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Chapter 10
definition is said to be a sentence (explanatory) of what a thing is, it is evident that one definition will be of what a name signifies, or another nominal sentence, as what a thing signifies, which is so far as it is a triangle, which when we know that it is, we inquire why it is. Still it is difficult thus to assume things, the existence of which we do not know, and the cause of this difficulty has been explained before, because neither do we know whether it is or is not, except accidentally. One sentence is indeed in two ways, the one by conjunction, as the Iliad, but the other from signifying one thing of one, not accidentally.

The above-named then is one definition of a definition, but the other definition is a sentence showing why a thing is, so that the former signifies, but does not demonstrate, but the latter will evidently be, as it were, a demonstration of what a thing is, differing from demonstration in the position (of the terms). For there is a difference between saying, why does it thunder? and what is thunder? for thus a person will answer, because fire is extinguished in the clouds; but what is thunder? the sound of fire extinguished in the clouds; hence there is the same sentence spoken in another manner, and in the one way there is a continued demonstration, but in the other there is a


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Rh of Peter de Amunderville, whose wife the said Joan was. And concerning which Geoffrey complained that Ingelram and Joan deforced him of the said tenement against an agreement made between them. Ingelram and Joan acknowledge the said agreement, and let the said land to farm to the said Geoffrey and Peter de Bath for twelve years.

In Michaelmas term 1254, the King commands the Sheriff of York for Ingeram de Bounton (inter alios) to answer to the King with his body together with the executors of Ada de Baylloll. . . . . for debts to the said Ada in part payment.

Sir Ingelram de Boynton was seated at Acklam and amersed fifty marks in 1245–6, and in 1248 granted a lease of lands to the miller of Scaling.

Ingelram and Joan his wife witness a deed of William, son of Roger de Acclum concerning land at Cleatham, and later confirm the same land to Durham Monastery.

Ingelram appears to have married twice.

(1) Joan, widow of Peter de Amunderville and daughter of Roger de Acclum. By her he had issue.
 * 1. William, (IV).
 * 2. Michael.
 * 3. Joan.
 * 4. Margaret.

(2) a daughter of William St. Quintin, of Harpham.

His seal which is attached to the above-mentioned deed, at Durham, bears a fess between three crescents differenced by a label of three points and the legend ＋ SIGILL INGERAM DE BOV[INT]VNE.

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Rh evil, if you please so to call it, based on the persuasion that the evil aspects of our life are of its very essence, and that the world's meaning most comes home to us when we lay them most to heart. We have now to address ourselves to this more morbid way of looking at the situation. But as I closed our last hour with a general philosophical reflection on the healthy-minded way of taking life, I should like at this point to make another philosophical reflection upon it before turning to that heavier task. You will excuse the brief delay.

If we admit that evil is an essential part of our being and the key to the interpretation of our life, we load ourselves down with a difficulty that has always proved burdensome in philosophies of religion. Theism, whenever it has erected itself into a systematic philosophy of the universe, has shown a reluctance to let God be anything less than All-in-All. In other words, philosophic theism has always shown a tendency to become pantheistic and monistic, and to consider the world as one unit of absolute fact; and this has been at variance with popular or practical theism, which latter has ever been more or less frankly pluralistic, not to say polytheistic, and shown itself perfectly well satisfied with a universe composed of many original principles, provided we be only allowed to believe that the divine principle remains supreme, and that the others are subordinate. In this latter case God is not necessarily responsible for the existence of evil; he would only be responsible if it were not finally overcome. But on the monistic or pantheistic view, evil, like everything else, must have its foundation in God; and the difficulty is to see how this can possibly be the case if God be absolutely good. This difficulty faces us in every form of philosophy in which the world appears as one flawless unit of fact. Such a unit is an Individual,


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 have been, and what will be to those that will be. Thus why was there an eclipse? because the earth was interposed, but an eclipse is generated, because an interposition of the earth is generated, but there will be, because the earth will be, and there is, because it is interposed. What is ice? Let it be assumed to be congealed water; let water be C, congealed A, the middle cause B, a perfect defect of heat; B then is present with C, but with this A, viz. to be congealed, but ice is generated, when B is generated, it was so, when the latter was so, and it will be, when the latter will be.

Hence that which is thus a cause, and that of which it is the cause, are generated at one and the same time, when they are generated; are simultaneously when they are; and in like manner, in respect to the having been, and the will be, generated. In the case of things which are not simultaneous, are there in a continued time, as it seems to us, different causes of different things? for instance, is another thing having been generated the cause of this thing having been generated, and another thing which will be, the cause that this will be, and of this being, something which was generated before? the syllogism however is from what was afterwards generated. And the principle of these are those things which have been generated, wherefore the case is the same as to things which are generated. From the prior indeed there is no (syllogism), as that this thing was afterwards generated, because that thing was generated, it is the same also in regard to the future. For whether the time be indefinite or definite, it will not result that because that thing was truly said to have been generated, this which is posterior is truly said to have been generated,


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132 and in it the worst parts must be as essential as the best, must be as necessary to make the individual what he is; since if any part whatever in an individual were to vanish or alter, it would no longer be that individual at all. The philosophy of absolute idealism, so vigorously represented both in Scotland and America to-daytoday [sic], has to struggle with this difficulty quite as much as scholastic theism struggled in its time; and although it would be premature to say that there is no speculative issue whatever from the puzzle, it is perfectly fair to say that there is no clear or easy issue, and that the only obvious escape from paradox here is to cut loose from the monistic assumption altogether, and to allow the world to have existed from its origin in pluralistic form, as an aggregate or collection of higher and lower things and principles, rather than an absolutely unitary fact. For then evil would not need to be essential; it might be, and may always have been, an independent portion that had no rational or absolute right to live with the rest, and which we might conceivably hope to see got rid of at last.

Now the gospel of healthy-mindedness, as we have described it, casts its vote distinctly for this pluralistic view. Whereas the monistic philosopher finds himself more or less bound to say, as Hegel said, that everything actual is rational, and that evil, as an element dialectically required, must be pinned in and kept and consecrated and have a function awarded to it in the final system of truth, healthy-mindedness refuses to say anything of the sort. Evil, it says, is emphatically irrational,


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 and not to be pinned in, or preserved, or consecrated in any final system of truth. It is a pure abomination to the Lord, an alien unreality, a waste element, to be sloughed off and negated, and the very memory of it, if possible, wiped out and forgotten. The ideal, so far from being co-extensive with the whole actual, is a mere extract from the actual, marked by its deliverance from all contact with this diseased, inferior, and excrementitious stuff.

Here we have the interesting notion fairly and squarely presented to us, of there being elements of the universe which may make no rational whole in conjunction with the other elements, and which, from the point of view of any system which those other elements make up, can only be considered so much irrelevance and accident—so much 'dirt,' as it were, and matter out of place. I ask you now not to forget this notion; for although most philosophers seem either to forget it or to disdain it too much ever to mention it, I believe that we shall have to admit it ourselves in the end as containing an element of truth. The mind-cure gospel thus once more appears to us as having dignity and importance. We have seen it to be a genuine religion, and no mere silly appeal to imagination to cure disease; we have seen its method of experimental verification to be not unlike the method of all science; and now here we find mind-cure as the champion of a perfectly definite conception of the metaphysical structure of the world. I hope that, in view of all this, you will not regret my having pressed it upon your attention at such length.

Let us now say good-bygoodbye [sic] for a while to all this way of thinking, and turn towards those persons who cannot so swiftly throw off the burden of the consciousness of evil,


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 assumed which all have the same, and in others similarly, we must consider in the things assumed whether it is the same, until we arrive at one reason, for this will be the definition of the thing. Yet if we do not arrive at one, but at two or more, it is evident that the question will not be one, but many for instance, I mean if we should inquire what magnanimity is, we must consider in the cases of certain magnanimous persons, whom we know what one thing they all possess, so far as they are such. Thus if Alcibiades is magnanimous, or Achilles, or Ajax, what one thing have they all? intolerance of insult, for one of them fought, another sulked, another slew himself. Again, in other instances, as in that of Lysander or Socrates. If then (it is common to these) to behave in the same manner, in prosperity and adversity, taking these two, I consider what indifference with regard to fortune, and what impatience under insult possess in common; if they have nothing there will be two species of magnanimity.

Every definition is nevertheless universal, for the physician does not prescribe what is wholesome for a certain eye, but defines what is fit for every eye, or for the species. The singular however is easier to define than the universal, wherefore we must pass from singulars to universals, for equivocations lie more concealed in universals, than in things without a difference. But as in demonstrations the power of syllogizing must necessarily be inherent, so also perspicuity must be in definitions, and there will be this, if through things which are singularly enunciated, what is in each genus be separately defined; as with the similar, not every similar, but that which is in colours and in figures, and the


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 but are congenitally fated to suffer from its presence. Just as we saw that in healthy-mindedness there are shallower and profounder levels, happiness like that of the mere animal, and more regenerate sorts of happiness, so also are there different levels of the morbid mind, and the one is much more formidable than the other. There are people for whom evil means only a mal-adjustment with things, a wrong correspondence of one's life with the environment. Such evil as this is curable, in principle at least, upon the natural plane, for merely by modifying either the self or the things, or both at once, the two terms may be made to fit, and all go merry as a marriage bell again. But there are others for whom evil is no mere relation of the subject to particular outer things, but something more radical and general, a wrongness or vice in his essential nature, which no alteration of the environment, or any superficial rearrangement of the inner self, can cure, and which requires a supernatural remedy. On the whole, the Latin races have leaned more towards the former way of looking upon evil, as made up of ills and sins in the plural, removable in detail; while the Germanic races have tended rather to think of Sin in the singular, and with a capital S, as of something ineradicably ingrained in our natural subjectivity, and never to be removed by any superficial piecemeal operations. These comparisons of races are always open to exception, but undoubtedly the northern tone in religion has inclined to the more intimately pessimistic persuasion, and this way of feeling, being the more extreme, we shall find by far the more instructive for our study.

