ancient Aquinum, a municipium in the time of Cicero, and made a colony by the Triumviri, the birthplace of Juvenal and of the emperor Pescennius Niger. The Via Latina traversed it; one of the gates through which it passed, now called Porta S. Lorenzo, is still well preserved, and there are remains within the walls (portions of which, built of large blocks of limestone, still remain) of two (so called) temples, a basilica and an amphitheatre (see R. Delbrück in Röm. Mitteilungen, 1903, p. 143). Outside, on the south is a well-preserved triumphal arch with composite capitals, and close to it the 11th-century basilica of S. Maria Libera, a handsome building in the Romanesque style, but now roofless. Several Roman inscriptions are built into it, and many others that have been found indicate the ancient importance of the place, which, though it does not appear in early history, is vouched for by Cicero and Strabo. A colony was planted here by the Triumviri. St Thomas Aquinas was born in the castle of Roccasecca, 5 m. N.

AQUITAINE, the name of an ancient province in France, the extent of which has varied considerably from time to time. About the time of Julius Caesar the name Aquitania was given to that part of Gaul lying between the Pyrenees and the Garonne, and its inhabitants were a race, or races, distinct from the Celts. The name Aquitania is probably a form of Auscetani, which in its turn is a lengthened form of Ausces, and is thus cognate with the words Basque and Wasconia, i.e. Gascony. Although many of the tribes of Aquitania submitted to Julius Caesar, it was not until about 28 that the district was brought under the Roman yoke. In keeping with the Roman policy of denationalization, the term Aquitania was extended, and under Augustus it included the whole of Gaul south and west of the Loire and the Allier, and thus ceased to possess ethnographical importance. In the 3rd century this larger Aquitania was divided into three parts: Aquitania Prima, the eastern part of the district between the Loire and the Garonne; Aquitania Secunda, the western part of the same district; and Aquitania Tertia, or Novempopulana, the region between the Garonne and the Pyrenees, or the original Aquitania. The seats of government were respectively Bourges, Bordeaux and Eauze; the province contained twenty-six cities, and was in the diocese of Vienne. Like the rest of Gaul, Aquitania absorbed a large measure of Roman civilization, and this continued to distinguish the district down to a late period. In the 5th century the Visigoths established themselves in Aquitania Secunda, and also in parts of Aquitania Prima and Novempopulana, but after the defeat of their king Alaric II. by the Franks under Clovis in 507, they were supplanted by their conquerors. Clovis and his successors extended their authority nominally to the Pyrenees, but, as Guizot has remarked, “the conquest of Aquitania by Clovis left it almost as alien to the people and king of Franks as it had formerly been.” Subsequently during the Merovingian period it was contended for by the feeble rulers of the various Frankish kingdoms, and was frequently partitioned among them; but the Aquitanians had little difficulty in effectually resisting this authority, although they did not establish themselves as a separate kingdom. About 628, indeed, they gathered around Charibert, or Haribert, a brother of the Frankish king, Dagobert I., in the hope of national independence; but after his death in 630 they returned to their former condition. But this effort, although a failure, brought about a certain measure of concord between the two principal races inhabiting the district, and so prepared the way for the stubborn resistance which, subsequently, the Aquitanians were able to offer to the Franks.

The first line of dukes began about 660 with one Felix, who, like his successor, Lupus, probably owned allegiance to the Frankish kings, and whose seat of government was Toulouse. About the end of the 7th century an adventurer named Odo, or Eudes, made himself master of this region. Attacked by the Saracens he inflicted on them a crushing defeat, but when they reappeared, he was obliged to invoke the aid of Charles Martel, who, as the price of his support, claimed and received the homage of his ally. Odo was succeeded by his son Hunald, who after carrying on a war against the Franks under Pippin the Short, retired to a convent, leaving both the kingdom and the conflict to Waifer, or Guaifer. For some years Waifer strenuously carried on an unequal struggle with the Franks, but he was assassinated in 768, and with him perished the national independence, although not the national individuality, of the Aquitanians. In 781 Charlemagne bestowed Aquitaine upon his young son, Louis, and as Louis was generally described as a king, Aquitaine is referred to during the Carolingian period as a kingdom, and not as a duchy. When Louis succeeded Charlemagne as emperor in 814, he granted Aquitaine to his son Pippin, on whose death in 838 the Aquitanians chose his son Pippin II. (d. 865) as their king. The emperor Louis I., however, opposed this arrangement and gave the kingdom to his youngest son Charles, afterwards the emperor Charles the Bald. Now followed a time of confusion and conflict which resulted eventually in the success of Charles, although from 845 to 852 Pippin was in possession of the kingdom. In 852 Pippin was imprisoned by Charles the Bald, who soon afterwards gave to the Aquitanians his own son Charles as their king. On the death of the younger Charles in 866, his brother Louis the Stammerer succeeded to the kingdom, and when, in 877, Louis became king of the Franks, Aquitaine was united to the Frankish crown.

