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180 their son. And then he saw an old army chum who had been wounded and sent home during the second year of the war, and he felt like leaping from the platform and embracing him.

"I felt a strange feeling come over me that I cannot describe," he said afterward. "I was home again, among the folks of my childhood. I could not help but contrast my position with that of the poor, shiftless fellow who had in years gone by taken such a delight in teasing and tormenting me. Yhat a gulf now lay between us! And my thoughts ran on so fast that they were in great danger of running away with me, so that it was only by the greatest of efforts I controlled my feelings and managed to deliver that address I had taken so much pains to memorize."

In that campaign McKinley was pronounced the best vote-getter in Ohio, and certainly the results would seem to justify that statement, for he had persuaded thousands of a different political faith to put their trust in him. Some, who were very bitter, predicted that his administration would be a one-sided affair, but he soon


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Rh proved that he was the governor for all and not for one class or one political party. And it was this bearing that made him the wonderfully popular man he afterward became.

It was during his first term as governor of Ohio that McKinley suffered a blow that was like a thunderbolt out of a clear sky—a blow which he probably never forgot and one which left its mark upon him to the day of his death.

At Youngstown lived a banker, capitalist, and manufacturer named Robert L. Walker. It is said that he was a schoolmate of McKinley in his younger days, and that the friendship continued when the young major came back from the war.

As a banker Mr. Walker had considerable ready money, and when he started as a lawyer McKinley took from him a small loan, to tide him over until he should obtain sufficient clients to pay his own way. Another loan was made when the young lawyer first ran for Congress, and a further loan of about $2000, with which to pay off a mortgage on some of his wife's property. As soon as he was obtaining his salary of

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182 $5000 a year as a congressman, McKinley paid back these loans. Later on, other loans were made, to help defray campaign expenses, but these likewise were promptly paid when they fell due.

As McKinley became better known, his campaign expenses decreased, and by the time he left Congress he had saved up something like $20,000, which he invested in securities and real estate, thinking to lay up a little for "a rainy day," which was both wise and praiseworthy. At this time his wife possessed property worth $75,000, left to her by her parents.

Soon after McKinley became governor Mr. Walker came to him and said he was hard pressed for cash.

"I used to help you out," he said. "I would like you to do the same for me. Indorse these notes, and I will get them discounted at the bank at once."

McKinley had never been in the habit of indorsing notes for anybody, for he knew what bitter trials such actions often produce. Yet here was his old friend asking him the favor, and how could he refuse him? Moreover, to the best of his belief,


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Rh Mr. Walker was highly prosperous and fully able to meet any note he put out.

So the notes were indorsed, and for the time being that was the end of the matter. But soon the banker and manufacturer came with other notes and then others. McKinley supposed that some of the later notes were drawn up to pay those first made, but in this he was sadly mistaken. He trusted the friend of his boyhood implicitly.

In the middle of February, 1893, came the startling announcement that R. L. Walker had made an assignment. The news came to the governor while he was preparing to leave home to attend a banquet of the Ohio Society in New York City.

"It cannot be possible," he told his wife. "I must look into this at once." And he immediately telegraphed his regrets to those holding the banquet. Then he took the first train for Youngstown.

Here his worst fears were realized. As matters were investigated, the Walker failure grew and grew, until it was known that the liabilities were about $200,000. The assets were less than half that sum.


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184 Of course Governor McKinley's chief anxiety was about the notes he had indorsed. He soon learned that none of them had been taken up and that instead of being surety for $15,000, as he supposed, he was surety for about $100,000. He could scarcely believe his own eyesight, but there it was before him in black and white.

"I cannot understand it," he said, almost brokenly. "But whatever I owe shall be paid dollar for dollar."

When he went home, his wife questioned him concerning the particulars of the failure, and he told all he knew.

"But you cannot pay $100,000," said she.

"I will do the best I can. No man can do more than that," he answered. "The people all know I had nothing to do with Mr. Walker's enterprises. I merely tried to help him along because he had been a friend to me."

"This failure shall not tarnish our name," said the noble wife. "If you give up all your property, I will give up mine, too. Then we shall be honest even though poor, and you can take a fresh start in life."


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In this sketch I have only been able to outline the life work and character of the British pioneer, the Guardian of Virginia.

Matthews, the Chieftain of Great Results, was a son of fighting and founding men. The Welsh Mountains, the kingdom home of the Ap Matthews, known in history from Galahad 675, Chiefs, sub-Kings and Lords of Wales. David, first lord of Cardingshire, 1330, was ninth generation removed from Galahad, and great-great-grandson of Louis VI of France, one of the most distinguished men of the age.

Sir John, grandson of Lord David, in 1440 established the first English line of Matthews in England, through a bride of the House of York, and from this Welsh, British, French, Norman ancestry, Samuel, descendant of Sir John, was born in 1592, and when called by King James he was ready like many other second sons to make a record in Virginia.

[I had hoped to secure a picture of Governor Matthews, but up to date have failed. I, however, employ a photograph of the eldest lineal descendant of two lines from the Pioneer through Thomas and Francis Matthews to represent the family.]

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In history the Captain-General is spoken of as "Matthews of Denbigh," the name of his great plantation that was in itself a county, and "the most important, and he the richest man in Virginia." The public store house was on his estate, and his house stood with an "open door," his establishment being renowned for hospitality to both Virginians and British, for he was one of the great land proprietors who held conspicuous place in England as he did in Virginia.

His wife was a daughter of Sir Thomas Hinton, and from the marriages she made she must have been attractive. She first married Colonel West, brother of Lord Delaware, the proprietor of "West Over." After her death Col. Matthews married the widow of Captain Percy, of Percy Hundred, uniting three great estates in one name, Matthews of Denbigh. The Court Record of Essex County, Virginia, says: "The widow Percy was possessed with the largest estate ever known in Virginia." Of Denbigh Estate, Combell's History records. "A contemporary wrote to England, 1649: Matthews' had a fine house, sowed much hemp and flax and great crops of wheat and barley. Kept weavers, had a tannery, had forty negro slaves, whom he brought up to mechanical trades. He had a large herd of cows, a fine dairy and abundant hogs and poultry. He supplied his own ships, also vessels trading to Virginia"; and is finally

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 No. 52.

service of this day invites us to consider the nature and commission of that ministry, by which Christians all over the world are made partakers of heavenly and spiritual blessings.

On this point, as on most others, it is obvious that the New Testament does no where furnish a regular and orderly course of instruction, such as on many great subjects we find in our Creeds, Articles, and Catechism. But the mind and will of our Divine Master may be gathered plainly enough, at least by those who are willing to show a reasonable respect to the witness of the early Church.

St. Luke, in the beginning of the Acts of the Apostles, informs us, that our was not taken up, until "after that He, through the Holy Ghost, had given commandments unto the Apostles whom He had chosen;—being seen of them" at various times during as much as "forty days," and "speaking of the things pertaining to the kingdom of God." Then, doubtless, He gave them instruction in what method and order to proceed, what kind of ministry to settle in His Church. Who would not wish to know what was the tenor of those conversations? But the Holy Ghost, in His unsearchable wisdom, has not seen fit directly to put them on record: an omission which appears very significant, when compared with the minute register which the Gospels supply of many former discourses. So it is, that on the occasion, which would seem to promise most information concerning the nature of kingdom, instead of finding any report of what our blessed  said, we find a report of what His Apostles did. Their Acts and Letters take place of the desired memorial

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2 of His parting instructions. Is not this a hint to us all, on authority which cannot safely be despised, that we must look to the actual conduct and system of the early Church for a true notion of the things pertaining to "the kingdom of ," of which our then spake to His Apostles. However early, on minute points, partial errors may haVe crept in, is it not evident to common sense, that the system which we trace back in the Church to the very generation next following the Apostles, must be in all great points the very system enjoined by our, and partially disclosed in the subsequent history of His servants?

It follows, that in order to make out our will on any point relating to the discipline and proceedings of His Church, the first portion of Scripture to which our attention is directed is the Acts of the holy Apostles.

Now, the very first Act of the Apostles, after was gone out of their sight, was that commemorated his day;—the ordination of Matthias in the room of the traitor Judas. That ordination is related very minutely. Every particular of it is full of instruction; but at present I wish to draw attention to one circumstance more especially: namely, the time when it occurred. It was contrived (if one may say so) exactly to fall within the very short interval which elapsed between the departure of our and the arrival of the Comforter in His place: on that "little while," during which the Church was comparatively left alone in the world. Then it was that St. Peter rose and declared with authority that the time was come for supplying the vacancy which Judas had made. "One," said he, "must be ordained;" and without delay they proceeded to the ordination. Of course, St. Peter must have had from our express authority for this step. Otherwise it would seem most natural to defer a transaction so important until the unerring Guide, the Holy Ghost, should have come among them, as they knew he would in a few days. On the other hand, since the Apostles were eminently Apostles of our Incarnate, since their very being, as Apostles, depended entirely on their personal mission from Him (which is the reason why catalogues are given of them, with such scrupulous care, in so many of the holy books):—in that regard one should naturally have expected that He Himself before His departure would have supplied the vacancy by personal designation.