Recent psychology has found great use for the word 'threshold' as a symbolic designation for the point at which one state of mind passes into another. Thus we


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 speak of the threshold of a man's consciousness in general, to indicate the amount of noise, pressure, or other outer stimulus which it takes to arouse his attention at all. One with a high threshold will doze through an amount of racket by which one with a low threshold would be immediately waked. Similarly, when one is sensitive to small differences in any order of sensation, we say he has a low 'difference-threshold'—his mind easily steps over it into the consciousness of the differences in question. And just so we might speak of a 'pain-threshold,' a 'fear-threshold,' a 'misery-threshold,' and find it quickly overpassed by the consciousness of some individuals, but lying too high in others to be often reached by their consciousness. The sanguine and healthy-minded live habitually on the sunny side of their misery-line, the depressed and melancholy live beyond it, in darkness and apprehension. There are men who seem to have started in life with a bottle or two of champagne inscribed to their credit; whilst others seem to have been born close to the pain-threshold, which the slightest irritants fatally send them over.

Does it not appear as if one who lived more habitually on one side of the pain-threshold might need a different sort of religion from one who habitually lived on the other? This question, of the relativity of different types of religion to different types of need, arises naturally at this point, and will become a serious problem ere we have done. But before we confront it in general terms, we must address ourselves to the unpleasant task of hearing what the sick souls, as we may call them in contrast to the healthy-minded, have to say of the secrets of their prison-house, their own peculiar form of consciousness. Let us then resolutely turn our backs on the once-born and their sky-blue optimistic gospel; let us not simply cry


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 out, in spite of all appearances, "Hurrah for the Universe!—God 's in his Heaven, all's right with the world." Let us see rather whether pity, pain, and fear, and the sentiment of human helplessness may not open a profounder view and put into our hands a more complicated key to the meaning of the situation.

To begin with, how can things so insecure as the successful experiences of this world afford a stable anchorage? A chain is no stronger than its weakest link, and life is after all a chain. In the healthiest and most prosperous existence, how many links of illness, danger, and disaster are always interposed? Unsuspectedly from the bottom of every fountain of pleasure, as the old poet said, something bitter rises up: a touch of nausea, a falling dead of the delight, a whiff of melancholy, things that sound a knell, for fugitive as they may be, they bring a feeling of coming from a deeper region and often have an appalling convincingness. The buzz of life ceases at their touch as a piano-string stops sounding when the damper falls upon it.

Of course the music can commence again;—and again and again,—at intervals. But with this the healthy-minded consciousness is left with an irremediable sense of precariousness. It is a bell with a crack; it draws its breath on sufferance and by an accident.

Even if we suppose a man so packed with healthy-mindedness as never to have experienced in his own person any of these sobering intervals, still, if he is a reflecting being, he must generalize and class his own lot with that of others; and, doing so, he must see that his escape is just a lucky chance and no essential difference. He might just as well have been born to an entirely different fortune. And then indeed the hollow security! What


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Talk:Progress and Poverty (George)/Chapter XIX

"Great states ruined Greece" - I think it should be "great estates ruined Greece", as in the next sub-sentence. Can someone verify? --Erel Segal (talk) 12:50, 7 December 2012 (UTC)


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Author:Joseph Antoine Milsand

Works

 * Luther et le Serf-Arbitre (1884)

title: Author:Joseph Antoine Milsand


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User talk:Tine

— billinghurst  sDrewth  13:14, 7 December 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Tine


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 kind of a frame of things is it of which the best you can say is, "Thank God, it has let me off clear this time!" Is not its blessedness a fragile fiction? Is not your joy in it a very vulgar glee, not much unlike the snicker of any rogue at his success? If indeed it were all success, even on such terms as that! But take the happiest man, the one most envied by the world, and in nine cases out of ten his inmost consciousness is one of failure. Either his ideals in the line of his achievements are pitched far higher than the achievements themselves, or else he has secret ideals of which the world knows nothing, and in regard to which he inwardly knows himself to be found wanting.

When such a conquering optimist as Goethe can express himself in this wise, how must it be with less successful men?

What single-handed man was ever on the whole as successful as Luther? yet when he had grown old, he looked back on his life as if it were an absolute failure.

"I am utterly weary of life. I pray the Lord will come forthwith and carry me hence. Let him come, above all, with his last Judgment: I will stretch out my neck, the thunder will burst forth, and I shall be at rest."—And having a necklace of white agates in his hand at the time he added: "O God, grant that it may come without delay. I would readily eat up this necklace to-day, for the Judgment to come to-morrow."—The Electress Dowager, one day when Luther was dining with her, said to him: "Doctor, I wish you may live forty years to


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 come." "Madam," replied he, "rather than live forty years more, I would give up my chance of Paradise."

Failure, then, failure! so the world stamps us at every turn. We strew it with our blunders, our misdeeds, our lost opportunities, with all the memorials of our inadequacy to our vocation. And with what a damning emphasis does it then blot us out! No easy fine, no mere apology or formal expiation, will satisfy the world's demands, but every pound of flesh exacted is soaked with all its blood. The subtlest forms of suffering known to man are connected with the poisonous humiliations incidental to these results.

And they are pivotal human experiences. A process so ubiquitous and everlasting is evidently an integral part of life. "There is indeed one element in human destiny," Robert Louis Stevenson writes, "that not blindness itself can controvert. Whatever else we are intended to do, we are not intended to succeed; failure is the fate allotted." And our nature being thus rooted in failure, is it any wonder that theologians should have held it to be essential, and thought that only through the personal experience of humiliation which it engenders the deeper sense of life's significance is reached?


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Letters of Julian/Letter 27

==27. To the Thracians == [362, Before May, Constantinople] To an Emperor who had an eye solely to gain, your request would have appeared hard to grant, and he would not have thought that he ought to injure the public prosperity by granting a particular indulgence to any. But since I have not made it my aim to collect the greatest possible sums from my subjects, but rather to be the source of the greatest possible blessings to them, this fact shall for you too cancel your debts. Nevertheless it will not cancel the whole sum absolutely, but there shall be a division of the amount, and part shall be remitted to you, part shall be used for the needs of the army; since from it you yourselves assuredly gain no slight advantages, namely, peace and security. Accordingly I remit for you, down to the third assessment, the whole sum that is in arrears for the period preceding. But thereafter you will contribute as usual. For the amount remitted is sufficient indulgence for you, while for my part I must not neglect the public interest. Concerning this I have sent orders to the prefects also, in order that your indulgence may be carried into effect. May the gods keep you prosperous for all time!

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 27


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Letters of Julian/Letter 28

==28. On behalf of the Argives; unaddressed == [362, Constantinople] On behalf of the city of Argos, if one wished to recount her honours, many are the glorious deeds both old and new that one might relate. For instance, in the achievements of the Trojan War they may claim to have played the chief part even as did the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, in later times, in the Persian War. For though both wars are held to have been waged by all Greece in common, yet it is fitting that the leaders, just as they had the larger share of toils and anxiety, should have also a larger share of the praise. These events, however, may seem somewhat antiquated. But those that followed, I mean the return of the Heracleidae, the taking of his birthright from the eldest, the sending from Argos of the colony to Macedonia, and the fact that, though they were such near neighbours to the Lacedaemonians, they always preserved their city unenslaved and free, are proofs of no slight or common fortitude. But, furthermore, all those great deeds accomplished by the Macedonians against the Persians might with justice be considered to belong to this city; for this was the native land of the ancestors of Philip and Alexander, those illustrious men. And in later days Argos obeyed the Romans, not so much because she was conquered as in the character of an ally, and, as I think, she too, like the other states, shared in the independence and the other rights which our rulers always bestow on the cities of Greece.

But now the Corinthians, since Argos has been assigned to their territory — for this is the less invidious way of expressing it — by the sovereign city, have grown insolent in ill-doing and are compelling the Argives to pay them tribute; it is seven years, as I am told, since they began this innovation, and they were not abashed by the immunity of Delphi or of the Eleans, which was granted to them so that they might administer their sacred games. For there are, as we know, four very important and splendid games in Greece; the Eleans celebrate the Olympian games, the Delphians the Pythian, the Corinthians those at the Isthmus, and the Argives the Nemean festival. How then can it be reasonable that those others should retain the immunity that was granted to them in the past, whereas the Argives, who, in consideration of a similar outlay, had their tribute remitted in the past, or perhaps were not even subject to tribute originally, should now be deprived of the privilege of which they were deemed worthy? Moreover, Elis and Delphi are accustomed to contribute only once in the course of their far-famed four-year cycles, but in that period there are two celebrations of the Nemean games among the Argives, and likewise of the Isthmian among the Corinthians. And besides, in these days two other games of this sort have been established among the Argives, so that there are in all in four years four games. How then is it reasonable that those others who bear the burden of this function only once should be left free from the tax, whereas the Argives are obliged to contribute to yet other games in addition to their fourfold expenditure at home; especially as the contribution is for a festival that is neither Hellenic nor of ancient date? For it is not to furnish gymnastic or musical contests that the Corinthians need so much money, but they buy bears and panthers for the hunting shows which they often exhibit in their theatres. And they themselves by reason of their wealth are naturally able to support these great expenses, — especially as many other cities, as is to be expected, help by contributing for this purpose, — so that they purchase the pleasure of indulging their temperaments. But the Argives are not so well off for money, and compelled as they are to slave for a foreign spectacle held in the country of others, will they not be suffering unjust and illegal treatment and moreover unworthy of the ancient power and renown of their city being, as they are, near neighbours of Corinth, who therefore ought to be the more kindly treated, if indeed the saying is true, "Not so much as an ox would perish except through the wrongdoing of one's neighbours"? But it appears that when the Argives bring these charges against the Corinthians they are not raising a dispute about a single paltry ox, but about many heavy expenses to which they are not fairly liable.

