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Rh “But what is it?” she exclaimed, refusing to be moved.

“Stocks!” he answered, sniffing hastily. “Look, there’s a tubful.”

“So there is—red and white. But really, I never knew stocks to smell like it!” And, to his great relief, she moved out of the doorway, but only to stand in front of the window.

“Paul!” she cried to him, who was trying to get out of sight of the elegant young lady in black—the shop-girl, “Paul! Just look here!”

He came reluctantly back.

“Now, just look at that fuchsia!” she exclaimed, pointing.

“H’m!” He made a curious, interested sound. “You’d think every second as the flowers was going to fall off, they hang so big an’ heavy.”

“And such an abundance!” she cried.

“And the way they drop downwards with their threads and knots!”

“Yes!” she exclaimed. “Lovely!”

“I wonder who’ll buy it!” he said.

“I wonder!” she answered. “Not us.”

“It would die in our parlour.”

“Yes, beastly cold, sunless hole; it kills every bit of a plant you put in, and the kitchen chokes them to death.”

They bought a few things, and set off towards the station Looking up the canal, through the dark pass of the buildings, they saw the Castle on its bluff of brown, green-bushed rock, in a positive miracle of delicate sunshine.

“Won’t it be nice for me to come out at dinner-times?” said Paul. “I can go all round here and see everything. I s’ll love it.”

“You will,” assented his mother.

He had spent a perfect afternoon with his mother. They arrived home in the mellow evening, happy, and glowing, and tired.

In the morning he filled in the form for his season-ticket and took it to the station. When he got back, his mother was just beginning to wash the floor. He sat crouched up on the sofa.

“He says it’ll be here by Saturday,” he said.

“And how much will it be?”

“About one pound eleven,” he said.

She went on washing her floor in silence.

“Is it a lot?” he asked.

“It’s no more than I thought,” she answered.


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Rh a centralised legal profession, and even a centralised medical profession. In London they wait, eating out their hearts during their best years. A few of them come through and shine in a great but unnaturally segregated competition of wits, and you complain of your Government by lawyers! The whole system results from historical momentum; when the Midlands, the East, and the South of England were all of England that counted, Oxford and Cambridge were local Universities, and London was the natural market centre of a single country-side. But in the past century the roads and the railways have enabled the Metropolis to attract to itself the careers that were destined for the inspiration of other country-sides. The natural place of an exceptional man is to be leading his own people and helping them to bear their burdens. Your exceptional brain is serving the nation best if it remains racy of its own particular soil.

One of the most serious difficulties in the way of the realisation of the balanced local community Hes in the difference of dialect spoken by the common people and the upper

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252 classes. In England after the Norman Conquest our peasants talked English, but our knights French, and our priests Latin, with the result that a knight felt himself more at home with a knight from France than with his own people, and so was it also with the priests. To-day there is a curious difference, it seems to me, in this respect, between the Scottish and English peoples. In England the upper professional classes go to the same schools and universities as the landed classes, and the merchants and captains of industry also send their sons to those schools. Therefore the line of social cleavage, as shown by speech and bearing, is between the upper and the lower middle classes. In Scotland, on the other hand, the people of the highest tier of society send their sons for the most part to the English Public Schools and the English Universities, whereas the ministers of the Scottish Churches, the advocates in the Scottish Law Courts, and the doctors and schoolmasters are trained in the main in the local Universities, which are frequented by the sons of the shopkeepers and artisans to a greater extent than in England. The result, as I believe, is that the Scottish aristocracy has been, to a greater degree than in England, detached from the people. I do not blame them, for


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was discovered by Abel Jansen Tasman, in 1842; he supposed it to be a part of the Australian Continent, and named it in honour of Anthony Van Diemen, at that time Governor General of the Dutch possessions in the East Indies. It was ascertained to be an island in 1798, by Dr. Bass, and taken possession of by the English in 1803, by Lieutenant Bowen. The first Lieutenant Governor arrived in 1804, and removed the seat of Government from the original settlement at Risdon, or Rest-down, on the east bank of the Derwent, to the present site, which he named Hobart Town, after Lord Hobart.

The island lies between 41° 20' and 43° 40' south latitude, and between 144° 40' and 148° 20' east longitude: its length is about 210 miles, from north to south, and its breadth 150 from east to west; it is very mountainous and covered with forest, which in many parts is extremely thick, but in others open and grassy. The original inhabitants, whose forefathers had occupied it from time immemorial, were of the Negro race. They were of moderate stature, dark olive colour, and had black, curly, woolly hair. They were few in


text: Narrative of a Visit to the Australian Colonies/Chapter 6


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76 Contempt, mingled with vague alarm, was at the bottom of England's conduct toward America; and whatever the swarm of newspaper statesmen might say or think, the element of alarm was so great that the Tory ministers, although they might expect war, did not want it, and hoped to prevent it by the very boldness of their policy. Even Canning was cautious enough to prefer not to give America occasion for learning her strength. He meant to clip her wings only so far as she would submit to have her wings clipped; and he not only astonished but disgusted the over-zealous politicians who applauded Admiral Berkeley, by disavowing the admiral's doctrines of international law and recalling the admiral himself. The war faction broke into a paroxysm of rage when this decision became known, and for a time Canning seemed likely to be devoured by his own hounds, so vociferous was their outcry. Monroe and Pinkney were loud in praise of Canning's and Perceval's temperate and candid, behavior.

Canning was obliged to defend himself, and under his promptings a long reply to his critics was written for the "Morning Post," —a newspaper version of the instructions carried by his special minister to Washington. He excused his treatment of Admiral


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Vanderbilt University

VANDERBILT UNIVERSITY, a coeducational institution of higher learning, located at Nashville, Tenn., founded by Cornelius Vanderbilt of New York, who in 1873 made a donation of $500,000 which was afterward increased to $1,000,000. The charter of the university was taken out in 1872 in the name of Central University. In 1873 the name was changed to Vanderbilt University. Work began in 1875 with four departments, law, medicine, theology and arts. In 1879 the departments of dentistry and pharmacy were added, and in 1886 the department of engineering. These seven departments indicate the present organization of the university. The continued growth of the university has been made possible by gifts of various members of the Vanderbilt family, especially by William H. Vanderbilt, son of the founder, and by Cornelius Vanderbilt, F. W. Vanderbilt and William K. Vanderbilt, all grandsons of the founder. A large number of gifts have also been made by others, the most notable of which was a gift of $1,000,000 to the School of Medicine, made by Andrew Carnegie in 1913. At present the productive funds of the university amount to $3,600,000. Other property amounts to $1,450,000. The annual income is $300,000. The number of students (1919), 1,000. The main campus of the university is situated in the West End portion of Nashville, and comprises a tract of 75 acres, justly celebrated as one of the most beautiful college sites in the world. Here the work of all departments is done except medicine and dentistry. These are located on a special campus of 14 acres in the southern part of the city, near the City Hospital. The College of Arts and Science has maintained from the beginning a high standard for admission and graduation, and has exercised an unusual influence on education in the South. The work of the freshman year is required. After that all work is elective, but students are required to arrange their courses around some central group of studies. The degree of B.A. is given for all courses, although B.S. may be given for specialization in the natural sciences. The university is coeducational, but no special effort has been made to increase the attendance of women. It is, therefore, known chiefly as a college for men.

Vanderbilt University has 3,250 names on its register of those who served in the Great War. Worthy of special mention is the hospital unit which rendered efficient service in France. Vanderbilt University was originally affiliated with the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. An effort to bring it entirely under the control of the church was resisted by the trustees, whose position was sustained by a decision of the Supreme Court of the State of Tennessee in 1914. Since then the university has considered itself independent and undenominational.

Bishop H. N. McTyeire was the first president of the Board of Trust, and in that capacity the chief executive officer of the university until his death in 1889. After his death the chancellor succeeded to most of his duties and responsibilities. The first chancellor was Dr. Landon C. Garland, who was succeeded in 1893 by J. H. Kirkland, who had previously held the professorship of Latin.


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Rh they have merely drifted in the grip of fate. It is said that a certain Scottish Baronet who had eight beautiful daughters approaching, some of them, to the age of marriage, put them all on a coach and drove them away from Edinburgh to London, because all the young Scotsmen of his acquaintance who had money, or the wits to make money, had already gone thither! In the end of the eighteenth century, and the beginning of the nineteenth, Edinburgh was one of the lamps of Europe, with its own particular tinge of flame. To-day it is one more instance of the futility of trying to separate the economic from the other aspects of the life either of a nation or a province.

Democratic Ideals and Reality, 1919 Dingbat.jpg Democratic Ideals and Reality, 1919 Dingbat.jpg Democratic Ideals and Reality, 1919 Dingbat.jpg Democratic Ideals and Reality, 1919 Dingbat.jpg Democratic Ideals and Reality, 1919 Dingbat.jpg

Whether we reason downward from the Freedom of Nations, or upward from the Freedom of Men, we come to the same conclusion. The nation which is to be fraternal towards other nations, must be independent in an economic as in every other sense; it must have and keep a complete and balanced life. But it cannot be independent if it is broken into classes and interests which are for ever seeking to range themselves for fighting purposes with the equivalent classes and interests


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254 of other nations. Therefore you must base national organisation on provincial communities. But if your province is to have any sufficient power of satisfying local aspirations it must, except for the federal reservations, have its own complete and balanced life. That is precisely what the real Freedom of Men requires—scope for a full life in their own locality. The organisation by nationwide classes and interests is the outcome of conflict, but it cannot satisfy, for it removes the larger careers away to the metropolis. Moreover the slums, and most other material afflictions of the people, are the outcome of impotence of local life, for they all result from offences against the principle of keeping that life complete and balanced.