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Rh But we see it was not His pleasure to do so. As the Apostles afterwards brought on the ordination sooner, so He had deferred it longer than might have been expected. Both ways it should seem as if there were a purpose of bringing the event within those ten days, during which, as I said, the Church was left to herself; left to exercise her faith and hope, much as Christians are left now, without any miraculous aid or extraordinary illumination fiom above. Then, at that moment of the New Testament history, in which the circumstances of believers corresponded most nearly to what they have been since miracles and inspiration ceased—just at that time it pleased our that a fresh Apostle should be consecrated, with authority and commission as ample as the former enjoyed. In a word, it was His will that the eleven Disciples alone, not Himself personally, should name the successor of Judas; and that they chose the right person. He gave testimony very soon after, by sending His Holy Spirit on St. Matthias, as richly as on St. John, St- James, or St. Peter.

Thus the simple consideration of the time when Matthias was ordained, confirms two points of no small importance to the wellbeing of kingdom on earth. First, it shews that whoever are regularly commissioned by the Apostles, our will consider those persons as commissioned and ordained by Himself. Secondly, it proves that such power to ordain is independent of those apostolical functions, which may be properly called extraordinary and miraculous. It existed before those functions began; why then may it not still continue, however entirely they have passed away?

We must not pretend to be wise above what is written; but there is, I trust, nothing presumptuous or unscriptural in supposing that, the great Shepherd and Bishop of our souls, purposely abstained from nominating St. Matthias in His life-time, in order that Christians in all times might understand that the ordained successors of the Apostles are as truly Bishops under Him, as ever the Apostles were themselves.

For this is the constant doctrine of the ancient Church, delivered in express terms by our Lord in the text, "Ye have not chosen me, but I have chosen you, and ordained you, that you should go and bring forth fruit, and that your fruit should remain."

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4 It may seem strange that our Lord should deem it necessary to guard His Disciples against such a notion as that they had chosen Him, rather than He them: called as they had been, when they least expected it, from their daily employments of fishermen, publicans, and the like. But "for our sakes, no doubt, this is written;" to check an error which foresaw would too generally prevail in His Church, especially in these latter days, which pride themselves so much on light and liberty. The error I mean is, that of imagining that Church communion is a voluntary thing, which people may adopt or no, (I will not say at their own pleasure, though too many go as far as that, but) as they seem to find it for the time most edifying. Another kindred notion is, that the Christian ministry is also a voluntary thing; that there is no real difference between clergy and laity, any more than is enacted by the law of the land for mere decency and order's sake; but that otherwise a man who can and will do good as a clergyman is to all intents and purposes clergyman enough.

These are not very uncommon notions. But take them at their best, and are they in effect any better than as if St. Paul and the other Apostles had considered themselves as choosing instead of being chosen by ? He who reasons so, is he not chargeable with setting up his own calculation against the declared will and system of our ?

Hear now on the other hand the very doctrine of the Church Apostolical. , the chief Shepherd and Bishop, commits the pastoral office to whom He pleases; in the first place, to His Apostles, and after them, to all whom they, by the help of His ordinary grace, shall appoint; which latter proposition you have justheard clearly madeout from the ordination of St. Matthias. Therefore, although there be many Bishops, yet the Episcopal office is but one. The lines of the true Catholic Church are drawn out, as the Psalmist says, to the ends of the world, over all lands; but trace them back, and they all meet in the same centre,. Therefore it is all one Church, and not a thousand independent churches, as they would make it, who boast of choosing, instead of humbly and thankfully acknowledging the choice which He has made of them, in that He has cast their lot within reach of His ministers and sacraments.

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Rh This view, so clearly deducible from the promise of our Lord, and the conduct of His Apostles, is most unanswerably confirmed by the whole history of the Primitive Church. Every where the Bishops were the chief pastors, and the government and order of the Church was vested in them. To separate from them, except they were proved grossly heretical, was accounted schism. Why? Because it was universally understood, that the Bishops were the connecting chain which bound the successive generations of Christians to the first generation, the holy Apostles; nay, and to our himself. For the believers of those days were too well instructed not to know that our promises were made to the Church through the Apostles: so that if they broke off their connection with the Apostles, they broke off their connection with.

Would you hear some of the very words of those holy men of old? Take the following, which are part of a letter written by St. Ignatius, the friend of the chiefest Apostles, when he was on the verge of martyrdom. They are some of his last words, written to warn the friends for whom he was most anxious, against the heresies which were springing up in the Church.

"By submitting yourself to your Bishop as to, you convince me that you guide your lives by no rule of man's invention, but by the rule of , who died for us, that ye, believing in His death, might escape altogether from death. It follows, of course, that in no part of your conduct ye separate yourselves from your Bishop: which thing also ye now practise."

No test could be shorter or more simple. "You are in communion with your Bishop, humbly receiving from him, or those by him deputed, the genuine word and Sacraments of : therefore, I make no question but you are also in communion with our himself; at least, as far as Church Privileges go; as far as I or man can judge."

Surely the holy martyr, St. Ignatius, was as good a judge of what Christian communion depends on, as any person can be supposed in our days. And we see that he judges of it, not by those tests which we now hear most insisted on; not by convictions, and emotions, and highly-wrought feelings; but by the simple fact of adherence to that system, which our himself

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6 had established for our salvation. Now, we know from every page of St. Ignatius, what bis view of that system was. It was the system of Christian Ordinances, administered by Bishops, with Priests and Deacons under them. That, in the mind of St. Ignatius, was the sure mark of the Church of.

Nor was this a mere private opinion of his: it was rather the constant tradition of the Church Universal. What is very remarkable, it was the tradition not only of the sound part of the Church, but of the heretics also. In those early days, even those who corrupted the doctrine of the Church seldom or never dared to breathe any thing against the Apostolical Succession of her Bishops. To do so, if they possibly could, would have been greatly to their purpose; because one very plain argument by which their misrepresentations of doctrine used to be confuted, was by appealing to the traditional account of the same doctrines, preserved in many of the most famous Churches, by means of the regular succession of the Bishops. Some of the Fathers thus reckon up the Bishops of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, for more than three hundred years, from the time of the Apostles, and are thereby enabled to trace back as far the true interpretation of certain hard places of Scripture, relating to the great truths of the Gospel. The heretics who disputed those truths, no doubt, would have been too happy, could they have proved that the chain of tradition wanted a link; that the succession from the Apostles was not clearly made out, or that being made out, it signified nothing. But the ground they used to take was quite different. They never dreamed of denying the past succession: it was too certainly known to be denied; but they took very great care to secure future succession for themselves. They hardly ever broke off from the Church, until they had got some Bishop to patronize their heresy: through whom they might continue the Apostolical commission in a line of pastors of their own.

Thus as well the enemies of the Church as her friends bore witness in those early days to a truth which too many of both seem now agreed on forgetting: That Episcopal Authority is the very bond which unites Christians to each other and to : so that it was apparently a kind of proverb with them, Without the Bishop do nothing in the Church.

What is more, the teaching of the Primitive Church brought

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 May 13, 1607. The first permanent settlement of the country was called Jamestown in honor of King James, and made the center point of the New World possession.

The Colony passed through many trials and vicissitudes, alternating between hope and fear, courage and discouragement, until the year 1619, when affairs had progressed and plans culminated to justify the first form of government that was established and the first legislative council convened under the guiding hand of Governor Yeardley. The Council was called General Assembly. It was created to assist the Governor in the affairs of the Colony, and to stand united against the enemy of the white man.

The Council and two burgesses, out of every Hundred or Plantation, to be chosen by the inhabitants to make up the General Assembly—"to decide all matters by the greatest number of voices," but the Governor to have negative voice; to have power to make orders and acts necessary "to imitate the policy of the form of government, laws, customs, manner of trial and other administration of justice used in England, and set forth by their letters of patents. No law to continue or be in force till ratified by a Quarter Court to be held in England and returned under seal."

But, "After the Colony is well framed and settled, no order of Quarter Court in England shall bind until ratified by the General Assembly."

Governor Wyatt succeeded Yeardley, who returned to England.

The following instructions, under seal of crown dated July 24, 1621, sent to Governor

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text: An Act providing for the organisation of the Department of the Secretary of State of Canada, and for the management of Indian and Ordnance Lands


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Rh this matter home to every man's own soul, not only on the general ground of submission to all our ordinances, but because the bread and wine in the Eucharist was not accounted the true Sacrament of, without  warrant given to the person administering: which warrant, the Fathers well knew, could only be had through His Apostles and their successors.

Hear again the same St. Ignatius. "Let that Supper be counted a  Supper indeed, which is ministered by the Bishop, or by one having his commission." Observe, Ignatius, the friend of the Apostles, reckons the Sacrament no Sacrament, if the consecrating minister want the Bishop's commission. Could St. Ignatius possibly mistake the mind of the Apostles on that point, he who had conversed familiarly with them at the time when the Church was used to "continue daily in breaking of bread?"