A new period now begins in the history of Aquitaine. By a treaty made in 845 between Charles the Bald and Pippin II. the kingdom had been diminished by the loss of Poitou, Saintonge and Angoumois, which had been given to Rainulf I., count of Poitiers. Somewhat earlier than this date the title of duke of the Aquitanians had been revived, and this was now borne by Rainulf, although it was also claimed by the counts of Toulouse. The new duchy of Aquitaine, comprising the three districts already mentioned, remained in the hands of Rainulf’s successors, in spite of some trouble with their Frankish overlords, until 893 when Count Rainulf II. was poisoned by order of King Charles III. the Simple. Charles then bestowed the duchy upon William the Pious, count of Auvergne, the founder of the abbey of Cluny, who was succeeded in 918 by his nephew, Count William II., who died in 926. A succession of dukes followed, one of whom, William IV., fought against Hugh Capet, king of France, and another of whom, William V., called the Great, was able considerably to strengthen and extend his authority, although he failed in his attempt to secure the Lombard crown. William’s duchy almost reached the limits of the Roman Aquitania Prima and Secunda, but did not stretch south of the Garonne, a district which was in the possession of the Gascons. William died in 1030, and the names of William VI. (d. 1038), Odo or Eudes (d. 1039), who joined Gascony to his duchy, William VII. and William VIII. bring us down to William IX. (d. 1127), who succeeded in 1087, and made himself famous as a crusader and a troubadour. William X. (d. 1137) married his daughter Eleanor to Louis VII., king of France, and Aquitaine went as her dowry. When Eleanor was divorced from Louis and was married in 1152 to Henry II. of England the duchy passed to her new husband, who, having suppressed a revolt there, gave it to his son Richard. When Richard died in 1199, it reverted to Eleanor, and on her death five years later, was united to the English crown and henceforward followed the fortunes of the English possessions in France. Aquitaine as it came to the English kings stretched as of old from the Loire to the Pyrenees, but its extent was curtailed on the

title: Page:EB1911 - Volume 02.djvu/266


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Aquino

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Aquino


text: Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/55


text: Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/85


text: Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/91


text: Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/101


text:
Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/127

 Lamps - Plate05.jpg

S.L.A.


text: Lengths and Levels To Bradshaw's Maps

title: Lengths and Levels To Bradshaw's Maps


text:
Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/132

 Lamps - Plate06.jpg

S.L.A.]


text: Page:Rivers, Canals, Railways of Great Britain.djvu/9


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Haast, Sir John Francis Julius von


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Habens, Rev. William James


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hack, John Barton


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hackett, Hon. John Winthrop


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Haddon, Frederick William


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hadfield, Right Rev. Octavius


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Haines, Hon. William Clarke


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hale, Right Rev. Matthew Blagden


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hall, Edward Swarbreck


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hall, Hon. Sir John


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Halloran, Henry


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Ham, Hon. Cornelius Job


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hamilton, Edward Angus


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Hamilton, Edward William Terrick


text:
Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/137

 Lamps - Plate07.jpg

S.L.A.


text:
Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/141

 Lamps - Plate08.jpg

S.L.A.


text:
Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/173

 Lamps - Plate10.jpg

S.L.A.


text:
Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/185

 Lamps - Plate11.jpg

S.L.A.]


text:
Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/209

 Lamps - Plate12.jpg

S.L.A.]


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/70

N regard to every form of human activity it is necessary that the question should be asked from time to time, What is its purpose and ideal? In what way does it contribute to the beauty of human existence? As respects those pursuits which contribute only remotely, by providing the mechanism of life, it is well to be reminded that not the mere fact of living is to be desired, but the art of living in the contemplation of great things. Still more in regard to those avocations which have no end outside themselves, which are to be justified, if at all, as actually adding to the sum of the world's permanent possessions, it is necessary to keep alive a knowledge of their aims, a clear prefiguring vision of the temple in which creative imagination is to be embodied.

The fulfilment of this need, in what concerns the studies forming the material upon which custom has decided to train the youthful mind, is indeed sadly remote—so remote as to make the mere statement of such a claim appear preposterous. Great men, fully alive to the beauty of the contemplations to whose service their lives are devoted, desiring that others may share in their joys, persuade mankind to impart to the successive generations the mechanical knowledge without which it is impossible to cross the threshold. Dry pedants possess themselves of the privilege of instilling this knowledge: they forget that it is to serve but as a


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/71

Rh key to open the doors of the temple; though they spend their lives on the steps leading up to those sacred doors, they turn their backs upon the temple so resolutely that its very existence is forgotten, and the eager youth, who would press forward to be initiated to its domes and arches, is bidden to turn back and count the steps.

Mathematics, perhaps more even than the study of Greece and Rome, has suffered from this oblivion of its due place in civilisation. Although tradition has decreed that the great bulk of educated men shall know at least the elements of the subject, the reasons for which the tradition arose are forgotten, buried beneath a great rubbish-heap of pedantries and trivialities. To those who inquire as to the purpose of mathematics, the usual answer will be that it facilitates the making of machines, the travelling from place to place, and the victory over foreign nations, whether in war or commerce. If it be objected that these ends—all of which are of doubtful value—are not furthered by the merely elementary study imposed upon those who do not become expert mathematicians, the reply, it is true, will probably be that mathematics trains the reasoning faculties. Yet the very men who make this reply are, for the most part, unwilling to abandon the teaching of definite fallacies, known to be such, and instinctively rejected by the unsophisticated mind of every intelligent learner. And the reasoning faculty itself is generally conceived, by those who urge its cultivation, as merely a means for the avoidance of pitfalls and a help in the discovery of rules for the guidance of practical life. All these are undeniably important achievements to the credit of mathematics; yet it is none of these that entitles mathematics to a place in every liberal education. Plato, we know, regarded the contemplation of mathematical truths as worthy of the


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/73

Rh, no barrier to the creative activity embodying in splendid edifices the passionate aspiration after the perfect from which all great work springs. Remote from human passions, remote even from the pitiful facts of nature, the generations have gradually created an ordered cosmos, where pure thought can dwell as in its natural home, and where one, at least, of our nobler impulses can escape from the dreary exile of the actual world.