Provinces of complete life, of course, imply federal system. It is not a mere decentralisation which is contemplated, but decentralisation of the different social functions to the same local units. Undoubtedly that is the tendency at the present time, in the Anglo-Saxon world, in regard to the administration of Government. The United States, Canada, Australia, and South Africa are all, in greater or less degree, federal, and in Britain we seem to be not very far from becoming so. Only the Irish question blocks the way, but


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1807. Berkeley on the ground that lawyers recognized no right of search in national ships. The excuse was evidently feeble. The law, or at least the lawyers, of England had hitherto justified every act which the government had chosen to commit,—the seizure of the Spanish treasure-ships in 1804, accompanied by the unnecessary destruction of hundreds of lives; the secret seizure of the larger part of American commerce in 1805, by collusion with the Admiralty judges; the paper blockade of Charles James Fox in 1806; the Order in Council of January, 1807, by which Lord Howick cut off another main branch of neutral commerce with which England had no legal right to interfere; finally, the lawyers justified the bombardment of Copenhagen as an act of necessary defence, and were about to justify a general control of all neutral commerce as an act of retaliation. To suppose that law so elastic, or lawyers with minds so fertile, could discover no warrant for Berkeley's act was preposterous. To neutral commerce England had no legal right; yet she took it, and her lawyers invented a title. To her citizens and seamen she actually had a legal right, recognized by every court in Christendom; and if after a fair demand on the neutral government she found that her right could be satisfied only by violating neutral jurisdiction, the lawyers, in view of all their other decisions, must hold that such violation was a matter of expediency and not of law. Canning's critics in reply to his assertion that the lawyers would recognize no right


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78 of search in national ships, could fairly say that he was alone to blame,—he should have ordered them to find it. George Canning could not seriously propose to sacrifice a vital English interest in obedience to the scrupulous legal morality of Spencer Perceval, Lord Eldon, Sir William Scott, and Sir Vicary Gibbs.

In truth, Canning had reasons more forcible. With a character not unlike that which Dryden ascribed to Lord Shaftesbury, he was pleased with the danger when the waves ran high; and if he steered too near the shoals in order to prove his wit, he did not wish to run the vessel ashore. He disavowed Admiral Berkeley, not because the lawyers were unable to prove whatever the government required, but because the right of searching foreign ships-of-war was not worth asserting, and would cost more than it could ever bring in return. Besides this obvious reason, he was guided by another motive which would alone have turned the scale. Perceval had invented a scheme for regulating neutral commerce. This measure had begun to take a character so stern that even its author expected it to produce war with the United States; and if war could be avoided at all, it could be avoided only by following Erskine's advice, and by sending to America, before the new Orders in Council, an apology for the attack on the "Chesapeake."


text:
History of the United States During the Administrations of Thomas Jefferson/Second/II:4

Chapter 4: The Orders in Council


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Page:Second Geological Survey of Pennsylvania Report of Progress PPP.djvu/58

 V2. 1879. 8 Vo. pp. 232. The Geology of by H. Martyn Chance, with colored geologcial map of county, a map of the Anticlinals and, a contoured map of the Old River Channel at Parker.83 local sections figured in the text, and 4 page plates. Price, $0 43; postage,$0 12

I. -1874. By John F.Carll. With Observations on the Geolgy around Warren by F. A. Randall; and notes on the Comparative Geology of North-easetern Ohio and North-western Pennsylvania, and Western New York, by J.P. Lesley. 8 vo., pp. 127, with 2 maps, a long section, and 7 cuts in the text. Price in paper, $0 60; postage, $0 05.

I2. —1876-7. By John F.Carll Pp.398. Published in advance of Report of Progress, III. Price $0 60; postage $0 18.

I3. —1875 to 1879. Geology of the, including surveys of the and  in Warren and Crawford counties and in Chautaugua county, New York, with descriptions of oil well rig and tolls, and a discussion of the preglacial and postglacial drainage of the; with Atlas. With maps and charts of Oil Regions. By John F. Carll. Price, $2 30: postage, £0 30.

I4., with additional oil well records—1880–3. By John F. Carll, with colored geological map of Warren county. two sheets of oil well sections, and a map of the Warren oil region. 439 pages. Price, $1 12; Postage, $0 20.

J. —1874, its Production, Transportation, Manufacture, and Statistics. By Henry E. Wrigley. To which are added a Map and Profile of a line of levels through Butler, Amstrong, and Clarion Counties, By D. Jones Lucas: And also a Map and Profile of a line of levels along Slippery Rock Creek, by J.P. Lesley. 8 Vo., pp. 122; 5 maps and sections, a plate and 5 cuts. Price in paper $0 75:Postage, $0 06.

K. By J. J. Stevenson. (See Reports Bituminous Coal Fields.)

L. Appendix II. . By John B Pearse. (See Miscellaneous Reports.)

Q2. By I.C. White (See Reports Bitumiuous Coal Fields.)

Q4. By I. C. White. (See Reports North-western Pennsylvania.)

R. with a reference to the probable position of the Oil Sands in Elk county. By Chas. A. Ashhurner. (See Reports Bituminous Coal Fields.)

V2. By H. M. Chance. (See Reports Bituminous Coal Fields.)

Q4. —1879. The Geology of, with tables of barometric heights in each township, and notes on the place of the in the Palæozoic series. By I. C.


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 White. Also, the discovery of the ,with two maps of the Lake Region. By J. W. Spencer, Ph. D. Price, $1 17; postage. $0 18.

I, I2, I3, I4, Q3, V, V2. and R. By John F. Carll, I. C. White, H. M. Chance, and Chas. A Ashburuer.

F. on Foissil Iron Ore Beds of Middle Pennsylvania. By John H. Dewees. With a report of the By C. A. Ashburner. 1874–8. Illustrated with 7 Geological maps and 19 sections. 8 vo., pp. 305. Price, $2 55: postage, $0 20.

G. By Andrew Sherwood. (See Reports Bituminous Coal Fields.)

G2. I. Field Notes by Andrew Sherwood. II. Coal Basins, by Franklin Platt. With two colored geological county maps and numerous illustrations. 8 vo., pp. 268. Price, $1 06; postage, $0 14.

G4 By H. M. Chance. (See Reports Bituminous Coal Fields.)

G7. By I. C. White. With a colored Geological Map in 2 sheets; and 31 page plates in text. Pp. 464. Price, $0 85; postage, $0 20.

T. —1882 Geology of {{sc|Blair County, with 35 illustrations and an Atlas of 14 Sheets of the colored map of {{sc|Morrison's Cove}}, &c.; 1 index sheet, and 2 sheets of colored sections. By Franklin Platt. Price of Report and Atlas, $1 55: postage, $0 28.

Tl. {{sc|Reprot of Progress}}—1882. The geology of {{sc|Bedford and Fulton Counties}}. By J. J. Stevenson. 8 vo., pp. 382. Illustrated with 2 colored geological maps. Price, $0 80 ; postage, $0 20.

{{c|NORTH-EASTERN PENNSYLVANIA.}}

'G5. {{sc|Report of Progress. The Geology of Susquehanna County and Wayne County.}} By I. C. White. Pp.243, with geological map and 58 sections. Price, $0 70: postage, $0 12.

G. {{sc|Report of Progress}},1881. {{sc|The Geology of Pike and Monroe Counties.}} By I. C. White 8 vo., pp. 407. Illustrated with colored Geolgical county maps, a map of glacial scratches, and 7 small sections. Also special surveys of the {{sc|Deleware and Lehigh Water Gaps}}. By H. M. Chance, with 2 countoured maps of Water Gaps, and 5 detailed sections. Price $1 15; postage $0 15.

G7. {{sc|The Geology in the Susquehanna (North Branch) River Region in the Six Counties of Wyoming}}, {{sc|Lackwanna}}, {{sc|Luzerne}}, {{sc|Columbia}}, {{sc|Montour}}, {{sc|Northumberland}}, (exclusive of {{sc|Anthracite Region.}}) by I.C.White. (see Reports Central Pennsylvania.) {{nop}}

G. {{sc|Report of Progress in Bradford and Tioga Counties.}} By Andrew Sherwood. (See Reports in Bituminous Coal Fields.)

A2, AA and AC. {{sc|Anthractie Region Reports.}} By Franklin Platt, Chas. A. Ashburner, and H.M. Chance. (See Reports Anthracite Coal Fields.) {{nop}} {{c|( 5 )}}


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Rh XVII

——,

Once more I am compelled to digress: and, this time, it is in order to meet what you must let me call a preconception of yours. You say that it appears to you "impossible that Christ, if really divine, should have been permitted by God to be worshipped as a worker of miracles for eighteen centuries, although in reality he had no power to work them."

Is this much more than a repetition of your former objection that my views amount to "a new religion," and that illusion, although it may abound in the history of the thoughts of mankind, can never have been permitted to connect itself with a really divine revelation? I have already in part answered these prejudices—for they are nothing more—by shewing that illusion permeates what is called "natural religion," and by subsequently shewing that the inspired books of the Old Testament exhibit illusions in every page; not only the illusions of the chosen people, but illusions also on the part of the authors of the several books, who misinterpreted tradition so as to convert a non-miraculous into a miraculous history. But now let us deal more particularly with Christian illusions. Here I will try to shew you, first, how natural and (humanly speaking) how inevitable it was that illusions should gather round the earliest Christian traditions, and how easily there might have sprung up miraculous accounts in connection with them. Then, and not till then,


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186 having done my best to dispel your natural prejudice, I will take in detail the six or seven principal miracles attributed to Christ by all the three Synoptic Evangelists, and will endeavour to shew you that these accounts did actually spring up in a natural and inevitable way, after the manner of illusions, without any attempt to deceive on the part of the compilers of the Gospels. It will appear, I think, that the life and doctrine of Christ are independent of these miracles and can easily be separated from them.

For the present then I am to speak of the naturalness or inevitability of illusions gathering about Christ's acts and words in the minds of His disciples. Does any student of the Fourth Gospel need to be convinced of this? Perhaps the author of that work discerned the illusions of the early Church even too clearly, so that he slightly overshot the mark in the frequency of the false inferences and misunderstandings with which he delights to encompass the words and deeds of Jesus. Perhaps the composer of "the Spiritual Gospel" has been led even too far by his profound and true perception that this Incarnate Word—this Being from another sphere who was and is in the bosom of the Father—could not move on the earth, among earthly creatures, without being perpetually misunderstood by them. But is there not manifest truth in his conception of Jesus as of One having different thoughts from those of common men, different ways of regarding all things small or great, a spiritual dialect of His own, not at once to be comprehended by ordinary beings? Certain it is that, in the Fourth Gospel, Christ's discourses are one string of metaphors which are literally and falsely interpreted by those to whom they are addressed. "Flesh," "blood," "water," "sleep," "birth," "death," "life," "temple," "bread," "meat," "light," "night," "way,"—these and I know not how many more simple words present themselves, as we rapidly turn over the pages of that Gospel, always metaphorically used,


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Letter 17] and always misunderstood. Nor can it be said that they were misunderstood by enemies and unbelievers alone; His disciples constantly misunderstood them. The life of Christ in the Fourth Gospel is one continuous misunderstanding. I will not say that this represents the exact fact; but I doubt not that the inspired insight of the author, be he who he may, took in the full meaning of all the hints that are given by the Synoptists as to the misunderstanding of the disciples about their Master, and led him to the deliberate conclusion that the life of Christ in the flesh was one perpetual source of illusions to the Twelve—illusions through which, by the guidance of the Spirit, they were to be led to the truth: "What I do ye know not now, but ye shall know hereafter." I believe he went even further and perceived that Christ's life was in danger of becoming a total delusion to the earliest Christians through their tendency to the materialistic and the miraculous, and that the best means of preserving the Church from such a danger was to accustom the faithful to attach value to the words and deeds of Christ only so far as they could interpret them spiritually, trusting to the Spirit for continual guidance into new truth.