And yet one might put this question also to the Corinthians, whether they think it right to abide by the laws and customs of ancient Greece, or rather by those which it seems they recently took over from the sovereign city? For if they respect the high authority of ancient laws and customs, it is no more fitting for the Argives to pay tribute to Corinth than for the Corinthians to pay it to Argos. If, on the other hand, in reliance on the laws they now have, they claim that their city has gained advantages since they received the colony from Rome, then we will exhort them in moderate language not to be more arrogant than their fathers and not to break up the customs which their fathers with sound judgment maintained for the cities of Greece, or remodel them to the injury and detriment of their neighbours; especially since they are relying on a recent decision, and, in their avarice, regard as a piece of luck the inefficiency of the man who was appointed to represent the case of the city of Argos. For if he had appealed and taken the suit outside of the jurisdiction of Greece, the Corinthians would have had less influence; their rights, would have been shown to be weak, when investigated by these numerous and upright advocates, and, swayed by these, it is likely that the judge would have been awed into giving the proper decision, especially as the renown of Argos would also have had weight.

But as for the rights of the case with respect to the city you will learn them from the beginning from the orators if only you will consent to hear them and they are permitted to present their case, and then the situation will be correctly judged from their arguments. But in order to show that we ought to place confidence in those who have come on this embassy, I must add a few words concerning them. Diogenes and Lamprias are indeed philosophers equal to any in our time, and they have avoided the honours and lucrative offices of the state; but they are ever zealous to serve their country to the best of their ability, and whenever the city is in any great emergency, then they plead causes, assist in the government, go on embassies, and spend generously from their own resources. Thus by their actions they refute the reproaches brought against philosophy, and disprove the common opinion that those who pursue philosophy are useless to the state. For their country employs them for these tasks and they are now endeavouring to aid her to obtain justice by my assistance, as I in turn by yours. For this is indeed the only hope of safety left for the oppressed, that they may obtain a judge who has both the will and ability to give a fair decision. For if either of these qualities be lacking, so that he is either imposed on or faithless to his trust, then there is no help for it — the right must perish. But now, since we have judges who are all that we could wish, and yet are not able to plead because they did not appeal at the time, they beg that this disability may first of all be removed for them, and that the lack of energy of the man who at that time was the city's advocate and had the suit in charge may not be the cause of so great detriment to her for all time to come.

And we ought not to think it irregular that the case should again be brought to trial. For, though in the affairs of private persons it is expedient to forego a little one's advantage and the more profitable course, and thereby purchase security for the future — since in their little life it is pleasant, even for a little, to enjoy peace and quiet; moreover it is a terrible thought that one may die while one's case is on trial before the courts and hand down the lawsuit to one's heirs unsettled, so that it seems better to secure the half by any possible means than to die while struggling to gain the whole, — cities on the other hand do not die, and unless there be found someone to give a just decision that will free them from their quarrels with one another, they must inevitably maintain undying ill-will, and their hatred moreover is deep-rooted and gains strength with time.

I have said my say, as the orators express it. You must yourselves determine what is proper to do.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 28


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 But this is only the first stage of the world-sickness. Make the human being's sensitiveness a little greater, carry him a little farther over the misery-threshold, and the good quality of the successful moments themselves when they occur is spoiled and vitiated. All natural goods perish. Riches take wings; fame is a breath; love is a cheat; youth and health and pleasure vanish. Can things whose end is always dust and disappointment be the real goods which our souls require? Back of everything is the great spectre of universal death, the all-encompassing blackness:—

In short, life and its negation are beaten up inextricably together. But if the life be good, the negation of it must be bad. Yet the two are equally essential facts of existence; and all natural happiness thus seems infected with a contradiction. The breath of the sepulchre surrounds it.

To a mind attentive to this state of things and rightly subject to the joy-destroying chill which such a contemplation engenders, the only relief that healthy-mindedness can give is by saying: 'Stuff and nonsense, get out into the open air!' or 'Cheer up, old fellow, you'll


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Letters of Julian/Letter 29

29. To his Uncle Julian
[362, April, Constantinople] If I set small store by your letters, "Then the gods themselves have destroyed my wits." For all the virtues are displayed in them: goodwill, loyalty, truth, and what is more than all these, since without it the rest are nought, wisdom, displayed by you in all her several kinds, shrewdness, intelligence and good judgement. You reproached me for not answering them, but I have no time, heaven knows, and pray do not suppose that this is affectation or a jest. The gods of eloquence bear me witness that, except for Homer and Plato, I have with me not so much as a pamphlet on philosophy, rhetoric, or grammar, or any historical work of the sort that is in general use. And even these that I have are like personal ornaments or amulets, for they are always tied fast to me. For the rest I do not even offer up many prayers, though naturally I need now more than ever to pray very often and very long. But I am hemmed in and choked by public business, as you will perhaps see for yourself when I arrive in Syria.

As for the business mentioned in your letter, I approve of everything and admire everything you propose, nothing of that must be rejected. Be assured, then, that with the aid of the gods I shall leave nothing undone.

First of all set up the pillars of the temple of Daphne; take those that are in any palace anywhere, and convey them thence; then set up in their places others taken from the recently occupied houses. And if there are not enough even from that source, let us use cheaper ones meanwhile, of baked brick and plaster, casing them with marble, for you are well aware that piety is to be preferred to splendour, and, when put in practice, secures much pleasure for the righteous in this life. Concerning the affair of Lauricius, I do not think I need write you any instructions; but I give you just this word of advice: renounce all feeling of anger, trust all to justice, submitting your ears to his words with complete confidence in the right. Yet I do not deny that what he wrote to you was annoying and full of every kind of insolence and arrogance; but you must put up with it. For it becomes a good and great-souled man to make no counter charge when he is maligned. For, just as missiles that are hurled against hard, well-built walls, do not settle on them, or penetrate them, or stay where they strike, but rebound with increased force against the hand that throws them, just so every aspersion directed against an upright man, slander, calumny, or unmerited insolence, touches him not at all, but recoils on the head of him who made the aspersion. This is my advice to you, but the sequel will be for the law to decide, With regard, however, to the letters which he asserts you made public after receiving them from me, it seems to me ridiculous to bring them into court. For I call the gods to witness, I have never written to you or any other man a word that I am not willing to publish for all to see. Have I ever in my letters employed brutality or insolence, or abuse or slander, or said anything for which I need to blush? On the contrary, even when I have felt resentment against someone and my subject gave me a chance to use ribald language like a woman from a cart, the sort of libels that Archilochus launched against Lycambes, I have always expressed myself with more dignity and reserve than one observes even on a sacred subject. And if my letters did give emphatic proof of the kindly feeling that you and I have towards one another, did I wish this to be unknown or concealed? For what purpose? I call all the gods and goddesses to witness that I should not have resented it, even if someone had published abroad all that I ever wrote to my wife, so temperate was it in every respect. And if this or that person has read what I wrote to my own uncle, it would be fairer to blame the man who ferreted it out with such malevolence, rather than me, the writer, or you, or any other who read it. Nevertheless, concede this to me, do not let it disturb your peace of mind, only look at the matter thus — if Lauricius is really dishonest get rid of him in a dignified way. But if he is a well-meaning person of average honesty, and has treated you badly, forgive him. For when men are honest in public life we must be on good terms with them, even though they do not behave properly to us in their private capacity. On the other hand, when men are dishonest in public affairs, even though they have won our favour, we must keep them under control; I do not mean that we must hate or avoid them, but keep careful watch on them, so that we may not fail to detect them when they misbehave, though if they are too hard to control in this way, we must not employ them at all. As for what you, as well as others, have written, that though notorious for bad conduct he masquerades as a physician, I did send for him, thinking that he was trustworthy, but before he had an interview with me his true character was detected, or rather he was denounced to me — when I meet you I will tell you by whom — and he was treated with contempt. For this too I have to thank you.

Instead of the estates that you asked for, since I have already given those away — I call to witness the gods of our family and of friendship — I will give you some that pay far better, as you shall yourself discover.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 29


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 30

==30. To Philip == [362, Spring, Constantinople] I call the gods to witness that, when I was still Caesar I wrote to you, and I think it was more than once. However, I started to do so many times, but there were reasons that prevented me, now of one kind, now another, and then followed that wolf's friendship that arose between myself and Constantius of blessed memory, in consequence of the proclamation. I was exceedingly careful not to write to anyone beyond the Alps for fear of getting him into serious trouble. So consider the fact that I did not write a proof of my goodwill. For it is often impracticable to make one's language harmonise with one's real sentiments. Then, too, letters from the Emperor to private persons might well lead to their display for bragging and making false pretences when they come into the hands of persons with no sense of propriety, who carry them about like seal-rings and show them to the inexperienced. Nay, genuine friendship is produced first and foremost by similarity of disposition, but a second kind is, when one feels true and not pretended admiration, and a humane, moderate and virtuous man is cherished by one who is his superior in fortune and intelligence. Moreover letters of this sort are full of conceit and nonsense, and, for my part, I often blame myself for making mine too long, and for being too loquacious when I might discipline my tongue to Pythagorean silence.

