text:
How Eupalinos Navigated His Way Through The Mountain

An empirical approach to the geometry of Eupalinos' tunnel on Samos
Abstract: The Eupalinos tunnel is the most complex structure that has been preserved from the ancient world. The tunnel was cut from both ends, 1040 m through the Kastro mountain on  Samos, around 550 to 540 BC and it has fascinated people ever since. But still more intriguing is how Eupalinos navigated, because the tunnel zigzags in a most challenging way. By estimating the accuracy obtained by Eupalinos from the geometry of the construction, the author reconstructs the methodology of the tunnelling. He proposes that Eupalinos used the straight line as the main component for his navigation, that he set out tunnelling directions at a few precisely defined turns using simple geometry easily derived from the straight angle down to a unit not smaller than 7.5 degrees and that a tangential-based method was not used. He argues that Eupalinos used a full-scale model to determine the geometry of the tunnel. He suggests a new system for the length measurements of the tunnels based on the wall marks. He argues that the design of rendezvous is based on necessary catching width between the two tunnels. He proposes that it is a coincidence that the rendezvous takes place close to the summit. He argues that Eupalinos made gross errors in handling the measurements, but that he managed to handle these errors, probably thanks to careful remeasuring.

Keywords: Eupalinos, Tunnel, Samos

Introduction
The Eupalinos tunnel was cut from both ends, ca. 1040 m through the Kastro mountain on  Samos, around 550 to 540 BC and it has fascinated people ever since. The construction carried drinking water from the spring at Ajades some few kilometres north of the ancient city of Samos (modern Pythagoreion) through the mountain north of the city. The tunnel consists of two parts, a north and a south part, obviously cut from both ends. The two tunnel sections meet below the summit of the mountain, which rises to 225 m above mean sea level. The total length of the tunnel is ca. 1040 m divided into 612 m for the north part and 424 m for the south part. The cross-section of the tunnel measures ca. 1.8 x 1.8 m. The floor of the tunnel is almost perfectly flat at ca +55 m. In the tunnel a qanat-like technique has been used for a deep trench with the water pipes at the bottom. Water entered in the north at +51.2 m and left in the south at +47.7 m giving a tilt of 0.36 %. The width of the qanat varies from 0.6 m to 0.8 m. North of the tunnel water was carried, first in a ditch covered with stone slabs and later, before reaching the entrance of the tunnel, a qanat-like technique was used. The construction ends on the south side with an arrangement for distributing water into the city. The total length of the pipe line from the spring to the end in the city is about 3 km using more than 4000 pipes. The inner cross-section of the pipe measures 0.24 to 0.26 m. The capacity has been estimated at 400 cubic meters per 24 hours, equal to ca. 5 litres per second. During construction that probably reached over more than one decade a serious problem arose. When starting the north tunnel it was soon obvious that the material in the mountain was very weak with collapsing walls and roof. This problem was to some extent solved by supporting walls inside the tunnel. But about 270 m into the mountain Eupalinos gave up the straight line and deviated the tunnel to the west to find better material to work in. Further on it was apparently considered safe to turn back towards the original line. Before the rendezvous of the two tunnel sections the north tunnel zigzags, however, in a most challenging way. How Eupalinos here navigated is indeed intriguing. In this paper I argue that the only geometrical component planned to be used by the constructor was the straight line. Because of unforeseen obstacles the tunnelling had to be deviated and for geometrical reasons an equal-legged triangle was used for the navigation. Doing this, different errors were introduced by mistake, which led the tunnelling to a more eastern course. This was later corrected, obviously after a remeasurement, bringing the tunnelling back to the originally chosen straight line. Kienast maintains that it was planned by Eupalinos to secure the south and north tunnels to hit each other by way of a ›tentacle‹ under the summit of the mountain. In my opinion it is only a coincidence that the two tunnels meet each other close to the summit. I argue that the arrangements at the rendezvous were not as claimed by Kienast a method for a secure ›hit‹ by shortest possible tunnelling but instead a shortcut when within hearing distance between the tunnels.

Geometric background, method and terminology
The basic geometrical background information in this paper is taken from H. J. Kienast's description of the tunnel. I have measured angles and distances on Plan 3 a and 3 b of his work and used this for my analysis of the layout of the tunnel. I have used the basic line, introduced by Kienast, and extrapolated through the mountain by him, but renamed it the ›southern line‹. As Kienast, I think Eupalinos used a straight line of poles over the Kastro mountain to determine the starting points of the two tunnels and I have named this line the ›mountain line‹. The line used by Kienast ca. 250 m into the north tunnel is not identical with the ›northern line‹ of this paper. Eupalinos' equal-legged triangle (in theory) has been observed by Kienast and I hold it probable that the triangle was a major component of Eupalinos' navigation. I believe that the north leg of the triangle consists of only two parts. I found a larger deviation in the north tunnel than Kienast and I believe that it was caused by lack of precision in the measurements and not a part of the navigation or a mistake. I use the unit of 20.59 m, determined by Kienast from marks on the walls of the tunnels, to reconstruct the lengths of the tunnel segments and to analyse possible measuring errors. My assumption concerning the setting out of angles is based on simple geometry. This paper deals with Eupalinos' surveying and measurements of the tunnel. By estimating the accuracy obtained by Eupalinos from the geometry of the construction, I have attempted to reconstruct his methodology. My ambition is to approach the work and the constructor through the possibilities available in his time. An empirical approach has been used to understand the layout of the tunnel. The following table identifies key points in the actual cut of the north tunnel used in this paper (figs. 1–2).

The positions of the points A to C are not identical with the wall marks of Eupalinos but they are very close to each other. After E the wall marks representing distances seem to come to an end.

I have used the best available drawing table equipment, rulers and protractors, measuring distances and angles at Plan 3 a of Kienast, and have used Plan 3 a as it were free from errors. The accuracy obtained would be around a quarter of a degree for the angles and 0.25 m for distances. The location of the starting points for the tunnels and the turning points inside the tunnel, used by Eupalinos, can no longer be determined with high precision, which hampers reconstruction and makes it difficult to calculate triangles and traverses more exactly.

I define the different lines as follows:

Southern line: The south tunnel undulates around this line and is the most precise part of the construction from a geometrical view point. This line has been extrapolated and extended theoretically by Kienast through the mountain up to the north entrance. Eupalinos secured the geometry of the line by a vertical shaft situated 20 m into the south tunnel. Obviously this was done to obtain a better connection between this line and the mountain line. It indicates that the possibilities were limited to arrange a sufficient length south of the entrance of the south tunnel for the overlapping of the lines. No other vertical shafts have been found.

Northern line: The north tunnel follows this line for the first 273 m from the entrance. At this point the tunnel turns and the line can no longer be used for practical measurements but remains the base line for the north cut. The tunnel returns to the northern line and follows it from F to G (from 585 m to 601 m). The undulation is not visible in the beginning of the tunnel because of the reinforcements of the walls. Further into the tunnel when the walls can again be observed the undulations seem to be larger compared with those in the south tunnel. The northern line derives from the Kastro mountain line north of the north entrance. Where a straight line could not be established, a parallel line close to the original line was probably used. The southern and the northern lines would in theory be the same line.

Kastro mountain line: This line connects the southern and northern lines. In its south part it is identical with the southern line and in its north part with the northern line. As much of the geometry of the tunnel is dependent on crossing the Kastro mountain this line was probably reworked. Although the Kastro mountain line had a high degree of accuracy, it incorporated a slight curvature, which caused the deviation mentioned below. The curvature would be caused by a minor S-shape in the Kastro mountain line when this line arrived to the northern entrance. It is likely to have occurred on the north slope of the mountain and not at the summit. If it had occurred at the summit it would have been of a magnitude that would have been observed.

These three lines cross each other roughly at the same point in the middle of the north entrance.

Supplementary line: This line guides the tunnel from D to E and was probably, in this part, during the tunnelling, mistaken by the constructor for the northern line.

Deviation: There is a deviation of ca. 0.8 degrees between the northern and the southern lines, and of ca. 1 degree between the northern line and the supplementary line. The northern line as I define it reaches point A 273 m into the north tunnel before turning to the west. According to Kienast the tunnel makes its first turn 235 m into the mountain to the west and soon after to the east.

The deviation was unknown to Eupalinos but he must have been aware of the lower accuracy and risks in transforming the direction by the Kastro mountain line.

Eupalinos' tools
Eupalinos had a few important tools at his disposal. 1 Geometry: Eupalinos must have been well acquainted, not only with the geometry that later was collected and developed by Euclid, but also with its practical applications for construction purposes. It is likely that the constructor kept track of his progress in the tunnelling by a full scale model in an open horizontal field in the vicinity of the working site. Kienast suggests that Eupalinos used a drawing table, thus working on a reduced scale. This would have hampered the accuracy considerable.

2 The straight surveying line: The straight surveying line, a line of poles through the landscape, aligned by eye, is still today highly important. The accuracy obtained for a line can, in favourable conditions i.e. flat land with no hindering vegetation, reach a decimetre per kilometre.

It is obvious that Eupalinos employed a surveying line over the Kastro mountain crossing the summit on the western side to avoid the unfavourable central part of the Kastro. As the end of the tunnel had to be situated well within the city walls this also gives a rough position for the exit. The line finally chosen takes a course of 25 degrees NNW (equal to a bearing of 335 degrees).