This then is my first proposition, that Christ was sure to be misunderstood by those around Him, owing to His manner of using the language of metaphor. You must know very well that this conjecture is confirmed by fact. Sometimes the Synoptists note the fact, as when He spoke of "leaven" and the Twelve misunderstood Him literally; and several other instances are on record. But it is of course possible that on many other occasions the misunderstanding may have existed, but may not have been noted by the Evangelists. Take one instance. In the discourse of Jesus to the Seventy Disciples (Luke x. 19) Jesus makes the following statement: "I have given you authority to tread upon serpents and scorpions and over


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188 all the power of the enemy, and nothing shall in any wise hurt you." How are we to understand this "treading upon serpents and scorpions"? Literally or metaphorically? Surely the text itself makes it evident that Jesus used the words metaphorically to refer to "the power of the Enemy," i.e. "the Serpent," or Satan, probably with a special reference to the casting out of devils. Moreover the passage is introduced by a statement that "the Seventy returned with joy, saying, Lord, even the devils are subject unto us in thy name. And he said, I beheld Satan fall as lightning from Heaven. Behold I have given you authority to tread upon serpents...... Howbeit in this rejoice not that the spirits are subject unto you; but rejoice that your names are written in Heaven." As for the other part of the promise, "nothing shall hurt you," it surely does not seem to you that these words must imply literal "hurt"? If it does, let me direct your attention to a much more striking instance of Christ's extraordinary use of metaphor in a passage where the Disciples are told, almost in a breath, that not a hair of their heads shall perish and yet that some of them shall be "put to death" (Luke xxi. 16-18). I think then that you will agree with me that the "authority to tread upon serpents" mentioned in St. Luke contained not a literal, but a spiritual promise, to tread upon the power of "the Serpent." Nevertheless, that this promise about "serpents" was very early misinterpreted literally can be shewn, not indeed from a genuine passage of the Gospels, but from a very early interpolation in St. Mark's Gospel, xvi. 17, 18: "These signs shall follow them that believe; in my name shall they cast out devils; they shall speak with new tongues; they shall take up serpents, and if they drink any deadly thing, it shall in no wise hurt them; they shall lay hands on the sick and they shall recover."

Here then we have a clear instance of misunderstanding


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Letter 17] (not noted by the Evangelists) arising in very early if not in the very earliest times from the metaphorical language of Jesus. One more instance of probable misunderstanding must suffice for the present. You know how often in the Epistles of St. Paul the word "dead" is used to indicate spiritually "dead" i.e. "dead in sin." A similar use is attributed to Christ in the Fourth Gospel: "He that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet shall he live" (John xi. 25); but here the impending resurrection of Lazarus gives the reader the impression that it is literally used. However it is almost certainly metaphorical in John v. 24, 25, 28, "He that heareth my word and believeth him that sent me, hath eternal life, and cometh not unto judgment, but is passed from death into life. Verily, verily, I say unto you, the hour cometh and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of God, and they that hear shall live.... Marvel not at this, for the hour cometh in which all that are in the tombs shall hear his voice, and shall come forth" &c. Here apparently the meaning is that the hour has already come ("now is") when the spiritually dead shall hear the voice, and the hour is on the point of coming when the literally dead ("all that are in the tombs") shall hear it. In any case, the metaphorical meaning is indisputable in the striking saying of Jesus (Luke ix. 60) "Let the dead bury their dead."

Now if Jesus was in the habit of describing those who were lost in sin as being "dead," and of bidding His disciples "raise the dead"—meaning that they were to restore sinners to spiritual life—we can easily see how such language might be misunderstood. It is probable that Jesus Himself had actually restored life to at least one person given over for dead, the daughter of Jairus, though by natural means. Of such revivification you may find an instance described in Onesimus (pp. 77—81) which is taken almost verbatim from the account of his own


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190 revivification given by the late Archbishop of Bordeaux to the late Dean Stanley, and sent me by the Dean as being taken down from the Archbishop's lips. If that was so, how natural for some of the Disciples to attach a literal meaning to the precept, "raise the dead"! They would argue thus, "Our Master healed diseases at a word, so can we; He once raised a child from the dead and bade us also raise the dead; some of the Disciples therefore ought to be able to do this." How natural, under the circumstances, such a confusion of the material and the spiritual! Yet I have little doubt that the diseases which were cured by the Twelve were almost always "possession," or paralysis, or nervous diseases. Compare the different accounts given by the Synoptists of the instructions of Jesus to the Twelve when He sent them forth on their first mission:

Here you find that the first Gospel (St. Mark's) makes mention only of the "authority over unclean spirits," and this probably represents the fact. The third account is an amplification; and the second altogether exaggerates. Hence, when we read, in the context of the second version of these instructions, "Heal the sick, raise the dead, cleanse the lepers, cast out devils; freely ye received freely give" (Matthew x. 8), we cannot fail to see several arguments against the probability of the italicized words being literally intended by Jesus. First, the language of Christ habitually dealt in metaphor, and in metaphor habitually misunderstood by His disciples; secondly, there


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Letter 17] is no instance in which a single one of the Twelve carried out this precept during the life of their Master, and only one in which one of the Twelve (Peter) is said to have raised a woman from the dead (for St. Paul's incident with Eutychus can hardly be called a case in point); thirdly the precept is recorded by only one Evangelist; fourthly that same Evangelist records only one case in which our Lord Himself raised any one from the dead, i.e. the revivified daughter of Jairus—and it seems absurd to represent Christ as commanding all the Apostles to do that which most of them probably never did, and He Himself (according to the First Gospel) only did once.

We pass now to another cause that may have originated miraculous narratives in the Gospels. Try to extricate yourself from our Western, cold-blooded, analytical, and critical way of looking at things. Sit down in the reign of Vespasian or Domitian in the midst of a congregation of Jewish and Græco-Oriental brethren, assembled for a sacred service, "singing a hymn" (as Pliny says, describing them a few years afterwards) "to Christ as to a God." What effect on the traditions of Christ's life and works would be produced by these "hymns and spiritual songs" which St. Paul's testimony (as well as Pliny's) shews to have been a common part of the earliest Christian ritual? Would they not inevitably tend, by poetic hyperbole and metaphor, to build up fresh traditions which, when literally interpreted, would—like the songs and psalms of the Chosen People—give rise to miraculous narratives? Part of the service indeed would not consist of hymns but of the reading of the "Scriptures" i.e. the Old Testament; but this also would tend in the same direction. For there you would hear, read out to


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192 the congregation, marvellous prophecies how, in the day of the Lord the Redeemer, the eyes of the blind should be opened and the ears of the deaf unstopped, and the lame should leap as a hart; and the sole thought possessing you and every man in the congregation would be, "How far did all these things find fulfilment in the Lord Jesus Christ?" You would hear from the "Scriptures" narratives of marvellous miracles, how Moses gave water from the rock to Israel in the wilderness and fed them with food from heaven, how Elijah raised the widow's child from death, and how Jonah spent three days in the belly of the fish; and the sole thought possessing you would be, "How far were like wonders wrought by Christ?" Then would arise the hymn describing, in imagery borrowed from the Old Testament, how Christ had done all these things, and more besides, for the spiritual Israel; how He had spread a table for His people in the wilderness, and given to thousands to partake of His body and His blood; how Moses had merely given water to the people, but Jesus had changed the water of the Jews (i.e. the Law) into the wine which flowed from His side; how Jesus had fulfilled the predictions of the prophets by curing the halt, the maimed, the blind, the leper, the deaf; how He had even raised the dead and bidden His disciples to raise the dead; how He, like Jonah, had spent three days in the darkness of the grave. If you look at the earliest Christian paintings you will find that they represent Christ as the Fish (the emblem of food); others depict the Mosaic miracles of the manna and the water from the rock. These shew what a hold the notion of the miraculous food had taken on the mind of the earliest believers. How easy it would be to amplify a metaphor derived from the Eucharistic feeding on the Bread of Life and perhaps on the "honey-sweet fish" (as Christ is actually called in a poem written about the middle of the second century)


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Letter 17] into a miraculous account of the feeding of many thousands upon material bread and material fish! It is greatly to be regretted that we have not one left out of the many hymns and psalms of which St. Paul and Pliny make mention. The only vestige of one that I know is found in a verse of St. Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians. It is at all events printed by Westcott and Hort as poetry, and it is thought by many commentators to be an extract from some well-known hymn (Eph. v. 14):

This perhaps is our only specimen of the earliest Christian hymnals. Surely then it is noticeable that in three lines of this unique specimen there are three metaphors, and in the second line a metaphorical use of the word "dead" which—as I have pointed out above—has probably elsewhere resulted in serious misunderstanding.

After the hymn would come the sermon. The preacher would stand up like Apollos to "prove from the Scriptures," that is, from the Old Testament, that Jesus is the Christ. If you wish to know how some of the Christian Preachers would probably discharge their task you should look at the Dialogue with Trypho written (about a hundred years after Apollos) by Justin Martyr—who, I take it, was very much superior in judgment, learning, and ability, to the great mass of Christian Preachers in the first and second centuries. There—among many other instances of the adaptation of history to preconception—you will find Justin declaring that Jesus was born in a cave, and that the ass on which He rode into Jerusalem was tied to a vine, simply because certain prophecies of Isaiah mention a cave and a vine, and because he is determined to find fulfilments of


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194 them in the life of Christ. But in the early times of Apollos, and during the next twenty or thirty years, before the Gospels had been committed to writing, there must have been a far stronger gravitation towards the Old Testament and a far more powerful tendency to find something in the life of Christ to fulfil every prediction about the Messiah and to correspond to every miracle wrought by Moses and the prophets. Judged in the light of these considerations, our present record of Christ's life ought to surprise us not by the number, but by the paucity, of the fulfilments of prophecy and the miracles contained in them.

