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 six years since the starting of the company," remarks Mr. George Sutherland in one of his graphic descriptive sketches of the Victorian gold-fields. "Fortunes had been spent upon it; many shareholders had dropped out. But still the faithful few persevered under every disadvantage, determined to deserve their first adopted name of 'Band of Hope.' The miners retreated higher up the shaft, and opened up a new drive at a point beyond the level of the water. Profiting by their former experience, they carried their drive in the proper direction this time; and thus they arrived once more at the gold-drift. Again the water and sand poured in, and there was no chance of proceeding with the work until these enemies were subdued. Thick walls of clay were constructed, backed by immense barriers of beams and logs. And still the water burst through these obstacles and swept them away. So much sand and water had obtained access to the shaft, that it took two years' labour to clear it out again. It was now the middle of 1866, or over eight years from the date of the commencement; the sinking of the shaft had cost £30,000, and still the company was in a 'progressive' state—that is to say, the shareholders were continually putting money into it, instead of receiving any profit from it." Two years more of rebuff and disaster had to be experienced before this brave body of men secured the just reward of their persevering toil. As if to recompense them for their indefatigable industry in conquering obstacles that; would have overwhelmed any less determined band, the treasures for which they had been so long in search exceeded their most sanguine anticipations. "The amount of gold," says Mr. Sutherland, "collected in this famous mine astonished the world. In one day over £6,000 worth was obtained, and for a long time the weekly reckoning of the

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 profits showed that the company was making over £1,000 per day." The total quantity of gold raised from this mine—a mine possessing the strange history thus summarily reviewed—has exceeded in value £4,000,000 sterling. It is no small compliment to the Irishmen of Ballarat that they formed the backbone of this great pioneer deep-sinking company, that they manfully continued the work when the faint-hearted fell away, that disaster following disaster only excited them to renewed exertion, and that after ten years' unflagging toil they reaped the reward of their extraordinary activity, and established fortunes for themselves and their families.

The Ballarat of to-day is one of the finest inland cities of Australia. Its main artery, Sturt Street, is admittedly one of the noblest thoroughfares in the Southern Hemisphere, being unusually wide and beautified by trees for nearly the whole of its length. Prominent amongst the many striking buildings that line this lengthy and lovely street, are the City Hall with its lofty tower, and St. Patrick's Cathedral, a splendid and capacious edifice that does credit to the Irish Catholics of the Golden City. Ballarat, formerly a deanery in the diocese of Melbourne, was, in 1874, erected into a separate bishopric. Its first prelate was the Right Rev. Dr. O'Connor, who at the time of his appointment was parish priest of Rathfarnham, Dublin. Bishop O'Connor was enthusiastically welcomed on his arrival, and very soon the enthusiasm of his people was manifested in a more practical form by the erection, at a cost of £10,000, of the handsome Bishop's Palace that now ornaments the margin of Lake Wendouree, in Ballarat West. Dr. O'Connor travelled through every part of his extensive diocese, and made himself personally conversant with the needs and requirements of

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 every mission that was under his jurisdiction. For some years the Legislature of Victoria has given no aid whatever to Catholic schools, whilst lavishing thousands on thousands of pounds on godless secular schools, the teachers of which are sternly prohibited by legislative enactment against imparting religious instruction in any shape or form. By voice and pen Dr. O'Connor unceasingly denounced this iniquitous law, and, from the first day of his landing, he laboured energetically and successfully in the work of building up a sound Catholic system of education for the benefit of the little ones of his flock. During the eight years that he ruled the diocese of Ballarat, he raised no less a sum than £70,000 for educational purposes alone. He introduced a community of the Loretto Nuns from the parent house of Rathfarnham, and, with the willing assistance of his devoted people, built a commodious convent and schools for them, in close proximity to his own residence, at a cost of £15,000. The Loretto Nuns have proved themselves to be highly-successful teachers, a number of their pupils having passed the Civil Service Examination; and not a few have taken high honours at the Melbourne University. In Ballarat East there is a convent of Sisters of Mercy, who are doings noble service by undertaking the management of the girls' primary school in that populous portion of the city. Near the cathedral in Sturt Street the Christian Brothers have established themselves, and are conducting boys' schools in accordance with the excellent and well-known system of their order. Unfortunately, Dr. O'Connor did not live long. to supervise the efficient educational machinery he had set in operation. The health of the good bishop failed, and to the great regret of his flock, he died in 1883. His Vicar-General, Dr. James Moore, succeeded him and continues to

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 carry on the good work that the first Bishop of Ballarat so devotedly and energetically initiated. Under the vigorous administration of Bishop Moore, the Diocese of Ballarat has become wonderfully well-equipped with all that is requisite for the active promotion of religion, morality, and Christian education.

At the consecration of Bishop Moore in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Ballarat, on April 27th, 1884, there was one amongst the number of clergy and dignitaries within the sanctuary, for whom the ceremony had a deep and pathetic interest, recalling to his memory, as it must needs have done, the marvellous days of thirty-three years before, when Ballarat was at its beginning, and when he was the first and only priest amongst its tent-living population of thousands of adventurous diggers. He had travelled a long distance to be present at the first consecration of a Bishop in Ballarat, for a generation had passed away and his eyes had not once beheld the place since he saw it in the first stage of its golden existence. This was the Very Rev. Patrick Dunne, D.D., Vicar-General of the Diocese of Goulburn, which embraces the great southern district of New South Wales. Father Dunne was the first priest who came direct from Ireland to the infant see of Melbourne. He was educated in the College of Maynooth, which has not only supplied Ireland for a century with a zealous and patriotic priesthood, but has nobly upheld the traditions of the island of saints by sending fearless missioners to preach the gospel and plant the Cross in almost every quarter of the habitable globe. Ordained a priest and appointed to a curacy in his native diocese, Kildare, during the terrible famine year of 1846, Father Dunne, in common with his brother-priests, did his duty manfully during that most trying time in the history

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text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Columbia University

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY (see ). The work of Columbia University during the period 1910-20 was greatly extended. A school of journalism was founded in 1912, a school of business in 1915, and a school of dentistry in 1917. In order to render the largest possible service to the community, courses in university extension were organized for men and women who could give only a portion of their time to study, but who desired to pursue subjects included in a liberal education. These courses, as such, did not lead to degrees, but might be offered as credit toward a degree under one of the faculties. Under university extension there was organized also an institute of arts and sciences which conducted series of lectures and recitals of a popular nature, as well as a system of courses for home study for persons unable to attend classes in the university. These courses also did not lead to academic credit or degrees. In 1920 there were in Columbia University in all departments 1,150 instructors and administrative officers, and in the twelve months ending June 30 1920, 28,314 students were enrolled. Of these, roughly one-third were registered in the 1919 summer session; one-third in the degree-granting schools and faculties during the academic year 1919-20; and one-third in university extension during the academic year 1919-20.

(N. M. B.)


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Rh the side rails, the beast faced Donald, who, with the greatest unconcern, awaited the attack, and as the enraged animal lowered his head to toss him, he struck him a heavy blow on his head with a stout drafting stick which felled him.

This feat brought a cheer of admiration from the spectators, when the animal was instantly dispatched and dragged out of the yard. The troublesome beast having been got rid of, Griffin advanced boldly to prosecute the work, when Donald stopped up to him with a provoking smile and said—"Mr. Punch, you had better hand me that stick, or the drafting will never be finished."

On hearing himself addressed by his nickname, Griffin drew up the stick with all his might to strike the speaker, who nimbly leaped on one side, and thus evaded a blow which would, in all probability have killed him, and the force of which brought the assailant on his face on the ground. Munro instantly sprung upon him, and seizing him by the collar and belt, carried him to the side of the yard, and with one heave, pitched him into an adjoining yard, which was used as a deposit for filth and refuse.

The spectators, who were mostly prisoners or ticket-of-leave holders, stood amazed at the idea of a prisoner committing such an assault on an overseer, although they all thoroughly enjoyed the well-deserved humiliation which Griffin had met with, as he had been for a long time an object of their hatred through his tyrannical behaviour, while Donald was always held in great respect by them. The sorrow they felt was great, for they knew that a severe punishment was always inflicted in such cases.