A more favourable position for the tunnel would have been found about 200 m to the east parallel to the chosen course. The tunnel would have arrived more centrally in the city, the deep trench at the north entrance would have been avoided and it would have been possible for Eupalinos to find a more flat working area at the north entrance. But he seems not to have been able to run the mountain line with sufficient accuracy over the summit of the mountain including the northern part of the ring-wall. This indicates that the walls of the Kastro fortifications were already in place when the survey work for the tunnel started. It is obvious that tunnelling in the dark with only oil-lamps for lighting necessitated a method for keeping a straight course. The tunnel follows the straight line into the mountain in a way that one edge of the tunnel touches the straight line and after this turns to the other side. This makes the walls at the turning points of the tunnel format the line, and it is possible for the surveyor to find the turns by the light from the entrance or a lamp. The undulation will form the tunnel around the straight line. This method avoids keeping a row of rods in working and transport areas. It is most obvious in the south tunnel.

3 Technique for measuring distance: We have no information about how measurements of distances in steep terrain, projected horizontally, were performed. I suppose that a rod of fixed length with an additional water level would do. The accuracy for the horizontally projected distance for the Kastro mountain line from tunnel entrance to tunnel entrance would be around five meters.

In the tunnels are several marks on the walls presumably made for measuring reasons. The marks starting from A excluding words and lines for levelling are in average ca. 4 m apart in both tunnels. But the marks are placed irregularly. Sometimes there are as many as one mark per 2 m and sometimes only one mark per 20 m. On the west wall of both tunnels there is a regular set of marks, with intervals of around 20 m and these marks obviously represent distances. They seem to be arranged in repeated series with ten letters (I K L M N X O P Ω R) each representing a unit length of 20.59. The series starts from both entrances. All marks are today not longer visible or maybe were not placed during the construction but both series can be extrapolated to the entrances giving starting points for the first units. In both tunnels the series come to an end several units before the rendezvous.

It is probable that all parts of the construction work needed measuring marks but today it is almost impossible to connect most of the marks to a specific activity. For cutting the tunnel Eupalinos would have needed the two series of marks showing distance from the tunnel entrances into the mountain and these marks are probably the oldest. Probably several marks are related to a search for possible errors in the measurements. The latter marks would be very difficult to systematise today.

Point A of this paper seems to be close to M and point B to P. Following the logic in the series point C would have been named R, but instead Eupalinos named it S, maybe to emphasise the importance of this turn. The segment C to D is marked according to the series obviously starting with an I which is not visible any longer. The 6.5 unit long segment is not given any mark of this type at its end but instead the O is placed half a unit into the segment D – E.

Distances in horizontal terrain or in the tunnels could have been measured with a chain with or without graduations. As Eupalinos unit is 20.59 m this probably represents the length of the chain. As Eupalinos is using a unit of 20.59 m for distance measurements the chain would have had this length. A chain flat on the floor would give an accuracy of a few centimetres per chain length and for a full segment of the tunnel less than 1 m. The measurements would have followed the straight lines forming the tunnel segments as close as possible preferably with the chain lying on the floor. At the shifts of the chain marks would have been painted on or cut in the floor. The marks on the walls were probably only intended to show the approximate position of the shifts. This would explain why the obvious large spread of distances between the marks on the walls ends up with the length of the tunnel segments in whole or half multiples of units. The marks show both length units and points for shifts of the units. Turning points would have been marked on the floor, precisely at the turning, so that a measuring device could be centrally placed above the point and with space to operate the measurement device around it. No sign of any marks on the floor have up to now been found.

4 Techniques for measuring altitude: Altitude measurements seem to have been made with a chorobates, a primitive leveller with a vessel for water, or forerunners of this instrument. Eupalinos probably measured independently more than once between the south and the north entrances to check his results and to obtain a higher level of accuracy. He would have chosen a flat path around the mountain following a contour line not necessarily on the same level as the entrances. When the two parts meet in the tunnel after three km, the closing error of the levelling is small, only a few decimetres and the accuracy is still better at the entrances. Eupalinos had probably arranged two stone blocks at each entrance, with flat and levelled top surfaces, aligned with the tunnels, from which the level of the floor of the tunnel could be guided. Possibly a movable wooden pole was used to level it with the surface of the two outer stone blocks. Further into the tunnels lines on the walls seem to have taken over the role of the outer stones. Eupalinos himself seems to have expected a somewhat less precise result as he raised the ceiling of the north tunnel by 2.5 m and lowered the floor of the south tunnel by 0.6 m, when approaching the meeting point. 5 Techniques for measuring angles: The groma and the dioptra are mentioned in classical texts but the groma probably could only handle straight angles and the dioptra was not in use at this time. Nothing resembling a theodolite or a compass was available. Eupalinos probably intended to turn the tunnel at A 15 degrees, at B 7.5 degrees, at C 45 degrees, at D 22.5 degrees, at E 37.5 degrees and at F 37.5 degrees (fig. 1). Eupalinos had to use angles he could deal with. In the construction he was actually not measuring any angles but only setting out angles, which he probably determined from a full-scale model in an open field in the vicinity, as mentioned above. With the available technology and the contemporary level of knowledge of geometry he would probably have used angles easily derived from the straight angle down to a unit not smaller than 1/12 i.e. 7.5 degrees. This gave him angles of 90, 45, 30, 15 and 7.5 degrees, in various combinations. I do not think it was possible to construct any measuring device that could deal with smaller angles than this. With this as a background it is probable that Eupalinos utilized a simple plane table with an aiming device. Combined with the plane table he would have used classical set-squares of somewhat larger size. To increase accuracy he would have used the same set-squares for supplementary and [w:complementary angles|]] in different combinations. It is likely that Eupalinos didn't use tangential-based methods for setting out the directions because of larger difficulties in their use than for using angles and fractions of angles.

Concerning Eupalinos' tools I thus make the following assumptions.

1. The straight line was the main component in Eupalinos' approach to the work and all parts of the tunnels follow straight lines. There are no more turning points in the north tunnel than listed above (A – G).

2. Eupalinos was using measuring units, and I suggest that for angles one unit is equal to 1/12 of a straight angle and for distances one unit is equal to 20.59 m.

3. In the north tunnel, Eupalinos used an equal-legged triangle (in theory) placing the catheti from A to C and from C to D. The angle at D, ¼ of a straight angle (easy to measure today) gives the angles of the equal-legged triangle. This makes the angle at C ½ of a straight angle and the sum of the angles A – B – C ¼ of a straight angle. There is no longer a consistent line of sight today between these points because of reinforcements of the walls and heaps of mud.

Tunnelling
Tunnelling from the north

The start of the north tunnel achieves a high degree of accuracy; in altitude it is within a few decimetres; the starting point is correct on the lines, also within a few decimetres, but in direction there is a deviation of 0.8 degrees. In length the error is larger–perhaps about 5 m–but this error is less critical. From the situation when starting the north tunnel we can estimate the degree of accuracy possible for Eupalinos.

After 273 meters at A (figs. 3–4), he turned the tunnel 15 degrees (in theory) to the west, perhaps hoping to find better material. He decided the precise turning point after more than 20 m of hesitation. He seems to have changed direction a few degrees on both sides of the turning point before choosing his final western direction. He would, for accuracy, keep the straight northern line as long as possible. After choosing to turn at A he kept this turning point fixed. When leaving A, he would not yet have been able to decide the position of the next turning point because the condition of the rock was unknown for him.

He continued for another 84 m to B where he once more turned the tunnel 7.5 degrees (in theory) to the west and continued 41 m to C. He was by then 40 m (perpendicular distance) out of track of the northern line and 400 m from the north entrance. He had still more than 200 m to go before he reached the south tunnel.

At C he turned the tunnel to the east by 45 degrees (in theory) back towards the northern line. He continued for 133 m, to D, where he turned 22.5 degrees (in theory) westwards to correct his direction south. On his way to D he inadvertently crossed the northern line.

The problem now was that Eupalinos was back on a southbound direction but he was 12 m on the east side of the northern line and 21 m east of the southern line, his goal. He had also increased the deviation to 1.8 degrees compared with the southern line. As he continued almost parallel to the northern line for 34 m he was obviously still not aware of the situation. But at point E something must have happened; he turned the tunnel 37.5 degrees (in theory) to the west to catch up with the northern line which he reached after 20 m at F. Here he again turned 37.5 degrees (in theory) to the east and he was back on the northern line. But he had still 10 m left (perpendicular) to the southern line. The last two turns are close to 39 degrees but, more important, they are equal. That Eupalinos managed to return to the northern line at F and to follow it up to G has to my knowledge not been pointed out before. This was a remarkable achievement.

The use of a comparably sharp turn for correction at E and not a more ›flat‹ angle shows that Eupalinos was eager to come back to the northern line. This suggests that he estimated his position closer to the south tunnel than he actually was. Probably it was at this stage that he attached the ›tentacle‹ to the south tunnel. The choice of a more ›flat‹ angle, for example 15 degrees, would have given more ›tunnel length‹, towards the south. It is unlikely that we will get an explanation of what brought him to make these corrections. Maybe it was a general check-up of measurements and calculations or a re-measurement made as a security step before the rendezvous of the two parts of the tunnel.

A comparison of the segments of the tunnel gives the following relations between Eupalinos´ units and the actual measured distances (fig. 2).

It is of course today difficult to estimate turning points used by Eupalinos but the accuracy would be within a meter. The first turning point at A was chosen by Eupalinos as the best position to turn the line from the construction point of view and not as a full multiple of the length unit counted from the entrance. From D to E the tunnel follows, as Eupalinos would have thought, the correct southward direction, which means that no special care was taken to adapt this segment to one or more full multiples of the unit before he started to correct his position at E.