And with him agreed the whole Church of for the first fifteen hundred years: knowing that when our  said, "Do this in remembrance of Me," His Apostles only were present; therefore none but they and their deputies could be said to have His warrant for blessing that bread and cup. And this is a matter pertaining to each man's salvation. For that bread and cup are the appointed mean, whereby the faithful are to partake of Body and Blood offered for their sins.

Can any devout man, considering this, reckon it a matter of small moment, whether the minister with whom he communicates be a minister by apostolical succession or no? In the judgment of the Church it makes no less difference than this: Whether the bread and cup which he partakes of shall be to him Body and Blood or no. I repeat it: in the judgment of the Church, the Eucharist administered without apostolical commission, may to pious minds be a very edifying ceremony, but it is not that blessed thing which our  graciously meant it to be: it is not "verily and in deed taking and receiving" the Body and Blood of Him, our Incarnate.

Even as St. Paul seems to intimate, when he so pointedly asks the Corinthians, "The cup of blessing which we bless, is it not the Communion of the Blood of ? The bread which we break, is it not the Communion of the Body of ?" Why such a stress on the words, "which we bless," "which we break;"

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8 except because the Corinthians knew (and they could only know by Apostolical teaching), that the agency of the Apostles in blessing and breaking was needful to assure us that the holy signs really convey the thing signified.

Thus you see every thing concurs; the ordination of St. Matthias, the promise of our, the hints found elsewhere in holy Scripture, the express laws of the Universal Church, the constant doctrine of the friends of the Apostles;—all agree to show that Communion with incarnate, such Communion as He offers in His holy Supper, cannot be depended on without an Apostolical Ministry.

To think otherwise is the error of those, who, mixing up human inventions with the everlasting Gospel, take upon them to "choose ," instead of humbly owning themselves "chosen by Him," and labouring to bear fruit accordingly.

But still more fatal will be our error, if having this high privilege, we cause it to be reproached by our abuse or negligent using. We, by God's blessing, are among those, who through an Apostolical Ministry, have constant access to the Body and Blood of our. What if we be found no more exemplary, no humbler, no more consistent in our piety, than those whose possession of the means of grace is so much more questionable than ours? There is a prophetic warning against such: "You only have I known of all the families of the earth: therefore I will punish you for all your iniquities." There is also a yet more awful warning from Him who will come to be our Judge: "Thou, Capernaum, which art exalted unto Heaven, shalt be brought down to hell; for if the mighty works which have been done in thee, had been done in Sodom, it would have remained until this day. But I say unto you, that it shall be more tolerable for the land of Sodom in the day of judgment, than for thee."

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When the permanent settlement of Jamestown was made, 1607, the entire British possessions in North America bore the name Virginia, named by Sir Walter Raleigh, when the successful expedition under his direction first discovered the Capes, and the Island of Roanoke.

Later King James granted charter to two separate companies—called the London and Plymouth Companies—"for settling Colonies of America."

The London Company sent Capt. Christopher Newport to Virginia December 20, 1606, with a colony of one hundred and five persons to commence settlement on the Island of Roanoke—now in North Carolina, the land discovered by Sir Walter Raleigh and his brother-in-law, Gilbert, 1585.

The fleet of three ships, Sarah Constant, Discovery, and God Speed, through wind and tide were driven north of their place of destination and entered Chesapeake Bay, where a beautiful peninsula was discovered and where the settlement of Jamestown was commenced,

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 Wyatt by King James gave the basis of government, and Virginians were satisfied with conditions that pointed to assured Progress and Prosperity.

Instructions "To keep up religion of the Church of England as near as may be; to be obedient to the King and to do justice after the form of the laws of England; and not injure the natives, and to forget all old quarrels now buried."

"Not to permit any but the Council and heads of Hundreds to wear gold on their clothes, or to wear silk till they make it themselves."

"The Council to take care of every plantation upon the death of their chief; to sow great quantities of corn for their own use; to support the multitudes to be sent yearly; to keep cows, swine, poultry, and as to raising staple commodities, the chief officers ought to set example and to aim at the establishment of the Colony."

"To make discoveries along the coast for fishery between the James River and Cape Cod. And lastly, to see that the Earl of Pembroke's thirty thousand acres be very good."

"The Governor and Council to appoint proper times for administration of justice and provide for the entertainment of the Council during their session; to be together one whole month about State affairs and law suits; to keep register of the acts of Quarter Session, and send home copies."

"The Governor only to summon the Council, and sign warrants and execute or give authority to execute Council orders, except in cases that do belong to the Marshall, Treasurer,

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text: The Revised Statutes of New Brunswick/Of Indian Reserves


text: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 2

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 or deputies, the Governor to have absolute authority to determine and punish all contempt of authority, except the Councillors, who are to be tried at the Quarter Sessions and censured, the Governor to have but the casting voice in Council or Court, but in the Assembly a negative voice."

"The Governor to administer the following oath to the Council:

"You shall swear to be a true, faithful servant unto the King's Majesty, as one of his Council for Virginia. You shall in all things to be moved, treated and debated in that Council concerning Virginia or any of the territories of America between the degrees of thirty-four and forty-five from the equinoctial line northward or the trade thereof, faithfully and truly declare your mind and opinion according to your heart and conscience, and shall keep secret all matters committed and revealed to you concerning the same, and that shall be treated secretly in that Council or this Council of Virginia; and publication shall not be made thereof; and upon all matters of importance before you resolve thereupon you shall make his Majesty's privy council acquainted therewith, and follow their directions therein."

"You shall to your utmost bear faith and allegiance to the King's majesty, his heirs and lawful successors, and shall assist and defend jurisdictions and authorities granted unto his Majesty and annext unto the Crown, against all foreign princes, persons, prelates or potentates whatsoever, be it by act of Parliament or otherwise, and generally in all things you shall be as a faithful and true servant and

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text: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 3

title: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 3


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 subject ought to do. So help you God and the holy contents of this Book."

The Instructions were intended as the general principles for the Government of the Colony; but before practically employed peace and tranquillity was changed into a period of devastation and mourning. A concerted attack on the settlements by the Indians destroyed in one hour, and almost in the same instant, 347 persons who were incapable of making resistance. The Massacre of Jamestown on March 22, 1622, stands recorded as "the most bloody" in the annals of our country, when each plantation was attacked at a given hour and signal, and every door post was marked with blood.

After the Massacre of Jamestown, King James appointed Colonel Matthews one of three Commissioners to visit Virginia "to report the true condition of the London Company, of which he had much prejudice and greatly desired to revoke the charter, to dissolve the Companies and take Virginia affairs into his own hands." To the date of the Massacre, the London Company, composed of the nobility of England, held under rights of charter, granted by King James, 1606, the absolute power of control in Virginia, to manage affairs without interference of Crown, the appointment of sole and absolute Governor by the Company, and all Deputy Governors. Lord Delaware was soon after appointed by the Company Governor-General of Virginia. He gave satisfaction and his death was much regretted 1618.

Yeardley succeeded him and the Colony prospered under his régime. He called the

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 First Assembly 1619, each plantation to be represented by two burgesses that seemed satisfactory, but the Governors of the Colony found England a more desirable residence than Virginia, and much was left to Deputies, and the spirit of unrest was apparently growing with the Indians and much discontent felt with the settlers, when the Massacre of 1622 aroused England to decided action.

Then the King revoked Charters and "took affairs into his own hands." Col. Samuel Matthews was commissioned by the Crown to proceed to Virginia "to report conditions," which he did, 1622.

A man like Matthews was a Godsend to King James. He was a Royalist and Loyalist, well fitted to represent the Crown as a Special Commissioner, and no doubt his finding of facts gave satisfaction to the King.

Upon his return to England "the King appointed Col. Samuel Matthews, of Essex, England, commander-in-chief under the Crown, "to seize, occupy and hold Virginia," which he did.

Governor Yeardley died 1627. Wyatt, Harvey, Bennett and Diggs succeeded as Governors of Jamestown; Matthews Commander-in-chief at Point Comfort Fort under the king, with absolute military power. Colonel Matthews made his headquarters on the present site of Fortress Monroe, at that date named Fort Percy in honor of the first President of Smith's Mariners, a pioneer from Northumberland, England.

When Colonel Matthews took possession the Fort was little more than a stockade, but he recognized the commanding position of the

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 Point as the gateway of Virginia, and repaired it for permanent use, where all new arrivals to Virginia had to first report; then pay 64 pounds of tobacco for its maintenance, not only making it the first custom house, but a financial success, and later, 1632, he rebuilt and made it a fortress.

At this period Colonel Matthews was thirty years of age, and the "King's Representative," was evidently a favorite at Court." He was not only Captain-General "to found and hold counties," but in 1624 he was a member of the Royal Commission that was appointed by King James the year before his death, when the Company was abolished and the Royal Government established known as the Royal Council.