Yes, I received the tokens, namely, a silver bowl weighing one mina and a gold coin. I should be very glad to invite you to visit me as you suggest in your letter. But the first signs of spring are here already, the trees are in bud, and the swallows, which are expected almost immediately, as soon as they come drive our band of campaigners out of doors, and remind us that we ought to be over the border. We shall travel through your part of the country, so that you would have a better chance of seeing me, if the gods so will it, in your own home. This will, I think, be soon, unless some sign from heaven should forbid it. For this same meeting I am praying to the gods.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 30


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/520

500 —continued :

To apply a sum out of the Consolidated Fund to the service of the year ending on the 31st March 1897, and to appropriate the supplies granted in this Session of Parliament. Ch. 46. U.K.

See (c. 21).

See Table II., c. cxiv.

See Table II., c. v.

See (c. 28, Part I.).

See Table II., c. cxv.

(c. 28, Part IV.).

For the better reporting of Floating Derelicts. Ch. 12. U.K.

To amend the Diseases of Animals Act, 1894. Ch. 15. U.K.

To amend the Law relating to the Appointment of Members of Dispensary Committees in Ireland. Ch. 10. I.

Exemption of Chairmen from retaking the Oath before acting as Justices. See (c. 22).

Power to County Councils to remove difficulties at Elections, &c., of. See (c. 1).

See Table 11., c. vii. (Bunkey); c. xciii. (Langley, &c.).

Remission of Loan to. See (c. 42, s. 5).

For the acquisition of Property for the Extension of the General Register House at Edinburgh. Ch. 24. S.

See Table II, c. ii. (Tottenham); c. clxiv. (Acton, &c); c. clxxiii. (London).

Power to County Councils to remove difficulties at, under Local Government Act, 1891. See (c. 1).

Prevention of certain disqualifications for Elections to Parish Councils of 1896. See (c. 4).

See Table II., c. iii. (Notting Hill, &c.); c. lxxxii. (No. 1); c. Ixxxiii. (No. 2); c. lxxxiv. (No. 6) ; c. cxvii. (No. 3) ; c. cxviii. (No. 4); c. cxix. (No. 5); c. clxxv. (No. 7).


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Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/63

58 elements of character, by inspiring a love of the one, and a hatred of the other! "By what means could the mother work upon the mind of her child, so as to impart these ideas, except by that close sympathy which exists between them, by the confidence she has inspired, and the love upon which it implicitly depends? It is simply by the use of these means, that she is able to direct the love of her child to anything which she herself regards as lovely, and to render odious in its eyes whatever she despises or dislikes. Here then is power—the greatest which one human being can possibly exercise over another—the power to rule its admiration and its disgust, its love and its abhorrence.

It is true, the mother will often have to oppose the appetites and inclinations of childhood, but it is in her own peculiar capability for doing this, and doing it effectually, that we see the superiority of her qualifications to those of all others; for no sooner is the child assured of her sympathy, than it trusts all its wishes to her tenderness to forgive, or to her bounty to supply; no sooner is it convinced of her wisdom, than it evinces a willingness to submit, on the ground of her knowing best what is for its good; and no sooner does it feel that her love is entirely disinterested, and wholly free from caprice or change, than it yields, under the satisfactory conviction, that its present sacrifice will be more than made up to it in some better way.

With these unquestionable advantages, then, the mother begins to question which of the elements of character displayed by her child, she can turn to good account. That perpetual restlessness for which the poor little busybody has been so often chidden—let us not dismiss that as a crime, without some examination as to what can be made of it. The idea that children must squander about, and that servants must gather up, prevails almost universally in all families. Thus, when the little lord of the nursery has thrown everything he had to play with in all possible directions, when he has pulled the chairs out of their proper places, upset the stools, and dragged the floorcloth into heaps, he grows fretful and dissatisfied until his nurse supplies him with some other kind of amusement, or probably until she replaces the furniture, in order that he may have the pleasure of throwing all things into confusion again.

title: Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/63


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Page:The varieties of religious experience, a study in human nature.djvu/123

 and any one who mentions it is a liar. The optimistic ideal of duty forbids us to pay it the compliment even of explicit attention. Of course, as our next lectures will show us, this is a bad speculative omission, but it is intimately linked with the practical merits of the system we are examining. Why regret a philosophy of evil, a mind-curer would ask us, if I can put you in possession of a life of good?

After all, it is the life that tells; and mind-cure has developed a living system of mental hygiene which may well claim to have thrown all previous literature of the Diätetik der Seele into the shade. This system is wholly and exclusively compacted of optimism: 'Pessimism leads to weakness. Optimism leads to power.' 'Thoughts are things,' as one of the most vigorous mind-cure writers prints in bold type at the bottom of each of his pages; and if your thoughts are of health, youth, vigor, and success, before you know it these things will also be your outward portion. No one can fail of the regenerative influence of optimistic thinking, pertinaciously pursued. Every man owns indefeasibly this inlet to the divine. Fear, on the contrary, and all the contracted and egoistic modes of thought, are inlets to destruction. Most mind-curers here bring in a doctrine that thoughts are 'forces,' and that, by virtue of a law that like attracts like, one man's thoughts draw to themselves as allies all the thoughts of the same character that exist the world over. Thus one gets, by one's thinking, reinforcements from elsewhere for the realization of one's desires; and the great point in the conduct of life is to get the heavenly forces on one's side by opening one's own mind to their influx.

On the whole, one is struck by a psychological similarity between the mind-cure movement and the Lutheran


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Page:The varieties of religious experience, a study in human nature.djvu/124

 and Wesleyan movements. To the believer in moralism and works, with his anxious query, 'What shall I do to be saved?' Luther and Wesley replied: 'You are saved now, if you would but believe it.' And the mind-curers come with precisely similar words of emancipation. They speak, it is true, to persons for whom the conception of salvation has lost its ancient theological meaning, but who labor nevertheless with the same eternal human difficulty. Things are wrong with them; and 'What shall I do to be clear, right, sound, whole, well?' is the form of their question. And the answer is: 'You are well, sound, and clear already, if you did but know it.'" The whole matter may be summed up in one sentence," says one of the authors whom I have already quoted, "God is well, and so are you. You must awaken to the knowledge of your real being."

The adequacy of their message to the mental needs of a large fraction of mankind is what gave force to those earlier gospels. Exactly the same adequacy holds in the case of the mind-cure message, foolish as it may sound upon its surface; and seeing its rapid growth in influence, and its therapeutic triumphs, one is tempted to ask whether it may not be destined (probably by very reason of the crudity and extravagance of many of its manifestations ) to play a part almost as great in the evolution of the popular religion of the future as did those earlier movements in their day.

But I here fear that I may begin to 'jar upon the nerves' of some of the members of this academic audience. Such contemporary vagaries, you may think,


text:
Author:Charles Arthur Lane

Works

 * Illustrated notes on English church history (1895)

title: Author:Charles Arthur Lane


text:
Talk:She Wore a Wreath of Roses

Public domain?
Thomas Haynes Bayly died in 1839. I don't understand why PD-old is included, because it states "because the author died at least 100 years ago". Trevj (talk) 14:15, 7 December 2012 (UTC)
 * ...which sounds correct. I'm not sure what I was on about here. Sorry! Trevj (talk) 11:01, 5 February 2014 (UTC)

title: Talk:She Wore a Wreath of Roses


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Page:The varieties of religious experience, a study in human nature.djvu/125

 should hardly take so large a place in dignified Gifford lectures. I can only beseech you to have patience. The whole outcome of these lectures will, I imagine, be the emphasizing to your mind of the enormous diversities which the spiritual lives of different men exhibit. Their wants, their susceptibilities, and their capacities all vary and must be classed under different heads. The result is that we have really different types of religious experience; and, seeking in these lectures closer acquaintance with the healthy-minded type, we must take it where we find it in most radical form. The psychology of individual types of character has hardly begun even to be sketched as yet—our lectures may possibly serve as a crumb-like contribution to the structure. The first thing to bear in mind (especially if we ourselves belong to the clerico-academic-scientific type, the officially and conventionally 'correct' type, 'the deadly respectable' type, for which to ignore others is a besetting temptation) is that nothing can be more stupid than to bar out phenomena from our notice, merely because we are incapable of taking part in anything like them ourselves.

Now the history of Lutheran salvation by faith, of methodistic conversions, and of what I call the mind-cure movement seems to prove the existence of numerous persons in whom—at any rate at a certain stage in their development—a change of character for the better, so far from being facilitated by the rules laid down by official moralists, will take place all the more successfully if those rules be exactly reversed. Official moralists advise us never to relax our strenuousness. "Be vigilant, day and night," they adjure us; "hold your passive tendencies in check; shrink from no effort; keep your will like a bow always bent." But the persons I speak of find that all this conscious effort leads to nothing but failure


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Page:The varieties of religious experience, a study in human nature.djvu/126

 and vexation in their hands, and only makes them two-fold more the children of hell they were before. The tense and voluntary attitude becomes in them an impossible fever and torment. Their machinery refuses to run at all when the bearings are made so hot and the belts are so tightened.