Possible errors in the setting out of the north tunnel
Eupalinos obtained a remarkable accuracy in several respects, such as in the levelling, in the construction of the more than 400 m long straight line of the south tunnel (shown in the extrapolation of the same line through the mountain arriving almost in the centre of the north entrance), in defining the angles of the equal-legged triangle measured at D to 1/4 of a straight angle, in making the supplementary line almost parallel to the northern line, and in correcting the displacement of the tunnel from E to F, retrieving the northern line at F. But in spite of these outstanding achievements, there were also errors.

Even in modern surveying, errors are common; it is never a ›no-error‹ situation. The question is always how to detect them and control them; they are always there. Even modern engineers are quite discreet about their mistakes.

The angles of the traverse forming the equal-legged triangle, Eupalinos theoretical goal, turn out as follows: 15 + 7.5 + 315 (45) + 22.5 (=360) degrees which bring the traverse back on the same bearing. But the actual measured angles are: 16 degrees at A, 7 degrees at B, 46 degrees at C and 22 degrees at D which adds 1 degree to the deviation. This gives a deviation of 1.8 degrees for the supplementary line, D to E, compared to the southern line. These errors are within the limits of the equipment used and not caused by mistakes. The angle at D between the segment C to D and the supplementary line actually shows a high degree of accuracy.

The two legs of the triangle A – C – D – A should, in theory, be equal in length. Using a rope for checking the critical distances A to C and C to D should give a result with accuracy around one meter for this distance. Even not correcting for the difference in distance between the cathetus A to C or the distance that can be measured A to B plus B to C only adds a minor error. The two catheti are 125 m (A to C) and 133 m (C to D) giving a difference of 8 m which is beyond the measuring inaccuracy. This would have been observed by the constructor. But the undulations between A and C and the turn at B might have confused Eupalinos. The possible use of parallel lines in the tunnel for obtaining straight lines of sight might also have played a role.

Let us recalculate the triangle with the angles at A 22.5 degrees, at C 45 degrees and at D 22.5 degrees and the sides A to C equal to C to D and both 124 m (6 x 20.59 m). In this triangle the corner C of course reaches the northern line.

Another hypothetical calculation can be made. As D and C are better defined as turning points than A we could start the other way round, giving the turning points the same angles but using the distance D to C also for C to A. This gives the position of A far beyond the northern line. These two hypothetical calculations do not add anything to our knowledge of where the error was made, but clearly show that there is an error in this section.

Generally speaking the triangle A – C – D – A seems to show a combination of errors. Some of them could have occurred when turning the tunnel at A, B and C using imprecise angle measurements. Using different distances for the legs in the triangle A – C – D – A is also a source of errors.

A systematic error originates from the deviation of the north tunnel (northern line) of 0.8 degrees compared to the south tunnel (southern line). This deviation causes an error that grows to more than 9 m, perpendicular, at E, 565 m into the tunnel, where Eupalinos realised that something was wrong with his navigation. But he was obviously still not aware of his error in direction because he corrected the tunnel towards the south but only up to the northern line. He only corrected for the difference in lengths of the legs of the triangle A – C – D. Back on the northern line he followed it southwards from F to G. The distance from F to G is too short for making any estimation concerning deviation. At G the north tunnel would be within hearing distance from the south tunnel'''. '''If Eupalinos at E (or already at C) had known the position of the ›tentacle‹ or its base, he would have headed for its nearest point and not moved back to the northern line.

When the north tunnel had reached E, Eupalinos would have started cutting the ›tentacle‹ on the south tunnel. If they were started simultaneously in this way (the north tunnel from E and the south tunnel from the beginning of the ›tentacle‹), the ›tentacle‹ would have reached within hearing distance from the north tunnel when this reached G. Eupalinos would then have turned the two parts towards each other. The ›tentacle‹ overcompensates the error in deviation by 50 % which might be seen as a normal safety arrangement.

The south tunnel and the rendezvous of the two parts
The south tunnel had, in the meantime, been cut ca. 390 m into the mountain. Here the work, we can assume, had been stopped to await the sorting out of the various difficulties in the north part. The two parts were closing up (fig. 4), and as a precaution Eupalinos attached a ›tentacle‹ to the south tunnel in a direction ca. 30 degrees to the east for ca. 30 m which increased the catching width from the normal tunnel cross-section of 1.8 m to ca. 17 m (perpendicular). Before the rendezvous Eupalinos raised the ceiling of the north tunnel by 2.5 m and lowered the floor of the south tunnel by 0.6 m, giving him a catching height of almost 5 m.

Eupalinos does not seem to have hesitated on which side of the south tunnel he should expect the rendezvous, which suggests that he had also remeasured the mountain line. The ›tentacle‹ would then have been constructed after making the corrections at E. As the work with the south tunnel seems to have proceeded smoothly, the cutting of this tunnel should have continued as far as possible.

But this was not done; the risky navigational situation in the north tunnel had to be resolved first. If we assume the same cutting speed from both sides and a simultaneous start, the head of the north tunnel would have been close to C, which is situated 40 m from the north line, when the work on the south tunnel was stopped. The head of the south tunnel was at this moment situated ca. 15 m south of the summit of the Kastro mountain. Later, when the north tunnel was approaching, the ›tentacle‹ was constructed. In my opinion it was probably a coincidence that the rendezvous took place almost under the summit of the Kastro mountain.

When the tunnels were ca. 12 m apart, both ends were turned towards each other and finally met. I suppose that this last change of direction for both the tunnels was related to the distance a blow with a hammer could be heard through the rock. Since the ›hit‹ between the two tunnels is perpendicular, it is indeed conceivable that it was guided by the sound through the rock. Adding the acoustic based catching width of about 12 m in all directions to the catching width of 17 m of the ›tentacle‹ makes totally about 40 m which is almost 10% of the length of each of the tunnels. The 25 m of acoustic width would have given a sufficient security but obviously Eupalinos did not trust his own measurements at this point.

Conclusion
The only geometrical component planned to be used by Eupalinos was the straight line. Because of unforeseen obstacles the tunnelling had to be deviated and for geometrical reasons an equal-legged triangle was used. Doing this, measuring errors were introduced by mistake. This led the tunnelling to take a more eastern course, which later was corrected after, obviously, remeasurement brought the tunnelling back to the originally chosen straight line.

This line reached the northern entrance with a small deviation of 0.8 degrees which was transformed into the northern line. At an initial stage of the work he did not detect it. The deviation was not a part of the navigation and was not prearranged by Eupalinos but caused by imprecision in the mountain line and the available measurement technology. It cannot have been a part of the construction in order to simplify the rendezvous of the two tunnels. Eupalinos had only one precise tool at his disposal, the straight line. If he had been able to follow his original plan with one straight tunnel from each side he would have known when approaching the rendezvous by measuring the lengths of both tunnels and compared the result with the total length. When hearing the other tunnel he would have changed course if necessary. Hearing distance seems to be around 12 m in this rock material, which would have given him enough security.

Eupalinos was well aware of what level of accuracy he could obtain using the available tools and methodology and he designed the tunnels accordingly. The tunnel is not a miracle but exhibits very skilful craftsmanship. Encountering problems in the rock he was forced to deviate from his original plan. Doing this he incurred errors which he had to solve using the same tools and methodology. Eupalinos was not only a skilful constructor but although he made some measurement errors, he was also a master surveyor. With simple tools and the uttermost determination Eupalinos, and the society of the time supporting him, finalised this remarkable feat of engineering. The pipes transported water to the city for some 1200 years. If the spring were to be restored the tunnel would probably, with some cleaning and maintenance, still work today.


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v. 24- (purodhā́), in this firm-standing, in this intent, in this design, in this benediction (āçís), in this invocation of the gods: hail!

2. Agni is overlord of forest-trees; let him favor etc. etc.

3. Heaven-and-earth are overlords of givers; let them favor etc. etc.

4. Varuṇa is overlord of the waters; let him favor etc. etc.

5. Mitra-and-Varuṇa are overlords of rain; let them favor etc. etc.

6. The Maruts are overlords of the mountains; let them favor etc. etc.

7. Soma is overlord of plants; let him favor etc. etc.

8. Vāyu is overlord of the atmosphere; let him favor etc. etc.

9. The sun (sū́rya) is overlord of sights (or eyes: cákṣus); let him favor etc. etc.

10. The moon is overlord of asterisms; let him favor etc. etc.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Page:Atharva-Veda samhita.djvu/434


text:
Page:Atharva-Veda samhita.djvu/435

265 11. Indra is overlord of heaven; let him favor etc. etc.

12. The father of the Maruts is overlord of cattle; let him favor etc. etc.

13. Death is overlord of creatures (prajā́); let him favor etc. etc.

14. Yama is overlord of the Fathers; let him etc. etc.

15. The upper (pára) Fathers—let them favor etc. etc.

16. The lower (ávara) Fathers (tatá)—let them favor etc. etc.

17. The Fathers (tatá), the grandfathers (tatāmahá)—let them favor etc. etc.

1. Brought together from the cloud (? párvata), from the womb (yóni) of the sky, from every member, let the virile organ, seed-placer of the embryo, set (ā-dhā) [it] like the feather on the shaft.