The Royal Councillors included Yeardley, former Governor; Sandys, head of the Company; Matthews, Percy, Harvey, Smith, Hamor, Madison, Martin and Claybourne, Secretary of the Council. To be a member of the Royal Council was an order of nobility in Virginia, and the title of Colonel to designate distinction. By right of his official position Colonel Matthews was a Royal Councillor, member of the General Court, the House of Burgesses; and Director General of Surveyors and Commander-in-chief of the forces. History enumerates the above distinctions and closes with the following: "Colonel Matthews held every important office in the Colony from 1622 to 1660.

The Royal Councillors enjoyed the confidence of the King and Colony. History says: "Matthews' reports as Chief Councillor were loyal and reliable," and progress was

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text: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 5

title: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 5


text: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 6

title: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 6


text: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 7

title: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 7


text: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 8

title: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 8


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230

divine Spirit, that through England burnest in every breast, inciting each with the sublime desire to be fine! that stirrest up the great to become little in order to seem greater, and that makest a Duchess woo insult for a voucher! Thou that delightest in so many shapes, multivarious, yet the same; Spirit that makest the high despicable, and the Lord meaner than his valet! equally great whether thou cheatest a friend, or cuttest a father! lackering all thou touchest with a bright vulgarity, that thy votaries imagine to be gold!—thou that sendest the few

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Rh to fashionable balls and the many to fashionable novels;—that smitest even Genius as well as Folly, making the favourites of the former boast an acquaintance they have not with the Graces of a mushroom Peerage, rather than the knowledge they have of the Muses of an eternal Helicon!—thou that leavest in the great ocean of our manners no dry spot for the foot of Independence;—that pallest on the jaded eye with a moving and girdling panorama of daubed vilenesses, and fritterest away the souls of free-born Britons into a powder smaller than the angels which dance in myriads on a pin's point. Spirit! divine Spirit! carriest thou not beneath the mantle of frivolity a mighty and sharp sword, and by turning into contempt, while thou affectest to display, 'the solemn plausibilities of the world,' hastenest thou not to the great family of man the epoch of redemption? Whether, O Spirit! thou callest thyself Fashion, or Ton, or Ambition, or Vanity, or Cringing, or Cant, or any title equally lofty and sublime—would, that from thy

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232 wings we could gain but a single plume! Fain would we, in fitting strain, describe the festivities of that memorable day, when the benevolent Lord Mauleverer received and blessed the admiring universe of Bath!

But to be less poetical, as certain writers say, when they have been writing nonsense—But to be less poetical, and more exact, the morning, though in the depth of winter, was bright and clear, and Lord Mauleverer found himself in particularly good health. Nothing could be better planned than the whole of his arrangements: unlike those which are ordinarily chosen for the express reason of being as foreign as possible to the nature of our climate, all at Lord Mauleverer's were made suitable to a Greenland atmosphere. The temples and summer-houses, interspersed through the grounds, were fitted up, some as Esquimaux huts, others as Russian pavilions; fires were carefully kept up; the musicians, Mauleverer took care, should have as much wine as they pleased; they were set skilfully in places where they were

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Rh, but where they could be heard. One or two temporary buildings were erected for those who loved dancing; and as Mauleverer, miscalculating on the principles of human nature, thought gentlemen might be averse from ostentatious exhibition, he had hired persons to skate minuets and figures of eight upon his lakes, for the amusement of those who were fond of skaitingskating [sic]. All people who would be kind enough to dress in strange costumes, and make odd noises, which they called singing, the Earl had carefully engaged, and planted in the best places for making them look still stranger than they were.

There was also plenty to eat, and more than plenty to drink. Mauleverer knew well that our countrymen and countrywomen, whatever be their rank, like to have their spirits exalted. In short, the whole dejeunè was so admirably contrived, that it was probable the guests would not look much more melancholy during the amusements, than they would have done had they been otherwise engaged at a funeral.

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234 Lucy and the Squire were among the first arrivals.

Mauleverer, approaching the father and daughter with his most Devonshire-house manner, insisted on taking the latter under his own escort, and being her Cicerone through the round of preparations.

As the crowd thickened, and it was observed how gallant were the attentions testified towards Lucy by the host, many and envious were the whispers of the guests! Those good people, naturally angry at the thought that two individuals should be married, divided themselves into two parties; one abused Lucy, and the other Lord Mauleverer; the former vituperated her art, the latter his folly. "I thought she would play her cards well—deceitful creature!" said the one. "January and May," muttered the other; "the man's sixty!" It was noticeable, that the party against Lucy was chiefly composed of ladies, that against Mauleverer of men; that conduct must indeed be heinous, which draws down the indignation of one's own sex!

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Rh Unconscious of her crimes, Lucy moved along, leaning on the arm of the gallant Earl, and languidly smiling, with her heart far away, at his endeavours to amuse her. There was something interesting in the mere contrast of the pair; so touching seemed the beauty of the young girl, with her delicate cheek, maiden form, drooping eyelid, and quiet simplicity of air, in comparison to the worldly countenance and artificial grace of her companion.

After some time, when they were in a sequestered part of the grounds, Mauleverer, observing that none were near, entered a rude hut, and so fascinated was he at that moment by the beauty of his guest, and so meet to him seemed the opportunity of his confession, that he with difficulty suppressed the avowal rising to his lips, and took the more prudent plan of first sounding and preparing, as it were, the way.

"I cannot tell you, my dear Miss Brandon," said he, slightly pressing the beautiful hand leaning on his arm, "how happy I am to see you the

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text: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 10

title: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 10


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236 guest, the queen, rather, of my house! Ah! could the bloom of youth return with its feelings! Time is never so cruel as when, while stealing from us the power to please, he leaves us in full vigour the unhappy privilege to be charmed!"

Mauleverer expected at least a blushing contradiction to the implied application of a sentiment so affectingly expressed; he was disappointed. Lucy, less alive than usual to the sentimental, or its reverse, scarcely perceived his meaning, and answered simply, "That it was very true." "This comes of being, like my friend Burke, too refined for one's audience," thought Mauleverer, wincing a little from the unexpected reply. "And yet!" he resumed, "I would not forego my power to admire, futile—nay, painful as it is. Even now while I gaze on you, my heart tells me that the pleasure I enjoy, it is at your command, at once, and for ever, to blight into misery; but while it tells me, I gaze on!"

Lucy raised her eyes, and something of her natural archness played in their expression.

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title: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 11


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Rh "I believe, my Lord," said she, moving from the hut, "that it would be better to join your guests: walls have ears; and what would be the gay Lord Mauleverer's self-reproach, if he heard again of his fine compliments to"

"The most charming person in Europe!" cried Mauleverer vehemently, and the hand which he before touched, he now clasped; at that instant Lucy saw opposite to her, half hid by a copse of evergreens, the figure of Clifford. His face, which seemed pale and wan, was not directed towards the place where she stood; and he evidently did not perceive Mauleverer or herself, yet so great was the effect that this glimpse of him produced on Lucy, that she trembled violently, and unconsciously uttering a faint cry, snatched her hand from Mauleverer.

The Earl started, and catching the expression of her eyes, turned instantly towards the spot to which her gaze seemed riveted. He had not heard the rustling of the boughs, but he saw with his habitual quickness of remark, that they still trembled,

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text: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 12

title: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 12


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238 as if lately displaced, and he caught through their interstices the glimpse of a receding figure. He sprang forward with an agility very uncommon to his usual movements; but before he gained the copse, every vestige of the intruder had vanished.

What slaves we are to the moment! As Mauleverer turned back to rejoin Lucy, who, agitated almost to fainting, leaned against the rude wall of the hut, he would as soon have thought of flying as of making that generous offer of self, &c. which the instant before he had been burning to render Lucy. The vain are always confoundedly jealous, and Mauleverer remembering Clifford, and Lucy's blushes in dancing with him, instantly accounted for her agitation and its cause. With a very grave air he approached the object of his late adoration, and requested to know if it were not some abrupt intruder that had occasioned her alarm. Lucy scarcely knowing what she said, answered in a low voice, "That it was, indeed!" and begged instantly to rejoin her father. Mauleverer offered his arm with great dignity, and the pair passed

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Rh into the frequented part of the grounds, where Mauleverer once more brightened into smiles and courtesy to all around him.

"He is certainly accepted!" said Mr. Shrewd to Lady Simper.

"What an immense match for the girl!" was Lady Simper's reply.

Amidst the music, the dancing, the throng, the noise, Lucy found it easy to recover herself; and disengaging her arm from Lord Mauleverer, as she perceived her father, she rejoined the Squire, and remained a patient listener to his remarks till, late in the noon, it became an understood matter that people were expected to go into a long room in order to eat and drink. Mauleverer, now alive to the duties of his situation, and feeling exceedingly angry with Lucy, was more reconciled than he otherwise might have been to the etiquette which obliged him to select for the object of his hospitable cares an old dowager duchess, instead of the beauty of the fête; but he took care to point out to the Squire the places appointed

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240 for himself and daughter, which were, though at some distance from the Earl, under the providence of his vigilant survey.