Under these circumstances the way to success, as vouched for by innumerable authentic personal narrations, is by an anti-moralistic method, by the 'surrender' of which I spoke in my second lecture. Passivity, not activity; relaxation, not intentness, should be now the rule. Give up the feeling of responsibility, let go your hold, resign the care of your destiny to higher powers, be genuinely indifferent as to what becomes of it all, and you will find not only that you gain a perfect inward relief, but often also, in addition, the particular goods you sincerely thought you were renouncing. This is the salvation through self-despair, the dying to be truly born, of Lutheran theology, the passage into nothing of which Jacob Behmen writes. To get to it, a critical point must usually be passed, a corner turned within one. Something must give way, a native hardness must break down and liquefy; and this event (as we shall abundantly see hereafter) is frequently sudden and automatic, and leaves on the Subject an impression that he has been wrought on by an external power.

Whatever its ultimate significance may prove to be, this is certainly one fundamental form of human experience. Some say that the capacity or incapacity for it is what divides the religious from the merely moralistic character. With those who undergo it in its fullness, no criticism avails to cast doubt on its reality. They know; for they have actually felt the higher powers, in giving up the tension of their personal will.


text:
Author talk:Charles Arthur Lane

Crockford's Clerical Directories
LANE, Charles Arthur, Church House, Westminster, S.W., and Park Side, Acton Vale, W.—St. Bess 1878, 𝔡 1879, 𝔭 1880 Dur. Lect. Ch. Def. Inst. 1885. 	𝔉 C. of St. Mk. S. Shields, 1879-1881; St. Thos. Huddersfield, 1881-83; St. Geo. Campden Hill, 1883-84; R. All SS. Winnipeg, Manitoba, 1884; C. of St. Pet. Cranley-gardens 1885-86. Author, Illustrated Notes on English Church History, 2 vols. S.P.C.K. 1886, vol. i. 100th thousand 1895; vol. ii, 80th thousand, 1896; Descriptive Lantern Lectures on English Church History, 1887; Revised Ed. 2nd thousand, 1889; 3rd. ed. 1892; Annotated List of Lantern Illustrations, 1895; Life of Queen Victoria, 1897; Church and Realm in Stuart Times, 1897.
 * 1898, p797

 * mentioned in 1908 edition

 * not mentioned in 1932 edition

Death

 * no death located

Census
Source Citation: Class: RG11; Piece: 5009; Folio: 101; Page: 63; GSU roll: 1342206. Name: 	Charles A. Lane Age: 	25 Estimated Birth Year: 	abt 1856 Relation: 	Head Spouse's Name: 	Ellen Lane Gender: 	Male Where born: 	London, Middlesex, England Civil parish: 	Westoe County/Island: 	Durham Country: 	England Street Address: 	1 Alexander Terr Condition as to marriage: 	Married Occupation: 	Curate Of St Marks Southshields Registration district: 	South Shields Sub-registration district: 	Westoe ED, institution, or vessel: 	3 Neighbors: 	View others on page Piece: 	5009 Folio: 	101 Page Number: 	63 Household Members: Name 	Age Charles A. Lane 	25 Ellen Lane 	26 Charles W.G. Lane 	5 Jane Lane
 * 1881 England

Source Citation: Class: RG13; Piece: 1231; Folio: 49; Page: 30. Name: 	Charles A Lane Age: 	45 Estimated Birth Year: 	abt 1856 Relation: 	Head Spouse's Name: 	Ellen Lane Gender: 	Male Where born: 	St George in the East, London, England Civil parish: 	Barnet Vale Ecclesiastical parish: 	Barnet Vale St Mark Town: 	New Barnet County/Island: 	Hertfordshire Country: 	England Registration district: 	Barnet Sub-registration district: 	Barnet ED, institution, or vessel: 	9 Neighbors: 	View others on page Household schedule number: 	193a Piece: 	1231 Folio: 	49 Page Number: 	30 Household Members: Name 	Age Charles A Lane 	45 Ellen Lane 	46 Jessie Lane 	20
 * 1901 England

 * not found in 1911 census

title: Author talk:Charles Arthur Lane


text:
Page:Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology (1870) - Volume 1.djvu/155

 AMASTRIS. (i. 30; Plut. Solon, 20; Plat. Tima^i.% p. 21.) I It would appear from Xenophon {Ci/rop. viii. 6. I § 20) that, after the overthrow of Croesus by Cyrus, Amasis was compelled to pivy tribute, lie strove to win the favour of the priest- caste by building them temples. During the reign of Amasis agriculture, commerce, and the arts flourished greatly. The extension of Egyptian commerce was much favoured by the conquest of Cyprus, which he made tributary. His reign was one of almost uninterrupted peace and prosperity, which gave him leisure for adorning Egypt with severjil magniticent buildings and works of art. (ii. 175, 176.) The plans of conquest which Cyrus had been unable to carry into eifect, were followed out by Cambyses, who in B. C. 525 led an army against Egypt. According to the story told by Herodotus (iii. 1), Cambyses had been incensed by a deception practised upon him by Amasis, Avho, pretending to comply with a demand of the Persian king, that he should send him his daughter to adorn his harem, substituted the daughter of Apries for his own. Amasis howeer did not live to see the fall of his country. He died be- fore Cambyses reached the borders, after a reign of 44 years, and was buried at Sais in the tomb which he had constructed in the temple of Athena, (iii. 10, ii. 169.) His corpse was afterwards taken out of the tomb and shamefully insulted by the order of Cambyses. (iii. 16.) As a governor he exhibited great abilities, and was the author of several useful regulations (ii. 177), but he appears to have indulged in more familiarity towards those about him than was altogether consistent with his kingly dignity. (Herod, ii. 161 — 182, iii. 1 — 16 ; Diod. i. 68, 95.) . A Persian of the tribe of the Maraphii, who was sent by Aryandes, the governor of Egypt under Cambyses, at the head of an army, to assist Pheretime, the mother of Arcesilaus III., king of Cyrene. He took Barca by strata- gem and treachery, and made an unsuccessful attempt upon Cyrene. He was then recalled by Aryandes. On its march back the Persian army sutfered severely from the Libyans. (Herod, iv. 167, 201, 203.) [C. P. M.] AMASTRIS or AMESTRIS CAfiaarrpis or "AjuTjtf-Tpts). 1. The wife of Xerxes, and mother of Artaxerxes I. According to Herodotus, she was the daughter of Otanes, according to Ctesias, who calls her Amistris, of Onophas. She was cruel and vindictive. On one occasion she sacri- ficed fourteen youths of the noblest Persian families to the god s{iid to dwell beneath the earth. The tale of her horrible mutilation of the wife of Ma- sistes, recorded by Herodotus, gives us a lively picture of the intrigues and cruelties of a Persian h.irem. She survived Xerxes. (Herod, vii. 61, 114, ix. 108—113; Ctesias, Periic. c. 20. 30. ed. Lion; Plut. Alcilj. p. 123, c.) . A daughter of Artaxerxes XL, whom her fa- ther promised in marriage to Teribazus. Instead of fulfilhng his promise, he married her himselfl (Plut. Artax. c. 27.) . Also called Amastrine ('AjuoerrpiCTf), the daughter of Oxyartes, the brother of Darius, was given by Alexander in marriage to Craterus. (Arrian. Anab. vii. 4.) Craterus having fallen in love with Phila, the daughter of Antipater, Araas- tris mariied Dionysius, tyrant of Heracleii, in Bi- thyn'ia, a c. 322. After the death of Dionysius, in B. C. 306, who left her guardian of their children, Clearchus, Oxyathres, and Amastris, she married Lysimachus, B. C. 302. Lysimachtis, however, abandoned her shortly afterwards, and married Arsinoё, the daughter of Ptolemy Philadelphus; whereupon Amastris retired to Heracleia, which she governed in her own right. She also founded a city, called after her own name, on the sea-coast of Paphlagonia. She was drowned by her two sons about B. C. 288. (Memnon, c. 4, 5 ; Diod. XX. 109.) The head figured below probably represents Amastris: the woman on the reverse holds a small figure of victory in her hand. (Eckhel, ii. p. 421.)

AMA'TA, the wife of king Latinus and mother of Lavinia, who, when Aeneas sued for the hand of the latter, opposed him, because she had already promised Lavinia to Turnus. At the same time she was instigated by Alecto, who acted according to the request of Juno, to stir up the war with Turnus. This story fills the greater part of the seventh book of Virgil's Aeneid. When Amata was informed that Turnus had fallen in battle, she hung herself. (Virg. Aen. xii. 600 ; Dionys. i. 64.)

 A'MATHES (🇬🇷), a son of Heracles, from whom the town of Amathus in Cyprus was believed to have derived its name. According to some traditions, however, its name was derived from Amathusa, the mother of Cinyras. (Steph. Byz. s. v. 🇬🇷)  AMATHU'SIA or AMATHU'NTIA (🇬🇷 or 🇬🇷), a surname of, which is derived from the town of Amathus in Cyprus, one of the most ancient seats of her worship. (Tac. Annal. iii. 62; Ov. Amor. iii. 15. 15; Virg. Cir. 242; Catull. lxviii. 151.)

 AMA'TIUS, surnamed Pseudomarius, a person of low origin, who pretended to be either the son or grandson of the great Marius. On the death of Julius Caesar B. C. 44, he came forward as a popular leader, and erected an altar to Caesar on the spot where his body had been burnt. He was, however, shortly afterwards seized by the consul Antony and put to death without a trial. This illegal act was approved of by the senate in consequence of the advantages they derived from it. Valerius Maximus (ix. 15. § 2) says, that his name was Herophilus. (Appian, B. C. iii. 2, 3; Liv. Epit. 116; Cic. ad Ait. xii. 49, xiv. 6—8, Philipp. i. 2; Nicolaus Damascenus, Vit. Aug. c. 14. p. 258, ed. Coraes.)