So little, however, have mathematicians aimed at beauty, that hardly anything in their work has had this conscious purpose. Much, owing to irrepressible instincts, which were better than avowed beliefs, has been moulded by an unconscious taste; but much also has been spoilt by false notions of what was fitting. The characteristic excellence of mathematics is only to be found where the reasoning is rigidly logical: the rules of logic are to mathematics what those of structure are to architecture. In the most beautiful work, a chain of argument is presented in which every link is important on its own account, in which there is an air of ease and lucidity throughout, and the premises achieve more than would have been thought possible, by means which appear natural and inevitable. Literature embodies what is general in particular circumstances whose universal significance shines through their individual dress; but mathematics endeavours to present whatever is most general in its purity, without any irrelevant trappings.

How should the teaching of mathematics be conducted so as to communicate to the learner as much as possible of this high ideal? Here experience must, in a great measure, be our guide; but some maxims may result from our consideration of the ultimate purpose to be achieved.


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/74

62 One of the chief ends served by mathematics, when rightly taught, is to awaken the learner's belief in reason, his confidence in the truth of what has been demonstrated, and in the value of demonstration. This purpose is not served by existing instruction; but it is easy to see ways in which it might be served. At present, in what concerns arithmetic, the boy or girl is given a set of rules, which present themselves as neither true nor false, but as merely the will of the teacher, the way in which, for some unfathomable reason, the teacher prefers to have the game played. To some degree, in a study of such definite practical utility, this is no doubt unavoidable; but as soon as possible, the reasons of rules should be set forth by whatever means most readily appeal to the childish mind. In geometry, instead of the tedious apparatus of fallacious proofs for obvious truisms which constitutes the beginning of Euclid, the learner should be allowed at first to assume the truth of everything obvious, and should be instructed in the demonstrations of theorems which are at once startling and easily verifiable by actual drawing, such as those in which it is shown that three or more lines meet in a point. In this way belief is generated; it is seen that reasoning may lead to startling conclusions, which nevertheless the facts will verify; and thus the instinctive distrust of whatever is abstract or rational is gradually overcome. Where theorems are difficult, they should be first taught as exercises in geometrical drawing, until the figure has become thoroughly familiar; it will then be an agreeable advance to be taught the logical connections of the various lines or circles that occur. It is desirable also that the figure illustrating a theorem should be drawn in all possible cases and shapes, that so the abstract relations with which geometry is concerned may of themselves


text:
Page:Weird Tales volume 36 number 02.djvu/79

 walk until I can find some faster mode of travel. But I'll return as soon as I can."

The three men shook hands. Their eyes met. If they wondered whether they'd ever see each other alive again, they showed no signs of it. A moment later, Aaron Carruthers was alone in the giant metal tube on Thunder Mountain.

ORNING found him at the controls again, a little haggard and more than a little worried. No one had come up the mountain with food. Meanwhile the temperature had risen to 115 degrees.

The glowing Mass swam in the eastern sky, climbing slowly to the zenith of the heavens. And all that first full day the Annihilator bombarded it with billions upon billions of neutrons apparently without noticeable effect. At night the Mass sank triumphantly beyond the western horizon.

It returned again at dawn of the second day. But Aaron Carruthers was waiting for it with renewed determination. Once more he released the annihilating beams of neutrons. At noon that day the heat had become almost unbearable. Sweat poured from the young scientist's forehead and into his eyes. He wrapped a handkerchief around it and remained stubbornly at the controls.

The afternoon dragged endlessly. His ears ached with the humming of the annihilator beams as they streamed across the gap between the ends of the electro-carbonide rods and sped toward the hot, glowing Mass.

By nightfall, when Danzig still hadn't returned, Carruthers searched for him with the directional beam of the ether-vision machine. He found him alone in the isolated power-station. The plant was deserted. All the workers had fled. By now the temperature had risen to 125 degrees Farenheit.

Carruthers moistened his lips, turned the directional beam on random spots of the country, and saw nothing but turmoil and unrest. In the south there was little to be seen but dense clouds of forest fire smoke. Wherever he looked he saw jammed highways, and deserted communities.

On the northeast seaboard of the Atlantic he saw immense upheavals of thunder clouds, sheets of lightning and swollen rivers. Still farther north, clear beyond Labrador, were muddy torrents that had long since overflowed their banks.

Westward and still farther north probed the ether-vision beam across the wilds of northern Canada to Alaska and beyond. Stark pinnacles of rock were thrusting their serried ranks through what had once been everlasting ice peaks. The age-old glaciers were being thrust back under the intense heat.

Throughout the night the young scientist checked every spot on earth and the answer was the same. Even the Moon had lost some of its coldness, and was covered with vapor. A new magnetic point had developed which threw shipping and air transports into a panic. One by one the great hydro-electric plants went dead, as dams, weakened by the tremendous pounding of flood waters, were rent asunder.

The lone watcher's heart beat with compassion whenever the directional beam picked up groups of humans in attitudes of prayer. No longer did sweat pour into his eyes. His body ached, and his skin was dry as parchment. He searched around outside and found a corrugated iron can filled with warm water. From it he drank and sloshed his head and face with the blessed moisture.