While Mauleverer was deifying the Dowager Duchess, and refreshing his spirits with a chicken, and a medicinal glass of Madeira, the conversation near Lucy turned, to her infinite dismay, upon Clifford. Some one had seen him in the grounds, booted, and in a riding undress,—(in that day people seldom rode and danced in the same conformation of coat,)—and as Mauleverer was a precise person about those little matters of etiquette, this negligence of Clifford's made quite a subject of discussion. By degrees the conversation changed into the old inquiry as to who this Captain Clifford was; and just as it had reached that point, it reached also the gently deafened ears of Lord Mauleverer.

"Pray, my Lord," said the old Duchess, "since he is one of your guests, you, who know who, and what every one is, can possibly inform us of the real family of this beautiful Mr. Clifford?"

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Rh "One of my guests, did you say?" answered Mauleverer, irritated greatly beyond his usual quietness of manner: "Really, your Grace does me wrong. He may be a guest of my valet, but he is assuredly not mine; and should I encounter him, I shall leave it to my valet to give him his congé as well as his invitation!"

Mauleverer, heightening his voice as he observed athwart the table an alternate paleness and flush upon Lucy's face, which stung all the angrier passions, generally torpid in him, into venom, looked round, on concluding, with a haughty and sarcastic air: so loud had been his tone, so pointed the insult, and so dead the silence at the table while he spoke, that every one felt the affront must be carried at once to Clifford's hearing, should he be in the room. And after Mauleverer had ceased there was an universal nervous and indistinct expectation of an answer and a scene; all was still, and it soon became certain that Clifford was not in the apartment. When Mr. Shrewd had fully convinced

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242 himself of this fact—(for there was a daring spirit about Clifford which few wished to draw upon themselves,)—that personage broke the pause by observing that no man, who pretended to be a gentleman, would intrude himself unasked and unwelcome, into any society; and Mauleverer, catching up the observation, said,—(drinking wine at the same time with Mr. Shrewd,)—that undoubtedly such conduct fully justified the rumours respecting Mr. Clifford, and utterly excluded him from that rank to which it was before more than suspected he had no claim.

So luminous and satisfactory an opinion from such an authority once broached was immediately and universally echoed, and long before the repast was over, it seemed to be tacitly agreed that Captain Clifford should be sent to Coventry, and if he murmured at the exile, he would have no right to insist upon being sent from thence to the devil!

The good old Squire, mindful of his former friendship for Clifford, and not apt to veer, was

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Rh about to begin a speech on the occasion, when Lucy, touching his arm, implored him to be silent; and so ghastly was the paleness of her cheek while she spoke, that the Squire's eyes, obtuse as he generally was, opened at once to the real secret of her heart. As soon as the truth flashed upon him, he wondered, recalling Clifford's great personal beauty and attentions, that it had not flashed upon him sooner, and leaning back on his chair, he sunk into one of the most unpleasant reveries he had ever conceived.

At a given signal the music for the dancers re-commenced, and, at a hint to that effect from the host, persons rose without ceremony to repair to other amusements, and suffer such guests as had hitherto been excluded from eating to occupy the place of the relinquishers. Lucy, glad to escape, was one of the first to resign her situation, and with the Squire she returned to the grounds. During the banquet evening had closed in, and the scene now really became fairy-like and picturesque;—lamps hung from many a tree, reflecting

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244 the light through the richest and softest hues,—the music itself sounded more musically than during the day,—gipsy-tents were pitched at wild corners and copses, and the bright wood-fires burning in them blazed merrily upon the cold yet cheerful air of the increasing night. The view was really novel and inviting; and as it had been an understood matter that ladies were to bring furs, cloaks, and boots, all those, who thought they looked well in such array, made little groups, and scattered themselves about the grounds and in the tents. They, on the contrary, in whom "the purple light of love" was apt by the frost to be propelled from the cheeks to the central ornament of the face, or who thought a fire in a room quite as agreeable as a fire in a tent, remained within, and contemplated the scene through the open windows.

Lucy longed to return home, nor was the Squire reluctant, but, unhappily, it wanted an hour to the time at which the carriage had been ordered, and she mechanically joined a group of

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Rh guests, who had persuaded the good-natured Squire to forget his gout, and venture forth to look at the illuminations. Her party was soon joined by others, and the group gradually thickened into a crowd; the throng was stationary for a few minutes before a little temple, in which fireworks had just commenced an additional attraction to the scene. Opposite to this temple, as well as in its rear, the walks and trees had been purposely left in comparative darkness, in order to heighten the effect of the fireworks.

"I declare," said Lady Simper, glancing down one of the alleys which seemed to stretch away into blackness—"I declare that seems quite a lover's walk! how kind in Lord Mauleverer!—such a delicate attention—"

"To your Ladyship!" added Mr. Shrewd, with a bow.

While, one of this crowd, Lucy was vacantly eyeing the long trains of light which ever and anon shot against the sky, she felt her hand suddenly seized, and at the same instant a voice whispered

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246 "For God's sake read this now and grant my request!"

The voice, which seemed to rise from the very heart of the speaker, Lucy knew at once; she trembled violently, and remained for some minutes with eyes which did not dare to look from the ground. A note, she felt, had been left in her hand, and the agonized and earnest tone of that voice, which was dearer to her ear than the fulness of all music, made her impatient yet afraid to read it. As she recovered courage she looked around, and seeing that the attention of all was bent upon the fireworks, and that her father, in particular, leaning on his cane, seemed to enjoy the spectacle with a child's engrossed delight, she glided softly away, and entering unperceived one of the alleys, she read, by a solitary lamp that burnt at its entrance, the following lines written in pencil and in a hurried hand, apparently upon a leaf torn from a pocketbook.

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Rh "I implore, I entreat you, Miss Brandon, to see me, if but for a moment. I purpose to tear myself away from the place in which you reside—to go abroad—to leave even the spot hallowed by your footstep. After this night, my presence, my presumption, will degrade you no more. But this night, for mercy's sake, see me, or I shall go mad! I will but speak to you one instant, this is all I ask. If you grant me this prayer, the walk to the left where you stand, at the entrance to which there is one purple lamp, will afford an opportunity to your mercy. A few yards down that walk I will meet you—none can see or hear us. Will you grant this? I know not—I dare not think—but under any case, your name shall be the last upon my lips." "P. C."

As Lucy read this hurried scrawl, she glanced towards the lamp above her, and saw that she had accidentally entered the very walk indicated in the note. She paused—she hesitated;—the impropriety—the singularity of the request darted

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248 upon her at once; on the other hand, the anxious voice still ringing in her ear, the incoherent vehemence of the note, the risk, the opprobrium Clifford had incurred, solely—her heart whispered—to see her, all aided her simple temper, her kind feelings, and her love for the petitioner, in inducing her to consent. She cast one glance behind, all seemed occupied with far other thoughts than that of notice towards her; she looked anxiously before, all was gloomy and indistinct; but suddenly, at some little distance, she descried a dark figure in motion. She felt her knees shake under her, her heart beat violently; she moved onward a few paces, again paused, and looked back; the figure before her moved as in approach, she resumed courage, and advanced—the figure was by her side.

"How generous, how condescending, is this goodness in Miss Brandon!" said the voice, which so struggled with secret and strong emotion, that Lucy scarcely recognized it as Clifford's. "I did not dare to expect it; and now—now that I meet you" Clifford paused, as if seeking

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Rh words; and Lucy, even through the dark, perceived that her strange companion was powerfully excited; she waited for him to continue, but observing that he walked on in silence, she said, though with a trembling voice, "Indeed, Mr. Clifford, I fear that it is very, very improper in me to meet you thus; nothing but the strong expressions in your letter—and—and—in short, my fear that you meditated some desperate design, at which I could not guess, caused me to yield to your wish for an interview." She paused, and Clifford still preserving silence, she added, with some little coldness in her tone, "If you have really aught to say to me, you must allow me to request that you speak it quickly. This interview, you must be sensible, ought to end almost as soon as it begins."

"Hear me then!" said Clifford, mastering his embarrassment, and speaking in a firm and clear voice—"Is that true, which I have but just heard,—is it true, that I have been spoken of in your presence in terms of insult and affront?"

It was now for Lucy to feel embarrassed;

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250 to give pain, and yet anxious that Clifford should know, in order that he might disprove, the slight and the suspicion which the mystery around him drew upon his name, she faltered between the two feelings, and without satisfying the latter, succeeded in realizing the fear of the former.

"Enough!" said Clifford, in a tone of deep mortification, as his quick ear caught and interpreted, yet more humiliatingly than the truth, the meaning of her stammered and confused reply. "Enough! I see that it is true, and that the only human being in the world to whose good opinion I am not indifferent, has been a witness of the insulting manner in which others have dared to speak of me!"

"But," said Lucy, eagerly, "why give the envious or the idle any excuse? Why not suffer your parentage and family to be publicly known? Why are you here"—(and her voice sunk into a lower key)—"this very day, unasked, and therefore subject to the cavils of all who think the poor distinction of an invitation an honour? Forgive me,

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Rh Mr. Clifford, perhaps I offend, I hurt you by speaking thus frankly; but your good name rests with yourself, and your friends cannot but feel angry that you should trifle with it."

