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Legat LEGAT, HUGH (fl. 1400), Benedictine, a native of Hertfordshire according to Bale (p. 518), was not improbably a member of the family which held a manor at Abbots Walden in that county, belonging to the monks of St. Albans (Gesta Abbatum, ii. 179;, ii. 265; , Monasticon, ii. 210), and assisted the monastery in at least one important crisis (Gesta Abbatum, ii. 222). Bale says that Hugh Legat was brought up in the monastery school at St. Albans, displayed a strong love for learning, and went with the abbots leave to pursue his studies at Oxford, where, in the Benedictine hostelry of Gloucester Hall, St. Albans, like other abbeys of its order, had a house for its own scholars (, Monast. ii. 199;, History of St. Albans, p. 807). He left Oxford probably before 1401, when he was among the monks who elected William Heyworth abbot of St. Albans (Gesta Abbatum, iii.480).

On his return to St. Albans Legat is said to have spent some time in the study of history. Thomas Walsingham the historian was then precentor of the abbey (ib. iii. 893). But Legat soon devoted himself to preparing a learned commentary, in nine books, on the 'Architrenius,' a satirical poem, written at the close of the twelfth century by John de Hauteville [q. v.] The work was dedicated to William Heyworth, who was abbot between 1401 and 1420. Legat's commentary, mutilated at beginning and end, is extant in a fifteenth-century hand in Bodleian MS. Digby, 64. Bale quotes Legat's preface from a more perfect copy.

Legat became prior of the neighbouring dependent cell of Redbourne. Of this office he was relieved in 1427, in the first abbacy of John Whethamstede, and sent to the cell of the abbey at Tynemouth (Chronicon Rerum Gestarum in Monasterio S. Albani, in, i. 1-3). Nothing further is known of him.

 LEGATE, BARTHOLOMEW (1575?–1612), the last heretic burned at Smithfield, was born in Essex about 1575. He was probably of the same family as Robert Legate, an English merchant at Emden, East Friesland, in 1549. He does not seem to have had a learned education, or to have acquired any classical knowledge. He was a dealer in cloth lists, a business which took him to Zealand. Here, very early in the seventeenth century, he became a preacher among the 'Seekers,' an offshoot from the Mennonite baptists. Expecting a new revelation, by 'myraculous apostles.' He held that meanwhile there was no true church or true baptism now to be found, nor any 'visible Christian.' He rejected the Mennonite tenet of the celestial origin of our Lord's body as an 'execrable heresy.' By 1604 he had reached the opinion that Christ was 'a meere man, as were Peter, Paul or I; onely. . . borne free from sinne,' and termed God, in scripture, not from ' his essence but his office.' He differed from the Socinians in rejecting the invocation of Christ, and in retaining the doctrine of his propitiatory sacrifice. He was probably in London in 1608, when he is described, as above, by Henoch Clapham [q. v.], who treats him as a representative sectary, the 'Legatine-arrian,' opposed to the anabaptist, the flyer (seeker), and the familist.

In 1611 proceedings were taken against Bartholomew Legate and his brother Thomas in the consistory court of London, and both were committed to Newgate on charges of heresy. Thomas Legate died in Newgate. Bartholomew, perhaps in consequence of this, obtained liberty to leave his prison in the daytime. Brought several times before the consistory, he repudiated the authority of the court, and threatened an action for false imprisonment, an 'indiscretion' which, Fuller thinks, 'hastened his execution.' James I interested himself personally in Legate's case. He had Legate ' often' before him, and tried to convince him of his errors. Fuller relates, on the authority of Ussher, who had the story from James himself, that on one occasion, finding that Legate no longer prayed to Christ, ' the king in choler spurn'd at him with his foot; Away, base fellow (saith he), it shall never be said that one stayeth in my presence, that hath never prayed to our Saviour for seven years together.'

At length, on 21 Feb. 1612, Legate was convened before the consistory of London, which was strengthened by the presence of Bishops Andrewes, Neile, and Buckeridge, with several clerical and legal assessors, so that, says Fuller, 'it seemed not so much a large court, as a little convocation.' Thirteen articles of heresy were laid against Legate. Sentence was pronounced by John King [q. v.], bishop of London, and Legate was handed over to the secular power by significavit dated 3 March. The king's letter under the privy seal, dated 11 March, required the lord chancellor, Sir Thomas Egerton, baron


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Le Geyt LE GEYT, PHILIP (1635–1716), writer on the laws of Jersey, eldest son of Philippe Le Geyt (1602–1669), by his wife Jeanne Sealle, was born at St. Helier and baptised there on 26 April 1635. His father, who was a jurat of the royal court of Jersey, and like most of his countrymen a supporter of the royalist cause in the civil war, was taken prisoner at the capture of Elizabeth Castle in 1651, and in addition to having his house pillaged was fined to the extent of two years of his income. The son, as was usual at the time, was educated at Duplessis-Mornay's school, Saumur; completed his legal studies at Caen and Paris; returned to Jersey shortly before the Restoration, and was in 1660 appointed greffier of the royal court. Five years later he was made a jurat, and in 1671 was elected member of a committee which was to endeavour to obtain the repeal of some obnoxious ordinances for the better administration of justice in Jersey which had been promulgated by the court of St. James in 1668. He proceeded to London with the other deputies; they attended the court for nearly a year, were well received by the Duke of York and other magnates, but effected nothing, and returned to Jersey towards the end of 1672. Le Geyt was appointed lieutenant-bailiff in 1676 in place of Jean Poingdestre, and had a share in 1685 in drawing up an abstract of the ‘Privileges of Jersey,’ a work which was subsequently suppressed. Upon the death of the bailiff, Philip Carteret, in 1693 he was appointed deputy, and filled the office of chief magistrate until the arrival, nearly a year later, of the newly elected bailiff, Edward Carteret. Though pressed to do so by the new-comer, he refused to retain the post of lieutenant-bailiff, but continued to act as jurat until 1710, when he resigned after forty-five years' service. After his resignation he lived with his nephew of the same name. The latter was elected ‘Her Majesty's Procurator in the room of Daniel Messervey, deceased,’ in October 1708 (grant in Harl. MS. 2263, fol. 297); he subsequently became lieutenant-bailiff, but fled from the island in 1730, when his life was in danger during the riots consequent on the recent change of the currency. Philip Le Geyt the elder died unmarried on 31 Jan. 1715–16, and was buried alongside of the jurats' pew in the parish church of St. Helier. His funeral sermon was preached by the Rev. François Le Couteur, rector of St. Helier.

A good speaker, and well competent to exact the respect due to his station, Le Geyt was probably the best judge, as he was certainly the ablest jurist, that Jersey has produced (cf., Tableaux historiques de la Civilisation à Jersey, pp. 343–4). Besides an extensive acquaintance with the French writers of his time, he had a fair knowledge of English, and could at need write passably in that language, an accomplishment by no means common among his contemporaries. A conservative both by education and temperament, Le Geyt was above all a staunch upholder of the local customs of Jersey, and he left extensive manuscript collections on the constitution and laws of the island, which were acquired about 1845 by Francis Jeune [q. v.], president of Pembroke College, Oxford, for the sum of 43l. Having been placed at the disposal of the states they were published with their sanction, and at the island's expense, by Philip Falle in 1846–7, under the title of ‘Les Manuscrits de Philippe Le Geyt, Ecuyer, Lieutenant-Bailli de l'île de Jersey, sur la constitution, les lois, et les usages de cette île,’ 8vo, 4 vols. St. Helier. This important work, fragments of which only, such as the section on the ‘Jurisdiction of the Royal Court,’ had been printed before, supplements on almost every point the old ‘Coûtumes de Normandie,’ and is frequently quoted by Le Quesne in his ‘Constitution of Jersey’ (1856). Besides the above work Le Geyt also left in manuscript some religious works which have not been printed. A portrait in the Public Library at St. Helier shows him to have been a dark man of middle height, with a high forehead marked by two deep transverse furrows.  LEGGE, EDWARD (1710–1747), commodore, born in 1710, was fifth son of William Legge, first earl of Dartmouth [q. v.] He entered the navy in 1726, on board, the Royal Oak, one of the fleet under Sir Charles Wager [q. v.] for the relief of Gibraltar. He afterwards served in the Poole, in the Kinsale with the Hon. George Clinton, in the Salisbury and Namur, and passed his examination on 4 July 1732. He was promoted to be lieutenant of the Deptford on 5 March 1733-4, and to be captain on 26 July 1738. In 1739 he was appointed to the Pearl, one of the ships fitting for the voyage to the Pacific under Commodore George (afterwards Lord) Anson [q. v.] From her he was moved

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Legge into the Severn, another of Anson's squadron, which after many delays sailed from St. Helens in September 1740. In the violent storm to the southward of Cape Horn the Severn and the Pearl were separated from the commodore on 10 April 1741. The storm, blowing from the north-west, raged continuously for forty days, during which time they beat to the westward. When the weather permitted they stood to the north, supposing that they had passed into the Pacific. They were in fact still in the Atlantic, the leeway and current together having more than nullified the laborious windward sailing, and on 1 June found themselves off Cape Frio (Gent Mag. 1741, xi. 611). The case is often referred to as an instance of the extreme uncertainty of the determination of longitude by dead reckoning only. On 30 June they reached Rio Janeiro in an almost helpless state, having lost a very great many of their men by sickness. After recruiting his ship's company Legge returned to England, where he arrived in April 1742. In 1745 he commanded the Strafford in the West Indies, and in 1746 the Windsor on the home station, when he sat as a member of the courts-martial on Admirals Richard Lestock [q. v.] and Thomas Mathews [q. v.] In 1747 he went out as commodore and commander-in-chief at the Leeward Islands, with orders to supersede his predecessor, Commodore Fitzroy Henry Lee [q. v.], and try him by court-martial for misconduct and neglect of duty. Lee, however, was sent home without being tried, and Legge shortly afterwards died, on 19 Sept. 1747.  LEGGE, GEORGE, (1648–1691), admiral and commander-in-chief, born in 1648, was the eldest son of William Legge (1609 ?-1672) [q. v.]; by the mother's side, was grand-nephew of George Villiers, first duke of Buckingham of that family [q. v.]; was first cousin once removed of George Villiers, second duke of Buckingham [q. v.]; and, through his father's sister, Mary, was the first cousin of Sir Edward Spragge (d. 1673) [q. v.] After an education at Westminster and King's College, Cambridge, he served with Spragge, as volunteer and lieutenant, during the second Dutch war, 1665-7; and in 1667 was promoted to be captain of the Pembroke. In 1672 he was captain of the Fairfax in the engagement, under Sir Robert Holmes [q. v.], with the Dutch Smyrna fleet, 12-13 March, and in the battle of Solebay, 28 May. In July he was moved into the York, and early in 1673 into the Royal Katharine of 84 guns, which he commanded with distinction under Prince Rupert [q. v.] in the three actions with the Dutch fleet. Meanwhile, in the intervals of war by sea, he was holding high civil and military appointments. In 1668 he became groom of the bedchamber, and in 1673 master of the horse and gentleman of the bedchamber to the Duke of York. In 1670 he was appointed lieutenant-governor of Portsmouth; in 1672 lieutenant-general of the ordnance; in August 1673 'warden and captain of the town and isle of Portsmouth.' In 1678, with the rank of colonel in the army, he commanded the forces at Nieuport in Flanders. On 28 Jan. 1681-2 he was appointed master-general of the ordnance, after some six months' discussion whether he could hold this mouth. In several letters to him the Duke of York expressed the opinion that he could hold both, but advised him, if he could only hold one, to decline the ordnance. 'If they do oblige you to part with Portsmouth,' he wrote on 17 Nov., 'I shall look on it as a very ill sign as to myself' (Dartmouth MSS. p. 72; cf. the art. on James II of England. Apparently he was obliged 'to part with Portsmouth.' his appointment there terminating 4 Feb. 1681-2.