As soon as the half-smothered Griffin had cleared himself of the mud, he burst forth in a torrent of rage, demanding at once the apprehension of the offender, who was to be given in charge, and brought before the magistrates the first court-day. This just and undisputed demand Mr. Wilson could not with propriety refuse, which, if allowed to pass, would prove a dangerous precedent.

He therefore ordered the ticket-of-leave men present

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 of the country. When, in 1850, the Rev. Dr. Geoghegan, Vicar-General of the newly-founded diocese of Melbourne, came to Ireland as a delegate from the infant Australian Church, and feelingly represented the spiritual destitution of many of the Irish Catholic immigrants, for whom he had no means of providing the consolations of religion, Father Dunne was the first to volunteer to fill the breach, leave his native land, and follow his fellow-countrymen to the far distant south. At Liverpool there embarked with him for Australia another priest who had been stationed near that city for some time—Father Gerald Ward. This clergyman was not destined to labour long in his new sphere, but he left after him an enduring monument of his active zeal in the splendid orphanage of St. Vincent De Paul, in the populous city of South Melbourne. When these two good priests arrived in Hobson's Bay, the harbour of Melbourne, after a voyage of five months' duration, they were landed in one of the ship's boats on the sandy beach, which is now occupied by the busy town of Port Melbourne, but which then displayed only one outward sign of civilisation in the shape of a solitary public-house. After making their way over sandy hills and through silent wastes, they came to a punt on the river Yarra, by which they crossed over to the then little village of Melbourne. Away to the north in what was at that time considered the "bush," but which is now in the centre of the city, they found the humble four-roomed cottage in which the young Bishop of Melbourne had established himself. Dr. Goold was naturally delighted at the unexpected advent of two much-needed clergymen, and gave them a very cordial welcome. To Father Dunne was allotted the pastoral charge of the extensive Geelong district, and soon afterwards he was appointed to supervise

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132 to seize Donald, and hand him over to the constable at the homestead.

Munro threatened to serve the first person who would lay a hand on him in the same manner he had served Griffin, when knowing his strength, not one of them dared approach him, which aggravated the case against him and obliged Mr. Wilson to command all present to secure the culprit.

On this peremptory order being given, Donald was instantly surrounded, when Charlie Stuart, with evident authority stepped up exclaiming in a stern voice:—"Lay not a hand on that man; Donald Munro is a free man!" These words acted like an electric shock on the spectators who sprung back from their intended prisoner, when Charlie, to prove his assertion, produced the free pardon, and the Colonial Gazette, containing a copy of the same.

Munro was now surrounded by eager and smiling faces, and many were the congratulations he received on his emancipation.

The only person who appeared disappointed at the announcement was Griffin, who at once lost caste among them; Mr. Wilson told him he should not require his services in future, and offered the situation to Donald, with an increased salary. Donald thanked Mr. Wilson, but respectfully declined, saying that he would never serve another man so long as Charlie could find employment for him.

Charlie Stuart took up a large block of fine land, which he stocked and formed into a station, after which he went back to Sydney, accompanied by Donald, in the expectation of meeting with Bella, whom Mr. McKay informed him by letter was on her way out and was daily expected. On his arrival he was greatly disappointed and alarmed, the vessel not having, arrived although considerably overdue.

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text: Lindigo, the White Woman/Chapter 17

title: Lindigo, the White Woman/Chapter 17


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Rh In the interval, Donald and Mary were married, and as Charlie could not wait any longer, he was compelled to return to his station, taking with him Donald as overseer, and Mary as housekeeper. Mr. McKay promised to send word by special messenger as soon as the ship arrived, but that happy event never occurred; for years passed away without any news concerning the missing vessel, which filled all parties with intense sorrow. Charlie was thus once more plunged into grief, and this time apparently without the least hope of enjoying the slightest happiness. He blamed himself for encouraging Mr. McKay to send for his niece, and the uncle took all the blame upon his own shoulders, which prayed upon his mind and ultimately brought him to his grave.

Mary (now Mrs. Munro) shared in the universal grief at the loss of her young mistress, and named her first born after her.

On one of his trips to Sydney, Charlie became acquainted with a very respectable and worthy family, named Forbes, the head of which was a brother to the Advocate in Edinburgh, and one of the earliest and wealthiest squatters in the colony. The eldest of the family, a young lady possessing many attractions, was engaged to a gentleman by the name of Melville, who had lately arrived; he was possessed of considerable wealth and was searching for stations, and on his return the marriage was to be celebrated.

This Mr. Melville (whom Charlie had not as yet seen) was also an acquaintance of the Forbes' in Edinburgh, but Charlie could not recollect that name among the visitors at the Advocate's house, he therefore supposed that the acquaintanceship was formed after he left.

About this time, some of the inland districts were infested with a band of bushrangers, under the leadership of a fearful desperado, known as Captain Melrose, whose depredations outrivalled those of any gang in the annals of colonial history. Not a week, or hardly a day, passed without bringing some fresh intelligence of outrages committed by them.

A large reward was offered by government for their

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134 apprehension, but without effect, and the audacity and coolness with which their leader carried on his practices, completely eclipsed all previous acts of bushranging.

Naturally of a captivating manner, and possessed of great personal attractions, he invariably succeeded in ingratiating himself in the estimation of unsuspecting and respectable society, representing himself as a man of fortune in search of stations.

In this disguise he became possessed of information regarding parties carrying cash and other valuables, and in some instances where valuable property had been deposited for security, which was soon pounced upon, as he had his followers always on the alert.

The mails were constantly robbed, banks and stores ransacked, prisoners wore liberated, in fact, society seemed completely paralysed by the accounts which day after day appeared.

Charlie, with his overseer Donald, had been upon business to Sydney, and on their return journey passed through a township which had the previous night been visited by the notorious Captain Melrose and his band, under the following circumstances:—

The day before was the annual race day in that town, when all the people in the surrounding country met. Among others there was a strange gentleman, who put up at the principal hotel; he visited the race-course, and by his engaging manner and apparently affluent circumstances, had attracted the notice of many, among whom were the stewards, who gave him a most cordial invitation to the ball, which took place the evening following.

According to custom the elité of the district attended the ball, and the stranger, who gained the confidence of all present by his gentlemanly behaviour, became a great favourite.

The night being warm and the room rather close, Captain Melrose sought the cool air about one o'clock in the morning. After being absent for a short time, he returned, to the consternation of all present, and was followed by a band of armed men; he then commanded everyone present to bail up on one side of the room, his

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Rh men presenting their arms at the time at them. He then addressed them, saying:—"Ladies and gentlemen, I am truly sorry to interrupt your amusement for a short time in such a manner, and also for treating your kindness towards me in such an ungallant way, but you must think that Captain Melrose could not withstand such a display of jewellery and other valuables while he and his brave band were in need; I have therefore respectfully to command that each and every individual present will at once hand over his or her valuables to my lieutenant, Mr. Williams, and to do so without any hesitation or murmur, or I shall be compelled to adopt more unpleasant measures."

The very name, of "Captain Melrose," filled the audience with terror. Ladies unhesitatingly handed over their ornaments, and gentlemen gave up their wealth. Having obtained possession of all that was valuable to them, the party then helped themselves to the refreshments on the side table, and then took their leave, the leader taking a polite farewell of the assembly, and wishing that they might continue their enjoyment as no more interruption would take place from him or his party.

It was on this morning of excitement that Charlie and his overseer arrived at the scene of the outrage, and heard with indignation the unequalled effrontery and unfeeling conduct of the notorious Melrose and his gang. Many of the ladies were still suffering from the fright they received. A local paper gave a full account of the robbery, and a list and description of the articles stolen, with rewards offered for each; messengers were dispatched to the various police stations, and a number of volunteers enrolled themselves for the pursuit of the gang.

Charlie and Donald resolved upon searching carefully on their way for the perpetrators. After leaving the township they obtained some clue as to where the band separated, evidently to baffle pursuers; they found that two of the party had taken the very road that Charlie and Donald had to go, and a rapid pursuit was instantly commenced. After riding for a considerable distance on the tracks of the bushrangers, they arrived at cross

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136 roads, when they heard cries of distress proceeding from the bush. Riding rapidly in the direction of the cries, they found a lady and gentleman tied to separate trees. The unfortunate victims were a squatter named Ramsey and his wife, who had been riding in their carriage, when they were met by two well-mounted bushrangers, who robbed them of their money, tied them as described, and drove off in their carriage.