Or 'from the sky [as] womb.' That which is 'brought together' is the thing (seed) to be 'deposited.' The translation of d implies emendation to çárāu; Weber conjectures tsarāu. The insertion of the feather in the arrow-shaft is elsewhere also the subject of comparison as a work of effective skill; cf. RV. x. 18. 14 b. The verse is

title: Page:Atharva-Veda samhita.djvu/435


text: Atharva-Veda Samhita/Book V/Hymn 24

title: Atharva-Veda Samhita/Book V/Hymn 24


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Motherby, George


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Motherwell, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Motteux, Peter Anthony


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mottley, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mottram, Charles


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moule, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moulin, Lewis du


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moulin, Pierre du


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moulton, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moultrie, John


text:
Page:NARA Style Guide.pdf/63

 well-known (adj.) (4.5.2, Compounds) winter (season) (4.4, Capitalization) workday/working day (4.5.3, Compounds) workforce (4.5.3, Compounds) work hours (4.5.3, Compounds) workplace (4.5.3, Compounds) worksheet (4.5.3, Compounds) workstation (4.5.3, Compounds) World Wide Web (4.6, Computer-related terms) worldwide (4.5, Compounds)

 X-ray (adj.) (4.5.2, Compounds) X ray (noun) (4.5.3, Compounds) Rh

title: Page:NARA Style Guide.pdf/63


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moundeford, Thomas


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 The whole comprises the parts (a close synonym is "embraces"). The collection comprises more than 4,000 letters.

currently, presently, at this point These words prepare the reader for a contrast. Currently, we are receiving 50 shipments every week must be followed by a sentence like We expect this number to double within six months or Less than a year ago, we rarely received 50 per month.

different from / different than "Different from" is the preferred form. Requirements for women applicants should be no different from those for men.

due to / because of "Due to" is not equivalent to "because". Use "because of" for cases of clear cause and effect. The trucker lost control on the slippery pavement because of [not due to] bald tires. Use "due to" only following forms of the verb "to be": His fall was due to the icy pavement.

ensure / insure / assure The only meaning of "insure" is "to cover with insurance". The collection is insured by Aetna. "Assure" applies only to persons. We assure you that. . . "Ensure" is used for all other senses of making an outcome certain or securing from harm. To ensure the privacy of your records. ..

fewer / less If you can count the things you're writing about, use "fewer". If you can't, use "less". Fewer people, fewer hours; less of an audience, less time.

foreign words and phrases Write in English. Rather than vis-à-vis, use "about," "regarding," or "concerning." Rather than ad hoc, use "special" or "temporary," whichever is your intent.

herein, hereto, herewith We often read these words in such phrases as "herein enclosed" is or "is attached hereto". The words do not add meaning to a sentence—do not use them.

his/her, his or her (see section 4.9, "Gender-neutral language")

if / when "If" means "in the event of"; "when" means "on the occasion of". If you discontinue using public transportation, immediately notify your local PTSP manager. You will take the action only if you decide to discontinue using public transportation. When your application expires, you must submit a new one. Rh

title: Page:NARA Style Guide.pdf/43


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mounsteven, John


text:
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 * The reader should be able to tell at a glance what the document is, how it is organized, and where the important points are. In business and government writing, format follows function.
 * The page should invite reading, not discourage it. We all sigh when we look at a document that presents immense, unbroken paragraphs with no visual guidance—no clues about what the pages contain or how to navigate them. Use lots of white space, and give the reader landmarks. Make the page reader-friendly. Break things up. Direct the eye.

 * 2.1 Understand that isolation is emphasis.
 * On the page, nothing is more emphatic than isolation. When you want the reader to pay particular attention to an idea, find a way to segregate it visually. Make it stand out. You might, for example, boldface the essential sentence in a memo or letter, or you might grab the reader's attention with a centered table, a heading, or an italicized phrase.

 * 2.2 Don't hesitate to use headings in any document.
 * Some people think it is "wrong" to use headings in letters. But in the practical world, what is "wrong" is to write a document that requires two readings to be fully grasped.
 * Use headings wherever headings are helpful. In very short documents, there is probably no need for them. In longer documents, however, they are crucial clarifying devices. Rather than telling yourself, "I can't use headings because this is a letter (or memo, or email)," ask yourself, "Would headings help clarify the text?" Remember, instant clarity is what we want—because it's what the reader wants.

 * 2.3 Isolate lead sentences.
 * Isolate lead sentences to alert your reader to the main idea of a paragraph. This page exemplifies the technique. The "thesis statements" are presented in boldface. People who wish to read the remainder of the paragraph can do so; those who already know the explanation can skip it. You can use either boldface or italics for emphasis.

Rh

title: Page:NARA Style Guide.pdf/18


text:
Author:Roberts Vaux

Works

 * Memoirs of the Lives of Benjamin Lay and Ralph Sandiford (1815)

title: Author:Roberts Vaux


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Page:NARA Style Guide.pdf/38

 :The applicant must be prepared to spend his weekends traveling. Susan James staffed manned the booth at the conference.

When cutting "his" results in an ungrammatical construction, here are some options. The original sentence reads "Each researcher must bring his driver's license or other photo identification."

 * When you are writing to someone, use "you." You must bring your driver's license or other photo identification.

 * Make the first term plural. All researchers must bring their driver's licenses or other photo identification.

 * Use an article (an "a," "an," or "the"). Each researcher must bring a driver's license or other photo identification.

Use "his or her," "his or hers," or "he or she" only after you have tried the techniques mentioned above. Do not use "his/her," "his/hers," "he/she," or "(s)he."

You can avoid this problem by saying what a person does (as opposed to what that person is). Whether it is better to use "Chairwoman," "Chairman," or "Chairperson" becomes moot if we say that someone chairs a committee.

When you must describe the individual (as opposed to saying what the person does), and when the gender of the individual is known, attempting to conceal gender makes little sense. It is better to write Chairwoman Helen Smith than Chairperson Helen Smith and better to write Congressman Frank Black than Congressperson Frank Black.

When you know the individual's preference, always defer to it. If she prefers Chairwoman, Chairperson, or Chair, respond in kind. Rh

title: Page:NARA Style Guide.pdf/38


text:
User talk:86.23.36.97

Welcome

Hello, and welcome to Wikisource! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers:

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title: User talk:86.23.36.97


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Glinka, Mikhail Ivanovitch

GLINKA, glĕn'kä, Mikhail Ivanovitch, Russian composer: b. Novospaskoi, 1 June 1803; d. Berlin, 15 Feb. 1857. He came of an aristocratic family and received an education befitting his rank. His musical education was conducted successively by Böhm, Carl Mayer, Field and Dehn. In 1836 his opera ‘Life for the Tsar’ was presented with success at Saint Petersburg. He was regarded as the founder of Russian national opera and forerunner of Tschaikowsky and was appointed director of the imperial Opera and Kapellmeister to the tsar. A second operatic work, ‘Russlan and Ludmilla’ (1842), was inferior. His orchestral arrangements of Russian dances became well known in foreign countries. He gave a series of concerts in Paris in 1844 and from 1844 to 1847 he sojourned in Spain and wrote two overtures: ‘Jota Aragonesa’ and ‘Noche en Madrid.’ He was a brilliant performer on the pianoforte for which he composed much. He wrote also several orchestral suites and numerous songs. He wrote (in Russian) ‘Memoirs and Correspondence with Relatives and Friends.’ Consult the study by Fouquè (1880); Cui, ‘La musique en Russie’ (Paris 1880); Findeisen, N., ‘M. I. Glinka’ (Saint Petersburg 1898); Pongin, A., ‘Essai historique sur la musique en Russie’ (Paris 1904).


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Glisan, Rodney

GLISAN, glĭs'an, Rodney, American physician: b. Linganore, Md., 29 Jan. 1827; d. 1890. He was graduated from the medical department of the University of Maryland (Baltimore) in 1849, was assistant surgeon, United States army, in 1850-60, afterward practised medicine in Portland, Ore., and in 1881 was a delegate to the Seventh International Medical Congress. His writings include a ‘Journal of Army Life’ (1874); ‘Two Years in Europe’ (1887).


text: File:Wittgenstein - Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, 1922.djvu


text: File:Our knowledge of the external world.djvu


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Rh this boy the vulgar word signifying sexual intercourse, which is replaced among the educated by the Latin "coitus," but to which the dream distinctly alludes by the selection of the bird's heads. I must have suspected the sexual significance of the word from the facial expression of my worldly-wise teacher. My mother's features in the dream were copied from the countenance of my grandfather, whom I had seen a few days before his death snoring in the state of coma. The interpretation of the secondary elaboration in the dream must therefore have been that my mother was dying; the tomb relief, too, agrees with this. In this anxiety I awoke, and could not calm myself until I had awakened my parents. I remember that I suddenly became calm on coming face to face with my mother, as if I needed the assurance that my mother was not dead. But this secondary interpretation of the dream had been effected only under the influence of the developed anxiety. I was not frightened because I dreamed that my mother was dying, but I interpreted the dream in this manner in the foreconscious elaboration because I was already under the domination of the anxiety. The latter, however, could be traced by means of the repression to an obscure obviously sexual desire, which had found its satisfying expression in the visual content of the dream.

A man twenty-seven years old who had been severely ill for a year had had many terrifying dreams between the ages of eleven and thirteen. He thought that a man with an axe was running after him; he wished to run, but felt paralysed and could not move from the spot. This may be taken as a good example of a very common, and apparently sexually indifferent, anxiety dream. In the analysis the dreamer first thought of a story told him by his uncle, which chronologically was later than the dream, viz. that he was attacked at night by a suspicious-looking individual. This occurrence led him to believe that he himself might have already heard of a similar episode at the time of the dream. In connection with the axe he recalled that during that period of his life he once hurt his hand with an axe while chopping wood. This immediately led to his relations with his younger brother,


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462 whom he used to maltreat and knock down. In particular, he recalled an occasion when he struck his brother on the head with his boot until he bled, whereupon his mother remarked: "I fear he will kill him some day." While he was seemingly thinking of the subject of violence, a reminiscence from his ninth year suddenly occurred to him. His parents came home late and went to bed while he was feigning sleep. He soon heard panting and other noises that appeared strange to him, and he could also make out the position of his parents in bed. His further associations showed that he had established an analogy between this relation between his parents and his own relation toward his younger brother. He subsumed what occurred between his parents under the conception "violence and wrestling," and thus reached a sadistic conception of the coitus act, as often happens among children. The fact that he often noticed blood on his mother's bed corroborated his conception.