On 2 Dec. 1682, in memory of the great merits and faithful service of his father, 'and farther considering that he, following his father's steps in divers military employments, especially in sundry sharp and dangerous naval fights wherein he aid freely hazard his life,' the king created him Baron of Dartmouth (Preamble to the Patent in, iv. 310). On 11 June 1683 he was elected master of the Trinity House, and on 10 Aug. was appointed 'admiral of a fleet, captain-general in Africa, and governor of Tangier.' the object of the expedition being to evacuate the place, destroy the works, and bring back the troops to England. The fleet sailed from St. Helens on 19 Aug. and returned on 30 March 1684, the service having been performed 'very exactly and effectively.' On his return, Dartmouth received 10,000l., and a further grant 'to hold a fair twice a year and a market twice a week upon Blackheath' (ib.)

Within a few weeks of the accession of James II, Dartmouth was appointed master of the horse, 10 April 1685; and on 24 June governor of the Tower. For fully twenty-years his relations to the king had been almost those of son to father. If there was one man in the kingdom on whose loyalty


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Legge James had a right to count, it was Dartmouth; and accordingly, when he understood the imminence of the Dutch invasion in 1688, he appointed Dartmouth admiral and commander-in-chief of the fleet, with in- structions, dated 1 Oct., to prevent any Dutch ships of war approaching our coasts, and 'to endeavour, by all hostile means, to sink, burn, take, or otherwise destroy or disable the Dutch fleet when and wheresoever he should meet with it.'

Dartmouth would doubtless have honestly carried out these instructions had it been in his power to do so, but his experience afloat was extremely small; he had no pretensions to be a practical seaman ; and in all that related to the conduct of the fleet he was dependent on his officers and the council of war. The most influential of the captains had been already won over to the interests of the Prince of Orange; and when on 24 Oct. it was proposed to put to sea and wait for the Dutch fleet on the coast of Holland, they had little difficulty in persuading a majority of the council that it would be 'hazarding the fleet to lie on that dangerous coast at this season of the year,' and that it would be 'much better' to stay where they were, at the Gunfleet (Memoirs relating to the Lord Torrington, p. 26). The fleet was accordingly lying at the Gunfleet when on 8 Nov. the Dutch fleet was seen, in a hard gale at E.S.E., making its way to the westward. Tide and wind were against him, and Dartmouth was obliged to remain at anchor till the next day, when he got to sea. It was known that he would follow, and there had been a meeting of those captains who were in the prinqas interest. Some were of opinion that if Dartmouth came up with the Dutch and attacked, they were bound in honour to do their duty; others held that they should, on such an occasion, leave the fleet and join the Dutch. Off Beachy Head a council of war was called, 'which was so managed that the result of it was not to fight if in honour it could be avoided' (ib. p. 29). A westerly gale in the night settled the question by driving the fleet back into the Downs. There it remained nine days, and on 16 Nov. sailed again for the westward ; but meeting another gale, the ships, partly from stress of weather, partly from predetermined want of seamanship, were scattered, and made their way in disorder to Spithead, 22 Nov. (ib. p. 80). There it remained. Dartmouth gradually became aware of the strong feeling against the king which had infected the fleet: a conspiracy to kidnap him and put the Duke of Grafton in his place as commander-in-chief was nearly successful ; and he found on his toilet-table a letter from the Prince of Orange inviting his co-operation (ib. p. 82; Dartmouth MSS. p. 219). His position was one of great difficulty, and the more so as — while personally attached to the king — he was compelled to dissent from the king's measures. On 1 Dec. he signed and forwarded an address from the fleet, thanking the king for calling a parliament; though in a private note he added 'it was unanimously received that there was no delaying the ad- dress. ... I hope it will be no offence nor disservice to your Majesty, for now, if the Prince of Orange does not desist, it will show the world he hath other meanings than are pretended' (ib. p. 275). It was just then, however, that James had determined to smuggle the little Prince of Wales out of the country. The infant was sent to Portsmouth, to be carried away in a yacht by Sir Roger Strickland [q. v.] ; but Dartmouth, in a courteous, a submissive, but still decided manner, refused to further the infant's escape. He may possibly have been under some degree of compulsion when he gave orders to certain of his captains to intercept the yachts if they should come out of the harbour, and set armed boats to go on board the yacht and take the child out of her (Memoirs relating to the Lord Torrington, p. 38) ; but he was certainly a free agent in writing to James on 3 Dec. that assisting in such a measure would be 'treason to your Majesty and the known laws of the kingdom : when your Majesty shall farther deliberate on it I most humbly hope you will not exact it from me. ... I beg leave to advise you and give you my humble opinion that sending away the Prince of Wales without the consent of the nation is at no time advisable, and therefore the doing it at this time especially, and that to France. . . will be of fatal consequence to your person, crown, and dignity' Dartmouth MSS. pp. 275-6).

The infant was withdrawn from Portsmouth only to be sent to France by another route ; and when, on 11 Dec, the king himself left the country, and the lords spiritual and temporal, assuming the executive power, sent Dartmouth an order to take measures 'for the prevention of all acts of hostility.' and 'forthwith to remove all popish officers out of their respective commands.' he saw no other course open to him than to obey. Afterwards, when he had news of the king's being brought back, he wrote to him on 17 Dec. explaining his action as the only one possible under the circumstances of the king 8 deplorable flight, and expressing a hope that now all would end in his majesty's


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Rh and as terrifying, and he stood in an absurd manner with his legs spread out like a person drunk, who is sick; and his neck was covered with blood; probably he had clutched it with his own hands.

"Well?" said I, impatiently.

He pushed himself away from the carriage and, stooping like an old man, with his head bent down, he went away into the darkness away from all of us. I do not know why, but I followed him, and we walked along for a long time away from the carriages. I believe he was crying, and a feeling of distress stole over me, and I wanted to cry too.

"Stop!" I cried, standing still.

But he walked on, moving his feet ponderously, bent down, looking like an old man with his narrow shoulders and shuffling gait. And soon he disappeared in the reddish haze, that resembled light and yet lit nothing. And I remained alone. To the left of me a row of dim lights floated past—it was the train. I was alone—amidst the dead and dying. How many more remained? Near me all was still and dead, but farther on the field was stirring, as if it were alive—or so it seemed to me in my loneliness. But the moan did not grow less. It spread along the earth—high-pitched, hopeless, like the cry of a child or the yelping of thousands of cast-away puppies, starving and cold. Like a sharp, endless, icy needle it pierced your brain and slowly moved backwards and forwards—backwards and forwards. . ..


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263

the writing of this book I have fought a Parliamentary election in Scotland, with a Liberal and a Socialist for my opponents. Of Liberalism there is nothing just now to be usefully said; a sturdy individualism will always be one of the elements of character in our British race, whatever the fate of the political party which was its nineteenth-century expression. But the ever-recurrent propaganda of Socialism is at present in a very significant phase. Mere Bureaucratic Socialism has been criticised by events of late; the more we know of the working of dominant officialdom during the War, the less likely, I think, are we to desire it for a permanent master. My Socialist opponent was out to take away property in land and to abolish interest on capital; in other words, he would begin with a confiscatory revolution; but that was not of the essence of his position. His supporters— 263


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264 young men with a burning faith in their eyes, though often without the full power of expressing their argument—were, at almost every meeting, boldly defensive of the Russian Bolsheviks. There are two sides to Bolshevism; there is the mere violence and tyranny of the Jacobin, upthrown at a certain stage of most great revolutions; and there is the 'Syndicalist' idealism. To do them justice, it is the latter aspect of Bolshevism which really attracts and holds my young Scottish antagonists. The Bolsheviks are in revolt against a Parliamentarism based on local communities or, as they would put it, on so many social pyramids each with its Capitalist at the top. Their ideal is of a federation of vocational soviets or unions—soviets of workmen, of peasants, and, if you will, of professional men. Therefore the Bolsheviks, both in Petrograd and Berlin, have consistently opposed the meeting of national assemblies for the purpose of framing Parliamentary constitutions on the Western 'bourgeois' model. Their revolt is towards an organisation by interests rather than localities. For the reasons stated in this


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Le Grice Shortly after taking his degree Le Grice went to Cornwall — 'cutting.' says Lamb, 'Miss Hunt completely' — as tutor to William John Godolphin Nicholls of Trereife, near Penzance, only son of Mary Ustick, widow of William Nicholls. In ; 1798 he was ordained, and in the following year he married his pupil's mother. Young Nicholls died from 'ossification of the body' on 9 May 1815, aged 26, and on his mother's death on 22 Nov. 1821 the family property came to Le Grice, as mother and son had cut off the entail. For several years he gratuitously undertook the duties at St. Mary's Church, Penzance, and was appointed incumbent on 31 July 1806, retaining it, his sole preferment in the church, until June 1831. As a clergyman Le Grice opposed with great ardour the views of Bishop Phillpotts ; but the statement that he was 'prohibited preaching in the diocese of Exeter' is not correct. The rest of his life was passed on his property at Trereife. He died there on 24 Dec. 1868, and was buried at Madron.