On being liberated, Mr. Ramsey begged of his liberators to follow them at once, while he and his wife would walk to the nearest police station, and lodge the information.

This advice was instantly adopted, Charlie and Munro renewing the pursuit, but this time with more ease and rapidity, as the wheel tracks were quite visible despite the tactics employed by the driver in keeping the hardest part of the road in order to leave no traces behind. However, nothing could baffle the eager pursuers, who traced them to a small village, where the traffic obliterated the impression of the wheels. On enquiring at different places, the only carriage that had been seen was one which conveyed the clergyman to Mr. Forbes' station on some pressing business. This somewhat puzzled Charlie, as he did not think a poor clergyman was a likely subject for a bushranger. While considering what course he should pursue, Donald came in hurriedly, telling him that he had discovered the tracks, and which evidently led to Mr. Forbes'.

As Charlie intended calling on Mr. Forbes, they started forthwith, and on their arrival they saw a carridgecarriage [sic] in front of the house.

Donald led the horses to the stable, while Charlie entered the house, where Mr. Forbes met him very cheerfully, and introduced him to the clergyman, being the only person in the room besides themselves. Mr. Forbes then said—"I am extremely glad to see you, Mr. Stuart, and you have arrived just in time to share our happiness. You are already aware that my eldest daughter has been for some time engaged to Mr. Melville, whom, I believe, you have not seen, as he has been travelling in quest of stations. He has arrived, but did

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text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Colvin, Sir Sidney

COLVIN, SIR SIDNEY (1845-), English man of letters (see ), was knighted in 1911, and retired from his position in the British Museum in 1912. In 1911 he published an edition of the Letters of R. L. Stevenson and in 1917 John Keats, His Life and Poetry. His autobiographical Memoirs and Places appeared in Nov. 1921.


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work can scarcely be considered complete without some more definite discussion of social control. With the general modes of control, such as are almost universal among mankind, we have nothing to do, such subjects properly belonging to sociology, our concern being with the particular machinery by which this control is exercised. When a man commits a crime his social group is presented with a problem for which the mode of attack is already conventionalized. To meet such contingencies the highly organized governments of Peru and Mexico maintained complex judicial systems. In the former country each village had its appointed judge to whom the inspectors, or disciplinarians, reported all irregularities. There was one of these inspectors for each recognized social unit. The village judge dealt with all such cases and levied the punishments, usually beating or whipping, and, if the code required, execution. It seems, however, that these petty magistrates were not permitted to try important cases, particularly those which we class as civil. At regular periods officials from the capital visited each province and held court for the presentation of complaints and petitions. Though the data leave us in doubt, they imply that appeals from the decisions of the local magistrate could be filed in this court. At any rate, these traveling judicial inspectors reported back to the supreme judicial bureau, which body, in turn, delegated judges to visit the locality of the petitioner and try the case.

For the Nahua system we have abundant data in so far as they apply to the City of Mexico. Here the calpulli, or gens, had representatives who sat as a lower court before whom all irregularities were presented by the proper officers; but all their important decisions were passed up to a higher court,

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Rh consisting of a number of judges appointed by the ruler. These held court daily in a special chamber of the palace. In addition, there seems to have been a special body of thirteen judges who sat with the ruler at stated periods for the review of unusually important cases. Finally, there was a grand chief justice who stood as the responsible head of the system. To what extent the subject cities and provinces shared in this system is not clear, but we are informed that their local courts were required to refer their decisions to the higher courts of Mexico City. For the earlier Maya we have very little data, but since their culture was of a high order and contributed liberally to the later Nahua, we may safely assume an almost equally complex system.

In the preceding chapter, we noted a striking similarity in the social organizations of Peru and Mexico in that their political complexes were built of gens-like units. Here we see that their judicial systems also were based upon these same units, for at the bottom were the courts or magistrates for the gens, subordinate to the magistrates of the governing gens. In the same way that a single warlike gens built up a political complex by subjecting other gens or groups of gens to its rule, it also erected a system of control and discipline. We may anticipate, therefore, that as we leave these centers of military culture we shall find little more than the separate individual gens systems. For example, south of Peru were the Araucans with a loose political system; and here we are told the "law of revenge" was supreme, that is, the individual was his own judge and executioner. Colombia and Ecuador doubtless had something of a judicial system, but elsewhere in South America we find only simple tribal groups where folk justice was free from all restraints.

Turning back to North America and beginning at the farthest north with the extremely simple culture of the Eskimo, we find a considerable body of regulations, as must be the case in any well-formed culture, but still no effective judicial machinery to enforce them. If a man finds his conventional rights trod upon, he has no recourse except to resort to blood vengeance. Yet, we do find some incipient judicial

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text: The American Indian/Chapter 6

title: The American Indian/Chapter 6


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 the country stretching to the north of Melbourne. At Coburg he was engaged in building a church, when the exciting news of the gold discoveries at Ballarat was proclaimed. All the men employed on the building left at once for the gold-fields. As a priest was very much wanted amongst the digging population, Father Dunne lost no time in responding to the request of his ecclesiastical superiors. Mounting his horse and taking nothing with him save the clothes he wore and his sacred vestments, he started for the golden centre. In such a dreadful condition was the road, that some days elapsed before he reached the spot where ten thousand people were living in tents and digging for gold. He found shelter in the tent of Mr. John O'Sullivan, a timber merchant of Melbourne, who had come up with the rest in the hope of achieving a fortune more expeditiously than in the ordinary ways of trade.

On the Sunday after his arrival, Father Dunne celebrated the first mass that was offered up in what is now the episcopal city of Ballarat, and afterwards it became a familiar and a very edifying spectacle to see, every Sunday morning, hundreds of rough, red-shirted, long-bearded diggers devoutly kneeling outside in the open air, whilst the Holy Sacrifice was being offered up in the tent. The pioneer priest of the gold-fields made himself in all respects as one of the people around him. He slept on a sheet of bark with a blanket rolled about him; he often prepared and cooked his own meals, and every morning at six o'clock, he could be seen making his way to the nearest water-hole with two large bottles in order to secure a supply for the day. An hour later not a drop of clean water was to be had, every available hole and creek being surrounded by diggers, washing out the clay in search of the precious metal.

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 Dr. Dunne has kindly supplied the subjoined interesting recollections of his visit to early Ballarat: "The scenes on the first gold-field at Ballarat were something to be remembered. The camp fires at night, the echo of the songs and choruses in the tents after the evening black tea and damper, the barking of dogs, for every tent had its dog, the discharge of firearms, all resounding through the primeval forest, made up such a chaos of sounds as no words could describe. In the morning all were up and stirring at early dawn, the fires were lighted to prepare for the morning meal, the sound of the axe was heard, and the crashing of falling trees made those who were not early risers feel rather uncomfortable whilst sleeping under a frail canvas tent. After breakfast all were off to their different occupations, some sinking with pick and shovel, others carrying the auriferous clay to the nearest water-hole or creek to have it washed in some of the most primitive constructions imaginable. Tin dishes were most generally used, but cradles with perforated zinc were adopted by the most experienced. In the absence of anything better, old hats were sometimes called into requisition. The ten thousand people at Ballarat during the first two or three months after the discovery of gold were almost without an exception as intelligent, orderly and respectable a body of men as you would meet in any part of the world. Mr. Blair, the police magistrate from Portland, was there more as a spectator than in his official capacity. There were members of parliament, lawyers, doctors, and men of every class and grade in society, and during the two or three months that I remained at Ballarat I never saw a man the worse for drink. There were no rows or robberies, but everything went on in the very best order and good feeling. The Irish element at Ballarat was in the

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, in the broadest sense, language is a trait of culture, its characters are so distinct as to require very different methods of investigation. The study of the different forms of speech in the Old World has become a separate learned pursuit and one in which the problems are so complex as to demand great specialization. The same is true of primitive languages in the New World, as well as in the less cultured parts of the Old. Consequently we have, under the head of New World linguistics, a fairly distinct division of our subject in which the most important investigations have been made by those who have specialized in it.