Against these arguments for the antecedent probability that miracles would be baselessly imputed to Jesus (to be followed presently by a few instances to shew that they have been so imputed) I know nothing that has been recently urged except a consideration drawn from the life of John the Baptist: "To the Baptist no miracle has been imputed by the Gospels; to Christ miracles have been imputed; why not to both? What is the reason for this distinction except that the former did not perform miracles, while the latter did?" Two reasons can be given. In the first place Christ worked "mighty works," while John did not; and since many of these "mighty works" could not in the first century be distinguished from "miracles," they served as a nucleus round which a miraculous narrative might gather; in the history of the Baptist there would be no such nucleus. The second and perhaps more important reason is, that, as a counterpoise to the natural exaggerative tendency which might have led men to attribute miracles to the Baptist, there would be also a tendency to heighten the contrast between the Servant and the Master. This tendency appears to me to increase in the later Gospels till at last in the Fourth we come to the express statement, "John worked no


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Letter 17] miracle" (John x. 41). But whether I am right or not in this conjecture, it is quite certain that the attitude of the Christians towards the mere forerunner of the Messiah—about whom the Prophets had simply predicted that he would "turn the hearts of the children to the fathers"— would not be such as to render likely any imputations of miracles to him. At Ephesus, in the days of St. Paul, there were some quasi-Christians who had received none but "John's Baptism," and had "not so much as heard whether there is a Holy Ghost." That gives us a much stronger impression of the Prophet's influence, and a much weaker impression of the prevalence of the doctrine about the Holy Spirit in the earliest Christian teaching, than we should have inferred from what we read in the Fourth Gospel: was it likely, when the Baptist's influence seemed to the contemporaries of St. Paul still so powerful (perhaps too powerful) that they would be tempted unconsciously to magnify it by casting round him that halo of miraculous action which naturally gathered around the life of Christ?

Does it seem to you very hard, and almost cruelly unnatural, that the life of the Baptist—in whom the world takes comparatively little interest—should be handed down with historical accuracy (at least so far as miracles are concerned) while the life of Christ, the centre of the hopes and fears of the civilized world, has been permitted by Providence to become a nucleus for illusion and superstition as well as for the righteous faith and love of mankind? It is hard; it is not unnatural.

What does Shakespeare mean by this except to exemplify the universal, and natural, but illusive belief, that whatever affects the greatest man must also affect material


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196 nature? Therefore in proportion to the greatness of any man we must expect that the illusions about him will be great in the minds of posterity. How indeed could it be otherwise? Reflect for a moment. Jesus came into the world to be a spiritual Saviour, a spiritual Judge; but how few there were in those days who could fully appreciate even the meaning of these titles! Do you yourself, even at this date, after the lapse of eighteen centuries, grasp firmly this notion of spiritual judgment? Reverence can hardly restrain you from smiling at the Apostles for their unspiritual dreams of a "carnal" empire with twelve tangible thrones to be set up for their twelve selves in Palestine; but you yourself, have you never, at all events in younger days, dreamed sometimes of a visible white throne on material clouds, of a visible and perhaps tangible trumpet, of an audible verdict of "Guilty" or "Not guilty" externally pronounced on each soul? perhaps also of palpable palm branches, and of I know not what more sensuous apparatus, without which you can scarcely realize the notion of the Day of Judgment? And yet all these are adventitious and accidental accompaniments of the real and essential "judgment"—which is in Greek the "sifting" or "division" i.e. the division between good and evil in the heart of each one of us. But I doubt even now whether you understand the meaning of this spiritual "division" or judgment. Let me try to explain it. Have you not at any time suddenly, in a flash, been brought face to face with some revelation of goodness—some good person, or action, or book, or word, or thought—which in a moment, before you were aware, has lighted up all the black caverns of your nature and made your mind's eye realize them, and your conscience abhor them, setting your higher nature against your lower nature, so that, without your knowing it, this angelic visitant has taken hold of you, carried away the better part of you along with itself


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Letter 17] into higher regions of purer thought than yours, from whence your better nature is forced to look down upon, and condemn, your lower and grosser self? This "division" is the operation of the two-edged sword of the Spirit; and when a man's cheeks flush with shame, or his heart feels crushed with remorse, under this "dividing" power, and he feels the verdict "I am guilty," then he is being judged far more effectually than any earthly law court could judge him. Now it is this kind of judgment that Jesus had in mind when He spoke of the judgment of the world by the Son of Man. In this sense He has been judging, is judging, and will judge, till the Great Judgment consummates the story of such things as are to be judged. But how little has the world realized this!

Probably some would have realized less of the spiritual if they had imagined less of the material. You know how the English judges of our times still insist on much of the old pomp and ceremony which in the days of our forefathers was thought necessary in order to make justice venerable. The trumpets, and the javelin-men, and the sheriffs in the procession, the wig and gown and bands in court —they all seem a little ridiculous to most of us now; yet possibly the judges are right in retaining them. Possibly our brutal English nature will need for some decades longer these antique and now meaningless trappings before they will be able to respect the just judge for the sake of justice itself. And in the same way, from the days of Clovis to those of Napoleon, many a man who would have found it impossible to realize the righteous Judge as the invisible wielder of the two-edged sword of the Spirit, has felt a fear, which perhaps did more good than harm, at the thought of the opening graves, the unclothed trembling dead, the thunder-pealing verdict and the flames of a material hell. Who also can deny that the illusion which has represented Jesus as having


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198 possessed and exerted the power to cure every imaginable disease of the body, has led many to realize Him as the Healer of something more than material disease, in a manner otherwise impossible for masses of men living under an oppression which often scarcely left them the consciousness that they possessed anything but bodies wherewith to serve their masters?

Do not suppose, because I am forced by evidence to reject the miracles, that I am blind to the part that they once played in facilitating faith in Christ. A whole essay, a volume of essays might be written on that subject, without fear of exaggeration. The Miraculous Conception, the Miraculous Resurrection and Ascension, the miracles of the feeding of the four thousand and of the five thousand,—it would be quite possible to shew from Christian literature and history, how in times gone by, when laws of nature were unrecognized, these supposed incidents of Christ's life not only found their way into men's minds without hesitation and without a strain upon intellect or conscience, but also conveyed to the human heart, each in its own way, some deep spiritual truth satisfying some deep spiritual need. It is the old lesson once more repeated: the eyes take in, as a picture, what the ears fail to convey to the brain or heart, when expressed in mere words.

But now, there are abundant symptoms that the tempers and minds of men are greatly changed. Men's minds are more open than before to the need of some spiritual bond to keep society together; and the character and spiritual claims of Christ, and the marvellous results that have followed from His life and death, are beginning (I think) to be recognized with more spontaneousness and with less of superstitious formalism. On the other hand, the vast regularity of Nature has so come home to our hearts that some believe in it as if it had a divine sanctity;


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Letter 17] the thought of praying that the sun or moon may stand still shocks us as a profanity; and boys and girls, as they stand opposite to some picture setting forth a Bible miracle, look puzzled and perplexed, or, if they are a little older, say with a sententious smile that "the age of miracles is past." In a word, that very element of inexplicable wonder which once strengthened the faith, now weakens it, by furnishing weapons to its assailants, and by inducing rash believers to take up and defend against sceptics a position that is indefensible.

In any case, it is the duty of each generation of Christians to put aside, as far as it can, the illusions of the previous generation and to rise higher to the fuller knowledge of Christ: for the outworn and undiscarded illusions of one generation become the hypocrisies of the next. The illusions of the permanence of the Mosaic Law, of the speedy Consummation, of Transubstantiation, of the Infallible Church, of the Infallible Book, have all been in due course put away. A candid and modest Christian ought surely to argue that, where so many illusions have already been discarded—and all without injury to the worship of Christ—some may remain to be discarded still, and equally without injury to the Eternal Truth.

What if miraculous Christianity is to natural Christianity as the Ptolemaic astronomy is to the Newtonian? Both of these astronomical systems were of practical utility; both could predict eclipses; both revealed God as a God of order. But the former imputed to the unmoving sun the terrestrial motion which the latter correctly imputed to the earth; the former explained by a number of arbitrary, non-natural, and quasi-miraculous suppositions—spheres, and spirals, and epicycles, and the like—phenomena which the latter more simply explained by one celestial curve traced out in accordance with one fixed law. I believe that


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200 in religion also we have made a similar mistake and are being prepared for a similar correction. We have imputed to Christ some actions which have sprung from the promptings of our own imaginations—imaging forth what our ideal Deliverer would have done—and which have represented, not His motions, but the motions of our own hearts. By what we have euphemistically denominated "latent laws," that is to say by hypotheses as arbitrary and baseless as the old epicycles, unsupported by sufficient evidence and inconsistent with all that we see and hear and feel around us in God's world, we have endeavoured to explain a Redemption which no more needs such explanations than forgiveness needs them—a Redemption which is as natural (that is to say, as much in accordance with the laws of physical nature and the ordinary processes of human nature) as that Law of Love, or Spiritual gravitation, which may be illustrated in the microcosm of every human household. Now we are to learn the new truth: and as the God of Newton is greater (is He not?) than the God of Ptolemy, so let us not doubt that the God revealed in spiritual Christianity will be greater than the God revealed in material and miraculous Christianity. The new heavens will not cease to declare the glory of God; the new firmament will not fail to tell of His handiwork.


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Vandergrift

VANDERGRIFT, văn-dėr-grĭft, Pa., borough in Westmoreland County, on the Kiskiminetas River, and on the western Pennsylvania division of the Pennsylvania Railroad, 25 miles east of Pittsburgh. It is situated in a beautiful valley and is noted for its manufacture of sheet steel, the Apollo Iron and Steel Company, now absorbed by the United States Steel Corporation, being situated here, and is one of the largest steel plants in the world, having eight open hearth furnaces, a gigantic continuous bar mill, 29 complete sheet mills and a large plant for galvanizing the sheets. Natural gas is used as fuel. The mills have an output of 45 carloads of finished steel a day. The town has graded schools and a high school established in 1900; a public library and eight churches. There are two newspapers and good banking facilities. Vandergrift was founded by the Apollo Iron and Steel Company on 650 acres of land, upon which they erected their works in 1896 and 1897. The value of the works is estimated at $5,500,000. The town is very remarkable as a successful demonstration of the economic principles and is known in the iron world as the “workingman's paradise.” The town was laid out and sewered, and water, electric light and gas plants built, streets paved, trees planted, etc., before a single lot was sold to the employees. Nearly all the homes in the town are owned by those who live in them, and every lot of land was sold with a stipulation in the deed that no liquors should be sold on any of them for 99 years. The mills have never closed down since they were started, except at intervals for repairs. The workmen are well paid and of unusual intelligence, and belong to no labor union, and the town has never had any labor disturbances. A borough was formed in 1915, taking in most of the town and known as Vandergrift Heights. Pop. 3,876.