Le Grice during his long life threw off a number of small pieces in verse and prose, the titles of which fill several pages of the 'Bibliotheca Cornubiensis,' but none of them did justice to his wit and talents. The chief of them are : 1. ' An Imitation of Horace's First Epistle.' 1793, 1824, and 1860. 2. 'The Tineum.' 1794. 3. 'A Prize Declamation in Trinity College Chapel on Richard Cromwell,' 1796. 4. 'Analysis of Paley's Philosophy,' 1796 ; 8th ed. 1822. 6. 'A General Theorem for A * * * * * * Coll. Declamation, by Gronovius.' 1796 and 1836. 6. 'Daphnis and Chloe, translated from the Greek of Longus.' 1803. A translation of this work, based on that of Le Grice, was published in 1890. 7. 'Petition of an Old Uninhabited House in Penzance to its Master in Town.' 1811 ; 3rd ed. 1868.

Lamb, in his essay on 'Christ's Hospital' (Elia, ed. Ainger, p. 30), refers to the 'wit combats ' between Coleridge and Le Grice, comparing Coleridge to the Spanish galleon and the other to an English man-of-war; and in the 'Grace before Meat' (ib. p. 137) mentions Le Grice as 'that equivocal wag, but my pleasant schoolfellow.' Le Grice furnished Talfourd with some interesting particulars of the early part of Lamb's life, which were embodied in Talfourd's memoir, and Carew Hazlitt asserts that Lamb's taste for punning was inspired by his admiration for Le Grice's skill in that direction. The 'College Reminiscences of Coleridge.' contributed by Le Grice to the 'Gentleman's Magazine'—in which paper his effusions appeared for more than sixty years—were reprinted in 1842 and included in Carlyon's Early Years.' 1843. One of the last journeys made by Southey was to visit his old acquaintance Le Grice at Trereife. The poet Wordsworth subsequently received a short visit from Le Grice at Grasmere. A story showing the frolicsome spirit which sometimes brought Le Grice into trouble is in Henry Gunning's 'Reminiscences.' ii. 7–9; and an epigram of congratulation from him on Sedgwick's appointment to a canonry in Norwich Cathedral is in Sedgwick's 'Life.' i. 436.

 LE GRYS, ROBERT (d. 1635), courtier and translator, was probably grandson of the Sir Robert Le Grys, 'an Arragonist or Spaniard.' to whom Henry VIII made a grant of the castle of St. Mawes, Cornwall, in 1535. His father appears to have served in the Irish wars under Elizabeth, and he himself was a groom of the king's chamber to James I, when on New-year's day 1605–6 he received from the royal treasury a gift of ten ounces of gilt plate. In 1628 he was preparing 'John Barclay his Argenis, translated out of Latine into English. The Prose upon his Majesty's command, by Sir Robert Le Grys, and the Verses by Thomas May, Esq. .. . London, for Richard Meighen and Henry Seile, 1629,' 4to. On the completion of his task he was knighted by Charles I on 9 Jan. 1628–9. In 1632 Le Grys issued another translation, 'Velleius Paterculus, his Romaine Historie: In two Bookes, exactly translated out of the Latine edition supervised by James Gruterus. . . and rendred English by Sr Robert Le Grys, Knt. London, for K. Swaine, in Britaines-Burse, at the signe of the Bible, 1632,' dedicated to Sir Thomas Jermyn, vice-chamberlain of his majesty's household, and governor of Jersey. It was probably in the spring of the following year that he drew up and presented to the king some proposals, in which he offered his services as tutor of the Prince of Wales, afterwards Charles II, then three years old. Le Grys undertook that when the prince was seven years old 'the nimblest Latinist should find him his match,' and he promised to thoroughly instruct his pupil in


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Rh book, such an organisation would, in my belief, lead inevitably to the Marxian War of international classes, of Proletariat against Bourgeoisie, and finally of one section of the Proletariat against the other sections—already the Russian town-workers are at issue with the Russian peasants. The end could only be world-anarchy or a world-tyranny.

Thus I come back to the quiet of my library with the conviction that what I have written is pertinent to the hot currents of real life in this great crisis of humanity. Our old English conception of the House of Commons or Communities, the American conception of the Federation of States and Provinces, and the new ideal of the League of Nations are all of them opposed to the policies cast in the tyrannical moulds of East Europe and the Heartland, whether Dynastic or Bolshevik. It may be the case that Bolshevik tyranny is an extreme reaction from Dynastic tyranny, but it is none the less true that the Russian, Prussian, and Hungarian plains, with their widespread uniformity of social conditions, are favourable alike to the march of militarism and to the propaganda of syndicalism. Against this two-headed Eagle of land-power the Westerners and the Islanders must struggle. Even in their own peninsulas and


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266 islands modern methods of communication are so levelling natural barriers that organisation by interests constitutes a real threat. In the Heartland, where physical contrasts are few, it is only with the aid of a conscious ideal, shaping political life in the direction of nationalities, that we shall be able to entrench true freedom. If only as a basis for 'penetrating' this dangerous Heartland, the Oceanic peoples must strive to root ever more firmly their own organisation by localities, each locality with as complete and balanced a life of its own as circumstances may permit of. The effort must go downward through the provinces to the cities. East-ends and West-ends divide our cities into castes ; at whatever sacrifice we must tone away such contrasts. The country-side, in which the successful leaders visibly serve the interests of their weaker brethren, must be our ideal.

There was a time when a man addressed his 'friends and neighbours.' We still have our friends, but too often they are scattered over the land and belong to our own caste in society. Or, if they happen to be near us, is it not because our caste has gathered apart into its own quarter of the town? So was it in the early Middle Ages, when we are told


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Leguat the bible and in profane history; 'finally, he would make him familiar with arithmetic, geography, and the art of war' (State Papers, Dom. 1633, p. 349). On 12 May 1633 Le Grys was granted the office of captain of the castle of St. Mawes for life. The salary attached to the office was little over 50l. per annum, but Le Grys took a liberal view of the perquisites to which he was entitled, and his encroachments gave rise to frequent complaint. Before the end of the year, in answer to the charges which his chief lieutenant and deputy-governor of St. Mawes, Captain Hannibal Bonithon, preferred against him to Edward Nicholas, the secretary of the admiralty, he acknowledged that 'he had brought out of foreign ships several small quantities of wine for his own use, as all captains of forts or ships think it free for them to do, and certain timber for use in the castle, without paying custom;' he had also applied some of his majesty's timber to his own uses, and 'had shot at some few ships which did not come to the castle to give account of themselves.' but in this employment he had only spent 801bs. of powder (ib. p. 474). According to less partial accounts the governor had during his six months' tenure of office burnt not only all the gun-carriages and platforms, but even the flag-post, for firewood; had sold ammunition, had let the castle fall out of repair, and had cashiered most of the old members of the garrison. There was now no porter, nor even any door, to the castle, Le Grys, having burnt the door and lost the castle key, The admiralty in December 1633 summoned him to appear before them at Whitehall, not later than the end of January 1634. He was reprimanded, and his dismissal of Bonithon disallowed. A little later he made his complete submission to the king (ib. 1634). Le Grys does not appear to have been supplanted in nis governorship. He probably died before he was able to return to Cornwall on 2 Feb. 1634-5. Nothing appears to be known of Sir Robert's family, but the Robert Le Grys to whom the books of the Stationers' Company attribute 'Nothing impossible to Love.' a tragi-comedy, 29 June 1660, was probably a son (, Biog. Dram. i. 450).

 LEGUAT, FRANÇOIS (1638–1735), voyager and author, born of protestant parents at Bresse, in the modern department of Ain, near the frontier of Savoy, in 1638 claimed descent from the seigneur of La Fougère, Pierre Le Guat, secretary of the Duke of Savoy from 1511 to 1534. To avoid persecution after the revocation of the edict of Nantes, he took refuge in Holland in 1689. On 10 July 1691 he left Texel with a small party of adventurers under the auspices of the Marquis Henri du Quesne, and on 1 May 1691 landed in Rodriguez, the smallest of the Mascarene islands, in order to found a colony of French protestants. After a residence of two years Leguat and the other settlers, who grew discontented with their retired life, constructed a boat, and succeeded in reaching Mauritius, 330 miles distant to leeward, after a hazardous voyage of eight days. The Dutch governor, Diodati, maltreated Leguat and his comrades. They were confined on the rocky islet now called Fouquets, between Mananna island and de la Passe at the entrance of the south-east haven, where the Dutch had established their fort, Hendrik Fredrik. In attempting to escape one of their number perished, and at last the survivors, who had managed to send news of their plight to Europe, were transferred, still in confinement, to Batavia in December 1696. It was not until March 1698, after the proclamation of the peace of Ryswick, that Leguat and two others, the sole survivors of the original party, were set free.

Leguat made his way to Flushing, and thence came over to England, where he became acquainted with Baron Haller, Dr. Sloane, and other scientific men. He published an account of his travels in 1708, both in French, Dutch, and English. The English title runs 'A New Voyage to the East Indies, by Francis Leguat and his companions, containing their Adventures in two Desart Islands, and an Account of the most remarkable things in Maurice Island, Batavia, at the Cape of Good Hope, the Island of St. Helena, and other places in their way to and from the Desart Isles.' The French and English editions were published simultaneously by David Mortier, both at Amsterdam and at London. The Dutch edition, by Willem Broedelet, appeared at Utrecht also in 1708. A German translation was printed at Frankfort and Leipzig in 1709; another under the title of 'Der Französische Robinson' in 1806; another French edition is dated 1720, and a third 1792. The English version was reissued by the Hakluyt Society in 1891. The fact that Leguat was a Huguenot refugee probably sufficed to prejudice contemporary opinion as to the merits of the book in catholic France, where the story of his adventures was generally regarded as an extravagant fable; but in England, Holland, and Germany the