One of the first tasks in primitive linguistics is the classification of the existing forms of speech. The reader may need to be reminded that the national uniformity of language in Europe is a correlate of close political organization, one type of speech having been selected by the governing authority and its use perpetuated by enforced education. In the more primitive states of society, where political unity exists only for a single community and no legislative recognition of languages is taken, we may expect each such political unit to show some individuality in speech. In fact, so far as can be judged from the data at hand any separation of such a political unit into two or more parts will sooner or later result in different forms of speech.

Under such conditions, very unequal differences will exist. Between some groups we shall find but a small difference in vocabulary; in others, an additional phonetic change; and finally, variations in the grammatical structure. All degrees of these differences are found when we consider a very large number of political units, giving us an intergradation analogous to that we observed in the cultures of the same units. This

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text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 7

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 7


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 8

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 8


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 early days very considerable, and Irishmen fell in for their fair share of the gold. Melbourne and Geelong were nearly drained of their male population, agriculture was completely neglected, and flour, and hay and oats went up to fabulous prices. It was soon found that it was more profitable to keep to the ordinary occupations than to go gold seeking; so society soon began to find its level, and trade and commerce were again in a most flourishing condition."

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 CHAPTER V.

A GOLDEN CITY.

that has been said about Ballarat is equally true of the city of Sandhurst, the second great gold-fields centre of Victoria. Distant 100 miles from the metropolis, in a north-westerly direction, it is surrounded on all sides by an abundance of mining wealth that will ensure the prosperity of the place for many a year to come. Indeed, some scientific experts have given it as their opinion that the quartz reefs of Sandhurst are practically inexhaustible. Without acquiescing in that professional prediction, there is no denying the fact that the production of gold from the Sandhurst mines during the past thirty-five years has been something marvellous, and the immense depths at which the golden stone continues to be procured at this day strengthen the belief that it will take at least half a century to extract all the gold from the available quartz. The first great "rush" to Sandhurst or Bendigo, the name by which it was known for many years, happened soon after the discovery of Ballarat, and in a few weeks' time the gold-seekers were tramping from Melbourne in their thousands. They occupied the

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 field in force, and lost no time in turning up the soil in all directions, and washing out the golden grains. To quote the words of the genial Hibernian historian of Sandhurst, Mr. John Neill Macartney, who was the government mining registrar of the district for many years, "all around resembled ant-hills with their teeming numbers, and the diggers' tents reminded one of a serried and invading army." The license-fee, or rather its mode of collection by the insolent Crown officials, soon became in Bendigo, as in Ballarat, an insupportable grievance, and it was only by a lucky chance that hostilities were at one stage averted. As Mr. Macartney very truly says, many a scholarly and polished gentleman's heart was beating under the blue shirt of many a digger, and it is not difficult to understand how men of that stamp were wrought into a dangerous state of exasperation by the wanton insults of brutal and ignorant troopers. Bendigo, at that time, numbered a considerable proportion of honest Hibernians amongst its tent-living population, so it is not surprising to read in the contemporary records of a great diggers' demonstration held towards the close of 1853, that "flags of all nations were present, but a splendid Irish banner was most conspicuous in the van." Deputies from mass meetings of the diggers were sent down to Melbourne to remonstrate with the governor in person, and to point out the inevitable consequences of denying the gold-fields' population the rights of freemen, and of leaving them at the mercy of a ruffianly police. But His Excellency turned a deaf ear to all remonstrances, and insisted on ruling in quarter-deck fashion. If the peace was preserved

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text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 9

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 9


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 10

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 10


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 11

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 11


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 12

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 12


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 13

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 13


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 14

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 14


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 15

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 15


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 16

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 16


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 17

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 17


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 18

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 18


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 19

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 19


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 20

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 20


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 21

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 21


text: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 22

title: Our Sister Republic/Chapter 22


text:
Page:The American Indian.djvu/245

Rh whole complex, and the Tupi Zume seems to have been but little different. With the exception of the bison area group, we have practically continuity of distribution, and so far the whole complex has not been found outside of these limits. As Brinton has stated, we can find lesser units of this complex more widely distributed, but his effort to show that these facts of distribution prove that each group devised the conception independently to explain the phenomena of the sun, dawn, etc., is not convincing, for it seems far more probable that the complex was evolved in one locality and thence diffused. Perhaps one of the most striking traits of this character is that in contrast to most other gods of the New World, he is a person, not an animal or an astronomical monster. To our mind, this one fact is a strong argument for diffusion as against the independent origin theory.

Another widely diffused concept is that of the culture hero trickster. The most notorious of these are the Raven of the North Pacific Coast, the Coyote of the great western highlands, and the Rabbit of the eastern forest region. The peculiarity of this character is that while he gives us the order of the world, he stoops to the most vile pranks that can be conceived and frequently passes as the most guileless of dupes. Several investigators have tried to harmonize these, to us, incompatible traits, but it remains simply a fact of observation and may be set down as one of the general characteristics of New World mythology.

Of lesser imaginary beings, the most unique are the thunderbird and the plumed or horned serpent. The former is widely distributed in the United States and Canada; the latter is found from Chile to Lake Superior.

The conception of a deluge destroying the world and its immediate restoration in the present order, is almost universal. It is found in the highlands of Peru and Mexico as well as in the lowlands of both continents.

We have already commented upon the animal-like beings that visit a supplicant in his lonely fast, which is an aspect of the fundamental belief in the animation of nature. Animism, in the broadest sense of the term, was universal and

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200 in the beliefs of the New World. The procedures of the shaman we have discussed are an expression of this faith. Of specific beliefs of this class, the most widespread seem to be those of the bear and the jaguar. From California to the Atlantic, we find the idea that shamans who derive their power from the bear can heal wounds and often restore life. Throughout the Amazon and even into the highlands of Peru and Mexico has spread the idea that the jaguar is the patron saint of all shamans, whose form many of them take on at will.

Three well-localized methods of purifying oneself for sacred offices have been noted. In the whole of the United States and Canada, except among the Eskimo and some of their near neighbors, the sweat house is used. From some notes by Bandelier, the custom seems to have been followed by the Mexicans also, but they in common with the Maya, Chibcha, and Inca resorted to bleeding, or the offering of drops of blood, for the same purpose. In the Amazon Basin and the West Indies, violent emetics were taken for purging the body. The latter lapped over into the sweat house area along the Gulf, and even in the Pueblo area, while the bleeding method is found in the bison area.

The burning of incense, including the highly original use of tobacco, was almost universal.

The conception of renewing the fire was found in most agricultural tribes, often associated with planting and general seasonal rejuvenation. In modern times, the fire is still kindled with the firedrill or other primitive appliances. In the North, the ceremony appears even among the Pawnee, where, as elsewhere, the fire is kindled by a particular shaman or priest.

In the various discussions of ritualism, we have noted the tendency of the group to follow the whole year through with one ceaseless complex of ceremonies. This is far more conspicuous among the maize-growing tribes. Also closely associated with this cycle is the worship of the sun, moon, winds, rain, morningstar, and other heavenly phenomena.

The concept of the vow was widely diffused in the same area. In the Andean region, one when ill may promise the

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Rh ceremony of giving gold ornaments to a sacred lake; in the bison area, to have a sun dance or other rituals performed, while between these two outposts it appears in analogous forms. The distinction we have noted between the shaman and the priest has its bearing here, for it is the latter upon whom the patient calls when a vow is made, and upon him devolves the duty of performing the prescribed rites.

Somewhat analogous to this is the confession of sins. In Mexico, this seems to have been a prominent feature, particularly sexual sins. What may be a reverberation of this extends far up into the United States, where many tribes exact periodic public confessions of sexual irregularities at which all adults must declare themselves in turn. In a wider sense, the concept is found among the Eskimo who have developed many curious taboos respecting every phase of life, the violation of which brings illness, etc., unless promptly confessed. In Peru, special confessions were required.

While there are many other concepts of greater or more restricted distribution, we may close this enumeration with reference to one special group of ideas. A kind of abstract notion of a sacred quality is entertained which develops specific terms. The best known of these is the wakan of the Siouan stock, which has its parallels in a number of other languages. In old Peru, the term was huaca. The conception seems to be the attribute of possessing or directly associating with extra-human power. In function the terms resemble our sacred, holy, etc., except that they are applied to anything mysterious.