"Madam!" said Clifford, and Lucy's eyes now growing accustomed to the darkness, perceived a bitter smile upon his lips, "My name, good or ill, is an object of little care to me. I have read of philosophers who pride themselves in placing no value in the opinions of the world. Rank me among that sect—but I am, I own I am, anxious that you alone, of all the world, should not despise me;—and now that I feel you do—that you must—every thing worth living or hoping for is past!"

"Despise you!" said Lucy, and her eyes filled with tears—"Indeed, you wrong me and yourself. But listen to me, Mr. Clifford, I have seen, it is true, but little of the world, yet I have seen enough to make me wish I could have lived in retirement for ever; the rarest quality among either sex, though it is the simplest, seems to me,

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252 ; and the only occupation of what are termed fashionable people appears to be speaking ill of one another: nothing gives such a scope to scandal, as mystery; nothing disarms it like openness. I know—your friends know, Mr. Clifford, that your character can bear inspection, and I believe for my own part, the same of your family. Why not then declare who, and what you are?"

"That candour would indeed be my best defender," said Clifford, in a tone which ran displeasingly through Lucy's ear; "but, in truth, Madam, I repeat, I care not one drop of this worthless blood what men say of me; that time has passed, and for ever; perhaps it never keenly existed for me—no matter. I come hither, Miss Brandon, not wasting a thought on these sickening fooleries or on the hoary idler, by whom they are given! I came hither, only once more to see you—to hear you speak—to watch you move—to tell you—(and the speaker's voice trembled, so as to be scarcely audible)—to tell you, if any season for the disclosure offered itself, that I have had

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Rh the boldness—the crime, to love—to love—O God! to adore you! and then to leave you for ever!"

Pale, trembling, scarcely preserved from falling by the tree against which she leaned, Lucy listened to this abrupt avowal.

"Dare I touch this hand," continued Clifford, as he knelt and took it, timidly and reverently; "You know not, you cannot dream, how unworthy is he who thus presumes—yet, not all unworthy, while he is sensible of so deep, so holy a feeling as that which he bears to you. God bless you, Miss Brandon!—Lucy, God bless you!—and if hereafter you hear me subjected to still blacker suspicion, or severer scrutiny than that which I now sustain—if even your charity and goodness can find no defence for me,—if the suspicion become certainty, and the scrutiny end in condemnation, believe, at least, that circumstances have carried me beyond my nature; and that under fairer auspices, I might have been other than I am!" Lucy's tear dropped upon Clifford's hand, as he

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254 spoke; and while his heart melted within him as he felt it, and knew his own desperate and unredeemed condition, he added,

"Every one courts you—the proud, the rich, the young, the high-born, all are at your feet! you will select one of that number for your husband, may he watch over you as I would have done!—love you as I do, he cannot! Yes, I repeat it!" continued Clifford, vehemently, "he cannot! None amidst the gay, happy, silken crowd of your equals and followers, can feel for you that single and overruling passion, which makes you to me, what all combined—country, power, wealth, reputation, an honest name, peace, common safety, the quiet of the common air, alike the least blessing and the greatest, are to all others! Once more, may God in heaven watch over you, and preserve you! I tear myself on leaving you from all that cheers, or blesses, or raises, or might have saved me!—Farewell!"

The hand which Lucy had relinquished to her strange suitor was pressed ardently to his lips,

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Rh dropped in the same instant, and she knew that she was once more alone!

But Clifford, hurrying rapidly through the trees, made his way towards the nearest gate which led from Lord Mauleverer's domain; when he reached it, a crowd of the more elderly guests occupied the entrance, and one of these was a lady of such distinction, that Mauleverer, despite of his aversion from any superfluous exposure to the night air, had obliged himself to conduct her to her carriage. He was in a very ill-humour with this constrained politeness, especially as the carriage was very slow in relieving him of his charge, when he saw, by the lamplight, Clifford passing near him, and winning his way to the gate. Quite forgetting his worldly prudence which should have made him averse to scenes with any one, especially with a flying enemy, and a man with whom, if he believed aright, little glory was to be gained in conquest, much less in contest; and only remembering Clifford's rivalship and his own hatred towards him for the presumption, Mauleverer, uttering a

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 256 apology to the lady on his arm, stepped forward, and opposing Clifford's progress, said, with a bow of tranquil insult, "Pardon me, Sir, but is it at my invitation, or that of one of my servants, that you have honoured me with your company this day?"

Clifford's thoughts at the time of this interruption were of that nature before which all petty misfortunes shrink into nothing; if, therefore, he started for a moment at the Earl's address, he betrayed no embarrassment in reply, but bowing with an air of respect, and taking no notice of the affront implied in Mauleverer's speech, he answered—

"Your Lordship has only to deign a glance at my dress, to see that I have not intruded myself on your grounds with the intention of claiming your hospitality. The fact is, and I trust to your Lordship's courtesy to admit the excuse, that I leave this neighbourhood to-morrow, and for some length of time. A person whom I was very anxious to see before I left, was one of your

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Rh guests; I heard this, and knew that I should have no other opportunity of meeting the person in question before my departure; and I must now throw myself on the well-known politeness of Lord Mauleverer, to pardon a freedom originating in a business very much approaching to a necessity!"

Lord Mauleverer's address to Clifford had congregated an immediate crowd of eager and expectant listeners, but so quietly-respectful and really gentlemanlike were Clifford's air and tone in excusing himself, that the whole throng were smitten with a sudden disappointment.

Lord Mauleverer himself, surprised by the temper and deportment of the unbidden guest, was at a loss for one moment, and Clifford was about to take advantage of that moment and glide away, when Mauleverer, with a second bow, more civil than the former one, said—

"I cannot but be happy, Sir, that my poor place has afforded you any convenience; but, if I am not very impertinent, will you allow me to

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258 inquire the name of my guest with whom you required a meeting?"

"My Lord," said Clifford, drawing himself up, and speaking gravely and sternly, though still with a certain deference—"I need not surely point out to your Lordship's good sense and good feeling, that your very question implies a doubt, and, consequently, an affront, and that the tone of it is not such as to justify that concession on my part which the farther explanation you require would imply!"

Few spoken sarcasms could be so bitter as that silent one which Mauleverer could command by a smile, and with this complimentary expression on his thin lips and raised brow, the Earl answered—"Sir, I honour the skill testified by your reply; it must be the result of a profound experience in these affairs. I wish you, Sir, a very good night, and the next time you favour me with a visit, I am quite sure that your motives for so indulging me will be no less creditable to you than at present."

With these words Mauleverer turned to rejoin

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Rh his fair charge. But Clifford was a man who had seen in a short time a great deal of the world, and knew tolerably well the theories of society, if not the practice of its minutiæ; moreover, he was of an acute and resolute temper, and these properties of mind, natural and acquired, told him that he was now in a situation in which it had become more necessary to defy than to conciliate. Instead, therefore, of retiring, he walked deliberately up to Mauleverer and said—

"My Lord, I shall leave it to the judgment of your guests to decide whether you have acted the part of a nobleman and a gentleman in thus, in your domains, insulting one who has given you such explanation of his trespass as would fully excuse him in the eyes of all considerate or courteous persons. I shall also leave it to them to decide whether the tone of your enquiry allowed me to give you any farther apology. But I shall take it upon myself, my Lord, to demand from you an immediate explanation of your last speech."

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260 "Insolent!" cried Mauleverer, colouring with indignation, and almost for the first time in his life losing absolute command over his temper; "Do you bandy words with me—begone, or I shall order my servants to thrust you forth."

"Begone, Sir,—begone!" cried several voices in echo to Mauleverer, from those persons who deemed it now high time to take part with the powerful.

Clifford stood his ground, gazing around with a look of angry and defying contempt, which joined to his athletic frame, his dark and fierce eye, and a heavy riding whip, which, as if mechanically, he half raised, effectually kept the murmurers from proceeding to violence.

"Poor pretender to breeding and to sense!" said he, disdainfully turning to Mauleverer, "with one touch of this whip I could shame you for ever, or compel you to descend from the level of your rank to that of mine, and the action would be but a mild return to your language. But I love rather to teach you, than to correct.

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Rh to my creed, my Lord, he conquers most in good breeding, who forbears the most—scorn enables me to forbear!—Adieu!"

With this, Clifford turned on his heel and strode away. A murmur, approaching to a groan, from the younger, or sillier part of the parasites, (the mature and the sensible have no extra emotion to throw away,) followed him as he disappeared.

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text: Paul Clifford/Volume 2/Chapter 9

title: Paul Clifford/Volume 2/Chapter 9


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 . King James died 1625, King Charles took Virginia affairs into his own hands. The London Company was abolished, the Virginia Charter declared null and void. The new King gave more power to the Royal Councillors, and to Matthews he gave the same confidence his father had awarded "The King's Commissioner," and designated him "The Guardian of Virginia."

This Great Pioneer of Results, one of a family of many shields and quarterings, was true to the motto of his race.