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Le Hart work met with a favourable reception. The description of a remarkable didine bird, the solitaire, and the detailed accounts of a certain stone which it swallowed, and of its curious habits, were received with some incredulity, even by Buffon; but since 1864 the excavations in the caves of Rodriguez, carried out under the direction of Sir Edward Newton, have brought to light singular confirmation of Leguat's recorded observations, and although the bird itself has been extinct over a century, Professor Alfred Newton of Cambridge and Sir Edward his brother have constructed an admirable, though not entirely perfect, restoration of the skeleton of the bird. Leguat settled in England as a British subject, and from a notice in the 'Bibliothèque Britannique' (v. 524), 1735, it appears that he died at the beginning of September in that year, in London, at the age of ninety-six years, having preserved to the end a 'grande liberté de corps et d'esprit.' He seems to have been unmarried.  LE HART, WALTER (d. 1472), bishop of Norwich. [See ]  LEICESTER,. [See ; ; ; .]  LEICESTER, LETTICE, (d. 1634). [See under .]  LEICESTER. [See .]  LEICESTER, JOHN FLEMING, first  (1762–1827), art patron, born at Tabley House, Cheshire, 4 April 1762, was eldest son of Sir Peter Leicester, by his wife Catherine, coheiress of Sir William Fleming of Rydal, Westmoreland. The father's name was originally Byrne, being the son of Sir John Byrne, bart., and of Merial, only child of Sir Francis Leicester, third baronet, the grandson of Sir Peter Leycester [q. v.] the antiquary; he took by act of parliament his mother's name of Leicester in 1744, and came into possession of the Leicester family estates in Cheshire; he was a man of taste, was patron of Wilson, Barret, and other well-known artists, and erected a fine house at Tabley, in which he placed pictures by his favourite artists. The son, John Fleming, was well instructed in drawing by Marras, Thomas Vivares (son of Francis Vivares the engraver), and lastly by Paul Sandby. On the death of his father in 1770 he succeeded to the baronetcy and estates. He was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, where he proceeded M. A. in 1784, and afterwards travelled much on the continent. In Italy about 1786 he met Sir Richard Colt Hoare [q. v.] and they spent much time together in sketching and visiting the chief galleries of art in France and Italy. Many of Leicester's sketches, chiefly landscapes, together with some finished pictures in oil of a later date, are still at Tabley House, and, though not highly finished, have considerable merit. He also executed a set of lithographic prints from his own drawings of landscapes, birds, fishes, &c. One of an osprey shot at Tabley and another of the head of a Persian sheep are interesting examples. They were only circulated privately and are all rare. On returning to England Leicester determined to devote his fortune and energy to the promotion of an English school of painting and sculpture which fashion had up to that time decreed to be impossible. He gradually collected many fine examples of British art in a gallery in his London house in Hill Street, Berkeley Square, and from April 1818 onwards the public was frequently admitted to view the collection. Leicester's example, with that of his friends Hoare and Walter Ramsden Fawkes [q. v.], the patron of Turner, largely contributed to a change of taste in artistic circles, and to the extension of a discriminating patronage to the British school. In 1805-6 he aided Sir Thomas Bernard in the foundation of the British Institution for the Encouragement of British Art. 'Annals of the Fine Arts' for 1819 was dedicated to him. He was honorary member of the Royal Irish Institution and the Royal Cork Society of Arts.

Leicester was also much interested in music and in natural history, especially in birds and fishes. Shortly before his death, he projected with his friend William Jerdan [q. v.] an elaborate 'British Ichthyology.' He was also noted as one of the best pistol shots of his time.

Meanwhile, Leicester had paid some attention to politics. He was elected M.P. for Yarmouth, Isle of Wight, in 1791, for Heytesbury, Wiltshire, in 1796, and for Stockbridge, Hampshire, in 1807. In parliament he supported the prince regent, and soon became one of the prince's intimate friends. He acted as lieutenant-colonel of the Cheshire militia, and after thirteen years' service was appointed colonel of a regiment of cavalry


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 raised for home defence. He was among the first who proffered his services to the crown when Bonaparte threatened to invade the country, and raised the regiment eventually called the king's regiment of Cheshire yeoman cavalry. Some years afterwards, in 1817, this regiment received the thanks of the prince regent and government for its activity in dispersing the Blanketeers in Lancashire. Leicester was created Baron De Tabley on 16 July 1826. He died at Tabley House on 18 June 1827.

Part of his collection of pictures of the English school, of which a descriptive catalogue by William Carey was published in 1810, was sold by auction soon after his death and realised 7,466l.

Leicester married, on 9 Nov. 1810, Georgiana Maria, youngest daughter of Lieutenant-colonel Cottin. She was remarkable for her beauty. Her portrait in the character of Hope, by Sir Thomas Lawrence, is well known, and has been many times engraved. There are also engraved portraits of her after Simpson, and one kit-cat size by Charles Turner, from a full-length painting by Owen, which is at Tabley.

Of Leicester himself there are engraved portraits by Young, Bell, and Thomson, all after Sir Joshua Keynolds; another, by H. Meyer, of Lord de Tabley as colonel of the kings Cheshire yeomanry, and a folio engraving by S. W. Reynolds, after Sir Joshua Keynolds and J. Northcote, in uniform with horse.

LEICESTER, ROBERT (fl. 1320), Franciscan, was a protege of Richard Swinfeld, bishop of Hereford, to whom he dedicated some treatises on Jewish chronology in 1294. He was D.D. and in residence at Oxford in 1325; he was forty-eighth lecturer or regent master of the Franciscan schools about the same time or shortly before. In 1325 he was one of the two magistri extranet of Balliol College. The two masters, or visitors, were called upon to decide whether the statutes of the college allowed the members to attend lectures in any faculty except that of arts, and ordained, 'in the presence of the whole community, that it was not permissible. According to Bale, Robert died at Lichfield in 1348, but the statement lacks authority.

Digby MS. 212 (sec. xiv.) contains his three works on Hebrew chronology, written in 1294 and 1295. At Pembroke College, Cambridge (MS. 220), is 'Enchiridion pœnitentiale ... distinctionibus. . . Roberti de Leycester,' and others. Leland ascribes several other works to him which do not seem to be extant; among them is a treatise, 'De Paupertate Christi.'

LEICESTER, WILLIAM, or WILLIAM MONTE (d. 1213), chancellor of Lincoln. [See ]

LEICHHARDT, FRIEDRICH WILHELM LUDWIG (1813–1848), Australian explorer, son of Christian Hieronymus Matthias Leichhardt, was born at Trebatsch near Beeskow in Prussia, 23 Oct. 1813, and studied at Göttingen and Berlin. With William Nicholson of Clifton he travelled in France, Italy, and England. In 1841 he went to New South Wales, where he pursued petrological and botanical investigations, and sent numerous fossils to Professor Owen from Darling Downs. The results of his labours appeared in 'Beitrage zur Geologie von Australien,' 'Abhandlungen der naturforschenden Gesellschaft zu Halle' (1856), iii. 1-62, in 'Documents pour la Geologie de l'Australie,' edited by Girard, published at Halle in 1855, and in Owen's 'Reports' to the British Association in 1844.

The colonial government having proposed an overland expedition from Moreton Bay on the east coast of Australia to Port Essington on the north coast, the governor, Sir Thomas Mitchell, recommended Leichhardt for the leadership. Accompanied by nine persons he left Sydney on 14 Aug. 1844. Passing along the banks of the Dawson and the Mackenzie tributaries of the Fitzroy river in Queensland, he advanced northwards to the source of the Burdekin river; then turning westwards, made an easy descent to the Gulf of Carpentaria, and skirting the low shores round the upper half of the gulf to the Roper, he arrived, by way of Arnheim Land and the Alligator river, at Port Victoria, otherwise Port Essington, on 17 Dec. 1845. He thus completed three thousand miles amid many hardships within fifteen months. On his return to Sydney on 29 March 1846 he was most cordially received. On 24 May 1846 he obtained the patron's medal of the Royal Geographical Society, and he published an account of his wanderings in a 'Journal of an Overland Expedition in Australia, from Moreton Bay to Port Essington, during the years 1844-6.' London, 1847, 8vo.

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Leifchild  left the Condamine river with the intention of discovering the extent of Sturt's Desert in the interior, and the character of the western and north-western coast. He went as far as the neighbourhood of Peake Range in Sturt's Desert, but, after going through great sufferings, returned to the Condamine on 5 July 1847. On 9 Aug. 1847 he began a brief and unsuccessful journey to the westward of Darling Downs, to examine the country between Sir Thomas Mitchell's track and his own. In March 1848 he undertook the formidable task of crossing the entire continent from east to west. His starting-point was the Fitzroy Downs, north of the river Condamine in Queensland, between the 26th and 27th degrees of south latitude. On 3 April 1848 he wrote announcing his safe arrival at McPherson's station on the river Cogoon. This was the last authentic news heard of him or his party. Various expeditions were at different times sent out to search for Leichhardt, but no trustworthy information of him was obtained.

 LEIFCHILD, HENRY STORMONTH (1823–1884), sculptor, born in 1823, was fourth son of William Gerard Leifchild of Moorgate Street and The Elms, Wanstead, Essex, and nephew of John Leifchild, D.D. [q. v.] He studied in the sculpture galleries of the British Museum, at the Royal Academy, and from 1848 to 1851 at Rome. He first exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1846, sending 'The Mother of Moses leaving him on the Banks of the Nile.' At the Great Exhibition of 1851 he exhibited his statue of 'Rizpah.' and that, like his later groups, 'Bacchus and Ariadne.' 'The Torchbearers.' 'Minerva repressing the Wrath of Achilles.' 'Lot's Wife.' 'Wrecked.' besides various busts of minor importance, attracted favourable attention. He was the successful competitor for the guards' memorial at Chelsea Hospital. Seven models in plaster of his most important works were presented by his widow and family to the Castle Museum at Nottingham. A mortuary chapel in Warriston cemetery at Edinburgh, designed throughout by Leifchild, is a work of great merit. A statue of 'Erinna' is at Holloway College. Leifchild resided most of his life in Stanhope Street, Regent's Park, and died at 15 Kirkstall Road, Streatham Hill, Surrey, on 11 Nov. 1884. He married Marion, daughter of Henry Clarke of King Street, Covent Garden, but left no children. Leifchild was a man of many talents, excelling not only in his profession, but as a draughtsman, carver, and musician.

 LEIFCHILD, JOHN (1780–1862), independent minister, son of John Leifchild by his wife Miss Bockman, was born at Barnet, Hertfordshire, 15 Feb. 1780. He was educated at the Barnet grammar school, and from 1795 to 1797 worked with a cooper at St. Albans. From 1804 to 1808 he was a student in Hoxton academy; from 1808 to 1824 was minister of the independent chapel in Hornton Street, Kensington; from 1824 to 1830 was minister of the church in Bridge Street, Bristol; and from 1831 to 1854 at Craven Chapel, Bayswater, London. His last charge was eminently successful, and his powerful sermons were widely appreciated. He formally retired from the ministry in 1854; but for a little more than one year, 1854–6, he preached at Queen's Square Chapel, Brighton. He died at 4 Fitzroy Terrace, Gloucester Road North, Regent's Park, London, on 29 June 1862.

His first wife died in 1804, and he married secondly, 4 June 1811, Elizabeth, daughter of John Stormouth, a surgeon in India; she died at Brighton 28 Dec. 1855, aged 78 (A Memoir of Mrs. E. Leifchild, 1856).