Another abstract idea is that of the four world quarters, or four directions. This is sometimes expressed by crosses and swastika-like symbols. The number four, whether for this reason or otherwise, is to a large extent the sacred number of the New World. Even in Inca and Nahua organizations, we find it often taken as the numerical unit. In many parts of both continents, smoke is offered to the four directions, and most ceremonial acts are repeated in sets of fours.

There appears a tendency for certain tribes to divide into two halves, usually designated as summer and winter groups,

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202 whose chiefs lead alternately according to the season. This is quite conspicuous in the Mississippi Valley, whence it extends into Mexico, and has its counterparts in Peru. The mere social cleavage into two parts, or moieties, we have considered elsewhere (p. 159), but, like certain other social traits, this, also, has its ceremonial associations which greatly expand the complex. These mythical and religious concepts offer a fine field for further study. We have here but mentioned a few of the best known, but for no one of them can so much as a complete distribution be stated. The whole subject of mythical thought, philosophical and religious conceptions as a New World contribution to man's history is still before us.

UNITY OF NEW WORLD CULTURE

Our initial task, a general review of the most important traits of culture for the various native social units of the New World is now finished. The one striking suggestion is that notwithstanding the great diversity we have found, there are, on every hand, the unmistakable signs of unity. The higher cultures of Mexico and Peru are, after all, merely the great centers where the fundamental elements in New World culture were full blown. Thus, we found that agriculture, metal work, ceramics, architecture, and sculpture, all centered there. In addition, there were a number of specific instances of miscellaneous traits that radiated from these centers. Confronted as we are by the undeniable evidences for the local diffusion of culture traits in all parts of both continents, it would be difficult to conceive of the existence of these virile centers in entire isolation.

But passing on to less material traits, we find even stronger claims to unity of culture. Thus, society itself was almost everywhere composed of the same kind of units, whose conceptions of property and political rights were the same. Ritualism, priestcraft, and shamanism, mythological conceptions, and religious attitudes also show many specific cases of uniformity. Hence, we are fully justified in regarding the New World as one distinct culture province. These considerations, however, lead us into problems best deferred to the end of this work.

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text: The American Indian/Chapter 13

title: The American Indian/Chapter 13


text:
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text:
Page:Appeal to the Christian women of the South (Grimké, 1836).djvu/11

9 to marry her, he shall set her at liberty,' or according to the Hebrew, 'he shall let her be redeemed.' 'To sell her to another nation he shall have no power, seeing he hath dealt deceitfully with her;' as to the engagement implied, at least of taking her to wife. "If he have betrothed her unto his son, he shall deal with her after the manner of daughters, i. e. he shall take care that his son uses her as his wife, that he does not despise or maltreat her. If he make his son marry another wife, he shall give her her dowry, her clothes and compensation for her virginity; if he does none of these three, she shall go out free without money." Thus were the rights of female servants carefully secured by law under the Jewish Dispensation; and now I would ask, are the rights of female slaves at the South thus secured? Are they sold only as wives and daughters-in-law, and when not treated as such, are they allowed to go out free? No! They have all not only been illegally obtained as servants according to Hebrew law, but they are also illegally held in bondage. Masters at the South and West have all forfeited their claims, (if they ever had any,) to their female slaves.

We come now to examine the case of those servants who were "of the heathen round about;" Were they left entirely unprotected by law? Horne in speaking of the law, "Thou shalt not rule over him with rigor, but shalt fear thy God," remarks, "this law Lev. xxv, 43, it is true speaks expressly of slaves who were of Hebrew descent; but as alien born slaves were ingrafted into the Hebrew Church by circumcision, there is no doubt but that it applied to all slaves;" if so, then we may reasonably suppose that the other protective laws extended to them also; and that the only difference between Hebrew and Heathen servants lay in this, that the former served but six years unless they chose to remain longer, and were always freed at the death of their masters; whereas the latter served until the year of Jubilee, though that might include a period of forty-nine years,—and were left from father to son.

There are however two other laws which I have not yet noticed. The one effectually prevented all involuntary servitude, and the other completely abolished Jewish servitude every fifty years. They were equally operative upon the Heathen and the Hebrew.

1. "Thou shall not deliver unto his master the servant that is escaped from his master unto thee. He shall dwell with thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose, in one of thy gates where it liketh him best: thou shall not oppress him." Deut. xxiii, 15, 16.

2. "And ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim Liberty thoughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof: it shall be a jubilee unto you." Lev. xxv, 10.

Here, then, we see that by this first law, the door of Freedom was opened wide to every servant who had any cause whatever for complaint; if he was unhappy with his master, all he had to do was to leave him, and no man had a right to deliver him back to him again, and not only so, but the absconded servant was to choose where he should live,


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Combes, Justin Louis Émile

COMBES, [JUSTIN LOUIS] ÉMILE (1835-1921), French statesman (see ). The campaign for the separation of Church and State was the last big political action in his life. While still possessed of great influence over extreme Radicals, M. Combes took but little public part in politics after his resignation of the premiership in 1905. He joined the Briand Ministry of Oct. 1915 as one of the five Elder Statesmen, but without portfolio. He died May 26 1921.


text:
Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/104

 in Bendigo at the time that the diggers of Ballarat were in armed rebellion, it was not the Governor of Victoria, Sir Charles Hotham, who was to be thanked, but the newly-appointed resident magistrate, Captain McLachlan, who arrived just in the nick of time, and, with the shrewdness of the Scotchman, took in the situation at a glance. He saw the imperative necessity of conciliating the exasperated diggers, and, by his first administrative act, he won their confidence and appeased their indignation. That act was the instant dismissal of a number of the black sheep amongst the police force—scoundrels who had been transported from the mother country for their crimes, and, by a strange irony of destiny, were afterwards placed in a position of authority which enabled them to tyrannise at will over men of birth, breeding, education, and honesty, to whom their touch was contamination and their very presence an insult. This in itself was one great stride in the direction of reform, and Captain McLachlan followed it up with a distinct and deliberate refusal to carry out the governor's instructions to collect the diggers' license-fees at the point of the bayonet. By this disobedience he jeopardised his position and rendered himself amenable to a court-martial, but he had the satisfaction of knowing that he had saved Bendigo from the bloodshed and loss of life that resulted from obeying the governor's instructions at Ballarat. When affairs cooled down a little, and the diggers were granted those rights that should never have been denied them, every one admitted that the captain was in the right and the governor stupidly in the wrong. So far from suffering any official degradation for declining to enforce an order by the representative of the Queen, which he knew meant precipitating a civil war, he was continued in his office and applauded on all sides for

title: Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/104


text:
Page:The European Concert in the Eastern Question.djvu/314

 employments, functions, and honours, or the exercise of the various professions and industries, in any locality whatsoever.

The freedom and outward exercise of all forms of worship shall be assured to all persons belonging to Servia, as well as to foreigners, and no hindrance shall be offered either to the hierarchical organization of the different communions, or to their relations with their spiritual chiefs.

XXXVI. Servia receives the territories included in the following delimitation:— The new frontier follows the existing line ascending the mid-channel of the Drina from its confluence with the Save, leaving Mali Zwornik and Sakhar to the Principality, and continues to follow the former boundary of Servia as far as the Kopaonik, leaving it at the summit of the Kanilug. From that point it follows at first the western boundary of the Sandjak of Nisch by the southern spur of the Kopaonik, by the crests of the Marica and Mrdar Planina, which form the watershed between the basins of the Ibar and Sitnica on one side, and that of the Toplica on the other, leaving Prepolac to Turkey. It then turns to the south by the watershed between the Brvenica and the Medvedja, leaving the whole of the basin of the Medvedja to Servia; follows the crests of the Goljak Planina (which forms the watershed between the Kriva-Rjeka on one side and the Poljanica, Veternica, and Morawa on the other), as far as the summit of the Poljanica. It then follows the spur of the Karpina Planina as far as the confluence of the Koinska and the Morawa, crosses this river, and ascends by the watershed between the Koinska brook and the stream which falls into the Morawa near Neradovce, to reach the Sv. Ilija Planina above Trgoviste. Thence it follows the crest of the Sv. Ilija as far as Mount Kljuc, and passing by the points marked 1516 and 1547 on the map, and by the Babina Gora, it reaches Mount Crni-Vrh.