Somehow, he got through the night, rational and sane.

HE third day of his silent battle dawned redly. He saw the Mass the moment it rose above the eastern horizon and into


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/75

Rh emerge as the residue of similarity amid such great apparent diversity. In this way the abstract demonstrations should form but a small part of the instruction, and should be given when, by familiarity with concrete illustrations, they have come to be felt as the natural embodiment of visible fact. In this early stage proofs should not be given with pedantic fullness; definitely fallacious methods, such as that of superposition, should be rigidly excluded from the first, but where, without such methods, the proof would be very difficult, the result should be rendered acceptable by arguments and illustrations which are explicitly contrasted with demonstrations.

In the beginning of algebra, even the most intelligent child finds, as a rule, very great difficulty. The use of letters is a mystery, which seems to have no purpose except mystification. It is almost impossible, at first, not to think that every letter stands for some particular number, if only the teacher would reveal what number it stands for. The fact is, that in algebra the mind is first taught to consider general truths, truths which are not asserted to hold only of this or that particular thing, but of any one of a whole group of things. It is in the power of understanding and discovering such truths that the mastery of the intellect over the whole world of things actual and possible resides; and ability to deal with the general as such is one of the gifts that a mathematical education should bestow. But how little, as a rule, is the teacher of algebra able to explain the chasm which divides it from arithmetic, and how little is the learner assisted in his groping efforts at comprehension! Usually the method that has been adopted in arithmetic is continued: rules are set forth, with no adequate explanation of their grounds; the pupil learns to use the rules blindly,


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/76

64 and presently, when he is able to obtain the answer that the teacher desires, he feels that he has mastered the difficulties of the subject. But of inner comprehension of the processes employed he has probably acquired almost nothing.

When algebra has been learnt, all goes smoothly until we reach those studies in which the notion of infinity is employed—the infinitesimal calculus and the whole of higher mathematics. The solution of the difficulties which formerly surrounded the mathematical infinite is probably the greatest achievement of which our own age has to boast. Since the beginnings of Greek thought these difficulties have been known; in every age the finest intellects have vainly endeavoured to answer the apparently unanswerable questions that had been asked by Zeno the Eleatic. At last Georg Cantor has found the answer, and has conquered for the intellect a new and vast province which had been given over to Chaos and old Night. It was assumed as self-evident, until Cantor and Dedekind established the opposite, that if, from any collection of things, some were taken away, the number of things left must always be less than the original number of things. This assumption, as a matter of fact, holds only of finite collections; and the rejection of it, where the infinite is concerned, has been shown to remove all the difficulties that had hitherto baffled human reason in this matter, and to render possible the creation of an exact science of the infinite. This stupendous fact ought to produce a revolution in the higher teaching of mathematics; it has itself added immeasurably to the educational value of the subject, and it has at last given the means of treating with logical precision many studies which, until lately, were wrapped in fallacy and obscurity. By those who were educated on the


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/77

Rh old lines, the new work is considered to be appallingly difficult, abstruse, and obscure; and it must be confessed that the discoverer, as is so often the case, has hardly himself emerged from the mists which the light of his intellect is dispelling. But inherently, the new doctrine of the infinite, to all candid and inquiring minds, has facilitated the mastery of higher mathematics; for hitherto, it has been necessary to learn, by a long process of sophistication, to give assent to arguments which, on first acquaintance, were rightly judged to be confused and erroneous. So far from producing a fearless belief in reason, a bold rejection of whatever failed to fulfil the strictest requirements of logic, a mathematical training, during the past two centuries, encouraged the belief that many things, which a rigid inquiry would reject as fallacious, must yet be accepted because they work in what the mathematician calls "practice." By this means, a timid, compromising spirit, or else a sacerdotal belief in mysteries not intelligible to the profane, has been bred where reason alone should have ruled. All this it is now time to sweep away; let those who wish to penetrate into the arcana of mathematics be taught at once the true theory in all its logical purity, and in the concatenation established by the very essence of the entities concerned.

If we are considering mathematics as an end in itself, and not as a technical training for engineers, it is very desirable to preserve the purity and strictness of its reasoning. Accordingly those who have attained a sufficient familiarity with its easier portions should be led backward from propositions to which they have assented as self-evident to more and more fundamental principles from which what had previously appeared as premises can be deduced. They should be taught—


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/78

66 what the theory of infinity very aptly illustrates—that many propositions seem self-evident to the untrained mind which, nevertheless, a nearer scrutiny shows to be false. By this means they will be led to a sceptical inquiry into first principles, an examination of the foundations upon which the whole edifice of reasoning is built, or, to take perhaps a more fitting metaphor, the great trunk from which the spreading branches spring. At this stage, it is well to study afresh the elementary portions of mathematics, asking no longer merely whether a given proposition is true, but also how it grows out of the central principles of logic. Questions of this nature can now be answered with a precision and certainty which were formerly quite impossible; and in the chains of reasoning that the answer requires the unity of all mathematical studies at last unfolds itself.