 AMA'ZONES (🇬🇷), a wariike race of females, who act a prominent part in several of the adventures of Greek mythology. All accounts of them agree in the statement, that they came from the country about the Caucasus, and that their principal seats were on the river Thermodon, in the neighbourhood of the modern Trebizond. From thence they are said to have at different times invaded Thrace, Asia Minor, the islands of the Ae-


text:
United Nations Security Council Resolution 2076

“The Security Council,

“Recalling its previous resolutions and the statements of its President concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), especially the presidential statement S/PRST/2012/22 of 19 October 2012 and the press statements of 2 August 2012 and 17 November 2012 on the situation in eastern DRC,

“Reaffirming its strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of the DRC and emphasizing the need to respect fully the principles of non-interference, good-neighbourliness and regional cooperation,

“Reiterating its deep concern regarding the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian crisis in eastern DRC due to ongoing military activities of the 23 March Movement (M23),

“Expressing its deep concern regarding the resumption of attacks by the M23 and the entry of the M23 into the city of Goma on 20 November 2012, as well as the continuation of serious violations of international humanitarian law and abuses of human rights law by the M23 and other armed groups,

“Calling for all perpetrators, including individuals responsible for violence against children and acts of sexual violence, to be apprehended, brought to justice and held accountable for violations of applicable international law,

“Reiterating its strong condemnation of any and all external support to the M23, including through troop reinforcement, tactical advice and the supply of equipment, and expressing deep concern at reports and allegations indicating that such support continues to be provided to the M23,

“Expressing concern at the possible negative impact of the prevailing situation in North Kivu on the security and humanitarian situation in South Kivu,

“Expressing deep concern regarding the increasing number of displaced persons and refugees in Eastern DRC caused by the resumption of the attacks of the M23,

“Welcoming the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General as well as of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union, to restore peace and security in Eastern DRC,

“Welcoming the efforts of the Chair of the ICGLR in convening the Extraordinary Summits of 15 July 2012, 7-8 August 2012, 8 September 2012 and 8 October 2012 to address the situation in Eastern DRC,

“Stressing the primary responsibility of the Government of the DRC for ensuring security in its territory and protecting its civilians with respect for the rule of law, human rights and international humanitarian law,

“Calling on all parties to cooperate fully with the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) and reiterating its condemnation of any attacks against peacekeepers,

“Determining that the situation in the DRC constitutes a threat to international peace and security in the region,

“Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,

“1.  Strongly condemns the resumption of attacks by the M23 in North-Kivu and the entry of the M23 into the city of Goma on 20 November 2012;

“2.  Demands the immediate withdrawal of the M23 from Goma, the cessation of any further advances by the M23 and that its members immediately and permanently disband and lay down their arms, and further demands the restoration of State authority of the Government of the DRC in Goma and in North-Kivu;

“3.  Strongly condemns the M23 and all its attacks on the civilian population, MONUSCO peacekeepers and humanitarian actors, as well as its abuses of human rights, including summary executions, sexual and gender based violence and large scale recruitment and use of child soldiers, further condemns the attempts by the M23 to establish an illegitimate parallel administration and to undermine State authority of the Government of the DRC, and reiterates that those responsible for crimes and human rights abuses will be held accountable;

“4.  Expresses deep concern at reports indicating that external support continues to be provided to the M23, including through troop reinforcement, tactical advice and the supply of equipment, causing a significant increase of the military abilities of the M23, and demands that any and all outside support to the M23 cease immediately;

“5.  Requests the Secretary-General to report in the coming days, in coordination with the ICGLR and the African Union (AU), on the allegations of external support to the M23 and expresses its readiness to take further appropriate measures on the basis of this report;

“6.  Calls on the ICGLR to monitor and inquire into, including by making active use of the Expanded Joint Verification Mechanism (EJVM), reports and allegations of outside support and supply of equipment to the M23, and encourages MONUSCO, in coordination with ICGLR members, to participate, as appropriate and within the limits of its capacities and mandate, in the activities of the EJVM;

“7.  Expresses concern that M23 commanders Innocent Kaina and Baudouin Ngaruye are engaging in activities for which the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1533 (2004) may designate individuals pursuant to paragraph 4 of resolution 1857 (2008), and directs the Committee to review, as a matter of urgency, their activities and those of any other individuals who meet the criteria for designation;

“8.  Expresses its intention to consider additional targeted sanctions, in accordance with the criteria set out in resolution 1857 (2008), against the leadership of the M23 and those providing external support to the M23 and those acting in violation of the sanctions regime and the arms embargo, and calls on all Member States to submit, as a matter of urgency, listing proposals to the 1533 Committee;

“9.  Requests the Secretary-General to report in the coming days on options, and their implications, for the possible redeployments, in consultation with troop- and police-contributing countries, of MONUSCO contingents and additional force multipliers, observation capabilities and troops within the current authorized ceiling, which, in regard to the current crisis, could improve the ability of MONUSCO to implement its mandate, including to protect civilians and report on flows of arms and related materiel across the borders of Eastern DRC, and in this context expresses its intention to keep the mandate of MONUSCO under review;

“10. Calls on all relevant actors to use their influence on the M23 to bring about an end to attacks;

“11. Calls on all parties, in particular the M23, to allow safe, timely and unhindered humanitarian access to those in need in accordance with international law, including applicable international humanitarian law and the guiding principles of humanitarian assistance, and to refrain from any violence against civilians;

“12. Calls upon all parties to respect the civilian and humanitarian character of refugee camps and internally displaced persons sites and stresses the need to prevent any forced recruitment of individuals, including children by parties to the conflict;

“13. Commends the active steps taken by MONUSCO to implement its mandate, in particular the protection of civilians, further commends in this regard the tireless efforts of all MONUSCO contingents, particularly in and around Goma, and encourages the continuation of their efforts;

“14. Emphasizes that any attempts to undermine MONUSCO’s ability to implement its mandate will not be tolerated and condemns all individuals and entities who plan, sponsor or participate in attacks against MONUSCO;

“15. Welcomes and emphasizes the importance of the continuation of the efforts of the ICGLR, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the AU to resolve the conflict and find a durable political solution, and calls on them and States of the region to coordinate their efforts in order to bring about an end to attacks, stabilize the situation and facilitate dialogue between relevant parties;

“16. Welcomes the designation of Boubacar Gaoussou Diarra as Special representative of the African Union for the Great Lakes region, requests the United Nations Secretary-General to report to the Council on options for high-level dialogue between relevant parties to address short-term and long-term causes underlying the political, security and humanitarian crises in Eastern DRC, including the option of the possible designation of a special envoy, and further requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council in the coming days on the evolution of the crisis and on diplomatic efforts, including his own;

“17. Emphasizes the primary responsibility of the Government of the DRC to reinforce State authority and governance in Eastern DRC, including through effective security sector reform to allow army and police reform, and to end impunity for abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law, and urges the Government of the DRC to increase efforts to provide security, reform the security sector, protect civilians and respect human rights;

“18. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.”


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438 argument from design, see how Darwinian ideas have revolutionized it. Conceived as we now conceive them, as so many fortunate escapes from almost limitless processes of destruction, the benevolent adaptations which we find in Nature suggest a deity very different from the one who figured in the earlier versions of the argument. It must not be forgotten that any form of disorder in the world might, by the design argument, suggest a God for just that kind of disorder. The truth is that any state of things whatever that can be named is logically susceptible of teleological interpretation. The ruins of the earthquake at Lisbon, for example: the whole of past history had to be planned exactly as it was to bring about in the fullness of time just that particular arrangement of débris of masonry, furniture, and once living bodies. No other train of causes would have been sufficient. And so of any other arrangement, bad or good, which might as a matter of fact be found resulting anywhere from previous conditions. To avoid such pessimistic consequences and save its beneficent designer, the design argument accordingly invokes two other principles, restrictive in their operation. The first is physical: Nature's forces tend of their own accord only to disorder and destruction, to heaps of ruins, not to architecture. This principle, though plausible at first sight, seems, in the light of recent biology, to be more and more improbable. The second principle is one of anthropomorphic interpretation. No arrangement that for us is 'disorderly' can possibly have been an object of design at all. This principle is of course a mere assumption in the interests of anthropomorphic Theism.