From Mount Crni-Vrh, the new delimitation coincides with that of Bulgaria, that is to say:—

The line of frontier follows the watershed between the Struma and the Morava by the summits of Streser, Vilogolo, and Mesid Planina, rejoins by the Gacina, Crna Trava,


text:
The Poet (Coates)

 * Coates, Florence Earle (1909), "The Poet" in Lyrics of Life (1909).
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "The Poet" in Poems I.

title: The Poet (Coates)


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Commerce, Department of

COMMERCE, DEPARTMENT OF, one of the executive departments of the U. S. Government. It succeeded the earlier Department of Commerce and Labor, by an Act of Congress, approved March 4 1913, which also created a separate and independent Department of Labor (see ). The Secretary of Commerce is a member of the president's Cabinet but is not in line of succession to the presidency. It is his duty to promote the commerce, domestic and foreign, of the United States. There is also an assistant secretary and a solicitor, the latter acting as legal adviser to the Secretary and to the heads of the various bureaus of the department.


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Communism

COMMUNISM (see ).—The term “communism” is used loosely to cover all forms and theories of social ownership of wealth, but has a more specific current meaning to denote the type of revolutionary socialism first expounded in The Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels (1847) and to-day held by the various communist parties that exist in most countries and are united in the Communist International. Communism is thus both an old term and an old theory; but the practice of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia (see ) and the subsequent propaganda of the Communist International have given it a significance that is in many ways new.

It is important to distinguish at the outset the various senses in which “communism” is often used, in order to avoid the confusions that beset the term. The English writer, Sidney Webb, has distinguished five senses of communism:—(1) the communism of free use, or “all things in common,” as exemplified on a limited scale in public roads and bridges, and as aimed at on a general scale in religious or Utopian “communities” of all ages; (2) communism by rationing, or the equal distribution of some particular thing or things among the whole population; (3) communism in treatment, or the supply of some particular service, not equally, but according to need, as in the public provision of medical care or education; (4) communism in the sense of nationalization or municipalization; (5) the communism of The Communist Manifesto. To these should possibly be added the anarchistic communism of Kropotkin and his school, to which the name of “anarchism” was formerly given (see ).

It is only the last of the five senses given above (the communism of The Communist Manifesto) which will be treated here, since the other senses either do not cover a specific political theory or else are coterminous with Socialism in general. It alone has a continuous history and a present significance.

Historical Development.—The conditions which gave rise to communism began with the industrial revolution. The social transformation produced by that event, the emergence of a new middle class and its rise to power, and the creation of a growing town population of wage-earners in large industry, led to numerous movements of unrest in the early 19th century and to all kinds of social theories and questionings. At this time the term socialism became applied to various types of theories of a benevolent or coöperative economic order. These theories, however, formulated mainly by individual thinkers in England and France, had no direct relation to the movement of the masses. The new feature introduced by communism was its direct correlation of social theory with the struggle of the working class. The necessity for this was making itself felt in various quarters; but its first clear expression was given to the world in what is still the classic statement of communism, The Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels, written in Nov. 1847. The year 1847 thus marks the starting-point of communism as a conscious force.

The Communist Manifesto.—The Communist Manifesto opens with the statement that the history of all hitherto existing human society has been the history of successive class struggles, which have on each occasion either resulted in the revolutionary transformation of society or in its collapse. From the slave systems of ancient civilization to the feudal system of mediaeval society, and from that in turn to the rule of capitalism or the bourgeoisie, there has been on each occasion a new class rising to power out of the conditions of the old society after a violent and revolutionary struggle with the preceding class. The rise to power of the bourgeoisie is described in rapid outline, its origin from the bosom of feudal society, its breaking of the bonds of feudalism and monarchy, its revolutionizing of the methods of industry, agriculture and communication, its establishment of modern industry with its accelerated and concentrated production, extended franchise, the national state and the international trade, and finally its subjugation of the whole world to its mode of production. “It has achieved greater miracles than the construction of Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts or Gothic cathedrals; it has carried out greater movements than the migration of peoples or the crusades. . . . Although it is scarcely a century since it became the dominating class, the bourgeoisie has created more powerful and more gigantic forces of production than all past generations put together.”

Yet to-day the bourgeoisie finds itself threatened in its turn by the new class of the proletariat or wage-earners which its own method of production has created. Like the systems which preceded it, capitalism has created the forces which, in the communist view, will lead to its overthrow: the proletariat, evergrowing in numbers and in the insistence of its demands, and an anarchical system of production leading to periodical crises, unemployment, gluts and overproduction in the midst of famine and misery, and (a modern communist would add) in its last phase the fierce struggles of imperialism and the havoc of world war. It is contended that these contradictions of capitalism To explain the “contradictions” of capitalism would demand an examination of Marxian economic theory for which there is here no room. It must suffice to say that Marx saw in the wage system a system by which monopoly in the means of production is used to compel those outside the monopoly (the proletariat) to sell their labour in return for subsistence and forego all rights to the actual value produced. The resulting surplus provides new capital for yet more production on the same system, but always with the need of finding new markets, since the workers themselves, only receiving in wages a portion of the value produced, can only buy back a portion of the value produced; with the result that, while the early stages of capitalism show rapid expansion and development, opening up the whole world and forcing every nation and race into the circle of its operations, the later stages show increasing crises of overproduction and rivalry in markets, tremendous concentration of financial power, and, in the last phase, the continually intensifying struggles of imperialism culminating in world war and world economic disorganization. In this progress capitalism by its own development has completely destroyed the basis of private property from which it began. Originating in private property and competition, it has eaten up the independent small proprietor and replaced him by tremendous combines, replaced competition by monopoly, reduced the masses of the population to the position of a proletariat which in a regime of private property is without private property, and finally reached a stage of production whose forces it is no longer able to control, any more than it can control the proletarian masses who now begin to rise against its domination. Thus all is ready for its dissolution and for the replacement of its worn-out basis of private property by the new basis of social ownership in accordance with the new mode of production and through the agency of the new class, the proletariat, which has no knowledge of private property. (For a different view of the capitalistic system, see .) reveal that the forces of production have outstripped the existing conditions of social organization, and are producing goods faster than society can control the use of them under the existing laws of property. Social production has been established, but individual appropriation of the results still remain. The contradiction receives expression in the class struggle of the workers against the capitalists. The proletariat, being without property and living in a régime of increasing social production, can no longer fight for individual ownership, but only for the socially conducted utilization of the means of production belonging to the community and of the goods produced. Thus capitalism has created in the

proletariat a social class which can only have as its object the abolition of the capitalist system of ownership and its replacement by the proletarian system of common ownership.

But there is this new feature in the struggle and future victory of the proletariat, that, whereas all previous class struggles have resulted simply in the rule of a new minority—the rise to power of a new separate stratum of society—the victory of the proletariat carries with it the emancipation of the whole of humanity, because there is no remaining class below them to be freed. The struggle of the working class is thus the struggle of the humanity of the future, and this is the secret of the class basis of all communist thinking.

It is with this struggle that the communists identify themselves, not as any special party, but simply as the champions of the interests of the working class. They believe that just as each succeeding class has won to power only after violent and revolutionary struggle with the preceding class, so the working class can never realize its aims save by the violent overthrow of the capitalist class and its whole system of power. “The communists disdain to reveal their aims and intentions. They declare openly that their ends can only be attained by the forcible overthrow of every obtaining order of society. Let the ruling classes tremble before a communist revolution; the workers have nothing to lose by it but their chains. They have the world to win. Workers of every land, unite!”

The Later Period of Marxism.—In The Communist Manifesto may thus be traced all the characteristic conceptions of Marx: the materialist conception of history (not to be confused with either materialism or economic determinism), the doctrine of the class struggle, and the theory of the revolutionary transference of power to the proletariat. At the same time the analysis of the role of capitalism, which was to be worked out later with a wealth of detail in the pages of Capital (1867), is already briefly indicated, and in a rapid forward glance the prospect is presented of a transition through the revolutionary rule of the proletariat to a classless society. It remained in his later work to give elaboration and precision to these original conceptions in the light of the experience of European history and the working-class struggle for the next generation. These writings have particular reference to two dominant events, the revolution of 1848 which led in Paris to the first distinct attempt of the working class to seize power in “the days of June,” with the consequent coalition of all the bourgeois forces into a single “Party of Order,” and the Commune of Paris in 1871 when for the first time the working class held power for six weeks. The later developments in Marx's historical and other writings are of especial interest for the new light they throw on the practical questions of the communist attitude to the State and the conception of the dictatorship of the proletariat (a phrase which did not take shape till after the writing of The Communist Manifesto, its first appearance in Marx's writings coming in 1850).