He was author of: 1. 'The Case of Children of Religious Parents considered, and the Duties of Parents and Children enforced,' 1827. 2. 'A Christian Antidote to Unreasonable Fears at the present, in reply to the Speech of W. Thorp against Catholic Emancipation.' 1829. 3. 'A Help to the Private and Domestic Reading of the Holy Scriptures,' an arrangement of the books of the Old and New Testament in chronological order, 1829. 4. 'Memoir of the late Rev. J. Hughes, M.A.,' 1835. 5. 'Observations on Providence in relation to the World and the Church,' 1836. 6. 'The Plain Christian guarded against some popular Errors respecting the Scriptures.' 1841. 7. 'Original Hymns, edited by J. L.,' 1842; another edit. 1843. 8. 'Directions for the right and profitable


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Leigh Reading of the Scriptures.' 1842. 9. 'Christian Union, or Suggestions for Promoting Brotherly Love among the various Denominations of Evangelical Protestants.' 1844. 10. 'The Sabbath-day Book, or Scriptural Meditations for every Lord's Day in the Year.' 1846. 11. 'Hymns appropriated to Christian Union, selected and original.' 1846. 12. 'The Christian Emigrant, containing Observations on different Countries, with Essays, Discourses, Meditations, and Prayers.' 1849. 13. 'Christian Experience, in its several Parts and Stages.' 1852. 14. 'Remarkable Facts, illustrative and confirmatory of different portions of Scripture.' 1867. The sixth edition was entitled 'Brief Expositions of Scripture illustrated by Remarkable Facts.' 1879. Leifchild also printed many addresses, lectures, and single sermons, and with the Rev. Dr. Redford edited 'The Evangelist.' a monthly magazine, from May 1887 to June 1839.

 LEIGH. [See also, , and .]

LEIGH, ANTHONY (d. 1692), comedian, described by Downes (Roscius Anglicanus) as 'the famous Mr. Antony Leigh.' was born of a good family in Northamptonshire. He joined the Duke of York's company about 1672, and appeared in that year at the recently opened theatre in Dorset Garden as the original Pacheco in the 'Reformation.' 4to, 1673, a comedy ascribed by Langbaine to Mr. Arrowsmith, a master of arts of Cambridge. Mrs. Leigh, apparently Leigh's wife, is said by Downes to have joined the duke's company two years earlier. At Dorset Garden Leigh played very many original parts of importance. He was in 1674 Polites in 'Herod and Mariamne;' in 1676 Sir Formal in Shadwell's 'Virtuoso,' Old Bellair in Etherege's 'Man of the World,' Fumble in D'Urfey's 'Fond Husband,' Count de Benevent in Ravenscroft's 'Wrangling Lovers,' Tom Essence in Rawlins's 'Tom Essence, or the Modish Wife,' and Zechiel in D'Urfey's 'Madam Fickle;' in 1677 Scapin in Ravenscroft's 'Cheats of Scapin,' Monsieur in the 'French Conjurer,' and Sir Oliver Santlow in the 'Counterfeit Bridegroom,' an alteration of Middleton's 'No Wit, no Help like a Woman's,' ascribed to Mrs. Behn; in 1678 Sir Patient Fancy in Mrs. Behn's play of that name, Malagene in Otway's 'Friendship in Fashion,' Sir Frederick Banter in D'Urfey's 'Squire Oldsapp,' Don Gomez in Leanard's 'Counterfeits,' Ælius in Shadwell's 'Timon of Athens;' in 1679 Pandarus in Dryden's 'Troilus and Cressida,' and Petro in Mrs. Behn's 'Feigned Courtezans;' in 1680 Gripe in Shadwell's 'Woman Captain,' Ascanio Sforza, 'a buffoon cardinal,' in Nat Lee's 'Caesar Borgia,' Dashit in the 'Revenge,' otherwise Marston's 'Dutch Courtezan,' and Paulo in Maidwell's 'Loving Enemies;' in 1681 Sir Jolly Jumble in Otway's 'Soldier's Fortune,' Dominic in Dryden's 'Spanish Fryar,' Teague O'Donelly in Shadwell's 'Lancashire witches,' Sir Anthony Merriwill in Mrs. Behn's 'City Heiress.' and St. Andre [é] in Lee's 'Princess of Cleve;' and in 1682 Antonio in Otway's 'Venice Preserved,' Sir Oliver Oldcut in D'Urfey's 'Royalist,' Guiliom, a chimney-sweeper, in Mrs. Behn's 'False Count,' Dashwell in Ravenscroft's 'London Cuckolds,' and Ballio in Randolph's 'Jealous Lovers.' All these parts were original, though Ballio had been presented before Charles I in Cambridge by the students of Trinity College. The dates given are approximate. Upon the union of the duke's company with the king's in 1682 Leigh did not immediately go to the Theatre Royal. He was in 1683, however, at that theatre the original Bartoline in Crowne's 'City Politics,' and played Bessus in a revival of 'A King and No King.' Here he remained until his death in 1692, creating many characters, of which the most important are: Beaugard's Father in Otway's 'Atheist,' Rogero in Southerne's 'Disappointment,' Sir Paul Squelch in Brome's 'Northern Lass,' Crack in Crowne's 'Sir Courtly Nice,' Trappolin in Tate's 'Duke and No Duke,' Security in Tate's 'Cuckold's Haven,' an alteration of 'Eastward Hoe,' Scaramouch in Mountfort's 'Dr. Faustus,' Sir Feeble Fainwou'd in Mrs. Behn's 'Lucky Chance,' Scaramouch in the same writer's 'Emperor of the Moon,' Sir William Belfond in Shadwell's 'Squire of Alsatia,' Justice Grub in 'Fool's Preferment,' altered by D'Urfey from Fletcher's 'Noble Gentleman,' Lord Stately in Crowne's 'English Friar,' Mustapha in Dryden's 'Don Sebastian,' Mercury in Dryden's 'Amphitryon,' Abbé in Mountfort's 'Sir Anthony Love,' Tope in Shadwell's 'Scowrers,' Sir Thomas Reveller in Mountfort's 'Greenwich Park,' Lady Addleplot in D'Urfey's 'Love for Money,' Van Grin in D'Urfey's 'Marriage-Hater Match'd,' and Major-general Blunt in Shadwell's 'Volunteers.' Genest supposes Leigh to have been the original Aldo in Dryden's 'Limberham.' Leigh died of fever in December 1692, in the same season as Noke or Nokes, and these deaths, combined with


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134

. . . were our own men. During the strange confusion of all movements that reigned in both armies, our own and the enemy's, during the last month, frustrating all orders and plans, we were sure it was the enemy that was approaching us, namely, the 4th corps. And everything was ready for an attack, when somebody clearly discerned our uniforms, and ten minutes later our guess had become a calm and happy certainty: they were our own men. They apparently had recognized us too: they advanced quite calmly, and that calm motion seemed to express the same happy smile of an unexpected meeting.

And when they began firing, we did not understand for some time what it meant, and still continued smiling—under a hail of shrapnel and bullets, that poured down upon us, snatching away at one stroke hundreds of men. Somebody cried out by mistake and—I clearly remember—we all saw that it was the enemy, that it was his uniform and not ours, and instantly answered the fire. About fifteen minutes after the beginning of that strange engagement both my legs were torn off, and I recovered consciousness in the hospital after the amputation.

I asked how the battle had ended, and received an evasive, reassuring answer, by which I could understand that we had been beaten; and afterwards, legless as I was, I was overcome by joy at the thought that now I would be sent home, that I was alive—alive for a long time to


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Rh common objects, in the beginning of which certain sounds occurred, they formed a rude representation of the object, and made it stand for the sound in question; thus aleph, "an ox;" beth, "a house;" gimel, "a camel;" and daleth, "a door;" were probably pictured something like those objects, and stood for the sounds a, b, g, and d. Pursuing this method, they soon obtained marks for all the elementary sounds, and, combining them, formed words. This brought about an entire revolution in the written medium of the ancients; and certain combinations of characters became the representatives of audible words, instead of visible objects; by which the written medium was rendered as full, compact, and definite as a spoken tongue; and ideas were communicated to the distance of a thousand years, or as many miles, with certainty and precision.

We are now prepared to consider the origin and nature of the Chinese mode of writing. Their traditions tell us that, in the infancy of their empire, events were recorded by means of knotted cords, as among the Peruvians. These were soon found indistinct, and pictorial representations were resorted to, similar to those used by the Mexicans. The abridged plan of the Egyptians was then adopted; and curiologic, tropical, and symbolic hieroglyphics were used; till, all these proving insufficient, arbitrary marks were invented, and increased, till the present written medium, with all its variety and multiplicity, was formed. The Chinese characters are not strictly hieroglyphic, as they were neither invented by, nor confined to the priesthood. They were in the first instance, doubtless, pictorial, then symbolic, afterwards compounded, and finally arbitrary.


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152 The invention is ascribed to Tsang-këĕ, who lived in the reign of Hwang-te, about 4500 years ago. This is, of course, an extravagant assumption. Still, from the simple and primitive nature of their words and characters, we may infer that their origin was extremely ancient. It is evident, that writing was used by the Chinese long before the time of Wăn-wang and Woo-wang, B.C. 1120, from a number of odes composed by those monarchs, and arranged by Confucius; besides which, several instances occur, in the previous history, of written messages having been sent, and events recorded, which could not have been done without a written medium. They assert that the first suggestion of arbitrary signs was derived from the tracing of birds' tracts in the snow, and the observation of the marks on the back of a tortoise.

Their characters are divided into six classes; first, pictorial, or those which bear some resemblance to the object; such as sun, moon, mountain, river, field, house, boat, tortoise, fish, horse, sheep, swallow, bird, &c., which are really representations of the things referred to; second, metaphorical, or those which derive a meaning from something else; thus the character for "handle" signifies also "authority;" that for "raw hides" means, likewise, "to strip;" while that for "heart" signifies also "mind," &c.; third, indicative, or those which indicate the sense by the formation of the character; as a man above-ground signifies "above," and one underneath, "below;" fourth, constructive, or those which derive their signification from the component parts of the character; as the symbol for "fire," and that for "surround," mean together "to roast;" and the symbol for "metal," with that for "distinguish," mean,


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Rh when united, "to refine in the furnace;" with many others: fifth, derivative, or those which are formed from other characters, with a slight variation; as the character for "old," if turned a little to the right instead of the left, means "to examine;" and that for "great," with an additional dot, means "very great:; [sic]" sixth, phonetic; or those in which form and sound harmonize together; as the characters for "river," and "stream," in which three drops represent the water, combined with other characters, whose sound is well known, to give some clue to the pronunciation.

According to these six modes, all the Chinese characters have been formed; and thus they have arrived at the construction of their written language. The principle on which it is based, is that of assigning a separate character for each word; and, with the exception of the sixth division, above enumerated, of establishing no connection between form and sound. By this means the symbols of the Chinese language have become very numerous, and can hardly be learned without great difficulty. The characters, in the imperial dictionary, exceed thirty thousand; but many of these are obsolete, and of rare occurrence. By a careful collation of a historical novel in twenty volumes, and of the Chinese version of the sacred scriptures, it appears, that the whole amount of characters used in both does not much exceed three thousand different sorts; which would all be known and readily remembered, by reading the whole twice through.