In the great majority of mathematical text-books there is a total lack of unity in method and of systematic development of a central theme. Propositions of very diverse kinds are proved by whatever means are thought most easily intelligible, and much space is devoted to mere curiosities which in no way contribute to the main argument. But in the greatest works, unity and inevitability are felt as in the unfolding of a drama; in the premisses a subject is proposed for consideration, and in every subsequent step some definite advance is made towards mastery of its nature. The love of system, of interconnection, which is perhaps the inmost essence of the intellectual impulse, can find free play in mathematics as nowhere else. The learner who feels this impulse must not be repelled by an array of meaningless examples or distracted by amusing oddities, but must be encouraged to dwell upon central principles, to become familiar with the structure of the various subjects which are put before


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/79

Rh him, to travel easily over the steps of the more important deductions. In this way a good tone of mind is cultivated, and selective attention is taught to dwell by preference upon what is weighty and essential.

When the separate studies into which mathematics is divided have each been viewed as a logical whole, as a natural growth from the propositions which constitute their principles, the learner will be able to understand the fundamental science which unifies and systematises the whole of deductive reasoning. This is symbolic logic—a study which, though it owes its inception to Aristotle, is yet, in its wider developments, a product, almost wholly, of the nineteenth century, and is indeed, in the present day, still growing with great rapidity. The true method of discovery in symbolic logic, and probably also the best method for introducing the study to a learner acquainted with other parts of mathematics, is the analysis of actual examples of deductive reasoning, with a view to the discovery of the principles employed. These principles, for the most part, are so embedded in our ratiocinative instincts, that they are employed quite unconsciously, and can be dragged to light only by much patient effort. But when at last they have been found, they are seen to be few in number, and to be the sole source of everything in pure mathematics. The discovery that all mathematics follows inevitably from a small collection of fundamental laws is one which immeasurably enhances the intellectual beauty of the whole; to those who have been oppressed by the fragmentary and incomplete nature of most existing chains of deduction this discovery comes with all the overwhelming force of a revelation; like a palace emerging from the autumn mist as the traveller ascends an Italian hill-side, the stately storeys of the mathematical edifice appear in their


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/80

68 due order and proportion, with a new perfection in every part.

Until symbolic logic had acquired its present development, the principles upon which mathematics depends were always supposed to be philosophical, and discoverable only by the uncertain, unprogressive methods hitherto employed by philosophers. So long as this was thought, mathematics seemed to be not autonomous, but dependent upon a study which had quite other methods than its own. Moreover, since the nature of the postulates from which arithmetic, analysis, and geometry are to be deduced was wrapped in all the traditional obscurities of metaphysical discussion, the edifice built upon such dubious foundations began to be viewed as no better than a castle in the air. In this respect, the discovery that the true principles are as much a part of mathematics as any of their consequences has very greatly increased the intellectual satisfaction to be obtained. This satisfaction ought not to be refused to learners capable of enjoying it, for it is of a kind to increase our respect for human powers and our knowledge of the beauties belonging to the abstract world.

Philosophers have commonly held that the laws of logic, which underlie mathematics, are laws of thought, laws regulating the operations of our minds. By this opinion the true dignity of reason is very greatly lowered: it ceases to be an investigation into the very heart and immutable essence of all things actual and possible, becoming, instead, an inquiry into something more or less human and subject to our limitations. The contemplation of what is non-human, the discovery that our minds are capable of dealing with material not created by them, above all, the realisation that beauty belongs to the outer world as to the inner, are the chief means of overcoming


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/81

Rh the terrible sense of impotence, of weakness, of exile amid hostile powers, which is too apt to result from acknowledging the all-but omnipotence of alien forces. To reconcile us, by the exhibition of its awful beauty, to the reign of Fate—which is merely the literary personification of these forces is the task of tragedy. But mathematics takes us still further from what is human, into the region of absolute necessity, to which not only the actual world, but every possible world, must conform; and even here it builds a habitation, or rather finds a habitation eternally standing, where our ideals are fully satisfied and our best hopes are not thwarted. It is only when we thoroughly understand the entire independence of ourselves, which belongs to this world that reason finds, that we can adequately realise the profound importance of its beauty.

Not only is mathematics independent of us and our thoughts, but in another sense we and the whole universe of existing things are independent of mathematics. The apprehension of this purely ideal character is indispensable, if we are to understand rightly the place of mathematics as one among the arts. It was formerly supposed that pure reason could decide, in some respects, as to the nature of the actual world: geometry, at least, was thought to deal with the space in which we live. But we now know that pure mathematics can never pronounce upon questions of actual existence: the world of reason, in a sense, controls the world of fact, but it is not at any point creative of fact, and in the application of its results to the world in time and space, its certainty and precision are lost among approximations and working hypotheses. The objects considered by mathematicians have, in the past, been mainly of a kind suggested by phenomena; but from such restrictions the abstract imagination


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/82

70 should be wholly free. A reciprocal liberty must thus be accorded: reason cannot dictate to the world of facts, but the facts cannot restrict reason's privilege of dealing with whatever objects its love of beauty may cause to seem worthy of consideration. Here, as elsewhere, we build up our own ideals out of the fragments to be found in the world; and in the end it is hard to say whether the result is a creation or a discovery.