The modern State has already been described in The Communist Manifesto as the “executive committee for administering the affairs of the capitalist class as a whole.” The experience of the 19th-century revolutions appears to have convinced Marx that it was idle to expect any fundamental change so long as the apparatus of the existing State was left unaffected. Alike in writing of 1848 and of 1871 he stresses the necessity for destroying and shattering the existing machinery of the State. The one and only amendment of substance to The Communist Manifesto that he makes in his last preface to it before his death, written in 1872, is to declare that “One thing especially was proved by the commune, namely, that the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made State machinery and wield it for its own purposes.” But he demands not merely the destruction of the existing State, but its replacement by a new type of State, a Workers' State or the dictatorship of the proletariat as the transitional organ to carry through the change to communist society:—

This new State will be based on the workers' organizations:—

On the other hand the proletarian State is in its nature temporary, because, in proportion as it carries out its task of suppressing class distinctions it destroys its own class basis, and the State as a special organ of class power and coercion gives way to the machinery of a homogeneous communist society. It is only in this second phase of communism that freedom becomes realizable.

The First and Second Internationals.—While the main body of communist doctrine was thus receiving its completed form, the first attempts were being made at giving expression to communism in working-class organization. The First International (1864-73) was not a Marxian body; it was a coming together of various types of working-class organization and theory; but from the first Marx played a leading part in it, he drafted its principal declarations, and his ideas became more and more dominant within its ranks, until the controversy with the anarchist Bakunin led to its break-up. The First International was the battle-ground in which Marxism established its supremacy as the social philosophy of the working class. By the time of its demise in 1873 the seed of Marxian socialism had been sown in the working-class movements of Europe.

When the movement towards international working-class organization was resumed with the formation of the Second International in 1889, Marxian socialism was now assumed as the natural basis. Henceforward the class struggle and the transference of power to the proletariat were the statutory objects of international working-class organization. But meanwhile, beneath this apparently rapid victory of Marxism, a deep change in conditions had taken place. The movements that came together in the Second International were no longer the scattered sections of a handful of pioneers in working-class organization. They were powerful national organizations of the workers, numbering their adherents in millions. Thus the second stage had been reached of winning the masses to organization; but the work of training in the principles of the revolutionary struggle still remained. This was the task begun, but never fully achieved, by the Second International, as the war revealed. The peaceful conditions of the period led to hopes of peaceful progress and a gradual transition to socialism without the disastrous necessities of catastrophic change. It was not until the World War, with the collapse that it brought to the ideals of peaceful progress, that communism appeared once more in its full force and with all the revolutionary implications with which Marx had left it.

The War and Bolshevism.—The World War, then, is the starting-point of modern communism. The war forced to the forefront in an acute form the issues and divisions that had been latent in the socialist movement. It was no longer possible for the great national movements to maintain their dual allegiance, at once to the existing national State which they hoped some day to control, and to the international class war which they had still continued to proclaim in their resolutions. So there came the division of forces, the division of majority and minority which manifested itself in every belligerent country. The bulk of the official parties supported the war, and in consequence found themselves involved in closer and closer alliance with the Governments. Sections in each country, and in some cases (notably Italy and Russia) the majority, were in opposition.

This division, which began as a difference over the issue of war and peace, soon developed into a deeper opposition. It was not possible for one side to support the war without entering into closer and closer relations with the whole administration of the

existing Governments; it was not possible for the other side to oppose the war without implying a denial of the whole conception of the existing national State. As the division developed, its revolutionary implication became more and more manifest; the Zimmerwaldian organization of anti-war socialists, which had been founded as a temporary substitute for the collapsed International at a conference at Zimmerwald in Switzerland in 1915, gradually evolved from an organ of international peace and working-class solidarity into an organ of international revolution and working-class struggle.

It was the Russian revolution that finally brought this new division to a head. The Russian revolution forced into the realm of actual decision the old controversies of class war or class peace, working-class government or democracy. The party which proclaimed its stand on the Marxian principles of class struggle and working-class government was the Russian Social Democratic party (Majority) or Bolsheviki. (From this title of Bolsheviki, meaning “Majority,” derived from their holding the majority at the Brussels-London Conference of the Russian Social Democratic party in 1903, has been formed the word “Bolshevism” as a current popular expression for communism and a loose journalistic term for all forms of extremism and violence.) Against the other socialist sections who maintained a coalition with the bourgeoisie, the Bolsheviki carried through the second revolution of Nov. 1917, and established a new form of government based on the Soviets or workers' councils. With this government they proclaimed the inauguration of the dictatorship of the proletariat, and maintained their power against a series of attacks from without and within. From thenceforward they became the natural leaders of the revolutionary working-class movement of the world. As the revolution spread to other countries, the division in the socialist world became more and more complete, and in 1919 the Third or Communist International was founded on the basis of the revolutionary working-class struggle. The old Marxian term communism was thus revived against the social democracy which Marx and Engels had always declared an unsuitable description for a movement which stood for the suppression both of the State and of democracy, and which the communists regarded as having been a cover for the betrayal of the socialist cause. At the Second Congress in 1920 a detailed statement of communist aims, policy and tactics was drawn up; and communism finally came into existence as a fully organized world force.

The Modern Communist Outlook.—The First Manifesto of the new Communist International describes the modern communist outlook. It sees in the ruin of the World War and the peace that succeeded it the fulfilment of the Marxian prediction of the catastrophic destiny of capitalism. Capitalism, it declares, torn by its own contradictions, has plunged into the agony of world war; but war has brought no solution to its problems, just as peace has brought no relief. Hardly has the last war ended before the next war is being prepared; imperialist rivalry continues with more intensity than ever; economic disorganization spreads apace. There is no way out save the complete ending of the system of imperial capitalism that compels these results, and its replacement by the world organization of production on the basis of the workers. “This is the epoch of the decomposition and break-up of the world capitalist system, which will mean the break-up of European culture in general if capitalism with its irreconcilable antagonism is not destroyed.” The war has brought the populations of the world face to face with the realities of capitalism: what was before the theory and speculation of a few has become the bitter experience of millions. “The contradictions of the capitalist system were converted by the war into degrading torments of hunger and cold, disease and savagery for all mankind.” They have seen the vanity of the hopes of peaceful progress in face of the iron onward sweep to destruction of the existing system. “The catastrophe of imperialist war has with one swoop swept away all the gains of experts and of Parliamentary struggles.” Not only the populations of Europe, but the colonial populations of Asia and Africa, have been dragged into the vortex, and are now finding their only chance of

in the international communist revolution. In the midst of this world upheaval there is need of a strong revolutionary power that can alone form the coherent force to carry through the necessary change and establish the new system. Reaction solves nothing, and half-measures are fatal. “Only the proletarian dictatorship, which recognizes neither inherited privilege nor rights of property, can shorten the period of the present crisis, and for this purpose will mobilize all materials and forces, introduce the universal duty to labour, establish the régime of industrial discipline, and in this way heal in the course of a few years the open wounds caused by the war and raise humanity to undreamt-of heights.” It is the conditions of society that are producing chaos and revolution; it is the object of the communists to end those conditions by giving conscious direction to the instinctive forces of revolt, instead of vainly seeking to stem them. No error, in fact, could be greater than to suppose that the communists are out to “make” a revolution in order to impose their system upon mankind. “The Communist parties, far from conjuring up civil war artificially, rather seek to shorten its duration.” In the communist conception the alternative to proletarian dictatorship is not peace. It is war and blockade, famine and disease, blind revolts and the break-up of civilization.