"Every soil is native land to the hero." He was destined to organize and carry a colony through perilous trials; a man who organized fourteen counties on the James River, and through union of the counties he laid the Arch of the Dominion, the cornerstone of the United States. The Church made Jamestown, Jamestown made the counties, the counties made Virginia, Virginia made the Colonies, the Colonies made the United States Republic of America.

The early history of the Dominion and records of the British pioneers are better known in England than America, but this tercentennial year of our nation's birth has awakened interest in the founding days of our country, when all North America, possessed by the British Crown, was known as Virginia. The period of occupation from 1607 to 1624, the date when Royal Government was established, to a great degree was merged into the colonization period, dating from 1660—the date of Restoration—when under King Charles II, Berkeley, Culpepper, Spottswood, Dinwiddie and other Governors won extended recognition in

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 history as the founders of the Dominion, but the men of the 17th century, under Royal Government, had laid solid foundation on which the colonies could rest. We are now turning the pages of history backward with educational results that will benefit our people, and it is easy to send "messages" and create "memories" through research to awaken pride in the founders of our country.

Virginia, named by Sir Walter Raleigh in honor of Elizabeth, Virgin Queen of England—the patron of his ambitions and achievements, but King James, her successor, had little veneration for her memory, and "The Queen's Favorite" became the King's victim, and as a consequence when Captain Smith and his mariners reached Virginia, many changes followed to honor King James. Powhatan River, the gateway of the possession, was named James River. Raleigh was abandoned and Jamestown was made the center point of action. Wessex, the west; Essex, the east; Norfolk, the north; Suffolk, the south; Middlesex, the middle, to designate plantations. "In Memory of Home," and to the end of the foundation of British Colonies of America, English names succeeded the Indian.

References: English Records of Virginia. Records of Essex County, Virginia. Archives of the College of William and Mary. Seventeenth Century Colonies of America. Campbell's History of Colony and Ancient Dominion of Virginia. British Calendar of State Papers. Hening's Statutes. The Cradle of the Republic. Burke's Armory of England.

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Rh The regularly organized troops of the present dynasty are the Tartar legions, which amount to 80,000 effective men, arranged under eight banners, and always at the disposal of government. Their standards are yellow, white, red, and blue; each of which are doubled by being provided with a border. These are so distributed throughout the empire as to keep four thousand times their own number in order. The naval force is numerous, but inefficient; the ships of war are generally about the size of trading junks, but better built and manned; though it would require an indefinite number of them to cope with one of the smallest frigates of the British navy. As to their forts, those only at the Bogue, on the Canton river, deserve the name; but the incapability of these to resist the entrance of the British ships, a few years ago, was most clearly manifested. The management of all these defences is confided to the military tribunal.

Next comes the tribunal of punishments, which appoints and removes judges, takes cognizance of all judicial proceedings, and sees to the carrying out and execution of the laws. It is rather singular, that the supreme court of justice, in China, should be termed the tribunal of punishments, but it shews that the government of that country is more active in chastising the people for breaches of the law, than anxious to dispense justice to the injured and innocent. Every province is provided with a criminal judge, at a salary of £2,000 a year; this officer goes the circuit of his district periodically, and holds his court in the provincial city. There is a show of some solemnity, and certainly of terror, in a Chinese court of justice; but one looks in vain for the jury box. A man is not tried by


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 described "as a man who kept a good house, lived bravely and was a true lover of Virginia."

I will here add this estate was left to his son, Col. Samuel, together with a great estate in Matthews County, which was the heritage of John Matthews, a grandson of Governor, the ancestor of William B. Matthews, my friend of Virginia memories.

Francis, another son of Colonel Matthews, had a large estate of some two thousand acres in the County of Northumberland. He was a tobacco planter, and his horses and herds are referred to in history as notable.

The son of Thomas, a nephew of Governor Matthews, married the daughter of Francis Matthews, and through this intermarriage the ancestors of Rev. John Matthews, of Essex County, Virginia, the rector of St. Anne's Church in the colonial period—descended—and records show that for over one hundred and fifty years members of the family held the position of Clerk of the Court, and intermarried with nearly every other prominent family, at that date, of Virginia; the Timsons, Moseleys. Batterlys, Baldwins, Braxtons, Micous, Buckners, Jamesons, Carters, Bushrods, Smiths, Burgess, Garnetts, Woods, Muscoes, Bagleys, Turners, Graves, and others equally prominent to give extended connection.

The Percy Hundred Estate of Mrs. Matthews, opposite Newport News, known after her marriage with Colonel Matthews as Fleur de Hundred, comprised 2200 acres, an outpost of Point Comfort Fort, overlooking the beautiful Hampton Roads "over the bay." Weyanoke of Indian fame, the site of the Exposition

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130 his peers, in China; while examination by torture is generally employed; and the criminal is punished on his own confession.

The last tribunal is that of works, to which is committed the care of public buildings, the excavation of canals, the embankment of rivers, and the construction of bridges and locks. Any one who considers the immense trouble and expense necessary to maintain some of the above, with the ruin and devastation sometimes consequent on neglect in this department, will see, that a branch of public service of such importance ought to be placed under a separate board of management.

In addition to the above tribunals, there are other public offices, to which important affairs are confided. Such as the colonial or foreign office, for the superintendence of the extensive districts, which, by the annexation of Tartary to the empire, have been brought under the imperial sway. There is also the public censorate, the officers of which are appointed to oversee the affairs of the whole empire, and are allowed to reprove the sovereign, or any of his officers, without being liable to punishment. Full liberty is given them to descant on the general affairs of government, though not to interfere with the private concerns of the monarch; and they are frequently sent into various parts of the empire, to inspect and report on the conduct of some of the highest officers of state. Such an institution as this, where the expression of public opinion is generally suppressed, is certainly of great value, and indicates the wisdom of those statesmen who established, and the magnanimity of those rulers who endure it.

In addition to this, we have the grand national college at Peking, the members of which are all the


text: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 13

title: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 13


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is a pleasant privilege to present the following monograph to the profession and the public, for there is no discussion which is more fundamental to the interpretation and reform of current teaching than this statement of the functions of interest and effort in education. Its active acceptance by teachers would bring about a complete transformation of classroom methods. Its appreciation by the patrons of the schools would greatly modify current criticism of the various programs of educational reform. The worth of this presentation is well summarized in the statement that, if teachers and parents could know intimately only one treatise on educational procedure, it is greatly to be doubted that any other could be found which would, within small compass, so effectively direct them to the points of view, the attitudes of mind, and the methods of work which are essential to good teaching.

By good teaching we here mean that provision


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UNIFIED VERSUS DIVIDED ACTIVITY the educational lawsuit of interest versus effort, let us consider the respective briefs of plaintiff and defendant. In behalf of interest it is claimed that it is the sole guarantee of attention; if we can secure interest in a given set of facts or ideas, we may be perfectly sure that the pupil will direct his energies toward mastering them; if we can secure interest in a certain moral train or line of conduct, we are equally safe in assuming that the child's activities are responding in that direction; if we have not secured interest, we have no safeguard as to what will be done in any given case. As a matter of fact, the doctrine of discipline has not succeeded. It is absurd to suppose that a child gets more intellectual or mental discipline when he goes at a matter


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Rh chief of the literati of China. After having passed through three public examinations with honour, a select few are again tried, in order to their admission into this college. All matters which respect literature, and many which regard politics, are referred to this board, while the principal officers of state are chosen from among its members. Every individual in the empire is eligible to this distinction, and every scholar looks forward to it, as the consummation of all his wishes.

The laws of China are numerous, minute, and circumstantial, and give the best idea of the character of the people, and their advance in civilization, which could possibly be furnished. The present dynasty have published three works on law. The first contains the general laws of the empire, an elegant translation of which has been furnished by Sir G. Staunton. The next contains the bye laws, or particular regulations for each department of government; and the third is the work already alluded to, viz. "a collection of statutes for the present dynasty." As the general laws of China are best known, it may be well just to allude to them, as illustrative of the genius of the people from whom they emanate. The following testimony in their favour is by a writer in the " Edinburgh Review."

"When," says he, "we turn from the ravings of the Zend Avesta, or the Puranas, to the tone of sense and business of the Chinese collection, we seem to be passing from darkness to light; from the drivellings of dotage, to the exercise of an improved understanding; and redundant and minute as these laws are, in many particulars, we scarcely know any eastern code, that is at once so copious and so consistent, or that is nearly so free from intricacy, bigotry, and fiction. In every thing relating to political freedom, or individual independence, it is indeed wholly defective; but for the repression of


text: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 14

title: The Irish in Australia/Chapter 14


text: Interest and Effort in Education

title: Interest and Effort in Education


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132 disorder, and the gentle coercion of a vast population, it appears to us to be in general mild and efficacious." "There is nothing here of the monstrous verbiage of most other Asiatic productions; but a clear, concise, and distinct series of enactments, savouring throughout of practical judgment and European good sense; and, if not always conformable to our improved notions of expediency in this country, in general approaching to them more nearly than the codes of most other nations."