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Vane, Henry

VANE, Henry, English statesman, fourth governor of Massachusetts: b. Hadlow, Kent, 1612; d. Tower Hill, London, 26 May

1662. He studied at Magdalen Hall, Oxford, and also for a time at Geneva or Leyden; was a member of the retinue of the English Ambassador to Vienna in 1631, and after his return was so decided in his opposition to the doctrine and ceremony of the Established Church that he sailed for New England to obtain freedom of conscience. With royal license permitting a three-years' residence, he arrived at Boston 6 Oct. 1635. He was at the time a joint commissioner representing Lord Saye and Sele, Lord Brooke and the other patentees of Connecticut. On 1 November he was admitted a member of the church of Boston, on 3 March 1636 received the freedom of the colony (that is, was made citizen). He had already taken some part in its political affairs, having effected a conference for the adjustment of differences at which articles were drawn up for the guidance of magistrates. He was elected governor 25 March 1636. The “fifteen great ships” then in harbor, according to Winthrop (‘History of New England,’ ed. Savage, 1825), “congratulated his election with a volley of great shot.” One of his first acts after induction into office was to make an agreement with the captains of these vessels as to the government of shipping. A difficulty arose through the request of the officers of British vessels that the king's colors might be flown from the fort. All the magistrates, with one exception, were opposed, since the flag contained the cross which Endicott had but recently cut away. Reply was made that there was no king's flag in the colony, but the captains supplied one and it was hoisted on the authority of the governor and his supporter in the council. At the outbreak of the Pequot War Vane joined Roger Williams in influencing many Indian tribes to refrain from hostilities. On 21 October he concluded a satisfactory treaty with Miantonomo, sachem of the Narragansetts. But in his interposition in ecclesiastical matters he was far less successful. The Antinomian controversy was reaching a critical stage and the colony was divided into two hostile camps, one holding to “sanctification” as evidence of “justification” and the “covenant of works,” the other to the “covenant of grace.” The latter were in a minority and far less influential, and Vane, as a champion of free inquiry, took their side. The colonists, unfortunately, did not, as Upham points out, favor such inquiry “whenever it threatened to lead to results different from their own.” As a consequence, at the election in March 1637 Vane and all his supporters were left out of office. Boston chose him to the General Court, and when the election had been declared void by the majority of the house, returned him the very next day. Winthrop was elected governor, and at once, as a means toward defeating heresy, a law was passed by the General Court that no strangers were to be received within the jurisdiction of the colony save those permitted by one of the council or two of the assistant magistrates. Discontent with this law so increased that Winthrop published a ‘Defense.’ To this Vane replied in ‘A Brief Answer to a Certain Declaration,’ a plea for toleration. On 3 Aug. 1637 he sailed for England. On his return, he labored to secure a charter for Rhode Island, and this was obtained chiefly by his influence. His services in this behalf

were duly recognized by Williams. From 1639 to 1641 he was treasurer of the British navy, in 1640 entered Parliament for Hull, in the same year was knighted and in 1641 advocated the abolition of episcopacy and was dismissed by Charles I from the treasurership. He was head of the Parliamentary war party, was practically leader of the Commons in 1643-46, was a commissioner to treat with Charles I at Newport in 1648, but took no part in the king's trial. Under the Commonwealth he was a leader in all affairs of state. In 1651 he was sent to adjust Scottish affairs. When Cromwell forcibly dissolved the Long Parliament in 1653, Vane, who desired to continue it, was brought into open collision with him. Vane, therefore withdrew to Belleau in Lincolnshire, where he busied himself with literary composition. One of Milton's sonnets (17th) recognizes his activity in the Commonwealth cause. In 1656 he was imprisoned for a pamphlet against Cromwell's arbitrary procedure, in 1659 re-entered Parliament and having secured the abolition of the protectorate, was commissioner of the navy in the restored Long Parliament, from which he was finally expelled January 1660, generally distrusted by all parties. He was excluded from indemnity on the Restoration, held prisoner in the Tower and the Scilly Islands, and finally, after an able defense, sentenced to death for treason. His mystical religious views made him a puzzling character to his English contemporaries, most of whom apparently came to think him a fanatic. He was reported at one time to be the head of an Anabaptist revolt; at another, king of the Fifth Monarchy. His abilities were never questioned, but his high principles were once not seen so clearly as they now are. He appears briefly in Hawthorne's ‘Legends of the Province House’ (‘Howe's Masquerade’). Consult biographies by Sikes (1662), Upham (Sparks' ‘American Biography,’ 1st ser., Vol. IV, 1835), and Hosmer (1888); also Winthrop, ‘History of New England’ (ed. Savage, 1825 or ed. 1853), and Hutchinson, ‘History of Massachusetts’ (ed. 1765).


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Vanilla

VANILLA, a genus of orchids, of great economic value, on account of their fruits, which furnish the commercial flavoring-extract known by the same name. Several species furnish vanilla, the most important being V. planifolia, indigenous to Mexico and adjacent territories. It is a robust high-climbing plant, attaching itself to trees by adventitious roots. It hears bright-green, oval, flat leaves, which are fleshy or coriaceous. The flowers are fragrant and greenish-white, with a trumpet-shaped lip, crinkled about the edges. When cultivated, as it is very largely, in tropical countries, especially in Mexico and Java, the flowers must be fertilized artificially, the finest being chosen, a process carried out by insects in its wild habitat. They then set fleshy fruit, which is carefully picked just before each is ripe. These pods are from six to nine inches long and are filled with an oily pulp containing the minute seeds. They are called vanilla beans from their long, slender legume-like appearance, but are not fragrant. The characteristic aroma is due to the presence of a volatile oil (vanillin) which is developed by slow curing and fermentation. The pod, as it appears in the markets,

is chocolate-colored, wrinkled, slender and pliable. In the best qualities, or “frosted vanilla,” the vanillin extrudes its needle-like crystals, forming a delicate efflorescence on the outside of the beans. Although vanilla is a carminative and stimulative drug, it is chiefly used as a flavoring substance, particularly for chocolate and confectionery. The Spaniards found vanilla in use among the Mexican Indians, in conjunction with cocoa, and it is said that it was first imported into England about 1510, when other Mexican products found their way over seas.

There are several inferior qualities of vanilla, Each as the Venezuelan and Brazilian varieties, brought from those countries, the latter being distinguished as vanillon, and supposed to be the product of Vanilla pompona. The pods are longer and thicker than those of V. planifolia. Guiana vanilla pods (V. guianensis) are coarse and frequently split open.


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C. —1874. By Persifor Frazer. 8vo., pp. 198, illustarted by 8 maps and sections and other illustrations. Price in paper, $0 85 ; postage, $0 10.

C. —1875. Illustrated by maps and cross-sections, showing the Magnetic and Micaeous Ore Belt near the western edge of the Mesozoic Sandstone and the two Azoic systems constituting the mass of the South Mountains. With a preliminary discussion on the and catalogue of specimens collected in 1875. By Persifor Frazer. Price, $1 25; postage $0 12.

C4. 1877. The Geology of, with an atlas containing a colored geological map of the county, local map of the , map and sections of the East Bank of Susquehanna River ; other geological sections across the county, and geological colored maps of York and Lancaster counties. By Persifor Frazer. 8 vo.,pp. 350. Price of Report and Atlas, $2 20 ; postage, $0 25.

C4. m After the surveys of Henrey D. Rogers, Persifor Frazer and Charles E. Hall, edited by J. P. Lesley—with a colored geological map of the county, three lithographic plates and maps and sections in the text. Price, $0 75; postage, $0 18.

C6. By Charles E. Hall. Pp. 145, with Geological map, sheet of colored cross-sections, and 24 page cuts. Price, $1 65; postage, $0 13.

D. —1874, with descriptions of mines lying between Emaus, Alburtis, and Fogelsville. By Frederick Prime Jr. 8vo., pp.73, with a contour-line map and 8 cuts. Price in paper, $0 50; postage £0 04.

D2., lying between Shimersville, Schenecksville, Bellietsville, and the Lehigh river—1876–6. By Frederick Prime, Jr. 8 vo., pp. 99, with 5 map-sheets and 5 plates. Price, $1 60; postage, $0 12.

D3. General introduction,by J. P. Lesley. Slate Belt and Quarries, by R. A. Sanders. Water Gaps, by H.M Chance. Limestone Belt and Iron Ore Mines, by F. Prime.South Mountain Rocks, by F. Prime. Itinerary Survey, by C. E. Hall. Three lithograph and 3 artotype views of quarries, and an atlas. Pp. 283. Price, $0 65; postage, $0 13.

D3. By E.V. D'Invilliers. Illustrated by 18 page plates in the text, and by the maps in the Atlas. Pp. 441. Price, $0.55; postage, $ 018.

D3. Volumes I and II,, containing a colored counter map of Southern Northampton on 6 sheets, a contour map of the mountain on 18 sheets, a geological index map on 1 sheet, a colored geological map of , and 4 maps of Price, $2 80;postage,$0 17.

D5. South  Mountain Sheets A1, A2, B1 and B2. By A. E. Lehman. Price, $1 25; postage,$0 08.


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 E. —1875. Part I, Historical Introduction. by T. Sterry Hunt. 8 vo., pp.253. Price, $0 48; postage, $0 12.

A. in Pennsylvania and other states. By J. P. Lesley. With appendix, containing Annual Reports for 1874 and 1875; pp. pp. 226, 8vo. Price in paper,$0 25; postage, $0 06.

B. —1874. By Dr. F. A. Genth. With Appendix on the hydro-carbon compounds, by Samuel P. Sadtler. 8vo., pp. 206, with map of the State for reference to counties. Price in paper, $0 50 ; postage,$0 08. Price in cloth, $0 75; postage, $0 10.

L. 1875—, with Geological Notes of the Coal and Iorn Ore Beds, from Surveys, by Charles A. Young; by Franklin Platt. To which are appended: I. A Report on Methods of Coking, by John Fulton. II. A Report on the use of Natural Gas in the Iorn Manufacture, by John B. Pearse, Franklin Platt, and Professor Sadtler. Pp.252. Price,$1 00; postage,$0 13.