That the sexual intercourse of adults appears strange to children who observe it, and arouses fear in them, I dare say is a fact of daily experience. I have explained this fear by the fact that sexual excitement is not mastered by their understanding, and is probably also inacceptable to them because their parents are involved in it. For the same reason this excitement is converted into fear. At a still earlier period of life sexual emotion directed toward the parent of opposite sex does not meet with repression but finds free expression, as we have seen above (pp. 209–215).

For the night terrors with hallucinations (pavor nocturnus) frequently found in children, I would unhesitatingly give the same explanation. Here, too, we are certainly dealing with the incomprehensible and rejected sexual feelings, which, if noted, would probably show a temporal periodicity, for an enhancement of the sexual libido may just as well be produced accidentally through emotional impressions as through the spontaneous and gradual processes of development.

I lack the necessary material to sustain these explanations from observation. On the other hand, the pediatrists seem to lack the point of view which alone makes comprehensible the whole series of phenomena, on the somatic as well as on the psychic side. To illustrate by a comical example how one


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Rh wearing the blinders of medical mythology may miss the understanding of such cases I will relate a case which I found in a thesis on pavor nocturnus by Debacker, 1881 (p. 66). A thirteen-year-old boy of delicate health began to become anxious and dreamy; his sleep became restless, and about once a week it was interrupted by an acute attack of anxiety with hallucinations. The memory of these dreams was invariably very distinct. Thus, he related that the devil shouted at him: "Now we have you, now we have you," and this was followed by an odour of sulphur; the fire burned his skin. This dream aroused him, terror-stricken. He was unable to scream at first; then his voice returned, and he was heard to say distinctly: "No, no, not me; why, I have done nothing," or, "Please don't, I shall never do it again." Occasionally, also, he said: "Albert has not done that." Later he avoided undressing, because, as he said, the fire attacked him only when he was undressed. From amid these evil dreams, which menaced his health, he was sent into the country, where he recovered within a year and a half, but at the age of fifteen he once confessed: "Je n'osais pas l'avouer, mais j'éprouvais continuellement des picotements et des surexcitations aux parties; à la fin, cela m'énervait tant que plusieurs fois, j'ai pensé me jeter par la fenêtre au dortoir."

It is certainly not difficult to suspect: 1, that the boy had practised masturbation in former years, that he probably denied it, and was threatened with severe punishment for his wrongdoing (his confession: Je ne le ferai plus; his denial: Albert n'a jamais fait ça). 2, That under the pressure of puberty the temptation to self-abuse through the tickling of the genitals was reawakened. 3, That now, however, a struggle of repression arose in him, suppressing the libido and changing it into fear, which subsequently took the form of the punishments with which he was then threatened.

Let us, however, quote the conclusions drawn by our author (p. 69). This observation shows: 1, That the influence of puberty may produce in a boy of delicate health a condition of extreme weakness, and that it may lead to a very marked cerebral anæmia.


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464 2. This cerebral anæmia produces a transformation of character, demonomaniacal hallucinations, and very violent nocturnal, perhaps also diurnal, states of anxiety.

3. Demonomania and the self-reproaches of the day can be traced to the influences of religious education which the subject underwent as a child.

4. All manifestations disappeared as a result of a lengthy sojourn in the country, bodily exercise, and the return of physical strength after the termination of the period of puberty.

5. A predisposing influence for the origin of the cerebral condition of the boy may be attributed to heredity and to the father's chronic syphilitic state.

The concluding remarks of the author read: "Nous avons fait entrer cette observation dans le cadre des délires apyrétiques d'inanition, car c'est à l'ischémie cérébrale que nous rattachons cet état particulier."

(e) The Primary and Secondary Processes—Regression.

In venturing to attempt to penetrate more deeply into the psychology of the dream processes, I have undertaken a difficult task, to which, indeed, my power of description is hardly equal. To reproduce in description by a succession of words the simultaneousness of so complex a chain of events, and in doing so to appear unbiassed throughout the exposition, goes fairly beyond my powers. I have now to atone for the fact that I have been unable in my description of the dream psychology to follow the historic development of my views. The view-points for my conception of the dream were reached through earlier investigations in the psychology of the neuroses, to which I am not supposed to refer here, but to which I am repeatedly forced to refer, whereas I should prefer to proceed in the opposite direction, and, starting from the dream, to establish a connection with the psychology of the neuroses. I am well aware of all the inconveniences arising for the reader from this difficulty, but I know of no way to avoid them.

As I am dissatisfied with this state of affairs, I am glad to dwell upon another view-point which seems to raise the value of my efforts. As has been shown in the introduction to the


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Rh first chapter, I found myself confronted with a theme which had been marked by the sharpest contradictions on the part of the authorities. After our elaboration of the dream problems we found room for most of these contradictions. We have been forced, however, to take decided exception to two of the views pronounced, viz. that the dream is a senseless and that it is a somatic process; apart from these cases we have had to accept all the contradictory views in one place or another of the complicated argument, and we have been able to demonstrate that they had discovered something that was correct. That the dream continues the impulses and interests of the waking state has been quite generally confirmed through the discovery of the latent thoughts of the dream. These thoughts concern themselves only with things that seem important and of momentous interest to us. The dream never occupies itself with trifles. But we have also concurred with the contrary view, viz. that the dream gathers up the indifferent remnants from the day, and that not until it has in some measure withdrawn itself from the waking activity can an important event of the day be taken up by the dream. We found this holding true for the dream content, which gives the dream thought its changed expression by means of disfigurement. We have said that from the nature of the association mechanism the dream process more easily takes possession of recent or indifferent material which has not yet been seized by the waking mental activity; and by reason of the censor it transfers the psychic intensity from the important but also disagreeable to the indifferent material. The hypermnesia of the dream and the resort to infantile material have become main supports in our theory. In our theory of the dream we have attributed to the wish originating from the infantile the part of an indispensable motor for the formation of the dream. We naturally could not think of doubting the experimentally demonstrated significance of the objective sensory stimuli during sleep; but we have brought this material into the same relation to the dream-wish as the thought remnants from the waking activity. There was no need of disputing the fact that the dream interprets the objective sensory stimuli after the manner of an illusion; but we have supplied the motive 2 G


text:
Women in Industry in War-Time

Number 26 December, 1917 BULLETIN OF The Russell Sage FoundationLibrary WOMEN IN INDUSTRY IN WAR-TIME FREDERICK WARREN JENKINS LIBRARIAN Published Bi-monthly by The Russell Sage Foundation Library 130 East Twenty-Second Street New York, N. Y.

Entered as second-class matter October 24, 1913, at the Post Office at New York, N. Y., under the Act of August 24, 1912

WOMEN IN INDUSTRY IN WAR-TIME

"Woman's work in the war has been a vital contribution to our success. It would have been impossible to produce that overwhelming mass of ammunition at the Somme had it not been for the work of the women. They have shown a devotion, a zeal, a courage which are beyond challenge." Lloyd-George.

Abbott, Edith. War and women's work in England, (in Journal of political economy, v. 25, p. 641-78, July 1917) Discussion of the war in relation to the employment of women in industry and a summary of recent publications on the subject.

American association for labor legislation. Labor laws in war time; special bulletin, no. 1-date, April 1917-date.

Asbiord, E. B. Women in distributive trades; displacement study, (in Women's industrial news.  v. 20, p. 9-14, April 1916)

Barker, J. E. How to find two million warworkers, (in Nineteenth century, v. 81, p. 758-72, April 1917) Recommends conscription to relieve shortage of labor.

Billington, M. F. Woman's share in the war's work, (in London quarterly review, v. 125, p. 70-83, January 1916) Boston. Merchants  national   bank. Women's work in war time, by W. I. Bullard. 85 p.  Bost. The Bank, cl9l7. Discusses the replacement of men by women in industry in Great Britain and the various operations in the industries in which women have been or can be employed.

British association for the advancement of science. Credit, industry, and the war, being reports and other matter presented to the section of economic science and statistics of the British association for the advancement of science, Manchester 1915, edited by A. W. Kirkaldy. 268 p. Lond. Pitman, [1916]. Outlets for labour after the war—replacement of men by women in industries, p. 68-192.

Labour, finance and the war, being the results of inquiries, arranged by the section of economic science and statistics of the British association for the advancement of science, during the years 1915 and 1916, edited and with a preface by A. W. Kirkaldy. 344 p.  Lond. Pitman, 1916.

Replacement of men by women in industry during the war, p. 58-213. Summary in Monthly review of the United States Bureau of labor statistics, March 1917.

Brooks, F. W. Women as substitutes for men employes, experience has shown them to be efficient in clerical positions; opinions of railway managers in Great Britain and Italy, (in Aera.  v. 6, p. 190-96, October 1917)

Cole, G. D. H. Labour in war time. 316 p. Lond. Bell, 1915. Women and the war, p. 227-253.

Council of national defense. Labor committee. British labor's war message to American labor, addresses and discussions at meeting of Committee on labor of Council of national defense held in Washington, D. C, May 15, 1917. 100 p. Wash. Govt. 1917. (S. doc. 84)

Addresses by the labor representatives of the British commission sent to this country by the British government. Describes the mobilization of labor for war service, labor conferences with the Government, the safe-guarding of trade-union standards, and other phases of the cooperation that exists. Also in American federationist. v. 24, p. 441-53, 533-41, 627-31, 985-88, June, July, August, November 1917.