Chinese characters appear exceedingly complicated, to an unpractised observer; but a minute inspection and comparison, will remove much of the difficulty. It will soon be perceived, that however involved the


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Rh that three men might meet in the marketplace the one obeying the Roman law, another the customs of the Franks, and a third those of the Goths. So is it to-day in India with Hindu, and Mohammedan, and Christian. So was it not either in fourteenth-century Florence, or Periclean Athens, or Elizabethan England.

With too many of us, in our urban and suburban civilisation, that grand old word Neighbour has fallen almost into desuetude. It is for Neighbourhness that the world to-day calls aloud, and for a refusal to gad ever about—merely because of modern opportunities for communication. Let us recover possession of ourselves, lest we become the mere slaves of the world's geography, exploited by materialistic organisers. Neighbourliness or fraternal duty to those who are our fellow-dwellers, is the only sure foundation of a happy citizenship. Its consequences extend upward from the city through the province to the nation, and to the world league of nations. It is the cure alike of the slumdom of the poor and of the boredom of the rich, and of war between classes and war between nations.


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108 and went to the hunchback Fanny. She had such a short body on her high stool that her head, with its great bands of bright brown hair, seemed over large, as did her pale, heavy face. She wore a dress of green-black cashmere, and her wrists, coming out of the narrow cuffs, were thin and flat, as she put down her work nervously. He showed her something that was wrong with a knee-cap.

“Well,” she said, “you needn’t come blaming it on to me. It’s not my fault.” Her colour mounted to her cheek.

“I never said it was your fault. Will you do as I tell you?” replied Mr. Pappleworth shortly.

“You don’t say it’s my fault, but you’d like to make out as it was,” the hunchback woman cried, almost in tears. Then she snatched the knee-cap from her “boss,” saying: “Yes, I’ll do it for you, but you needn’t be snappy.”

“Here’s your new lad,” said Mr. Pappleworth.

Fanny turned, smiling very gently on Paul.

“Oh!” she said.

“Yes; don’t make a softy of him between you.”

“It’s not us as ’ud make a softy of him,” she said indignantly.

“Come on then, Paul,” said Mr. Pappleworth.

“Au revoy, Paul,” said one of the girls.

There was a titter of laughter. Paul went out, blushing deeply, not having spoken a word.

The day was very long. All morning the work-people were coming to speak to Mr. Pappleworth. Paul was writing or learning to make up parcels, ready for the midday post. At one o’clock, or, rather, at a quarter to one, Mr. Pappleworth disappeared to catch his train: he lived in the suburbs. At one o’clock, Paul, feeling very lost, took his dinner-basket down into the stockroom in the basement, that had the long table on trestles, and ate his meal hurriedly, alone in that cellar of gloom and desolation. Then he went out of doors. The brightness and the freedom of the streets made him feel adventurous and happy. But at two o’clock he was back in the corner of the big room. Soon the work-girls went trooping past, making remarks. It was the commoner girls who worked upstairs at the heavy tasks of truss-making and the finishing of artificial limbs. He waited for Mr. Pappleworth, not knowing what to do, sitting scribbling on the yellow order-paper. Mr. Pappleworth came at twenty minutes to three. Then he sat and gossiped with Paul, treating the boy entirely as an equal, even in age.


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Rh In the afternoon there was never very much to do, unless it were near the week-end, and the accounts had to be made up. At five o’clock all the men went down into the dungeon with the table on trestles, and there they had tea, eating bread-and-butter on the bare, dirty boards, talking with the same kind of ugly haste and slovenliness with which they ate their meal. And yet upstairs the atmosphere among them was always jolly and clear. The cellar and the trestles affected them.

After tea, when all the gases were lighted, work went more briskly. There was the big evening post to get off. The hose came up warm and newly pressed from the workrooms. Paul had made out the invoices. Now he had the packing up and addressing to do, then he had to weigh his stock of parcels on the scales. Everywhere voices were calling weights, there was the chink of metal, the rapid snapping of string, the hurrying to old Mr. Melling for stamps. And at last the postman came with his sack, laughing and jolly. Then everything slacked off, and Paul took his dinner-basket and ran to the station to catch the eight-twenty train. The day in the factory was just twelve hours long.

His mother sat waiting for him rather anxiously. He had to walk from Keston, so was not home until about twenty past nine. And he left the house before seven in the morning. Mrs. Morel was rather anxious about his health. But she herself had had to put up with so much that she expected her children to take the same odds. They must go through with what came. And Paul stayed at Jordans, although all the time he was there his health suffered from the darkness and lack of air and the long hours.

He came in pale and tired. His mother looked at him. She saw he was rather pleased, and her anxiety all went.

“Well, and how was it?” she asked.

“Ever so funny, mother,” he replied. “You don’t have to work a bit hard, and they’re nice with you.”

“And did you get on all right?”

“Yes; they only say my writing’s bad. But Mr. Pappleworth—he’s my—man said to Mr. Jordan I should be all right. I’m Spiral, mother; you must come and see. It’s ever so nice.”

Soon he liked Jordan’s. Mr. Pappleworth, who had a certain “saloon bar” flavour about him, was always natural, and treated him as if he had been a comrade. Sometimes the “Spiral boss” was irritable, and chewed more lozenges


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110 than ever. Even then, however, he was not offensive, but one of those people who hurt themselves by their own irritability more than they hurt other people.

“Haven’t you done that yet?” he would cry. “Go on, be a month of Sundays.”

Again, and Paul could understand him least then, he was jocular and in high spirits.

“I’m going to bring my little Yorkshire terrier bitch tomorrow,” he said jubilantly to Paul.

“What’s a Yorkshire terrier?”

“Don’t know what a Yorkshire terrier is? Don’t know a Yorkshire——” Mr. Pappleworth was aghast.

“Is it a little silky one—colours of iron and rusty silver?”

“That’s it, my lad. She’s a gem. She’s had five pounds’ worth of pups already, and she’s worth over seven pounds herself; and she doesn’t weigh twenty ounces.”

The next day the bitch came. She was a shivering, miserable morsel. Paul did not care for her; she seemed so like a wet rag that would never dry. Then a man called for her, and began to make coarse jokes. But Mr. Pappleworth nodded his head in the direction of the boy, and the talk went on sotto voce.

Mr. Jordan only made one more excursion to watch Paul, and then the only fault he found was seeing the boy lay his pen on the counter.

“Put your pen in your ear, if you’re going to be a clerk. Pen in your ear!” And one day he said to the lad, “Why don’t you hold your shoulders straighter? Come down here,” when he took him into the glass office and fitted him with special braces for keeping the shoulders square.

But Paul liked the girls best. The men seemed common and rather dull. He liked them all, but they were uninteresting. Polly, the little brisk overseer downstairs, finding Paul eating in the cellar, asked him if she could cook him anything on her little stove. Next day his mother gave him a dish that could be heated up. He took it into the pleasant, clean room to Polly. And very soon it grew to be an established custom that he should have dinner with her. When he came in at eight in the morning he took his basket to her, and when he came down at one o’clock she had his dinner ready.

He was not very tall, and pale, with thick chestnut hair, irregular features, and a wide, full mouth. She was like a small bird. He often called her a “robinet.” Though naturally rather quiet, he would sit and chatter with her for


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Rh hours, telling her about his home. The girls all liked to hear him talk. They often gathered in a little circle while he sat on a bench, and held forth to them, laughing. Some of them regarded him as a curious little creature, so serious, yet so bright and jolly, and always so delicate in his way with them. They all liked him, and he adored them. Polly he felt he belonged to. Then Connie, with her mane of red hair, her face of apple-blossom, her murmuring voice, such a lady in her shabby black frock, appealed to his romantic side.

“When you sit winding,” he said, “it looks as if you were spinning at a spinning-wheel—it looks ever so nice. You remind me of Elaine in the ‘Idylls of the King.’ I’d draw you if I could.”

And she glanced at him blushing shyly. And later on he had a sketch he prized very much: Connie sitting on the stool before the wheel, her flowing mane of red hair on her rusty black frock, her red mouth shut and serious, running the scarlet thread off the hank on to the reel.

With Louie, handsome and brazen, who always seemed to thrust her hip at him, he usually joked.

Emma was rather plain, rather old, and condescending. But to condescend to him made her happy, and he did not mind.

“How do you put needles in?” he asked.

“Go away and don’t bother.”

“But I ought to know how to put needles in.”

She ground at her machine all the while steadily.

“There are many things you ought to know,” she replied.

“Tell me, then, how to stick needles in the machine.”

“Oh, the boy, what a nuisance he is! Why, this is how you do it.”

He watched her attentively. Suddenly a whistle piped. Then Polly appeared, and said in a clear voice:

“Mr. Pappleworth wants to know how much longer you’re going to be down here playing with the girls, Paul.”

Paul flew upstairs, calling “Good-bye!” and Emma drew herself up.

“It wasn’t me who wanted him to play with the machine,” she said.

As a rule, when all the girls came back at two o’clock, he ran upstairs to Fanny, the hunchback, in the finishing-off room. Mr. Pappleworth did not appear till twenty to three, and he often found his boy sitting beside Fanny, talking, or drawing, or singing with the girls.


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112 Often, after a minute’s hesitation, Fanny would begin to sing. She had a fine contralto voice. Everybody joined in the chorus, and it went well. Paul was not at all embarrassed, after a while, sitting in the room with the half a dozen work-girls.

At the end of the song Fanny would say:

“I know you’ve been laughing at me.”

“Don’t be so soft, Fanny!” cried one of the girls.

Once there was mention of Connie’s red hair.

“Fanny’s is better, to my fancy,” said Emma.

“You needn’t try to make a fool of me,” said Fanny, flushing deeply.

“No, but she has, Paul; she’s got beautiful hair.”

“It’s a treat of a colour,” said he. “That coldish colour, like earth, and yet shiny. It’s like bog-water.”

“Goodness me!” exclaimed one girl, laughing.

“How I do but get criticized,” said Fanny.

“But you should see it down, Paul,” cried Emma earnestly.

“It’s simply beautiful. Put it down for him, Fanny, if he wants something to paint.”

Fanny would not, and yet she wanted to.

“Then I’ll take it down myself,” said the lad.

“Well, you can if you like,” said Fanny.

And he carefully took the pins out of the knot, and the rush of hair, of uniform dark brown, slid over the humped back.

“What a lovely lot!” he exclaimed.