M. —1874-5. By Andrew S.McCreath. 8.vo., pp. 105. Price in paper, $0 50: postage, $0 05.

M2., at Harrisburg, by Andrew S. McCreath—1876-8, including I. Classification of Coals, by Persifor Frazer. II. Firebrick Tests, by Franklin Platt. III. Notes on Dolomite Limestones, by J. P. Lesley. IV. Utilization of Anthracite Slack, by Franklin Platt. V. Determination of Carbon in Iron or Steel, by A. S. McCreath. With 3 indexes, plate, and 4 page plates. Pp. 438. Price in cloth, $0 65 ;postage, $0 18.

M3., at Harrisburg. Analyses, &c., &c. By Andrew S. McCreath. Pp. 126, with 2 indexes and map. Price, $0 40; postage, $0 10.

N. —1875–6–7. of the Railroad Stations, Summits and Tunnels ; Canal Locks and Dams, River Riffles, &c., in and around Pennsylvania; with map: pp.279. By Charles Allen. Price, $0 70 ;postage, $0 15.

O. .—1874–5–6–7. By Charles E. Hall. Part I. Collection of Rock Specimens. Nos.1to 4,264. Pp.217. Price, $0 40; postage, $0 10.

O2.. By Charles E. Hall. Part II. 1. Collections of rock specimens, Nos. 4265 to 8974. 2. Palæontological specimens. Price, $0 40; postage, $0 12.

P. 1879— By Leo Lesquereux. Price of Report,$0 80 ; postage, $0 28. Price of Atlas, $ 3 35; postage $0 22.

P2. with 38 plates. By Wm. F. Fontaine, M. A., and I. C. White, A. M. Price,$2 25; postage, $0 17.

Other Reports of the Survey are in the hands of the State Printer, and will soon be published.


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 he went barefoot, wore a tow coat and trousers (much darned) of his own making, and as he never shaved his curious milk coloured beard, he presented a singular appearance. He continued his crusade against slavery, illustrating his principles in odd ways, and distributing many pamphlets of his own composition. One of his tracts, 'All Slave-keepers that keep the Innocent in Bondage, Apostates,' was printed in 1737 by Franklin, who paid Lay a visit on one occasion in company with Governor Penn. Lay also 'had a testimony' against tobacco and against tea, and on one occasion carried a number of tea-cups to the market-place of Philadelphia and destroyed some as a public protest. A more dangerous fancy induced him to try to fast for forty days in imitation of Christ, and bought him to the verge of the grave. As early as 1737 he suggested humane improvements in the criminal code. About 1740 he removed from his cave-like cottage to a neighbouring farmhouse and boarded there. He died 8 Feb. 1759, and buried at the quakers' burial-ground, Abington, near Philadelphia. His wife, Sarah, predeceased him. Lay was hump-backed, with very thin legs, and only four seven inches in height. His wife was deformed. But he was recognised as a philanthropist, and his pamphlets and teaching are said to have been of considerable influence upon the younger quakers of the district. Just before his death the society resolved to disown such of their members as persisted in holding slaves. His portrait is in the collection at the London Friends' Institute, Devonshire House.

 LAYAMON (fl. 1200), author of 'Brut,' is only known through statements of his own. His great work opens by saying, ‘There was a priest in the land, Layamon hight; he was Leoenath's son (May the Lord love him!) He dwelt at Ernley (sic), at a noble church upon the Severn's bank; it seemed to him good to be there. Fast by Radestone (sic) there he read books’ [read the service, or simply studied]. And he goes on to say that here the idea occurred to him of writing a history of England. The mention of 'Radestone' and of the Severn clearly identifies ‘Ernley' with Areley Regis in North Worcestershire, close by which is a high cliff called Redstone. Tradition, according to Murray's 'Guide to Worcestershire’ (p. 232, cd. 1872), has specially associated Layamon with this cliff which has had extensive excavations made in its solid rock, and 'once enjoyed high repute as a hermitage.' Layamon's own statement negatives such a tradition. As Sir Frederick Madden rightly insists, he distinctly connects himself with Areley Church, and mentions Redstone by way of direction and for this purpose it might well serve if, as is very possible, a well-known route from London to North Wales passed by it in the middle ages, as in later times Redstone Ferry, says Murray, ‘was once the high road from North Wales to London.' Layamon also styles himself a ‘priest.’ Now, though a priest might have turned hermit, yet in the middle ages the hermits formed a distinct 'religious' class. The second and later version of the 'Brut' writes Lawemon for Layamon, and Leuca for Leonenað; and for ‘at æðelen are chirechen,' it reads 'wid þan gode cniþte,’ and so makes the sense run: ‘He dwelt at Ernley with the good kniqht.' The scribe has perhaps translated ‘æðelen are chirechen,' by 'good’ (so elsewhere, e.g. l. 57), and wildly misread 'chirechen,' or boldly converted it into ‘cniþte.’

Sir Frederick Madden, in the preface to his edition, remarks that both the names Layamon and Leouenath, or variants of them, occur in documents of the beginning of the thirteenth century. He refers to an occurrence of Legemann in Cambridgeshire, and Levenoth or Levenethe in Essex. It has apparently not been hitherto observed that the latter name is found close by Worcestershire, viz. in Herefordshire, and in almost the very same form as in the 'Brut,' at the close of the tenth century. A charter of Ealdulf, his bishop of Worcester, dated 996, assigns certain lands to one Leofenað, who may have been an ancestor, and at any rate lived in the same district (, Codex Diplomaticus,, iii. 295–6).

The date of Layamon is approximately settled by the fact that his poem is based on Wace's ‘Roman da Brut.' Describing the works he collected for information on English history he says that the third book he took and laid before him was made by 'a French clerk, hight Wace, who well could write; and he gave it to the noble Eleanor, that was the high King Henry’s Queen.' Now, Wace himself tells us he composed this work in ll55. Again, Madden has pointed out what seemsan allusion to the destruction of Leicester by the forces of Henry II, under the justiciary, Richard de Lacy, in 1173 (see ll. 2916–21, i. 123–4 of edit.) Henry II and Queen Eleanor, apparently


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 mentioned as dead in the above passage, died in 1189 and in 1206 respectively. In the account given of the establishment of the Rome-feoh or Peter's pence, a doubt is expressed by the writer as to the continuance of the payment (see iii. 288). Now, in 1206 it 'appears that King John and his nobles resisted the pope's mandate for its collection' (see Fœdera, vol. i. pt. i. p. 94;, Concilia, i. 514). There seem to be no allusions to this of a later date, nor is such a date suggested by the grammar and language. We may therefore conclude that Layamon belongs in origin and growth to the latter part of the twelfth cent a period remarkable for its intellectuilg vigour both in Wales and in England, noticeably in the western midlands of England, that is, on the Wehh marches-and that he accomplished his great task in the beginning of the thirteenth century.

Upon resolving rewrite the history of the first men who came to England after the flood, he travelled far and wide over the country, and procured the noble books which he took for his model [i.e. his authority]. He took the English book that Saint Beda made; a second in Latin he took, which Saint Albin made, and the fair Auston who brought Christianity [fulfiht, i.e. baptism] in hither.' After mentioning Wase, 'Layamon,' he continues, 'laid these books before him, and turned over the leaves; lovingly he looked on them. (May the Lord be good to him!) Pen tools he in his fingers, and wrote on bookskin, and put together the true words; and combined the three books.' He ends by begging his readers topray for his own soul and the souls of his father and mother.

Layamon's learning was far from complete; for he seems to think that the Anglo-Saxon version of Bæda's ‘Historia Ecclesiastica' made by King Alfred was made by Bæda himself; and that Bæda'a Latin work was made by Albin, whom Bæda mentions only as one of his authorities. How be comes to associate Augustine with Albin as joint author is a mystery. Moreover, he makes scarcely any use of the work. Perhaps was more at home with Wace's French than with Bæda’s Latin; but here, too, a careful criticism has discovered shortcomings (see, vol. i. p. xiv n.) Layamon, however, was an enthusiastic reader and collector. He gathered togother from other sources, written and unwritten stories that might otherwise have perished. He makes large additions to what he found in the ‘Romande Brut' (see ib. vol. i. pp. xiv-xvi). No doubt his position on the Welsh marches brought to his ears man old traditions. As late as the time of Henry VIII, it has been remarked. Herefordshire was regarded as a semi-Welsh county; and Worcestershire would share the current folk-lore. In the dialect of his district, and with such effectiveness as the state of the of the long-over-shadowed English language permitted, with real spirit and power, and often with vivid imagination, Layamon retold the tales that had so attracted, and delighted him.

His work marks the revival of the English mind and spirit. Stories told up to Layamon's time only in Latin and French now appear in the vernacular speech and the vernacular form. And among them are some of the most famous stories of English literature-stories of Locrine, of King Lear, of King Arthur. Noticeably also it marks the perfect fusion of the Celtic and the Teutonic elements of our race. Welshmen like Geoffrey of Monmouth and Walter Map might well be expected to make much of the of heroes of Britain and the British, of the island and in inhabitants before the Angles came over the seas; but it was a sign of the times that the descendants of those Angles should accept and honour the heroes of the people when their forefathers had invaded and subdued.

Layamon’s 'Brut' is extant in two manuscipts (both now in the British Museum), viz. Cott. Calig. A. ix. and Cott. Otho C. iii. The latter, which had a narrow escapa from complete destruction by the disastrous fire at Ashburnham House, 1781, is on good grounds believed to be of somewhat later date than the former, and to have been written at some place further north. Both were printed and admirably edited by so Frederick Madden in 1847.

 LAYARD, DANIEL PETER (1721–1802), physician, born in 1721, was the son of Major Layard. On 9 March 1742 he graduated M.D. at Rheims. In April 1747 he was appointed physician-accoucheur to Middlesex Hospital, but resigned shortly afterwards on account of ill-health, and went abroad. In 1750 he settled at Huntingdon, and practised there for twelve years. On 3 July 1752 he was admitted a licentiate of


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Rh continued to represent Seaford until his retirement from parliamentary life in 1816. In Hilary term 1807 Leach was made a king's counsel, and was subsequently elected a bencher of the Middle Temple. Leach spoke but rarely in the House of Commons. In March 1809 he defended the conduct of the Duke of York (Parl. Debates, 1st ser. xiii. 289–99), and on 31 Dec. 1810 supported William Lamb's amendment to the first regency resolution (ib. xviii. 532–45). In 1811 he carried through the House of Commons the Foreign Ministers' Pension Bill (51 Geo. III, c. 21). On 15 Feb. 1813 he strongly protested against the bill for the creation of a vice-chancellor, the effect of which he maintained would be to make the lord chancellor a political rather than a judicial character (ib. xxiv. 519–31, 534); and on 31 May 1815 he strenuously opposed Lord Althorp's motion for an inquiry into the expenditure of 100,000l. granted by parliament for the outfit of the prince regent (ib. xxxi. 548–9).