Committee on women in industry. Pamphlet, December 1, 1917. Includes standards for employment of women on war supplies.

Detroit. Board of commerce. Report on recruiting women workers for war industries, compiled by the Executives' club. 4 p. (Typewritten)

Detroit, The Board, 1917. Report is in three parts: On recruiting and placing of applicants; On standards of working conditions; On education.

Fabian society. War; women; and unemployment, by the Women's group executive. 27 p. Lond. The Society, 1915. (Fabian tract no. 178)

George, W. L. Woman after the war. (in English review, v. 23, p. 516-27, December 1916) Holds the view that women who stay in the trades will take the work that men will want later and that their presence will mean a general decrease in wages. Great Britain.

Board of trade. Employment of women and boys in munition works in Italy, (in its Labour gazette, v. 24, p. 452-53, December 1916) Reprinted in Monthly review of the United States Bureau of labor statistics, March 1917, p. 358-60.

Extension of the employment of women, (in its Labour gazette, v. 24, p. 357-58, October 1916; v. 25, p. 7-8, 125-26, 274-75, January, April, August 1917) Summary in August 1917 number. Reprinted in Monthly review of the United States Bureau of labor statistics, March, June, and October 1917.

Migration of women's labour through the employment exchanges, (in its Labour gazette, v. 25, p. 92-93, March 1917) Reprinted in Monthly review of the United States Bureau of labor statistics. May 1917, p. 661-64.

[Three] reports on the state of employment in the United Kingdom, September 1914, October 1914, February 1915. (Cd. 7703, 7755, 7850)

Work of the Women's county agricultural committee,   (in its Labour gazette,   v. 24, p. 447-48, December 1916)

Function of these committees:
 * 1) . To carry on propaganda work to promote the employment of women in agriculture.
 * 2)  To register women and arrange for their placing in work and for their training where necessary.
 * 3)  To increase the production of home-grown food in every village.

Central committee on women's employment. Interim report. 42 p. Lond. Govt. 1915.  (Cd. 7848) Contains some interesting suggestions on the promotion of new openings for permanent employment of women.

Commission of inquiry into industrial unrest. Reports. 8 parts. Lond. Govt. 1917. Conditions of women's work given as one of the causes of industrial unrest. Summarized in Monthly review of the United States Bureau of labor statistics, October 1917, p. 33-38.

Factories and  workshops, Chief inspector of. Women and girls in industry, by Miss Anderson, (in Annual report. 1914, p. 32-54)

Effect of the second year of war on industrial employment of women and girls, by Miss Anderson, (in Annual report.   1915, p. 13-15)

Effect of the third year of war on industrial employment of women and girls, by Miss Anderson, (in Annual report.   1916, p. 5-10) "The national gain appears to me to be overwhelming, as against all risks of loss or disturbance, in the new self-confidence engendered in women by the very considerable proportion of cases where they are efficiently doing men's work at men's rates of pay."

Home office. Interim report on an investigation of industrial fatigue by physiological methods, by A. F. S. Kent. 34 p.  Lond. Govt. 1915.  (Cd. 8056)

Second interim report on an investigation of industrial fatigue by physiological methods, by A. F. S. Kent. 76 p.  Lond. Govt. 1916.   (Cd. 8335)

and Board of trade. Collection of pamphlets on the substitution of women in industry for enlisted men, no. 1-date, 1916-date. Information as to processes in which, and the methods by which, temporary substitution of women for enlisted men is already being successfully carried out in the trades.

Munitions,  Ministry   of. Dilution of labour bulletin, no. 1-date, October 1916-date.

Notes on the employment of women on munitions of war, with an appendix on training of munition workers. 94 p.  Lond. Govt. [1916]. Discusses the question of how far women are able to do the work formerly done by men and the methods adopted to make certain occupations more suitable to them.

Process sheets, no. 1-date. Showing industrial operations on which women are successfully employed.

Report, by mission appointed by the Director general of recruiting for munitions work, on the output of munitions in France. 10 p. Lond. Govt. 1916. (Cd. 8187) Opinion is that output of women on small work equals and in some cases excels that of men and in the case of heavier work, within certain limits, is of the same value, although possibly the strain is greater than considered reasonable in English factories.

Health of munition workers committee. Interim report; industrial efficiency and fatigue. 121 p. Lond. Govt. 1917.  (Cd. 8511) pt. 1, Industrial and statistical studies: Industrial fatigue and its causes; Output in relation to hours of work; The Comparative efficiencies of day work and night work; The Causes and conditions of lost time; Incentives to work, with special reference to wages. pt. 2, Medical studies: Report on the health and physical condition of male munition workers; Inquiry into the health of women engaged in munition factories.

Memoranda, no. 1-date, 1916-date. No. 1, Sunday labour; no. 2, Welfare supervision; no. 3, Industrial canteens; no. 4, Employment of women; no. 5, Hours of work; no. 6, Canteen construction and equipment (Appendix to no. 3); no. 7, Industrial fatigue and its causes; no. 8, Special industrial diseases; no. 9, Ventilation and lighting of munition factories and workshops; no. 10, Sickness and injury; no. 11, Investigation of workers' food and suggestions as to dietary; no. 12, Statistical information concerning output in relation to hours of work; no. 13, Juvenile employment; no. 14, Washing facilities and baths; no. 15, Effect of industrial conditions upon eyesight; no. 16, Medical certificates for munition workers; no. 17, Health and welfare of munition workers outside the factory; no. 18, Hours of labor in relation to output in British munition factories (Appendix to no. 5). Reprinted in Bulletins nos. 221, 222, 223 of the United States Bureau of labor statistics.

War office. Women's war work in maintaining the industries of export trade in the United Kingdom; information officially compiled for the use of recruiting officers, military representatives and tribunals. 93 p.  Lond. Govt. [19161. Issued, as stated in the preface, because it was believed that a more wide-spread knowledge of the success which had been attained by women in nearly all branches of men's work was most desirable and would lead to the release to the colors of large numbers of men who had hitherto been considered indispensable.

Hewes, Amy and Walter, H. R. Munition makers. 158 p. N. Y. Russell Sage Foundation, 1917.

Women as munition makers; a study of conditions in Bridgeport, Connecticut, by Amy Hewes.

Munition workers in England and France; a summary of reports issued by the British Ministry of munitions, by H. R. Walter.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement. Women and the reconstruction of industry, (in Nineteenth century, v. 78, p. 1396-1416, December 1915) Examination into the extended employment of women and their replacement of men.

National association of corporation schools. War and the woman wage-earner, (in its Bulletin,  v. 4, p. 13-24, October 1917) Compilation of data relative to condition of women wage-earners of the United States as affected by the war in Europe.

New York (City). Merchants' association. Are women being employed to replace' soldiers? (in its Greater New York. v. 6, p. 5-9, November 12, 1917) Results of an original investigation made by the Industrial bureau of the Association.

How British industry was adapted to the war. (in its Greater New York. v. 6, p. 7-12, November 26, 1917) Summary made by the Industrial bureau of the Association of what the English committee from the Ministry of munitions had to tell the manufacturers of the United States, with a selection of the questions asked and the answers given by the Committee.

Northcott, C. H. Organization of labor for war. (in Political science quarterly, v. 32, p. 209-23, June 1917) "The methods taken for the control of industry constitute the most significant contribution of England to industrial history during the war, and form an epoch-making innovation."

Porter, H. F. Increasing employment of women in business, (in Americas, v. 3, p. 9-13, August 1917) The author says that it is no longer a question of whether the replacement of men by women is desirable or feasible; the scarcity of men makes the employment of women a necessity.

Rathbone, E. F. Remuneration for women's work, (in Economic journal, v. 27, p. 55-68, March 1917) States that two problems at least, concern women in the work of reconstruction after the war—the problem of the position of the skilled woman in industry and that of the working class mothers.

Smith, Rosamond. Women and munition work, (in Women's industrial news, v. 20, p. 14-20, April 1916)

Still, F. R. Women as machinists, (in Industrial management, v. 53, p. 650-54, August 1917)

Speaks of the transformation in shop methods and the reorganizing of plants to employ women without undue exertion or permanent injury.

Stone, Gilbert, ed. Women war workers. 319 p.  Lond. Harrap, 1917. Accounts contributed by representative workers of the work done by women in the more important branches of war employment, with a foreword by Lady Jellicoe.

Stuart-Stephens, Major. Woman-power, (in English review, v. 23, p. 549-55, December 1916) Urges conscription for women for factories, farm labor, etc.

United States. Bureau of labor statistics. Employment of women and juveniles in Great Britain during the war. 121 p. Wash. Govt. 1917.   (Bulletin no. 223)

Hours, fatigue, and health in British munition factories. 146 p. Wash. Govt. 1917.  (Bulletin no. 221)

Welfare work in British munition factories. 66 p. Wash. Govt. 1917.   (Bulletin no. 222)

These three bulletins are made up of reprints of official and quasi-official documents, giving the experience of Great Britain and other foreign countries in dealing with labor conditions resulting from the war.

Industrial poisons used or produced in the manufacture of explosives, by Alice Hamilton. 141 p. Wash. Govt. 1917.   (Bulletin no. 219)

Measures of protection for working mothers in France, (in its Monthly review,  v. 5, p. 39-41, July 1917)

Replacement of men by women in French industries; and Establishment of trade schools for French munition workers, (in its Monthly review, v. 5, p. 42-44, October 1917)

Data taken from Bulletin du Ministère du travail et de la prévoyance sociale, April-May 1917.

Women's wages in munition factories in Great Britain, (in its Monthly review, v. 5, p. 119-28, August 1917)

Short history of wage regulation.