The girls watched. There was silence. The youth shook the hair loose from the coil.

“It’s splendid!” he said, smelling its perfume. “I’ll bet it’s worth pounds.”

“I’ll leave it you when I die, Paul,” said Fanny, half joking.

“You look just like anybody else, sitting drying their hair,” said one of the girls to the long-legged hunchback.

Poor Fanny was morbidly sensitive, always imagining insults. Polly was curt and business-like. The two departments were for ever at war, and Paul was always finding Fanny in tears. Then he was made the recipient of all her woes, and he had to plead her cause with Polly.

So the time went along happily enough. The factory had a homely feel. No one was rushed or driven. Paul always enjoyed it when the work got faster, towards post-time, and all the men united in labour. He liked to watch his fellow clerks at work. The man was the work and the work was


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Rh the man, one thing, for the time being. It was different with the girls. The real woman never seemed to be there at the task, but as if left out, waiting.

From the train going home at night he used to watch the lights of the town, sprinkled thick on the hills, fusing together in a blaze in the valleys. He felt rich in life and happy. Drawing farther off, there was a patch of lights at Bulwell like myriad petals shaken to the ground from the shed stars; and beyond was the red glare of the furnaces, playing like hot breath on the clouds.

He had to walk two and more miles from Keston home, up two long hills, down two short hills. He was often tired, and he counted the lamps climbing the hill above him, how many more to pass. And from the hill-top, on pitch-dark nights, he looked round on the villages five or six miles away, that shone like swarms of glittering living things, almost a heaven against his feet. Marlpool and Heanor scattered the far-off darkness with brilliance. And occasionally the black valley space between was traced, violated by a great train rushing south to London or north to Scotland. The trains roared by like projectiles level on the darkness, fuming and burning, making the valley clang with their passage. They were gone, and the lights of the towns and villages glittered in silence.

And then he came to the corner at home, which faced the other side of the night. The ash-tree seemed a friend now. His mother rose with gladness as he entered. He put his eight shillings proudly on the table.

“It’ll help, mother?” he asked wistfully.

“There’s precious little left,” she answered, “after your ticket and dinners and such are taken off.”

Then he told her the budget of the day. His life-story, like an Arabian Nights, was told night after night to his mother. It was almost as if it were her own life.


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was growing up. He was a quick, careless, impulsive boy, a good deal like his father. He hated study, made a great moan if he had to work, and escaped as soon as possible to his sport again.

In appearance he remained the flower of the family, being well made, graceful, and full of life. His dark brown hair and fresh colouring, and his exquisite dark blue eyes shaded with long lashes, together with his generous manner and fiery temper, made him a favourite. But as he grew older his temper became uncertain. He flew into rages over nothing, seemed unbearably raw and irritable.

His mother, whom he loved, wearied of him sometimes. He thought only of himself. When he wanted amusement, all that stood in his way he hated, even if it were she. When he was in trouble he moaned to her ceaselessly.

“Goodness, boy!” she said, when he groaned about a master who, he said, hated him, “if you don’t like it, alter it, and if you can’t alter it, put up with it.”

And his father, whom he had loved and who had worshipped him, he came to detest. As he grew older Morel fell into a slow ruin. His body, which had been beautiful in movement and in being, shrank, did not seem to ripen with the years, but to get mean and rather despicable. There came over him a look of meanness and of paltriness. And when the mean-looking elderly man bullied or ordered the boy about, Arthur was furious. Moreover, Morel’s manners got worse and worse, his habits somewhat disgusting. When the children were growing up and in the crucial stage of adolescence, the father was like some ugly irritant to their souls. His manners in the house were the same as he used among the colliers down pit.

“Dirty nuisance!” Arthur would cry, jumping up and going straight out of the house when his father disgusted


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Rh him. And Morel persisted the more because his children hated it. He seemed to take a kind of satisfaction in disgusting them, and driving them nearly mad, while they were so irritably sensitive at the age of fourteen or fifteen. So that Arthur, who was growing up when his father was degenerate and elderly, hated him worst of all.

Then, sometimes, the father would seem to feel the contemptuous hatred of his children.

“There’s not a man tries harder for his family!” he would shout. “He does his best for them, and then gets treated like a dog. But I’m not going to stand it, I tell you!”

But for the threat and the fact that he did not try so hard as he imagined, they would have felt sorry. As it was, the battle now went on nearly all between father and children, he persisting in his dirty and disgusting ways, just to assert his independence. They loathed him.

Arthur was so inflamed and irritable at last, that when he won a scholarship for the Grammar School in Nottingham, his mother decided to let him live in town, with one of her sisters, and only come home at week-ends.

Annie was still a junior teacher in the Board-school, earning about four shillings a week. But soon she would have fifteen shillings, since she had passed her examination, and there would be financial peace in the house.

Mrs. Morel clung now to Paul. He was quiet and not brilliant. But still he stuck to his painting, and still he stuck to his mother. Everything he did was for her. She waited for his coming home in the evening, and then she unburdened herself of all she had pondered, or of all that had occurred to her during the day. He sat and listened with his earnestness. The two shared lives.

William was engaged now to his brunette, and had bought her an engagement ring that cost eight guineas. The children gasped at such a fabulous price.

“Eight guineas!” said Morel. “More fool him! If he’d gen me some on’t, it ’ud ha’ looked better on ’im.”

“Given you some of it!” cried Mrs. Morel. “Why give you some of it!”

She remembered he had bought no engagement ring at all, and she preferred William, who was not mean, if he were foolish. But now the young man talked only of the dances to which he went with his betrothed, and the different resplendent clothes she wore; or he told his mother with glee how they went to the theatre like great swells.


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 outra de quato navios ᵱa hyr segundo se diz na esteira de magalhaēes porē como ainda ysto nō este posto em gōço de se fazr nō se sabe cousa cousa çerta e esto ordena xpovā de harōo o que se mais pasar eu o farey sabr̃ a vosa alteza. as novas da armada que el Rey dom carles māda fazr ᵱa se defender ou ofender a frança ou hyr ao empereeo como se diz escuso escrever a vosa alteza por que de no Ribeiro que he em cartagena as tera vosa alteza mais certas mas ha nova çerta nesta cidade ᵱ cartas que el Rey de frança divulga que el Rey dō carlos nō ha de seer emperador e que ele o ha de sser o papa ajuda el Rey de frança ᵱ via onesta conçede lhe quato capelos ᵱa que os desse a quē ele q̃isesse diz se que el Rey de frança os tem ᵱa daar a quē os elegedores do empereo qiserem donde se çertefica que ou el Rey de frança sera emperador ou quē ele qiser, o que mais pasar nestas armadas eu terey especiall cuidado de o fazr sabr̃ a vosa alteza ainda q̃ eu estava ja frio nisto por que me pareçeo q̃ vosa alteza o q̃ria ᵱ outrē sabr̃ por que vy caa no Ribeiro e outas pas q̃ comigo falavā ᵱ modo disymulado querendo sabr de my. beeso as māaos de vosa alteza, desevilha a xviij de Julho de 1519.


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Moradias da casa real—Maç. 1—Lo. 7, fo. 47, vo.

fernan de magalhaēs fo de po de magalhaēs avera onze dias de Janro deste ano e deze seys dias de mayo e todo Junho a dous mill e trezentos e doze r̃s pr mes cō cda arqre pr dia Ro o sobrino ē xiiij denro de vc xx v ᵱa ē ᵱte de tres meses q̃ lhe ainda deve do ano de vynte e tres dos q̃tro meses ij lhe māda- va dar de q̃ tē avydo hū mes segdo se tudo q̃ tē ē hu escryto seu q̃ lhe deles e de mays t̄po deu de q̃ ja he pago somte dos tres meses q̃ lhe ainda devia Ro os cynq̃o mill e sesenta e seys Rs ēcyma q̃teudos. BASTM


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 AREMBERG, or, formerly a German duchy of the Holy Roman Empire in the circle of the Rhine Palatinate, between Jülich and Cologne, and now belonging to the Prussian administrative district of Coblenz. The hamlet of Aremberg is at the foot of a basalt hill 2067 ft. high, on the summit of which are the ruins of the castle which was the original seat of the family of Aremberg.

The lords of Aremberg first appear early in the 12th century, but had died out in the male line by 1279. From the marriage of the heiress Mathilda (1282–1299) with Engelbert II., count of La Marck (d. 1328), sprang two sons. The elder of these, Adolf II, (d. 1347), inherited the countship of La Marck; the second, Engelbert III. (d. 1387), the lordship of Aremberg, which he increased by his marriage with Marie de Looz, heiress of Lumain. The lordship of Aremberg remained in his family till 1547, when it passed, by his marriage with Margaret, sister of the childless Robert III., to John of Barbançon, of the great house of Ligne, who assumed the name and arms of Aremberg, and was created a count of the Empire by Charles V. He was governor of Friesland, and for a while commanded the Spanish and Catholic forces against the “beggars,” falling at the battle of Heiligerlee in 1568. His son Charles (d. 1618) greatly increased the possessions of the house by his marriage with Ann of Croy, heiress of Croy and of Chimay-Aerschot, and in 1576 was made prince of the Empire by Maximilian II. His grandson, Philip Francis, was made duke in 1644 by the emperor Ferdinand III., and was succeeded by his brother Charles Eugene (d. 1681), who married Marie Henriette de Vergy de Cusance, heiress of Perwez (d. 1700). Their son, Duke Philip Charles Francis, was killed in 1691 fighting against the Turks, and was succeeded by Leopold (1754), a distinguished soldier of the War of the Spanish Succession, and patron of Rousseau and Voltaire. His son Charles (d. 1778) was an Austrian field-marshal during the Seven Years’ War, and married Louise Margaret of La Marck-Lumain, heiress of the countship of Schleiden and lordship of Saffenberg. By the peace of Luneville (February 1801), the next duke, Louis Engelbert, lost the greater part of his ancestral domain, but received in compensation Meppen and Recklinghausen. On the establishment of the confederation of the Rhine, his son Prosper Louis (to whom, becoming blind, he had ceded his domains in 1803) became a member (1806), and showed great devotion to the interests of France; but in 1810 he lost his sovereignty, Napoleon incorporating Meppen with France and Recklinghausen with the grand-duchy of Berg, and indemnifying him by a rent of 240,702 francs. In 1815 he received back his possessions, which were mediatized by the congress of Vienna, Recklinghausen falling to Prussia and Meppen to Hanover. On account of the one portion he became a peer of the Westphalian estates, and by the other a member of the upper house in Hanover. George IV. of England (9th May 1826) elevated the duke’s Hanoverian possessions to a dukedom under the title of Aremberg Meppen. His brother Auguste Raymond, Comte de la Marck (1753–1833), became famous during the early stages of the French Revolution for his friendship with (q.v.). Duke Prosper Louis died in 1861, and was succeeded by his son Engelbert (d. 1875), who was followed in his turn by his son Engelbert (b. 1872).