Early in February 1816 Leach vacated his seat in the House of Commons by accepting the Chiltern Hundreds, and was immediately afterwards appointed by the prince regent chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall. In August 1817 he became chief justice of Chester, in succession to Sir William Garrow. Resigning these posts, he succeeded Sir Thomas Plumer as vice-chancellor of England in January 1818, and having been sworn a member of the privy council on 30 Dec. 1817, was knighted in the following month. Upon Copley becoming lord chancellor Leach was appointed master of the rolls (3 May 1827), and, by a commission dated 5 May 1827, was made deputy-speaker of the House of Lords (Journals of the House of Lords, lix. 278). By an act of parliament passed in August 1833 (3 and 4 William IV, c. 41) Leach became, by virtue of his office as master of the rolls, a member of the judicial committee of the privy council. He died at Simpson's Hotel in Edinburgh on 14 Sept. 1834, aged 74, and was buried on the 20th of the same month in William Adam's mausoleum in Greyfriars churchyard (, Epitaphs in Greyfriars Churchyard, Edinburgh, 1867, pp. 200–1).

According to Romilly, Leach had ‘great facility of apprehension, considerable powers of argumentation, and remarkably clear and perspicuous elocution,’ but was extremely wanting in knowledge as a lawyer, and in judgment was ‘more deficient than any man possessed of so clear an understanding that I ever met with’ (Memoirs, iii. 216–17). Leach got through his cases with remarkable speed. The chancery court under Lord Eldon was called the Court of Oyer sans Terminer, and the vice-chancellor's the Court of Terminer sans Oyer. Leach's decisions were lucid and brief, but as he often decided on his own judgment in preference to that of his predecessors, they were not unfrequently overruled. They will be found in the ‘Reports’ of Buck, Glyn and Jameson, Maddock (vols. iii–vi.), Montagu and Macarthur (i. 1–8), Mylne and Keen, Russell, Russell and Mylne, Simons (i. 1–291), Simons and Stuart and of Tamlyn.

Leach's irritable temper and dictatorial demeanour on the bench brought him into constant collision with members of the bar. A deputation from the most distinguished counsel of his court is said to have done some good by a formal remonstrance (Legal Observer, viii. 452). During his vice-chancellorship his salary was raised to 6,000l., and that of the master of the rolls to 7,000l. a year (6 Geo. IV, c. 84, sec. 2). While he was master of the rolls the customary evening sittings of the court were abandoned, and on 22 June 1829 the practice of sitting in the daytime was commenced (, Reports, 1831, i. p. xiii). Though Leach was professedly a whig when he entered parliament, he adopted the politics of the regent, whose confidential adviser he had become. At his instigation the Milan commission was instituted in 1818 to investigate the conduct of the princess, but he did not, as it was sometimes asserted, prosecute the inquiry himself (, Life of Lord Eldon, 1844, ii. 400–2). He was strongly in favour of a divorce, and in April 1820 is said to have tried ‘to root out the ministry’ by telling the king that his ministers were not standing by him in the matter (Life of William Wilberforce, 1839, v. 54; see also Correspondence and Diaries, 1884, i. 160–1, and  Diary, 1861, iii. 115). Leach appears to have aspired to the woolsack more than once, and in November 1830 was ‘exceedingly disappointed’ at Brougham's appointment (Greville Memoirs, 1st ser. 1874, ii. 68). In private life he is said to have been amiable and courteous. His manners were finical and affected. Ambitious ‘of being thought to unite the character of a fine gentleman to that of a great lawyer,’ he shunned the society of his own profession, and ‘was in constant attendance at the opera and at the gayest assemblies’ (, iii. 217). Leach was created D.C.L. by the university of Oxford on 5 July 1810. He was never married. His nephew, Richard Howell Leach, a son of his youngest brother, Thomas Leach, was the senior chancery registrar from 1868 to 1882, and


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 died on 4 Aug. 1883. A portrait of Leach was exhibited at the Loan Collection of National Portraits at South Kensington in 1868 (Cat. No. 222), and there is a fine mezzotint of him by Dawe after Penny (Notes and Queries, 5th ser. vi. 273). Some of Leach's equity pleadings, signed ‘J. L.,’ were printed in F. M. Van Heythuysen's ‘Equity Draftsman’ (London, 1816, 8vo). His speech of 31 Dec. 1810 on the regency resolutions was published in 1811 (London, 8vo, second edition).

LEACH, THOMAS (1746–1818), legal writer, born in 1746, was called to the bar from the Middle Temple. In 1790 he was appointed police magistrate at Hatton Garden, and was also chairman of the county court of requests in Fulwood's Rents, Holborn. He was an able lawyer, but ill-health made him irritable. He sent in his resignation in November 1818, and died unmarried on 31 Dec. following.

He published:
 * 1) ‘Considerations on the matter of Libel, suggested by Mr. Fox's Notice in Parliament of an intended Motion on that subject,’ 8vo, London, 1791.
 * 2) ‘Reports of Sir George Croke,’ 4th edit. 3 vols. 8vo, London, 1790–2.
 * 3) ‘Modern Reports, or Select Cases adjudged in the Courts of King's Bench, Chancery, Common Pleas, and Exchequer, from the Restoration of Charles II to the 28th of George II,’ 5th edit. 12 vols. 8vo, London, 1793–6.
 * 4) ‘Sir B. Shower's Reports of Cases adjudged in the Court of King's Bench during the reigns of Charles I, James II, and William III,’ 2nd edit. 2 vols. 8vo, London, 1794 (3rd edit. 1836).
 * 5) ‘Hawkins's Pleas of the Crown, 7th edit., digested under proper heads,’ 4 vols. 8vo, London, 1795.
 * 6) ‘Cases in Crown Law determined by the Twelve Judges, by the Court of King's Bench, and by Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, and General Gaol Delivery, 1730–1815,’ London, 1789, 1792, 1800, and in 2 vols. 8vo, 1815.

Leach was for some years editor of the ‘Whitehall Evening Post.’ His portrait has been engraved by Audinet.

LEACH, WILLIAM ELFORD (1790–1836), naturalist, born at Plymouth in 1790, after studying medicine under Abernethy at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, London, proceeded to Edinburgh, where he graduated M.D. in 1812. Abandoning his profession shortly after taking his degree to devote himself to natural history, he was in 1813 appointed assistant librarian, and had risen by 1821 to be assistant keeper of the natural history department in the British Museum. In 1815 he published the first part of his excellent history of British crustacea, which was never completed. Meanwhile he laboured at the British Museum with great zeal. The introduction of the natural system of arrangement in conchology and entomology, on the lines of Latreille and Cuvier, as opposed to the artificial system of Linnæus, was mainly due to his initiative. Though he made many new discoveries among the various classes of vertebrates, especially birds, it was in entomology and malacology that his labours bore the most fruit, his knowledge of crustacea being superior to that of any other naturalist of his time. His arrangement was, it is true, far from faultless, and was superseded by that of Henri Milne-Edwards, in his ‘Histoire Naturelle des Crustacés,’ 1834; but the French naturalist gave high praise to Leach as the one of his predecessors to whom subsequent investigators in the same field would always owe the highest obligation. Unfortunately Leach's studies injured his health, and his brain becoming affected he was compelled in 1821 to retire from his post at the museum. For the last few years of his life he resided with his sister in Italy, resumed to some extent his favourite occupations, and wrote letters of interest on scientific subjects to his friends in France and in England. He died suddenly of cholera on 25 Aug. 1836, at the Palazzo St. Sebastiano, near Tortona.

‘Few men,’ says Dr. Boot, in the ‘Anniversary Notice of Members of the Linnean Society,’ 1837, ‘have ever devoted themselves to zoology with greater zeal than Dr. Leach, or attained at an early period of life a higher reputation at home and abroad as a profound


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Leake LEAKE, JOHN (1656–1720), admiral of the fleet, second and only surviving son of Richard Leake [q. v.], was born at Rotherhithe in 1656. He was serving with his father, on board the Royal Prince, in the action of 10 Aug. 1673, when his elder brother, Henry, was killed. After the peace he went into the merchant service, and is said to have commanded a ship for two or three voyages up the Mediterranean. He is also said to have succeeded his father as gunner of the Neptune, that is, in May 1677, which, as he was then barely twenty-one, seems improbable. It is much more likely that his appointment as gunner was some years later. On 24 Sept. 1688 he was promoted to command the Firedrake, which was attached to the fleet under the Earl of Dartmouth, and was in the following year with Admiral Herbert in the action off Bantry Bay, 1 May 1689, when Leake distinguished himself by setting fire to the Diamant, a French ship of 54 guns, by means of the 'cushee-piece,' which his father had invented. The Diamant's poop was blown up, and with it many officers and men; her captain, the Chevalier Coetlogon, was dangerously wounded (, i. 193); and though the ship was eventually saved, Herbert was so well pleased with the attempt that two days later he posted Leake to the command of the Dartmouth of 40 guns. In September 1688, in fitting the shells for this cushee-piece at Woolwich, one of them had exploded, and killed Leake's younger brother, Edward. Whether from this accident, or from his more extended acquaintance with the gun, Leake seems to have formed an unfavourable opinion of it, and neither to have used it nor recommended it for further service, a neglect which is said to have caused some coolness between him and his father.