When one views the world with no definite theological bias one way or the other, one sees that order and disorder, as we now recognize them, are purely human inventions. We are interested in certain types of arrangement, useful, æsthetic, or moral,—so interested that whenever we find them realized, the fact emphatically rivets our attention. The result is that we work over the contents of the world selectively. It is overflowing with disorderly arrangements from our point of view, but order is the only thing we care for and look at, and by choosing, one can always find some sort of orderly arrangement in the midst of any chaos. If I should throw down a thousand beans at random upon a table, I could doubtless, by eliminating a sufficient number of them, leave the rest in almost any geometrical pattern you might propose to me, and you might then say that that pattern was the thing prefigured beforehand, and that the other beans were mere irrelevance and packing material. Our dealings with Nature are just like this. She is a vast plenum in which our attention draws capricious lines in innumerable directions. We count and name whatever lies upon the special lines we trace, whilst the other things and the untraced lines are neither named nor counted. There are in reality infinitely more things


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United Nations Security Council Resolution 2078

“The Security Council,

“Recalling its previous resolutions and the statements of its President concerning the Democratic Republic of the Congo,

“Reaffirming its strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of the DRC as well as all States in the region and emphasizing the need to respect fully the principles of non-interference, good neighbourliness and regional cooperation,

“Stressing the primary responsibility of the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo for ensuring security in its territory and protecting its civilians with respect for the rule of law, human rights and international humanitarian law,

“Taking note of the interim report (S/2012/348), its addendum (S/2012/348/Add.1) and the final report (S/2012/843) of the Group of Experts on the Democratic Republic of the Congo (“the Group of Experts”) established pursuant to resolution 1771 (2007) and extended pursuant to resolutions 1807 (2008), 1857 (2008), 1896 (2009), 1952 (2010) and 2021 (2011) and of their recommendations,

“Reiterating its deep concern regarding the rapidly deteriorating security and humanitarian crisis in eastern DRC due to ongoing military activities of the 23 March Movement (M23),

“Reiterating its strong condemnation of any and all external support to the M23, including through troop reinforcement, tactical advice and the supply of equipment, and expressing deep concern at reports and allegations indicating that such support continues to be provided to the M23,

“Condemning the continuing illicit flow of weapons within and into the DRC in violation of resolutions 1533 (2004), 1807 (2008), 1857 (2008), 1896 (2009), 1952 (2010), and 2021 (2011) declaring its determination to continue to monitor closely the implementation of the arms embargo and other measures set out by its resolutions concerning the DRC,

“Recalling the linkage between the illegal exploitation of natural resources, illicit trade in such resources and the proliferation and trafficking of arms as one of the major factors fuelling and exacerbating conflicts in the Great Lakes region of Africa, and encouraging the continuation of the regional efforts of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) against the illegal exploitation of natural resources,

“Noting with great concern the persistence of serious human rights abuses and humanitarian law violations against civilians in the eastern part of the DRC, including summary executions, sexual and gender-based violence and large-scale recruitment and use of child soldiers committed by the M23 and other armed groups,

“Calling for all perpetrators, including individuals responsible for violence against children and acts of sexual violence, to be apprehended, brought to justice and held accountable for violations of applicable international law,

“Welcoming the efforts of the United Nations Secretary-General as well as of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union, to restore peace and security in Eastern DRC,

“Welcoming the efforts of the Chair of the ICGLR in convening the Extraordinary Summits of 15 July 2012, 7-8 August 2012, 8 September 2012, 8 October 2012 and 24 November to address the situation in Eastern DRC,

“Recalling all its relevant resolutions on women and peace and security, on children and armed conflict, and on the protection of civilians in armed conflicts,

“Calling on all parties to cooperate fully with the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO), and reiterating its condemnation of any attacks against peacekeepers and emphasizing that those responsible for such attacks must be brought to justice,

“Determining that the situation in the DRC continues to constitute a threat to international peace and security in the region,

“Acting under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations,

“1. Decides to renew until 1 February 2014 the measures on arms imposed by paragraph 1 of resolution 1807 (2008) and reaffirms the provisions of paragraphs 2, 3 and 5 of that resolution;

“2. Decides to renew, for the period specified in paragraph 1 above, the measures on transport imposed by paragraphs 6 and 8 of resolution 1807 (2008) and reaffirms the provisions of paragraph 7 of that resolution;

“3. Decides to renew, for the period specified in paragraph 1 above, the financial and travel measures imposed by paragraphs 9 and 11 of resolution 1807 (2008) and reaffirms the provisions of paragraphs 10 and 12 of that resolution regarding the individuals and entities referred to in paragraph 4 of resolution 1857 (2008) and reaffirms the provisions of paragraphs 10 and 12 of resolution 1807 (2008) in relation to those measures;

“4. Decides that the measures referred to in paragraph 3 above shall apply to the following individuals, and, as appropriate, entities, as designated by the Committee:

(a) Persons or entities acting in violation of the measures taken by Member States in accordance with paragraph 1 above;

(b) Political and military leaders of foreign armed groups operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo who impede the disarmament and the voluntary repatriation or resettlement of combatants belonging to those groups;

(c) Political and military leaders of Congolese militias receiving support from outside the Democratic Republic of the Congo, who impede the participation of their combatants in disarmament, demobilization and reintegration processes;

(d) Political and military leaders operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and recruiting or using children in armed conflict contrary to applicable international law;

(e) Individuals or entities operating in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and committing serious violations involving the targeting of children or women in situations of armed conflict, including killing and maiming, sexual violence, abduction, and forced displacement;

(f) Individuals or entities obstructing the access to or the distribution of humanitarian assistance in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo;

(g) Individuals or entities illegally supporting armed groups in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo through illicit trade of natural resources, including gold;

(h) Individuals or entities acting on behalf of or at the direction of a designated individual or entity owned or controlled by a designated individual;

(i) Individuals or entities who plan, sponsor or participate in attacks against MONUSCO peacekeepers;

“5. Requests the Secretary-General to extend, for a period expiring on 1 February 2014, the Group of Experts established pursuant to resolution 1533 (2004) and renewed by subsequent resolutions and requests the Group of Experts to fulfil its mandate as set out in paragraph 18 of resolution 1807 (2008) and expanded by paragraphs 9 and 10 of resolution 1857 (2008), and to present to the Council, through the Committee, a written midterm report by 28 June 2013, and a written final report before 13 December 2013, welcomes the practice of receiving additional updates of the Group of Experts as appropriate, and further requests that, after a discussion with the Committee, the Group of Experts submit to the Council its final report upon termination of the Group’s mandate;

“6. Strongly condemns the M23 and all its attacks on the civilian population, MONUSCO peacekeepers and humanitarian actors, as well as its abuses of human rights, including summary executions, sexual and gender-based violence and large-scale recruitment and use of child soldiers, further condemns the attempts by the M23 to establish an illegitimate parallel administration and to undermine State authority of the Government of the DRC, and reiterates that those responsible for crimes and human rights abuses will be held accountable;

“7. Demands that the M23 and other armed groups, including the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), Mai Mai militias, the Forces Nationales de Liberation (FNL) and the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) cease immediately all forms of violence and other destabilizing activities and release immediately all child soldiers and permanently lay down their arms;

“8. Expresses deep concern at reports indicating that external support continues to be provided to the M23, including through troop reinforcement, tactical advice and the supply of equipment, causing a significant increase of the military abilities of the M23, and reiterates its demand that any and all outside support to the M23 cease immediately;

“9. Expresses its intention to consider additional targeted sanctions, in accordance with the criteria set out in paragraph 4 of this resolution, against the leadership of the M23 and those providing external support to the M23 and those acting in violation of the sanctions regime and the arms embargo, and calls on all Member States to submit, as a matter of urgency, listing proposals to the 1533 Committee;

“10. Decides that the measures imposed by paragraph 9 of resolution 1807 (2008) shall not apply:

(a) Where the Committee determines in advance and on a case-by-case basis that such travel is justified on the grounds of humanitarian need, including religious obligation;

(b) Where the Committee concludes that an exemption would further the objectives of the Council’s resolutions, that is peace and national reconciliation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and stability in the region;

(c) Where the Committee authorizes in advance, and on a case-by-case basis, the transit of individuals returning to the territory of the State of their nationality, or participating in efforts to bring to justice perpetrators of grave violations of human rights or international humanitarian law; or

(d) Where such entry or transit is necessary for the fulfilment of judicial process;

“11. Reiterates its call on the ICGLR to monitor and inquire into, including by making active use of the Expanded Joint Verification Mechanism (EJVM), reports and allegations of outside support and supply of equipment to the M23, and encourages MONUSCO, in coordination with ICGLR members, to participate, as appropriate and within the limits of its capacities and mandate, in the activities of the EJVM;

“12. Encourages the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to enhance stockpile security, accountability and management of arms and ammunition, with the assistance of international partners as necessary and requested, and to urgently implement a national weapons marking programme, in particular for State-owned firearms, in line with the standards established by the Nairobi Protocol and the Regional Centre on Small Arms;

“13. Emphasizes the primary responsibility of the Government of the DRC to reinforce State authority and governance in eastern DRC, including through effective security sector reform to allow army and police and justice sector reform, and to end impunity for abuses of human rights and violations of international humanitarian law, urges the Government of the DRC to increase efforts in this regard, welcomes the efforts to date by the Government of the DRC to address issues of illegal exploitation and smuggling of natural resources, and urges continued effort in this regard;

“14. Welcomes in this regard the measures taken by the Congolese Government to implement the due diligence guidelines on the supply chain of minerals, as defined by the Group of Experts and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, and calls on all States to assist the DRC, the ICGLR and the countries in the Great Lakes region in the implementation of the guidelines;

“15. Encourages all States, particularly those in the region, to continue to raise awareness of the Group of Experts due diligence guidelines, in particular in the gold sector as part of broader efforts to mitigate the risk of further financing armed groups and criminal networks within the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo;

“16. Reaffirms the provisions of paragraphs 6 to 13 of resolution 1952 (2010) and requests the Group of Experts to continue to study the impact of due diligence;

“17. Reaffirms the provisions of paragraphs 7 to 9 of resolution 2021 (2011) and reiterates its call to the DRC and States in the Great Lakes region to require their customs authorities to strengthen their control on exports and imports of minerals from the DRC, and to cooperate at the regional level to investigate and combat regional criminal networks and armed groups involved in the illegal exploitation of natural resources;

“18. Recalls the mandate of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) to support the relevant Congolese authorities in preventing the provision of support to armed groups from illicit activities, including production and trade in natural resources, notably by carrying out spot checks and regular visits to mining sites, trade routes and markets, in the vicinity of the five pilot trading counters;

“19. Stresses the importance of the Congolese Government actively seeking to hold accountable those responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity in the country and of regional cooperation to this end, including through its ongoing cooperation with the International Criminal Court and encourages MONUSCO to use its existing authority to assist the Congolese Government in this regard;