War department. Suggestions for arsenal commanders and manufacturers; standards of employment in war work, issued by the Chief of ordnance, November 15, 1917. Wash. Govt. 1917. Issued simultaneously by the Quartermaster general. Summarized in Official bulletin, November 21, 1917.

War industries board. Storage committee. Report on the employment of women in the storage and warehousing depots of the U. S. army. Bulletin no. 9.(in preparation)

War, women, wages and munitions, (in Survey, v. 35, p. 692-93, March 11, 1916) Discusses effectiveness of the rules formulated by the Munitions labor supply committee and the recommendations of the Health of munitions workers' committee.

Wells, Martin. Women workers of France, (in Scientific American, v. 114, p. 238-39, March 4, 1916)

New duties that women are assuming to release men needed at the front.

Zimmern, D. M. Civil service and women,(in Political quarterly, no. 8, p. 79-103, September 1916)

Based on a report of an inquiry made on behalf of the Women's industrial council.

BIBLIOGRAPHIES

Boston. Women's educational and industrial union. Women, war occupations and employment, some references prepared by the Librarian. 7 p. (Typewritten)

Boston, The Union, 1917. Bureau of railway economics, comp. List of references to articles relating to the employment of women on railroads and street railways, (in Special libraries, v. 9, p. 119-21, October 1917)

Detroit (Mich.). Public library. Selected list of references on women workers in war. 4 p. (Typewritten)

Detroit, The Library, 1917. McBride, Christine and Kingsbury, S. M. Social welfare in time of war and disaster; a bibliography, (in Survey, v. 39, p. 94-96,100-01, 287-89, 301, October 27, December 8, 1917).

United States. Library of congress. List of references on woman's work in the European war. 8 p.  (Typewritten)   Wash. Govt. 1917.

title: Women in Industry in War-Time


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466 for this interpretation which has been left undecided by the authorities. The interpretation follows in such a manner that the perceived object is rendered harmless as a sleep disturber and becomes available for the wish-fulfilment. Though we do not admit as special sources of the dream the subjective state of excitement of the sensory organs during sleep, which seems to have been demonstrated by Trumbull Ladd, we are nevertheless able to explain this excitement through the regressive revival of active memories behind the dream. A modest part in our conception has also been assigned to the inner organic sensations which are wont to be taken as the cardinal point in the explanation of the dream. These—the sensation of falling, flying, or inhibition—stand as an ever ready material to be used by the dream-work to express the dream thought as often as need arises.

That the dream process is a rapid and momentary one seems to be true for the perception through consciousness of the already prepared dream content; the preceding parts of the dream process probably take a slow, fluctuating course. We have solved the riddle of the superabundant dream content compressed within the briefest moment by explaining that this is due to the appropriation of almost fully formed structures from the psychic life. That the dream is disfigured and distorted by memory we found to be correct, but not troublesome, as this is only the last manifest operation in the work of disfigurement which has been active from the beginning of the dream-work. In the bitter and seemingly irreconcilable controversy as to whether the psychic life sleeps at night or can make the same use of all its capabilities as during the day, we have been able to agree with both sides, though not fully with either. We have found proof that the dream thoughts represent a most complicated intellectual activity, employing almost every means furnished by the psychic apparatus; still it cannot be denied that these dream thoughts have originated during the day, and it is indispensable to assume that there is a sleeping state of the psychic life. Thus, even the theory of partial sleep has come into play; but the characteristics of the sleeping state have been found not in the dilapidation of the psychic connections but in the cessation of the psychic system dominating the day, arising from its


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The Collapse of German Credit

THE COLLAPSE OF GERMAN CREDIT. The present war has undoubtedly upset the calculations of most of the world's economic experts. It is, therefore, dangerous to be dogmatic in regard to the significance even of events that are taking place before our eyes. Still, there remain certain means of judgment on which reliance can fairly be placed. In the economic sphere, one of these is agreed to be the rate of exchange at which the currency of belligerent countries can be negotiated in neutral centres. One may thus employ this criterion to the financial position of Germany without risking any serious economic blunder. The criterion of foreign exchange is the one best applied to the credit of a belligerent country because experience has shown that, internally, the difficulties of war finance can fairly easily be met. In this respect practically all the belligerent countries have had similar experiences. The outbreak of war in 1914 gave finance and industry a severe shock everywhere. But the industrial nature of modern war and the improvement in the machinery of modern finance have enabled that shock to be almost forgotten. All the belligerents have been forced to alter their economic life in the direction of concentrating industry upon the one work of producing munitions of war. This concentration having been successfully effected, unemployment has been avoided, and with an inflation of the currency varying in the different belligerent countries, internal solvency has been almost everywhere maintained. Thus it is only in neutral countries that a just estimate of the respective credits of the belligerents can be formed. And the best means of making this estimate is to be found in the quotations for belligerents' currency in neutral markets. The country in which the respective credit of, say, England and Germany can most fairly be estimated seems to be Holland, which is separated only by a land frontier from Germany, and by a short sea passage from England. One may then regard the course of exchange rates on Holland, of London and of Berlin, as showing the market value of British and German currency expressed in Dutch money. While during the first fourteen months of the present war German currency had only depreciated in Holland by 14.7 per cent., between October 1st and December 31st, 1915, this depreciation had increased to 28.7 per cent. This relatively rapid depreciation in the value of the Reichsmark during the last quarter of 1915 is acknowledged by economists to indicate that the military activity of the Germans in that period was only made possible by a further decrease in productive activity in Germany which involved a virtual collapse of the remains of the German export trade. In August, 1915, Finance Minister Helferrich stated that the depreciation of the mark abroad was unimportant. But subsequent actions of the German Government have given that economist the lie. As from January 28th, 1916, free dealings in foreign exchange in Germany were forbidden, and such transactions can now only be arranged through the Reichsbank. Yet, despite the increasing thoroughness of this governmental control, the depreciation in the mark has gone on apace. Through April and May, 1916, the quotations of the mark in Amsterdam showed some recovery from the lowest level previously touched. But in June the decline began again, and continued steadily until November. At this point there was a period of relative steadiness. But in March, 1917, the mark resumed its downward course, and, as a result no doubt of the British victories in the West and the declaration of war against Germany by the United States, the depreciation in the value of the mark had by the middle of April, 1917, amounted to 37.6 per cent. This depreciation may be stated in another way, namely that a German buyer of Dutch goods who would have paid 100 marks for them before the war had (quite apart from any rise which may have taken place in prices generally,) to pay 160 marks for the same goods in April, 1917. It may be said, however, that a certain amount of depreciation of a belligerent's currency in a neutral centre is inevitable, and that even British credit has not emerged from the ordeal unscathed. This seems true, but the chart overleaf shows that British money has depreciated to a very much smaller extent than that of Germany. It will further be observed that during the last year while British currency recovered by 2 per cent. in Amsterdam, German marks depreciated by a further 8 per cent. The figures shown on the chart on the reverse page prove clearly enough the strain which will be put on German finance after the war if the country is to obtain the imports of raw materials from abroad which will be necessary to restore the activity of German industry. Yet the stock of gold in the Reichsbank (and gold is the only thing left to Germany that she can export) is even now barely sufficient for internal requirements. It amounted on 31st March, 1917, to £127,238,000. By taking into account a holding of £19,135,000 of Treasury notes, the Reichsbank (which is no longer obliged to pay its notes in gold) was just able to maintain the proportions of one to three laid down by law as against the amount of notes in circulation, which on that date amounted to £430,801,000. With the issue of only £10,000,000 more notes, this legal proportion would have been exceeded. But this the German Government dare not face, and much less dare it export any of the gold on which it bases its appeal as a borrower to the German investor. [p.t.o. 1914 Rates of Exchange on London & Berlin, as quoted in Amsterdam(Expressed in percentage) 1915                                                                                1916 1917 The rates refer to the last working day of each month The April, 1917, figures refer to the 13th of the month, the last working day for which quotations are available.

title: The Collapse of German Credit


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Rh desire to sleep. The withdrawal from the outer world retains its significance also for our conception; though not the only factor, it nevertheless helps the regression to make possible the representation of the dream. That we should reject the voluntary guidance of the presentation course is uncontestable; but the psychic life does not thereby become aimless, for we have seen that after the abandonment of the desired end-presentation undesired ones gain the mastery. The loose associative connection in the dream we have not only recognised, but we have placed under its control a far greater territory than could have been supposed; we have, however, found it merely the feigned substitute for another correct and senseful one. To be sure we, too, have called the dream absurd; but we have been able to learn from examples how wise the dream really is when it simulates absurdity. We do not deny any of the functions that have been attributed to the dream. That the dream relieves the mind like a valve, and that, according to Robert's assertion, all kinds of harmful material are rendered harmless through representation in the dream, not only exactly coincides with our theory of the twofold wish-fulfilment in the dream, but, in his own wording, becomes even more comprehensible for us than for Robert himself. The free indulgence of the psychic in the play of its faculties finds expression with us in the non-interference with the dream on the part of the foreconscious activity. The "return to the embryonal state of psychic life in the dream" and the observation of Havelock Ellis, "an archaic world of vast emotions and imperfect thoughts," appear to us as happy anticipations of our deductions to the effect that primitive modes of work suppressed during the day participate in the formation of the dream; and with us, as with Delage, the suppressed material becomes the mainspring of the dreaming.