It is very desirable, in instruction, not merely to persuade the student of the accuracy of important theorems, but to persuade him in the way which itself has, of all possible ways, the most beauty. The true interest of a demonstration is not, as traditional modes of exposition suggest, concentrated wholly in the result; where this does occur, it must be viewed as a defect, to be remedied, if possible, by so generalising the steps of the proof that each becomes important in and for itself. An argument which serves only to prove a conclusion is like a story subordinated to some moral which it is meant to teach: for æsthetic perfection no part of the whole should be merely a means. A certain practical spirit, a desire for rapid progress, for conquest of new realms, is responsible for the undue emphasis upon results which prevails in mathematical instruction. The better way is to propose some theme for consideration—in geometry, a figure having important properties; in analysis, a function of which the study is illuminating, and so on. Whenever proofs depend upon some only of the marks by which we define the object to be studied, these marks should be isolated and investigated on their own account. For it is a defect, in an argument, to employ more premisses than the conclusion demands: what mathematicians call elegance results from employing only the essential principles in virtue of which the thesis is true. It is a merit in


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/83

Rh Euclid that he advances as far as he is able to go without employing the axiom of parallels—not, as is often said, because this axiom is inherently objectionable, but because, in mathematics, every new axiom diminishes the generality of the resulting theorems, and the greatest possible generality is before all things to be sought.

Of the effects of mathematics outside its own sphere more has been written than on the subject of its own proper ideal. The effect upon philosophy has, in the past, been most notable, but most varied; in the seventeenth century, idealism and rationalism, in the eighteenth, materialism and sensationalism, seemed equally its offspring. Of the effect which it is likely to have in the future it would be very rash to say much; but in one respect a good result appears probable. Against that kind of scepticism which abandons the pursuit of ideals because the road is arduous and the goal not certainly attainable, mathematics, within its own sphere, is a complete answer. Too often it is said that there is no absolute truth, but only opinion and private judgment; that each of us is conditioned, in his view of the world, by his own peculiarities, his own taste and bias; that there is no external kingdom of truth to which, by patience and discipline, we may at last obtain admittance, but only truth for me, for you, for every separate person. By this habit of mind one of the chief ends of human effort is denied, and the supreme virtue of candour, of fearless acknowledgment of what is, disappears from our moral vision. Of such scepticism mathematics is a perpetual reproof; for its edifice of truths stands unshakable and inexpugnable to all the weapons of doubting cynicism.

The effects of mathematics upon practical life, though they should not be regarded as the motive of our studies, may be used to answer a doubt to which the solitary


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/84

72 student must always be liable. In a world so full of evil and suffering, retirement into the cloister of contemplation, to the enjoyment of delights which, however noble, must always be for the few only, cannot but appear as a somewhat selfish refusal to share the burden imposed upon others by accidents in which justice plays no part. Have any of us the right, we ask, to withdraw from present evils, to leave our fellow-men unaided, while we live a life which, though arduous and austere, is yet plainly good in its own nature? When these questions arise, the true answer is, no doubt, that some must keep alive the sacred fire, some must preserve, in every generation, the haunting vision which shadows forth the goal of so much striving. But when, as must sometimes occur, this answer seems too cold, when we are almost maddened by the spectacle of sorrows to which we bring no help, then we may reflect that indirectly the mathematician often does more for human happiness than any of his more practically active contemporaries. The history of science abundantly proves that a body of abstract propositions—even if, as in the case of conic sections, it remains two thousand years without effect upon daily life—may yet, at any moment, be used to cause a revolution in the habitual thoughts and occupations of every citizen. The use of steam and electricity—to take striking instances—is rendered possible only by mathematics. In the results of abstract thought the world possesses a capital of which the employment in enriching the common round has no hitherto discoverable limits. Nor does experience give any means of deciding what parts of mathematics will be found useful. Utility, therefore, can be only a consolation in moments of discouragement, not a guide in directing our studies.

For the health of the moral life, for ennobling the tone


text:
Page:Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays.djvu/85

Rh of an age or a nation, the austerer virtues have a strange power, exceeding the power of those not informed and purified by thought. Of these austerer virtues the love of truth is the chief, and in mathematics, more than elsewhere, the love of truth may find encouragement for waning faith. Every great study is not only an end in itself, but also a means of creating and sustaining a lofty habit of mind; and this purpose should be kept always in view throughout the teaching and learning of mathematics.


text:
Page:Ruskin - The Seven Lamps of Architecture.djvu/277

1. page 15. 'With the idolatrous Egyptian': The probability is indeed slight in comparison, but it is a probability nevertheless, and one which is daily on the increase. I trust that I may not be thought to underrate the danger of such sympathy, though I speak lightly of the chance of it. I have confidence in the central religious body of the English and Scottish people, as being not only untainted with Romanism, but immoveably adverse to it; and, however strangely and swiftly the heresy of the Protestant and victory of the Papist may seem to be extending among us, I feel assured that there are barriers in the living faith of this nation which neither can overpass. Yet this confidence is only in the ultimate faithfulness of a few, not in the security of the nation from the sin and the punishment of partial apostasy. Both have, indeed, in some sort, been committed and suffered already; and, in expressing my belief of the close connection of the distress and burden which the mass of the people at present sustain, with the encouragement which, in various directions, has been given to the Papist, do not let me be called superstitious or irrational. No man was ever more inclined than I, both by natural disposition and by many ties of early association, to a sympathy with the principles and forms of the Romanist Church; and there is much in its discipline which conscientiously, as well as sympathetically, I could love and advocate. But, in confessing this strength of affectionate prejudice, surely I vindicate more respect for my firmly expressed belief, that the entire doctrine and system of that Church is in the fullest sense anti-Christian; that its lying and idolatrous Power is the darkest plague that ever held commission to hurt the Earth; that all those yearnings for unity and fellowship, and common obedience, which have been the root of our late heresies, are as false in their grounds as fatal in their termination; that we never can have the remotest fellowship with the utterers of that fearful Falsehood, and live; that we have nothing to look to from them S.L.A.