From Bantry Bay the Dartmouth was sent to Liverpool, to convoy the victuallers and transports for the relief of Londonderry. On 8 June she joined the squadron under Sir George Rooke [q. v.], and proceeded to Lough Foyle. A council of war decided that it was impracticable for the ships to force the passage to the town. It was not till some six weeks later, 28 July, when positive orders to relieve the town had been received, that the Dartmouth and two victuallers, the Mountjoy and Phoenix, were permitted to attempt to force the boom. The accounts vary in detail. The generally received story is that the Mountjoy and Phoenix broke the boom by their impact, while the Dartmouth engaged and silenced the batteries (, Hist. of England, cabinet edit. iv. 245); but the more probable story, told by Leake's nephew and biographer, is that the ships, being becalmed, did not break the boom, but that it was cut through by a party of men from the boats of the fleet (Life of Sir John Leake, p. 17). In any case, the credit of the success was largely due to Leake and his two companions, the masters of the merchantmen [see Douglas, Andrew (d.1725) (DNB00), d. 1725]. The Dartmouth was paid off at the close of the year, and Leake was appointed to the Oxford of 54 guns, in which he went to Cadiz and the Mediterranean with Admiral Henry Killigrew [q. v.] In May he was moved into the Eagle, a 70-gun ship, and coming home with Killigrew, was in the fleet under the joint admirals at the reduction of Cork in September. The Eagle continued attached to the grand fleet under Russell during 1691; and in the battle of Barfleur, 19 May 1692, was the third ahead of the admiral, where the principal effort of the French was made. She thus sustained much damage, both in masts and hull, and had 220 men killed or wounded out of a crew of 460 [see Russell, Edward (1653-1727) (DNB00)]. In compliment to her gallant service, perhaps also in compliment to Leake's service at Londonderry, or to old friendship with his father, Rooke, though vice-admiral of the blue squadron, hoisted his flag on board the Eagle, 'notwithstanding the ill condition she was in,' for the purpose of destroying the enemy's ships in the bay of La Hogue, a service which was very thoroughly carried out on 23-4 May.

In December the Eagle was paid off, and Leake was appointed to the Plymouth, from which, in July 1693, he was moved to the Ossory of 90 guns. In her he went with Russell to the Mediterranean in 1694 and 1695, and continued till the peace in 1697. On the death of his father, in 1696, his wife and friends made interest to obtain for him the office of master-gunner, thus vacant, and Russell wrote in his behalf to the Earl of Romney, master-general of the ordnance. Leake, however, declined the appointment, preferring to take his chance of promotion in the navy. In 1699 he commanded the Kent, in 1701 the Berwick, and on 13 Jan. 1701-2 was appointed to the Association (Commission and Warrant Book). Two days later, 15 Jan., he was nominated by the Earl of Pembroke, then lord high admiral, to be first captain of the Britannia under his flag. It does not appear, however, that the earl ever hoisted his flag; and though Leake is named in the official lists as first captain of the Britannia, Robert Bokenham being the second, it seems very doubtful whether he really held that command (cf. Memoirs


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 and opium in the treatment, to favour the use of purgatives, and to avoid that of astringents. In 1832 he came to England for a short time (manuscript note in his hand in copy of 'Observations 'in Library of Royal Medical and Chirurgical Society, London), but returned to Russia, and was soon after knighted by patent as a reward for his services to the embassy. He settled in London in 1842, and was admitted a fellow of the College of Physicians, 30 Sept. In 1843 he published 'The Life of a Travelling Physician' in 3 vols. It is an account of his travels on the continent and residence in Poland and Russia, and is chiefly interesting for its description of social life in Poland and of that of the members of the English factory at St. Petersburg. It was published without his name, but is acknowledged in the preface to a later work (Apology for Nerves, p. v). In the same year he published 'Advantages of Thermal Comfort,' of which an enlarged edition came out in 1844. It is a short treatise on the temperature of rooms, clothing, and bedmaking, suggested by his Russian experience of the effect of a severe climate on health and on sick persons. In 1844 he published 'An Apology for the Nerves, or their Influence and Importance in Health and Disease,' a collection of medical notes, of which the most useful is his account of plica Polonica, but of which none are very valuable. He resided in Brook Street, Grosvenor Square, and in 1845 delivered the Lumleian lectures at the College of Physicians. He was at times melancholic and, 12 Feb. 1846, killed himself by swallowing prussic acid, at the house of his friend Dr. Nathaniel Grant in Thayer Street, Manchester Square.

 LEFEVRE, JOHN GEORGE SHAW, K.C.B. (1797–1879), clerk of the parliaments. [See .]

 LE FEVRE, NICASIUS or NICOLAS (d. 1669), chemist, studied at the university of Sedan. Vallot, first physician to Louis XIV, appointed him demonstrator of chemistry at the Jardin du Roi at Paris. Evelyn attended a course of his lectures in February 1647 (Diary, 1850–2, i. 244). He became professor of chemistry to Charles II on 15 Nov. 1660 (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1660–1, pp. 357, 432) and apothecary in ordinary to the royal household on 31 Dec. following (ib. 1663–4, p. 142). Charles entrusted him with the management of the laboratory at St. James's Palace (ib. Dom. 1664–6). On 20 May 1663 Le Fevre was elected F.R.S. (, Hist. of Royal Soc. App. iv.) He died in the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, London, in the spring of 1669, for on 21 April of that year his estate was administered to by his widow, Philibert (Administration Act Book, P. C. C., 1669). His portrait has been engraved (, Cat. of Engraved Portraits, ii. 150).

Le Fevre was an able chemist and a lucid, learned, and accurate author. He wrote: Le Fevre also translated into French Sir Thomas Browne's 'Religio Medici,' 12mo, Hague, 1688.
 * 1) 'Traite de la Chymie,' 2 vols. 8vo, Paris, 1660 (1669, 1674, Leyden, 1669). An English translation by 'P. D. C., Esq.,' one of the gentlemen of the privy chamber, was published at London in 1664 and again in 1670, 2 pts. 4to. German and Latin versions also appeared. Lenglet-Dufresnoy published an edition considerably augmented by Dumoustier, 5 vols. 12mo, Paris, 1751.
 * 2) 'Disputatio de Myrrhata Potione,' in vol. ix. of Pearson's ' Critic! Sacri,' fol., 1660.
 * 3) 'Discours sur le Grand Cordial de Sr. Walter Rawleigh,' 12mo, London, 1665 [1664] (English version by Peter Belon, 8vo, London, 1664).

 LEFROY, SIR JOHN HENRY (1817–1890), governor of Bermuda and of Tasmania, born at Ashe, Hampshire, on 28 Jan. 1817, was son of J. H. G. Lefroy, rector of that place, and was grandson of Antony Lefroy of Leghorn, the catalogue of whose collection of coins and antiquities was printed in 1763. After his father's death in 1823, his mother moved with her family of six sons and five daughters to Itchel Manor, near Farnham, which had been left to her husband a few years before his death. Lefroy was sent to private schools at Alton and at Richmond. In 1828 two of his brothers accidentally discovered an important hoard of Merovingian and English gold coins and ornaments on Crondall Heath, and he thus acquired a taste for antiquarian research. In January 1831 he passed into the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich, and on 19 Dec. 1834 was gazetted a second lieutenant in the royal artillery, and stationed at Woolwich. He at once joined, with eight or nine young brother-officers, in a weekly meeting in one another's rooms for reading the bible and prayer, and, with the sanction of the commandant and chaplain, these young men opened an evening Sunday school for soldiers' children. He served at Woolwich for three years, varied by detachment duty


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January 11,1905 may be employed, such as foot, metere, centimetere, millimetere or other measures of length; also tons, ounces, grams, kilograms, etc, or any other measure of pull or resistance.

In lever designs, to be able to proportion the levers so that they will be strong enough bout not too strong—for the wieght must be kept down—it is necessary to know or to determine the magnitude of the factors, and judgment is sometimes called into play, because while a given pull may be adequate, yet even so a greater pull may be adequate, yet even so a greater pull may be exerted in any such case. The strain upon the lever will be that due to the greater possible pull, rather than to the necessary pull.

Let us assume a case as follows: We will say the motorist can exert a maximum pull of 100 pounds at F. notwithstanding the fact that 20 pounds might be ample for his purpose. We must then provide for the 100 pounds effort.Let us also assume that l is 18 inches; P,6 inches, and A 24 inches; then

$$W = \frac{F \times L}{l}=\frac{100\times18}{6}=300 $$pounds.

The pull will then be 300 pounds at W. Hence (a) the cable must be capable of safely withstanding a pull of 300 pounds, thus requireing the use of a three-six-teenths inch diameter pliable steel cable, preferably "plow steel" with nineteen strands. In ordering cable specify circumference in inches, quality and number of strands.

The shape of the lever arm will affect (a) its weight for a given weight. If steel castings are preferred it may be expedient to fix upon an I section; if forgings are used, the rectangular—rounded corners—section works out well. In any case the section must be settled upon, else the strength may not to be estimated. Levers are pure and simple "cantilever" beams. Hence formulae that apply to this class of beams will suffice for the purpose.

Emprical formulae for use in designing levers will suffice for the purpose, and simplify the problem to a marked extent. A great many designers say the best way is to duplicate a lever that did not give trouble. Indeed! The Pyramids of Egypt did not fall down. They were duplicated. But the Pyramids answered no useful purpose. In any case a "printer's devil" or a "plumber's cub" could figure out a final resting place for an Egyptian monarch in one minute, that would offer equal security and cost but an infinitesimal fraction of the cost of a Pyramid.

.—The safe working load of wire rope—such as is used on motor car brakes—is given by Klien thus: $$d-0.0087\sqrt{\frac{P}{n}}$$= diameter of each strand in inches,

In which P is the safe working load in pounds and n the number of wires in cable, or strands. Plow steel cable will do somewhat better than pliable hoisting cable.

The width of levers should be about one-twentieth of the length from the fulcrum to the point of pull, but in cases in which the width, for any reason, is reduced below this ratio, a corrective factor should be applied as follows:

The levers proportioned after these formulæ will be subjected to a very much greater strain than that usual with cantilever beams, because in the working of levers in motor cars the load is not quiescent. When levers are 'eccentric" an extra allowance must be made, to compensate for torsion, otherwise permanent deformation may result.

The formulæ comtemplate the use of well worked 40 to 50 carbon steel. Mild steel does not offer the desired resistance to deformation, and in the event of the use of mild steel an extra allowance of metal must be made.

The most likely chance of trouble with non-eccentric levers is at the fulcrum, as the fastenings are rarely secure. The best way to avoid trouble is to fasten to a flange, as illustrated in Fig. 7. The next

best fastening detail is shown in Fig. 8. A large diameter of the shaft to which a lever may be keyed introduces troubles of a serious nature, unless something is done, for a large diameter of shaft means great weight. Hollow shafting is the best recourse, and in this connection it is possible that a résumé of hollow shaft advantages will serve a useful end. The comparative strength of a hollow to a solid shaft is shown by the following formulæ :

For equal torsional strength

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/North, Charles Napier


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/North, Dudley (1581-1666)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/North, Dudley (1602-1677)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/North, Dudley (1641-1691)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/North, Dudley Long


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/North, Francis (1637-1685)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/North, Francis (1704-1790)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/North, Frederick (1732-1792)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/North, Frederick (1766-1827)