These encomiums are certainly high, and the general laws of China are, undoubtedly, much indebted to their elegant translator, and still more lavish admirer. In our humble opinion, many of the penal laws are just and good, and indicative of a knowledge of human nature, not to be met with in the savage state. Among the Chinese, the code is highly prized; and their only wish is, to see their enactments justly and impartially administered. The whole is divided into six sections, according to the six tribunals above named; and regard civil office, revenue, rites, military proceedings, punishments, and public works.

The civil laws refer to the system of government, and the conduct of magistrates. According to these statutes, hereditary rank is allowed, but only such as commenced with the present dynasty, and has been purchased by extraordinary services to the state. The appointment and removal of officers depend entirely on the will of the emperor. No officer of government can quit his station without leave, and no superior can interfere with his subordinates, except in the regular discharge of his duty. All officers engaged in cabals, and state intrigues, are to be beheaded; while those who neglect the orders of government, or fail in their duty, are liable to the appropriate penalties of the law. No magistrate can hold office in his own province;


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 Grounds, this estate united with Denbigh—embracing at present Newport News, Hampton and Point Comfort—once the hunting grounds of Powhatan became the home of Matthews. It is presumed Colonel Matthews made Fleur de Hundred one of his home houses, where he dispensed the unbounded hospitality for which he was famous. History states in 1648 he entertained "Beauchamp Plantagenet at Fleur de Hundred, where his kinsman was a welcome guest, and all other royal refugees who sought Virginia during the Civil War found welcome."

Governor Matthews owned large shipping interests and frequently returned to England to keep in touch with home affairs, and the progress made under his direction in Virginia was regarded "A Mighty Work." Counties were being organized and peopled on the river; forts built; the Church of Jamestown rebuilt in 1639, and prosperity marked every milestone of advance under the Royal Government, when Civil War under Cromwell's agitation in 1642 changed the history of England.

Virginia so far removed from Great Britain was not very much affected by the war; in fact many distinguished persons emigrated from England to escape war at home, and increased her prosperity. Virginians were loyal to King and Crown, but too feeble to declare power, much less defend Cromwell's aggression. History, however, relates, "One of Matthews' ships was confiscated for Cromwell's use; this he recovered and four hundred pounds sterling 'for the trouble,' " a good demonstration of individual power, and the policy maintained of Virginia independence in the days of Civil War. Still there was unrest over rumors of

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 and rebellion and much apprehension felt that was realized on Good Friday, April 24, 1644, at a period when war was raging in England, and anxiety in Virginia. Matthews was prepared for the attack and his followers not surprised; still a key note of danger was sounded, and with courage the settlers accepted the gauntlet and a vigorous war upon the Indians lasted until 1646. Berkeley was Governor of Jamestown; Matthews on "the war path." "We are fighting for England," he said to his people, and his enthusiasm for home and country was contagious. His first object was to hold Virginia a "Fifth power of Britain"; a kingdom home for Charles First, one secure from fatalities of war. It is set forth in history, "Matthews was the greatest opposer of Cromwell and the leader of the persecution of the Puritans." No doubt he was as dictatorial as "a Czar," for true to his heritage and birthright he would stand firm and true for England in her "dark hour," and aid to the fullest extent of his ability. A man to count no effort to serve the Crown: but Virginians in their most melancholy fancies never dreamed nor visioned the fate awaiting their King until the blow fell with crushing force, to daze heads and make hearts faint. It is related when the fearful news reached Virginia in 1649—four months after the tragedy that left England without a King—men were dazed. Governor Berkeley would no longer act under Cromwell and retired from service, then it was that Matthews in his sorrow showed the greatness of his character to seize and accept conditions. "We must stand together." he said. "We must save Virginia. We must be prepared

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 EDITED BY HENRY SUZZALO

PROFESSOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

Houghton Mifflin publisher mark, 1913.png

BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO SAN FRANCISCO


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 COPYRIGHT, 1913, BY JOHN DEWEY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

The Riverside Press CAMBRIDGE · MASSACHUSETTS U. S. A


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16 made on the mind. In conversations with them, they uniformly answered to assurances that if free they must work, "Yes, massa, we must work to live; that's the law"; and expressing an anxiety that the work of the plantations was not going on. At Hilton Head, they are ready to do for Mr. Lee, the judicious Superintendent, whatever is desired. Hard words and epithets are, however, of no use in managing them, and other parties for whose service they are specially detailed, who do not understand or treat them properly, find some trouble in making their labor available, as might naturally be expected. In collecting cotton, it is sometimes, as I am told, difficult to get them together, when wanted for work. There may be something in this, particularly among the young men. I have observed them a good deal; and though they often do not work to much advantage,—a dozen doing sometimes what one or two stout and well-trained Northern laborers would do, and though less must always be expected of persons native to this soil than those bred in Northern latitudes, and under more bracing air,—I have not been at all impressed with their general indolence. As servants, oarsmen, and carpenters, I have seen them working faithfully and with a will. There are some peculiar circumstances in their condition, which no one who assumes to sit in judgment upon them must overlook. They are now, for the first time, freed from the restraint of a master, and like children whose guardian or teacher is absent for the day, they may quite naturally enjoy an interval of idleness. No system of labor for them, outside of the camps, has been begun, and they have had nothing to do except to bale the cotton when bagging was furnished, and we all know that men partially employed are, if anything, less disposed to do the little assigned them than they are to perform the full measure which belongs to them in regular life, the virtue of the latter case being supported by habit. At the camps, they are away from their accustomed places of labor, and have not been so promptly paid as could be desired, and are exposed to the same circumstances which often dispose soldiers to make as little exertion as possible. In the general chaos which prevails, and before the inspirations of labor have been set before them by proper superintendents and teachers who understand their disposition, and show by their conduct


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Rh an interest in their welfare no humane or reasonable man would subject them to austere criticism, or make the race responsible for the delinquencies of an idle person, who happened to be brought particularly under his own observation. Not thus would we have ourselves or our own race judged; and the judgment which we would not have meted to us, let us not measure to others.

Upon the best examination of these people, and a comparison of the evidence of trustworthy persons, I believe that when properly organized, and with proper motives set before them, they will, as freemen, be as industrious as any race of men are likely to be in this climate.

The notions of the sacredness of property as held by these people have sometimes been the subject of discussion here. It is reported they have taken things left in their masters' houses. It was wise to prevent this, and even where it had been done to compel a restoration, at least of expensive articles, lest they should be injured by speedily acquiring, without purchase articles above their condition. But a moment's reflection will show that it was the most natural thing for them to do. They had been occupants of the estates; had had these things more or less in charge and when the former owners had left, it was easy for them to regard their title to the abandoned property as better than that of strangers. Still, it is not true that they have, except as to very simple articles, as soap or dishes, generally availed themselves of such property. It is also, stated that in camps where they have been destitute of clothing, they have stolen from each other, but the Superintendents are of opinion that they would not have done this if already well provided. Besides, those familiar with large bodies collected together, like soldiers in camp life, also know how often these charges of mutual pilfering are made among them, often with great injustice. It should be added, to complete the statement, that the agents who have been intrusted with the collection of cotton have reposed confidence in the trustworthiness of the laborers, committing property to their charge—a confidence not found to have been misplaced.

To what extent these laborers desire to be free, and to serve us still further in putting down the rebellion, has been a subject of examination. The desire to be free has been


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18 strongly expressed, particularly among the more intelligent and adventurous. Every day, almost, adds a fresh tale of escapes, both solitary and in numbers, conducted with a courage, a forecast, and a skill, worthy of heroes. But there are other apparent features in their disposition which it would be untruthful to conceal. On the plantations, I often found a disposition to evade the inquiry whether they wished to be free or slaves; and though a preference for freedom was ex pressed, it was rarely in the passionate phrases which would come from an Italian peasant. The secluded and monotonous life of a plantation, with strict discipline and ignorance enforced by law and custom, is not favorable to the development of the richer sentiments, though even there they find at least a stunted growth, irrepressible as they are. The inquiry was often answered in this way: "The white man do what he pleases with us; we are yours now, massa." One, if I understood his broken words rightly, said that he did not care about being free, if he only had a good master. Others said they would like to be free, but they wanted a white man for a "protector." All of proper age, when inquired of, expressed a desire to have their children taught to read and write, and to learn themselves. On this point, they showed more earnestness than on any other. When asked if they were willing to fight, in case we needed them, to keep their masters from coming back, they would seem to shrink from that, saying that "black men have been kept down so like dogs that they would run before,white men." At the close of the first week's observation, I almost concluded that on the plantation there was but little earnest desire for freedom, and scarcely any willingness for its sake to encounter white men. But as showing the importance of not attempting to reach general conclusions too hastily, another class of facts came to my notice the second week. I met then some more intelligent, who spoke with profound earnestness of their desire to be free; and how they had longed to see this day. Other facts, connected with the military and naval operations, were noted. At the recent reconnaissancereconnoisance [sic] toward Pulaski, pilots of this class stood well under the fire, and were not reluctant to the service. When a district of Ladies' Island was left exposed, they voluntarily took such guns as they could procure, and stood sentries. Also at North Edisto,