text:
Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 2.djvu/580

530 Waters before mentioned and expressed; (5) but that it shall be lawful at all seasonable Time and Times hereafter, for such as have or shall have any manner of Interest therein, to take and fish the said Rivers and Waters, in such Manner and Form as heretofore hath been used and accustomed, not using any Net or Engine, to the Intent willingly to take, kill and destroy the Spawn, Breed or Fry, breeding any Kind within the said Several Rivers or Waters; this Act, or anything therein mentioned or con- tained within to the contrary notwithstanding. [Made perpetual except as to this last Section, by 3 Car. 1. c. 4]

P. XVIII.

P. XIX.

HE Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled, perceiv- ing how necessary it is for the Imperial Crown of this Realm to be repaired with the Rstitution of Revenues meet for the same, and having assented and fully accorded to restore to the same Imperial Crown the First-fruits and Tenths of Parsonages impropriate, for the Increase of the Revenue thereof, be also desirous to devise some good Means, whereby the said Revenue of Tenths and Impropriate Benefices might be in the Governance and Dispofition of the Clergy of this Realm, being most apt for the same, in such Sort as yet thereby the said Imperial Crown should not be in any wise diminished in the said restored Revenue.'

II. And therefore beseech your Majesty, That it may be enacted by the Authority of this present Parlia- ment, in Manner and Form hereafter following ; that is to say, upon the Vacation and Avoidance of every Archbishoprick or Bishoprick within this your Realm of England and Wales, and other your Highness Do- minions, it shall and may be lawful for your Highness, to elect and choose, and to take into your Hands and Real Possession, as much and so many of any the Honours, Castles, Manors, Lands, Tenements or other Hereditaments, being Parcel of the Possessions of any such Archbishoprick or Bishoprick so being void, as clear yearly Value of all your Majesty's Parsonages Appropriate and yearly Tenths within every such Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall yearly amount and extend unto ; and for the Tryal of every Value of such Honours, Castles, Manors, Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, it shall and may be lawful for your Highness from Time to Time, to direct your Letters of Commission under your Highness Great Seal of England into every such Archbishoprick or Bishoprick, fso being void, to such Persons as your Majesty think meet and convenient, giving them Authority thereby to survey such Honours, Castles, Ma- nors, Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, Parcel of the Possessions of the same Archbishoprick or Bifhoprick so being void, as to your Majesty shall be thought meet and convenient to be taken into your Highness Hands and Possession, and thereupon to certify the very clear yearly Value thereof, over all Charges and Reprises, into your Highness Court of Exchequer, at such Day and Time as by the said Commission shall be limited and appointed ; and after such Certificate into the said Court of Exchequer of the clear yearly Value of such Honours, Castles, Manors, Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments, fo had and made, it shall and may be lawful for your Highness, by your Letters Patents, to give and assure unto such Archbishop and Bishop, and his Successors, as shall be preferred and consecrated Archbishop or Bishop of such Archbishoprick or Bishoprick so being void, so much and so many of your yearly Tenths, Tithes and Parsonages appropriated, being within the same Archbifsoprick or Bishoprick, as shall be of as much, or of more yearly Value, as the said Honours, Castles, Manors, Lands, Tenements or Heredita- ments, so certified into your said Court of Exchequer, be certified unto; and that immediately upon such Gift and Grant made by your Highness, and the same by your Majesty under your Signet or Sign Manual signified unto your Treasurer and Barons of your said Court of Exchequer, together with your Pleasure for the Retaining and Keeping of the said Honours, Castles, Manors, Lands, Tenements or other Heredita- ments so certified unto your said Court of Exchequer, in Lieu and Place of the said Tenths, Tithes and Parsonages appropriate, the same and such Honours, Castles, Manors, Lands, Tenements and other He- reditaments, as so shall then be certified into your said Court of Exchequer, shall be adjudged, vested and deemed, by Authority of this present Parliament, actually and really in your Highness, your Heirs and Successors, and be from thenceforth united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this your Realm for ever, and from thenceforth shall be in the Order, Survey, Rule and Governance of your said Court of Exchequer, in such like Manner and Form, as other your Highness Possessions and Hereditaments be at this present.

III. Provided always, and be it enacted by the Authority aforefaid, that this Act, or any Thing herein contained, shall not extend to give any Liberty or Authority to your Highness, to take from any such Arch- bishoprick or Bishoprick any of the Mansion-Houses, commonly used for the Habitation or Dwelling of any such Archbifsop or Bishop, or any the Demean Lands commonly used or occupied with any such Mansion


text:
Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 2.djvu/579

A. D. 1558. it fhall be lawful, only for thi I. ' ill' J foi I" fame ; (a) fo mentioned, do not take, kill or deftroy any ether Fifh with the fiii - ptothcTi and Form above iii thib Statute contained.

V. And be it further ci ifted, I hat il any Perfon or Perfon, after the aforefaid Day limited in thi'- pre-Tb«Fi f-iit A<l, 1. lim, I in any ol the 'oints before rehearfed. contran to the Teni I jny^J el, that then i l-i y Inch Perfon and Perl I ime,, ol' hi: 01 thi n('/. ty Shillings, and the i in •■ taken contn and alfo the nnlawl I Nets, ices and Inftruments, whatsoever th | h or whereby mmitted or di

VI. And to the Intent thai ' v be had of 1 it/urthero Authority aforel id, I le Lord Admiral 6f England, and thi Time being, nnd all an lc and Corporate, which by Granl or other lawful W ivs i r Mi an, lawfully h .c or ought to have any Cohfei i tion <>r Prefervation ol Rivers, Sti mitted in any ot I hae full Po ■. Virtueofthii Aft to enquire or all in to the Effccl and true Meaning of this Aft, within his or their fuch lawful'Rul. Jurifdiftion and Confervanoy, by the Oaths if twelve M in oi id to hear and determine all and tB,e ' the fame Offences committed wiihin hi:, or their fuch Jurifdiftion, Confervancy, Rule and G vernment.