We have fully recognised the rôle which Scherner ascribes to the dream phantasy, and even his interpretation; but we have been obliged, so to speak, to conduct them to another department in the problem. It is not the dream that produces the phantasy but the unconscious phantasy that takes the greatest part in the formation of the dream thoughts. We are indebted to Scherner for his clue to the source of the dream thoughts, but almost everything that he ascribes to the


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Murray, Alexander (1775-1813)


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468 is attributable to the activity of the unconscious, which is at work during the day, and which supplies incitements not only for dreams but for neurotic symptoms as well. We have had to separate the dream-work from this activity as being something entirely different and far more restricted. Finally, we have by no means abandoned the relation of the dream to mental disturbances, but, on the contrary, we have given it a more solid foundation on new ground.

Thus held together by the new material of our theory as by a superior unity, we find the most varied and most contradictory conclusions of the authorities fitting into our structure; some of them are differently disposed, only a few of them are entirely rejected. But our own structure is still unfinished. For, disregarding the many obscurities which we have necessarily encountered in our advance into the darkness of psychology, we are now apparently embarrassed by a new contradiction. On the one hand, we have allowed the dream thoughts to proceed from perfectly normal mental operations, while, on the other hand, we have found among the dream thoughts a number of entirely abnormal mental processes which extend likewise to the dream contents. These, consequently, we have repeated in the interpretation of the dream. All that we have termed the "dream-work" seems so remote from the psychic processes recognised by us as correct, that the severest judgments of the authors as to the low psychic activity of dreaming seem to us well founded.

Perhaps only through still further advance can enlightenment and improvement be brought about. I shall pick out one of the constellations leading to the formation of dreams.

We have learned that the dream replaces a number of thoughts derived from daily life which are perfectly formed logically. We cannot therefore doubt that these thoughts originate from our normal mental life. All the qualities which we esteem in our mental operations, and which distinguish these as complicated activities of a high order, we find repeated in the dream thoughts. There is, however, no need of assuming that this mental work is performed during sleep, as this would materially impair the conception of the psychic state of sleep we have hitherto adhered to. These thoughts may just as well have originated from the day, and, unnoticed by


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Rh our consciousness from their inception, they may have continued to develop until they stood complete at the onset of sleep. If we are to conclude anything from this state of affairs, it will at most prove that the most complex mental operations are possible without the co-operation of consciousness, which we have already learned independently from every psychoanalysis of persons suffering from hysteria or obsessions. These dream thoughts are in themselves surely not incapable of consciousness; if they have not become conscious to us during the day, this may have various reasons. The state of becoming conscious depends on the exercise of a certain psychic function, viz. attention, which seems to be extended only in a definite quantity, and which may have been withdrawn from the stream of thought in question by other aims. Another way in which such mental streams are kept from consciousness is the following:—Our conscious reflection teaches us that when exercising attention we pursue a definite course. But if that course leads us to an idea which does not hold its own with the critic, we discontinue and cease to apply our attention. Now, apparently, the stream of thought thus started and abandoned may spin on without regaining attention unless it reaches a spot of especially marked intensity which forces the return of attention. An initial rejection, perhaps consciously brought about by the judgment on the ground of incorrectness or unfitness for the actual purpose of the mental act, may therefore account for the fact that a mental process continues until the onset of sleep unnoticed by consciousness.

Let us recapitulate by saying that we call such a stream of thought a foreconscious one, that we believe it to be perfectly correct, and that it may just as well be a more neglected one or an interrupted and suppressed one. Let us also state frankly in what manner we conceive this presentation course. We believe that a certain sum of excitement, which we call occupation energy, is displaced from an end-presentation along the association paths selected by that end-presentation. A "neglected" stream of thought has received no such occupation, and from a "suppressed" or "rejected" one this occupation has been withdrawn; both have thus been left to their own emotions. The end-stream of thought stocked


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470 with energy is under certain conditions able to draw to itself the attention of consciousness, through which means it then receives a "surplus of energy." We shall be obliged somewhat later to elucidate our assumption concerning the nature and activity of consciousness.

A train of thought thus incited in the Forec. may either disappear spontaneously or continue. The former issue we conceive as follows: It diffuses its energy through all the association paths emanating from it, and throws the entire chain of ideas into a state of excitement which, after lasting for a while, subsides through the transformation of the excitement requiring an outlet into dormant energy. If this first issue is brought about the process has no further significance for the dream formation. But other end-presentations are lurking in our foreconscious that originate from the sources of our unconscious and from the ever active wishes. These may take possession of the excitations in the circle of thought thus left to itself, establish a connection between it and the unconscious wish, and transfer to it the energy inherent in the unconscious wish. Henceforth the neglected or suppressed train of thought is in a position to maintain itself, although this reinforcement does not help it to gain access to consciousness. We may say that the hitherto foreconscious train of thought has been drawn into the unconscious.

Other constellations for the dream formation would result if the foreconscious train of thought had from the beginning been connected with the unconscious wish, and for that reason met with rejection by the dominating end-occupation; or if an unconscious wish were made active for other—possibly somatic— reasons and of its own accord sought a transference to the psychic remnants not occupied by the Forec. All three cases finally combine in one issue, so that there is established in the foreconscious a stream of thought which, having been abandoned by the foreconscious occupation, receives occupation from the unconscious wish.

The stream of thought is henceforth subjected to a series of transformations which we no longer recognise as normal psychic processes and which give us a surprising result, viz.


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Rh a psychopathological formation. Let us emphasize and group the same.

1. The intensities of the individual ideas become capable of discharge in their entirety, and, proceeding from one conception to the other, they thus form single presentations endowed with marked intensity. Through the repeated recurrence of this process the intensity of an entire train of ideas may ultimately be gathered in a single presentation element. This is the principle of compression or condensation with which we became acquainted in the chapter on "The Dream-Work." It is condensation that is mainly responsible for the strange impression of the dream, for we know of nothing analogous to it in the normal psychic life accessible to consciousness. We find here, also, presentations which possess great psychic significance as junctions or as end-results of whole chains of thought; but this validity does not manifest itself in any character conspicuous enough for internal perception; hence, what has been presented in it does not become in any way more intensive. In the process of condensation the entire psychic connection becomes transformed into the intensity of the presentation content. It is the same as in a book where we space or print in heavy type any word upon which particular stress is laid for the understanding of the text. In speech the same word would be pronounced loudly and deliberately and with emphasis. The first comparison leads us at once to an example taken from the chapter on "The Dream-Work" (trimethylamine in the dream of Irma's injection). Historians of art call our attention to the fact that the most ancient historical sculptures follow a similar principle in expressing the rank of the persons represented by the size of the statue. The king is made two or three times as large as his retinue or the vanquished enemy. A piece of art, however, from the Roman period makes use of more subtle means to accomplish the same purpose. The figure of the emperor is placed in the centre in a firmly erect posture; special care is bestowed on the proper modelling of his figure; his enemies are seen cowering at his feet; but he is no longer represented a giant among dwarfs. However, the bowing of the subordinate to his superior in our own days is only an echo of that ancient principle of representation.


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 :under way
 * The adverb "under way" is spelled as two words: The project is under way.

 * unique
 * "Unique" means one of a kind. There are no degrees on uniqueness, such as "most unique."

 * use / utilize
 * Reserve "utilize" for occasions when the sense is "ingeniously made use of." She utilized a paper clip to pick the lock. Nearly always, the right word is "use."

 * v. / vs.
 * Though "versus" should usually be spelled out, "vs." is the correct abbreviation in most cases; "v." is used in citations of legal cases.

 * who / whom
 * To decide whether to use "who" or "whom" in a sentence, delete the word "who" or "whom" and substitute "he" or "him". If "he" completes the thought, then "who" is correct. If "him" makes sense, use "whom".

4.14 Punctuation 4.14.1 Apostrophe
 * Use the apostrophe to form contractions and possessives (see sections 1.3.6 and 4.12).
 * The apostrophe is never used to form plurals except in instances of single-character elements. They had better mind their p's and q's. It's difficult to distinguish his 1's from his 7's.

4.14.2 Colons and semicolons
 * Use a colon to introduce a summary statement:
 * The dictator learned something important: brutality has consequences. She came right to the point: the cost overruns must stop.
 * Use a colon after a complete sentence that introduces a list. Use a comma or a dash after an introductory phrase.

Rh

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472 The direction taken by the condensations of the dream is prescribed on the one hand by the true foreconscious relations of the dream thoughts, on the other hand by the attraction of the visual reminiscences in the unconscious. The success of the condensation work produces those intensities which are required for penetration into the perception systems.

2. Through this free transferability of the intensities, moreover, and in the service of condensation, intermediary presentations—compromises, as it were—are formed (cf. the numerous examples). This, likewise, is something unheard of in the normal presentation course, where it is above all a question of selection and retention of the "proper" presentation element. On the other hand, composite and compromise formations occur with extraordinary frequency when we are trying to find the linguistic expression for foreconscious thoughts; these are considered "slips of the tongue."

3. The presentations which transfer their intensities to one another are very loosely connected, and are joined together by such forms of association as are spurned in our serious thought and are utilised in the production of the effect of wit only. Among these we particularly find associations of the sound and consonance types.

4. Contradictory thoughts do not strive to eliminate one another, but remain side by side. They often unite to produce condensation as if no contradiction existed, or they form compromises for which we should never forgive our thoughts, but which we frequently approve of in our actions.

These are some of the most conspicuous abnormal processes to which the thoughts which have previously been rationally formed are subjected in the course of the dream-work. As the main feature of these processes we recognise the high importance attached to the fact of rendering the occupation energy mobile and capable of discharge; the content and the actual significance of the psychic elements, to which these energies adhere, become a matter of secondary importance. One might possibly think that the condensation and compromise formation is effected only in the service of regression, when occasion arises for changing thoughts into pictures. But the analysis and—still more distinctly—the synthesis of dreams which lack regression toward pictures,