“20. Expresses its full support to the UN Group of Experts of the 1533 Committee and calls for enhanced cooperation between all States, particularly those in the region, MONUSCO and the Group of Experts, encourages further that all parties and all States ensure cooperation with the Group of Experts by individuals and entities within their jurisdiction or under their control and reiterates its demand that all parties and all States ensure the safety of its members and its support staff, and unhindered and immediate access, in particular to persons, documents and sites the Group of Experts deems relevant to the execution of its mandate;

“21. Calls upon the Group of Experts to cooperate actively with other relevant panels of experts, in particular that on Côte d’Ivoire re-established by paragraph 13 of resolution 1980 (2011) and that on Liberia re-established by paragraph 6 of resolution 1961 (2010) with respect to natural resources;

“22. Calls upon all States, particularly those in the region and those in which individuals and entities designated pursuant to paragraph 3 of this resolution are based, to regularly report to the Committee on the actions they have taken to implement the measures imposed by paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 and recommended in paragraph 8 of resolution 1952 (2010);

“23. Decides that, when appropriate and no later than 1 February 2014, it shall review the measures set forth in this resolution, with a view to adjusting them, as appropriate, in light of the security situation in the DRC, in particular progress in security sector reform including the integration of the armed forces and the reform of the national police, and in disarming, demobilizing, repatriating, resettling and reintegrating, as appropriate, Congolese and foreign armed groups, with a particular focus on child soldiers;

“24. Decides to remain actively seized of the matter.”


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Rh The fact is that these arguments do but follow the combined suggestions of the facts and of our feeling. They prove nothing rigorously. They only corroborate our pre-existent partialities.

If philosophy can do so little to establish God's existence, how stands it with her efforts to define his attributes? It is worth while to look at the attempts of systematic theology in this direction.

Since God is First Cause, this science of sciences says, he differs from all his creatures in possessing existence a se. From this 'a-se-ity' on God's part, theology deduces by mere logic most of his other perfections. For instance, he must be both necessary and absolute, cannot not be, and cannot in any way be determined by anything else. This makes Him absolutely unlimited from without, and unlimited also from within; for limitation is non-being; and God is being itself. This unlimitedness makes God infinitely perfect. Moreover, God is One, and Only, for the infinitely perfect can admit no peer. He is Spiritual, for were He composed of physical parts, some other power would have to combine them into the total, and his aseity would thus be contradicted. He is therefore both simple and non-physical in nature. He is simple metaphysically also, that is to say, his nature and his existence


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440 not be distinct, as they are in finite substances which share their formal natures with one another, and are individual only in their material aspect. Since God is one and only, his essentia and his esse must be given at one stroke. This excludes from his being all those distinctions, so familiar in the world of finite things, between potentiality and actuality, substance and accidents, being and activity, existence and attributes. We can talk, it is true, of God's powers, acts, and attributes, but these discriminations are only 'virtual,' and made from the human point of view. In God all these points of view fall into an absolute identity of being.

This absence of all potentiality in God obliges Him to be immutable. He is actuality, through and through. Were there anything potential about Him, He would either lose or gain by its actualization, and either loss or gain would contradict his perfection. He cannot, therefore, change. Furthermore, He is immense, boundless; for could He be outlined in space, He would be composite, and this would contradict his indivisibility. He is therefore omnipresent, indivisibly there, at every point of space. He is similarly wholly present at every point of time, in other words eternal. For if He began in time, He would need a prior cause, and that would contradict his aseity. If He ended, it would contradict his necessity. If He went through any succession, it would contradict his immutability.

He has intelligence and will and every other creature-perfection, for we have them, and effectus nequit superare causam. In Him, however, they are absolutely and eternally in act, and their object, since God can be bounded by naught that is external, can primarily be nothing else than God himself. He knows himself, then, in one eternal indivisible act, and wills himself with an infinite self-pleasure. Since He must of logical necessity thus love and will himself, He cannot be called 'free' ad intra, with the freedom of contrarieties that characterizes finite creatures. Ad extra, however, or with respect to his creation, God is free. He cannot need to create, being perfect in being and in happiness already. He wills to create, then, by an absolute freedom.


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Rh Being thus a substance endowed with intellect and will and freedom, God is a person; and a living person also, for He is both object and subject of his own activity, and to be this distinguishes the living from the lifeless. He is thus absolutely self-sufficient: his self-knowledge and self-love are both of them infinite and adequate, and need no extraneous conditions to perfect them.

He is omniscient, for in knowing himself as Cause He knows all creature things and events by implication. His knowledge is previsive, for He is present to all time. Even our free acts are known beforehand to Him, for otherwise his wisdom would admit of successive moments of enrichment, and this would contradict his immutability. He is omnipotent for everything that does not involve logical contradiction. He can make being—in other words his power includes creation. If what He creates were made of his own substance, it would have to be infinite in essence, as that substance is; but it is finite; so it must be non-divine in substance. If it were made of a substance, an eternally existing matter, for example, which God found there to his hand, and to which He simply gave its form, that would contradict God's definition as First Cause, and make Him a mere mover of something caused already. The things he creates, then, He creates ex nihilo, and gives them absolute being as so many finite substances additional to himself. The forms which he imprints upon them have their prototypes in his ideas. But as in God there is no such thing as multiplicity, and as these ideas for us are manifold, we must distinguish the ideas as they are in God and the way in which our minds externally imitate them. We must attribute them to Him only in a terminative sense, as differing aspects, from the finite point of view, of his unique essence.

God of course is holy, good, and just. He can do no evil, for He is positive being's fullness, and evil is negation. It is true that He has created physical evil in places, but only as a means of wider good, for bonum totius præeminet bonum partis. Moral evil He cannot will, either as end or means, for that would contradict his holiness. By creating free beings He permits it only, neither his justice nor his goodness obliging


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442 Him to prevent the recipients of freedom from misusing the gift.

As regards God's purpose in creating, primarily it can only have been to exercise his absolute freedom by the manifestation to others of his glory. From this it follows that the others must be rational beings, capable in the first place of knowledge, love, and honor, and in the second place of happiness, for the knowledge and love of God is the mainspring of felicity. In so far forth one may say that God's secondary purpose in creating is love.

I will not weary you by pursuing these metaphysical determinations farther, into the mysteries of God's Trinity, for example. What I have given will serve as a specimen of the orthodox philosophical theology of both Catholics and Protestants. Newman, filled with enthusiasm at God's list of perfections, continues the passage which I began to quote to you by a couple of pages of a rhetoric so magnificent that I can hardly refrain from adding them, in spite of the inroad they would make upon our time. He first enumerates God's attributes sonorously, then celebrates his ownership of everything in earth and Heaven, and the dependence of all that happens upon his permissive will. He gives us scholastic philosophy 'touched with emotion,' and every philosophy should be touched with emotion to be rightly understood. Emotionally, then, dogmatic theology is worth something to minds of the type of Newman's. It will aid us to estimate what it is worth intellectually, if at this point I make a short digression.

What God hath joined together, let no man put asunder. The Continental schools of philosophy have too often overlooked the fact that man's thinking is organically connected with his conduct. It seems to me to be


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Rh no longer smears it over with a hypocritical show of virtue—he lives at least upon a basis of veracity. The complete decay of the practice of confession in Anglo-Saxon communities is a little hard to account for. Reaction against popery is of course the historic explanation, for in popery confession went with penances and absolution, and other inadmissible practices. But on the side of the sinner himself it seems as if the need ought to have been too great to accept so summary a refusal of its satisfaction. One would think that in more men the shell of secrecy would have had to open, the pent-in abscess to burst and gain relief, even though the ear that heard the confession were unworthy. The Catholic church, for obvious utilitarian reasons, has substituted auricular confession to one priest for the more radical act of public confession. We English-speaking Protestants, in the general self-reliance and unsociability of our nature, seem to find it enough if we take God alone into our confidence.

The next topic on which I must comment is Prayer,—and this time it must be less briefly. We have heard much talk of late against prayer, especially against prayers for better weather and for the recovery of sick people. As regards prayers for the sick, if any medical fact can be considered to stand firm, it is that in certain environments prayer may contribute to recovery, and should be encouraged as a therapeutic measure. Being a normal factor of moral health in the person, its omission would be deleterious. The case of the weather is different. Notwithstanding the recency of the opposite belief,


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464 every one now knows that droughts and storms follow from physical antecedents, and that moral appeals cannot avert them. But petitional prayer is only one department of prayer; and if we take the word in the wider sense as meaning every kind of inward communion or conversation with the power recognized as divine, we can easily see that scientific criticism leaves it untouched.

Prayer in this wide sense is the very soul and essence of religion. "Religion," says a liberal French theologian, "is an intercourse, a conscious and voluntary relation, entered into by a soul in distress with the mysterious power upon which it feels itself to depend, and upon which its fate is contingent. This intercourse with God is realized by prayer. Prayer is religion in act; that is, prayer is real religion. It is prayer that distinguishes the religious phenomenon from such similar or neighboring phenomena as purely moral or æsthetic sentiment. Religion is nothing if it be not the vital act by which the entire mind seeks to save itself by clinging to the principle from which it draws its life. This act is prayer, by which term I understand no vain exercise of words, no mere repetition of certain sacred formulæ, but the very movement itself of the soul, putting itself in a personal relation of contact with the mysterious power of which it feels the presence,—it may be even before it has a name by which to call it. Wherever this interior prayer is lacking, there is no religion; wherever, on the other hand, this prayer rises and stirs the soul, even in the absence of forms or of doctrines, we have living religion. One sees from this why 'natural religion,'