VII. And that all fuch Tains and Forfeitures as fhall rife or grow by the reafo/i of any I ' (On for any the 'Offences aforefaid, (hall be to the Ule of every of mi f id Perfon. nd I rfons bring no Body Politick or Corporate', nor Head of afny Body Politick or Gorpoi jvbdm fuch Conviction, aforefaid, fhall be had, and to the Ufa ot every fuch Body Politick and Corporate as heretofore have law- fully had any Fines, Forfeitures and Amerciam< ftts tor any Offence unlawfully committed or done in any fuch their Jurifdiftion or Confcrvancies, upon Convidlion had before the Head of any fuch Body Politic Corporate.

VIII. And that alio the Lord of every Leet within this Realm of England and Wales, or the Dominions of the fame, fhall have full Power and Authority to enquire of all the Offences contrary to the Purport, [Tenor and Form of this Eftatute, within the Precinct of their (aid Leet : Such Enquiry to be had in Man- ner and Form, and alter fuch Sort, as o mmon Amerciaments, or other Things inquirable in their Court- Leet, have been 'awfully ufed and accultuiv.ed to be had and made.

IX. And that upon every fuch Preferitrrient had in any Court or Leet, by the Oath of twelve Men or more, as is aforefaid, of any Offence or Offences made contrary to the Tenor of this Eftatute : That then all fuch Forfeiture above in this Eftatute limited and appointed for fuch Offence, fhall be unto the Lord of the laid Leet for the Time being, to his own Ule for ever, and fhall be levied in fuch Manner and Form, as An erciaments for Affrays committed within the Prccinft of fuch Leet kae been ufed and accuftomed to be levied.

X. And if any Leet after the faid firft Day of "June be kept within this Realm of England or Wales, or T . he Forfc;,or e the Dominions thereof, and the Steward of the faid Leet for the lime heing, or other for him, do not "' th * Sttw h ard charge the jury ("worn in fuch Leet, to enquire of all the Offences done within the Precinft of the faid Leet ial ^ n " ot „; ve contrary to the Tenor and Form of this Eftatute ; that then the Steward of the faid Leet to lofe and forfeit this Statute in forty Shillings; the one Moiety of which Forfeitures fnal! be to the Queen's Majcfty, her Heirs and Sue- charge. ceffors, and the other ? ' iety tc him that v. ill file for the fame. (2) And if any Jury fworn in any Leet, The Forfeiture and being charged to ei 61 tl Of ences committed within' th Precmft of that Leet, do wilfully and of 2 jury ma willingly conci '■ ' Defaul in Pref< tmerit,- or do not'prefefit the;Offence and Offenders ; 'that then L * et th ." it {halt be lawful t 1 thi Stewart! or B; iliff oi the" Leet, or his or their Deputy for the Time being, to in - panel one other Jury v itlvin the faid Leet, and to en ; . ment, Default or Non-prefent- mciu ; (3) and that upon Inch Concealment^ Default or Non- prefentmnt found and prefentedi every of the faid Jurors which fo 1 id conceal, make Default or n0( prefent, {ball lofe and forfeit for every fuch Of- fence twenty Shilling!! to the Lord of the laid Leet, the i.n-j to be levied in Manner and Form as is above- faid for the other Offences limited and exprefled.

XI. And it is further enafted by Authority afbrefajd-, That if the Off ■-•-mentioned toucl the taking, killing or deltroying of Fifh, or Fry a, be not p relented at the Leel where the} •not"" be committed, within one Year next after the 1 committed, that the Juftice's of Peace in tl. in the Seflions, Jufiices of Oyer and Determiner, and Juftices-of Aflrfe-in tl. 1 iCireuite, fhall' have full Po rL«. and Authority to enquire thereof, and to hear and determine all the Offences committed contrary to the Tenor of this Eftatute.

XII. Saving always to a'! and every Perfon or Perfon?, Bodies Politick and Corporate, and every ~. ° r * e them, all fuch Right, Fide, Intereft, Claim, Privilege and Confervation, and Enquiry, and Punifl ^vjjj oi and for any the" Offences aforefaid, as they or any of them lawfulh id > joy, or ai Rig't j^Ih tt0 enquire ought to have and enjoy, by any Manner of Me is; any Thing in this Aft to the contrary notivith- "'nd rnniih Handing. (2) This Aft to endure to the End of hi, P liameht. lOftneet.

XIII. Provided always, That this Aft, nor any Thing therein contained, fr.all not extend unto thcTowhatr Fifttingof the River or Water of Tweed; (2) nor a any River or Water whereof the Queen's. :his anfw.red of any yearly Rent or Profit ; (3) nor to the Owners, Farmers and Occupiers of the Rivers of »*»? «** not or Wye in the County of Msnmuth ; (4) for any Fifh hereafter .0 be taken m any the Rivers or" Waters