The duke of Aremberg is one of the wealthiest of the great continental nobles. His feudal domain in Germany covers an area of over 1100 sq. m., besides which he has large estates in Belgium and France. The duke has residences in Brussels, where he has a famous collection of pictures, and at the château of Klemenswerth near Meppen. ARENA (Lat. for “sand”), the central area of an amphitheatre on which the gladiatorial displays took place, its name being derived from the sand with which it was covered. The word is applied sometimes to any level open space on which spectacles take place. ARENDAL, a seaport of Norway, in Nedenaes amt (county), on the south coast, 46 m. N.E. from Christiansand. Pop. (1900) 11,155. It rises picturesquely above the mouth of the river Nid, with a good harbour protected by an island from the open waters of the Skagerrack. The town itself occupies several islets, and some of the houses are supported above the water on piles. The chief exports are timber (very largely exported to Great Britain), wood-pulp, sealskins and felspar. In 1879 Arendal ranked second (after Christiania) as a ship-owning port; in 1899 it had dropped to the fifth place. In and near the town are factories for wood-pulp, paper, cotton and joinery; and at Fevig, 8 m. north-east, a shipbuilding yard and engineering works. The neighbourhood is remarkable for the number of beautiful and rare minerals found there; one of these, a variety of epidote, was formerly called Arendalite. Louis Philippe stayed here for some time during his exile. ARENIG GROUP, in geology, the name now applied by British geologists to the lowest stage of the Ordovician System in Britain. The term was first used by Adam Sedgwick in 1847 with reference to the “Arenig Ashes and Porphyries” in the neighbourhood of Arenig Fawr, in Merioneth, North Wales.

The rock-succession in the Arenig district has been recognized by W. G. Fearnsides (“On the Geology of Arenig Fawr and Moel Llanfnant,” Q.J.G.S. vol. lxi., 1905, pp. 608–640, with maps) as follows:—

The above succession is divisible into: (1) a lower series of gritty and calcareous sediments, the “Arenig Series,” as it is now understood; (2) a middle series, mainly volcanic, with shales, the “Llandeilo Series”; and (3) the shales and limestones of the Bala or Caradoc Stage. It was to the middle series (2) that Sedgwick first applied the term “Arenig.”

In the typical region and in North Wales generally the Arenig series appears to be unconformable upon the Cambrian rocks; this is not the case in South Wales. The Arenig series is represented in North Wales by the Garth grit and Ty-Obry beds, by the Shelve series of the Corndon district, the Skiddaw slates of the Lake District, the Ballantrae group of Ayrshire, and by the Ribband series of slates and shales in Wicklow and Wexford. It may be mentioned here that the “Llanvirn” Series of H. Hicks was equivalent to the bifidus-shales and the Lower Llandeilo Series.

AREOI, or, a secret society which originated in Tahiti and later extended its influence to other South Pacific islands. To its ranks both sexes were admitted. The society was primarily of a religious character. Members styled themselves descendants of Oro-Tetifa, the Polynesian god, and were divided into seven or more grades, each having its characteristic tattooing. Chiefs were at once qualified for the highest grade, but ordinary members attained promotion only through initiatory rites. The Areois enjoyed great privileges, and were considered as depositaries of knowledge and as mediators between God and man. They were feared, too, as ministers of the taboo and were entitled to pronounce a kind of excommunication for offences against its rules. The chief religious purpose of the society was the worship of the generative powers of nature, and the ritual and ceremonies of initiation were grossly licentious. But the

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1807. her throughout the late short peace,—is become indispensable, not merely as a measure of commercial policy, but in order to put the contest in which we are engaged upon its true grounds in the view of our own people and of the world. It is no longer a struggle for territory or for a point of honor, but whether the existence of England as a naval power is compatible with that of France."

Avowing that a commercial transaction was his object, and that the punishment of France was secondary to a "vindication of our own commerce," Castlereagh assumed that punishment of France and "vindication" of English commerce were both belligerent rights, as though the right to kill an adversary in a duel implied the right to pick a bystander's pocket. His colleague and rival Canning was not so confused, for Canning's duties obliged him to defend the new policy against neutral objections. Carefully as the other ministers mingled the ideas of retaliation and of commerce, the double motive of Perceval's measure had never been concealed; the intention to permit a licensed trade with France was avowed. Perceval and Castlereagh wanted, not to take commerce from France, but to force commerce upon her; and none of their colleagues could detect this inconsistency so readily as Canning, whose duties would oblige him to assert before the world that retaliation alone was the object of a measure which he privately knew to have no motive but that of commercial rivalry. Canning's written opinion, beginning by


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 APPENDICES

A

NOTE ON AN INCIDENT AT THE QUAI D'ORSAY 25 JANUARY 1919

representatives of the Allied Nations were assembled in the second plenary session of their Conference at Paris. A resolution was before them to appoint committees for the purpose of reporting on the proposed League of Nations and other matters. The constitution of the committees, giving two members to each of the five Great Powers (U.S.A., British Empire, France, Italy, Japan), and five members to the Smaller Powers collectively, had been settled by the Council of Ten, representing only the Great Powers, and this constitution was now brought up at the plenary session for endorsement. There was not unnaturally discontentment among the Smaller Powers. Sir Robert Borden, on behalf of Canada, asked by whom and on what authority the constitution of the committees had been decided; the question should have been submitted to the Conference. The delegates of Belgium, Brazil, Serbia, Greece, Portugal, Czecho-Slovakia, Rumania, Siam, and China rose in turn to claim special representation for their several countries. Then M. Clemenceau interposed from his presidential chair, where he sat between Mr. Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George. He pointed out that at the cessation of hostilities, the Great Powers had twelve million men on the field of battle; that they might have decided the future of the World on their own initiative; but that, inspired by the new ideals, they had invited the Smaller Powers to co-operate with them. The resolution was passed, nemine contradicente, without alteration.

Thus the rule of the world still rests upon force, notwithstanding the juridical assumption of equality between sovereign States, whether great or small. The theme of this book, that we must base our proposed League on Realities, if we would have it last, holds good. Let it be remarked, moreover, that 268


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Aremberg

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Aremberg


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flash of Napoleon Bonaparte's sword so blinded men in his lifetime, and, indeed, long after, that they were unable to distinguish a second weapon in his hand.

The clearer vision which time and study bring have shown that he used words almost as effectively as the sword, and that throughout his career the address ably supported the military manœuvre.

The first complete demonstration of the elaborate use made by Napoleon of the address was the publication of the gigantic work known as the "Correspondance de Napoleon." Though the thirty-two ponderous volumes which form this magnus opus appeared nearly forty years ago, it is little known to general readers, its size and cost confining it to special libraries, and its documentary character repelling all but special students.

Yet it is only in these volumes that Napoleon's official life can be traced in

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viii from Toulon to St. Helena. Every document which he wrote relating to public affairs is—if we may believe the editors—printed in the collection. The number is enormous. When the commission appointed to collect the material began its labors, it found itself obliged to go through ten thousand volumes pertaining to Napoleon's life. The archives of Paris yielded forty thousand different documents of which he was the author, and the rulers of Austria, Bavaria, Hesse, Russia, Sardinia, and Wurtemberg sent contributions from their royal records.

Across the pages of the great tomes file the mighty procession of soldiers and generals, priests and cardinals, kings and peoples who, in the twenty years in which Napoleon was the preëminent figure of Europe, fell captive to his charms or his power. Here are the words by which he fired starving armies to battle, bullied obstinate powers to follow his plans, put hope into despot-ridden people, told kings their duties.

In these addresses one traces Napoleon's daily thought, so far as he cared to reveal

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Rh it to others, watches the development of his plans and follows the gradual enlargement of his power. Nowhere else is there so fine an opportunity to observe the steady unfolding of his ambition for world-mastery, to see how he aspired to rule France, then her neighbors, then Europe, the Orient, America, the Isles of the sea. An especially curious study in connection with that of the evolution of his ambition is that of the methods he followed to enlist men in his stupendous undertakings. Such a study is possible only in the addresses.

The spell he exercised over the army is explained here, partially, at least. It was the custom to post the addresses through-out the ranks where each soldier could see and read them. The men had been accustomed at home to seeing all official communications from the Government to the people placed on the bill-boards, and so read them from habit. But Napoleon's bulletins, if they were posted in a familiar way, had a new character. He addressed the soldiers as if they were comrades, explaining the general situation of the army

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x to them, exhorting them to new efforts and promising them rich rewards.

After a battle he stated the results to them, thus giving them a tacit recognition of their importance. The explanation was one that all understood; it was clear and explicit, and bristled with figures. Your common man grasps numbers. They are the bullets of speech and sink in like lead. When Napoleon rattled a volley of numbers at them—"Soldiers, in fifteen days you have gained six victories, taken twenty-one stands of colors, fifty-five pieces of cannon, and several fortresses, and conquered the richest part of Piedmont. You have made fifteen hundred prisoners, and killed or wounded ten thousand men"—they understood, and glowed with pride.

The phrases with which he praised, condemned, exhorted them, were short, terse, and unforgetableunforgettable [sic]. "You will return to your homes, and your countrymen will say as they point you out, 'He belonged to the Army of Italy.'" Not a man with a spark of pride but remembered those words and dreamed that he walked the

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M D. xxiv de mense Augusti.

Serenissimo Principe, et excellentissimi Signori,

Supplico jo Antonio Pigafetta Vicentino Cavallier hierosolimitano che desiderando veder del mondo nelli anni passati, ho navicato cum le caravelli de la Maiesta Cesarea, che sono andate a trovar le Isole, dove nascono le specie nelle nove Indie, nel qual viazo ho circumdato tutto il mondo à torno et per esser cosa, che mai homo lha fatta, ho composto un libreto de tutto el ditto viazo, qual desidero far stampir. Et per ho suplico de gratia che per anni xx alcun non possi stampirlo, salvo chi voro io, sotto pena à chi el stampasse, o stampato altrove el portasse qui, oltra el perder li libri de esser condenato lire tre per libro, et la executione possi esser fatta per qualunque magistrato de questa cita à chi sara fatta la conscientia et sia divisa la pena, un terzo al arsenal de la sublimita vostra, un terzo al acusador, et un terzo à quelli che farano la executione, alla gratia sua humiliter mi ricomando.

Die vto Augusti.

Aloys de priolis ms dan d eq's jo Emiliano Lazar. mocenigo

(Senato Terra, reg. 23, p. 124.)