Communism and Democracy.—It is from this point of view that the controversy of communism and democracy should be approached if the communist position is to be understood. The communists do not reject the current conceptions of democracy because they believe in the superiority of the few, but because they believe that the phrases of democracy bear no relation to present realities. The divorce between the realities of power and the theory in modern democratic states has been noted by observers of all schools; it is the special point of the communist to insist that this divorce is not due to accidental and remediable causes, but is inherent in the nature of capitalist democracy. Democracy, in fact, is held to be unrealizable in capitalist society because of the fundamental helplessness of the propertyless man; the parliamentary forms only serve to veil the reality of the “bourgeois dictatorship” by an appearance of popular consent which is rendered unreal by the capitalist control of the social structure; and even this veil is cast aside in moments of any stress by the open assumption of emergency dictatorial powers. The plea that this situation may be remedied by education and propaganda is met by the reply that all the large-scale organs of education and propaganda are under capitalist control.

On the other hand communism, while rejecting current democracy, differs from syndicalism and other revolutionary philosophies which proclaim the right of the “militant minority” to endeavour to change society. The glorification of the minority and of the coup d'état really belongs to the Blanquist school, which was always vigorously opposed by Marxism. Marxism taught that the liberation of the workers could only be the act of the workers themselves, and that all the communists could do was to endeavour to guide the struggle of the workers into its realization in the dictatorship of the proletariat. In this way the Bolsheviki did not carry through their revolution of Nov. 1917 until they had gained the majority in the Soviets and the trade unions. Where the communists differ from other believers in the ultimate victory of the working class is that they do not believe that victory will be achieved until after a very much more severe struggle than is ordinarily contemplated. They believe that the ruling class will use every means, political, economic and military, to defend its privileges, and that the final decision will not be reached without open civil war. In support of this they quote evidence to show the readiness of the ruling class in many countries to fling constitutional considerations to the winds when their privileges are in danger. To mistake dislike of this prospect for evidence of its improbability they regard as a fatal policy, and they believe it necessary, therefore, to make preparations for the event, considering the best guarantee against the chaos of prolonged social disorder (otherwise inevitable in the period of capitalist dissolution) to be the existence of a powerful revolutionary party. It is this aspect of communism which has led to the current distinction between communism and other forms

of socialism as a difference of method: but it will be seen that this difference of method arises from a far more fundamental divergence in outlook and philosophy. The methods of the communists are not comprehensible save in relation to the whole philosophy of The Communist Manifesto.

Communist Organization.—From the above considerations certain conclusions follow as to the rôle and character of the communist party in any country. The fully organized communist party, it is stated, is to be the “advance guard” of the working class, never regarding itself as separate from the working class, always working in and through existing working-class organizations on the plane of the struggle of the moment, but always coördinating and giving conscious direction to the different aspects of the working-class struggle with a view to the larger ultimate issue. For this purpose it must be based on the strictest internal discipline, and on severe conditions of membership; but this internal strictness of theory and discipline must be accompanied by an external policy of revolutionary opportunism which is in contrast with the usual “purism” of the revolutionary sect. This is the explanation of the alternate charges of “doctrinairism” and “opportunism” which are levelled by other socialists against the communist party. This discipline is ultimately international in character, because the struggle is regarded as international. To the communist the International is more than a coming-together of sympathetic parties in a common struggle: it is the union of different divisions in a single army, each with its own tactical problems, but all with a single ultimate directing centre. For this reason an absolute ultimate authority is vested in the International Executive, subject to the World Congress. This authority of the International is regarded as of particular importance, not only for the immediate struggle, but as the nucleus of future international authority in the World Soviet Republic.

(R. P. D.)

title: 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Communism


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 the sound common sense, tact, and discrimination he had displayed under most trying and exceptional circumstances. "Bendigo Mac," as he was ever afterwards familiarly and affectionately called, presided as stipendiary magistrate over the Sandhurst court for the succeeding seventeen years, and when he retired into private life, all classes of citizens combined to present him with a large monetary testimonial.

People who have plenty of money are often said, by a figure of speech, to be "rolling in wealth," but the expression was literally true in the case of a certain eccentric Irishman in the early days of Sandhurst. His name was Flanagan, and, finding that he had dug £3,000 worth of gold out of the earth, some demon prompted him to run down to the metropolis and enjoy himself for a season. On arriving in Melbourne he engaged a room in a hotel, and then proceeded to the bank, where he presented his draft. Instead of taking his £3,000 in notes, he insisted on having 3,000 sovereigns, with which he filled a sack that he had brought with him for the purpose. Returning to his hotel, he went straight to his room, locked the door, and emptied the sack of sovereigns on the floor. He then stripped himself stark naked, and spent the remainder of the day in rolling himself over and over upon his golden heap. Next day he commenced to get rid of his golden store as fast as he could by senseless drinking, dissipation, and extravagance of all sorts; and, before the end of the month, the foolish fellow was trudging back to the diggings without a solitary shilling to bless himself with.

Though the tragic element necessarily predominated in those digger-hunting days, the comic was by no means wanting at times. Mr. Macartney relates one amusing incident that came under his personal observation. "Early in

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 1854 two well-known diggers, John Murphy and Garrett Brennan, were rounded up by the police on a part of the diggings called Jackass Flat, and taken before Mr. Dowling, the police magistrate, their offence being not having their licenses upon them. Although they had paid for their licenses. Murphy, who was a droll dog, a rough Irish diamond, requested to see 'his honour's riverince.' Mr. Dowling replied, 'Well, my man, I am the man you want.' Murphy then asked, 'Would your honour's riverince order that fellow (pointing to the policeman on guard) to fire on a man who had paid for his license and had left it in his tent, if he ran away after being rounded up by the police?' Mr. Dowling replied, 'Certainly not.' Murphy exclaimed, 'Thin, be jabers, I'm off,' saying which, he knocked over the police guard, jumped the picket fence, and ran like a greyhound into the bush. His companion, Brennan, having proved that he had paid for a license, was dismissed with a reprimand."

Neither was conviviality of the old-land type unknown at the close of the day's gathering-in of the golden harvest. A contemporary eye-witness has given a graphic description of an Irish tent, in which an old fiddler is reviving fond recollections of a dear isle far away by playing the beautiful melody of "Erin-go-Bragh." "Hold a moment! He is resining his bow. Now he begins, and as the charming strain falls upon the ears of his sensitive countrymen, they here and there chime in with a part of the song and dissolve in tears from the warmth of their emotions. Of what a complication of joys and sorrows is the human heart made up! Listen. He now plays 'Paddy Carey,' and see—every face that was this moment suffused with tears is radiant with joy, and the tent, as a matter of

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 course, being now no longer capable of holding its inmates, throws them forth to the open air to have a trip on the gravel, which here serves as a substitute for the bright green sod of their own native 'isle of the ocean.'"

In a community composed of so many inflammable elements, and gathered from all the nations under the sun, with every man desperately eager to build up a golden pile, and return home with the utmost speed to astonish his family and friends with the richness of his rapidly-acquired wealth, it was to be expected that there should be not unfrequently personal disputes as to the right of possessing particular pieces of coveted ground. As a rule the contending parties were allowed to fight the matter out for themselves; but occasionally their sympathising countrymen would appear on the scene of strife, hot words would be interchanged, and very soon, what was originally a purely personal quarrel would develop into a mélée between opposing nationalities.

Mr. C. R. Read, an official on the gold-fields, in a work describing his experiences in that capacity, narrates how, on one occasion, there was a dispute between a Tipperary boy and an Englishman about a piece of ground, and in the inevitable scuffle that ensued the Irishman fell headlong into a hole full of muddy water, and the Englishman partly so. This trifling incident a few hours afterwards led to a desperate fight between the Irishmen and Englishmen on the field. One Irishman was shot through the lungs and another in the head, whilst the leader of the Englishmen had his head split open with an axe.

The same official states that the Irishmen were generally the most fortunate on the diggings. The most unfortunate class of gold-seekers were those that came under the

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 of "swell" or gentleman diggers—members of the learned professions and younger sons of good families, who had never before handled a pick in their lives. But, whilst this was the rule, there were some exceptions. Mr. Read says he was personally aware of several instances of great success attending gentlemen who were digging. One with whom he was intimately acquainted cleared upwards of £3,000 in six weeks.

Perseverance was richly and deservedly rewarded in the case of a party of four Irishmen who sank eighteen holes in succession, and only got one ounce of gold each for their trouble. They did not lose heart, but sank nine more, with little better result, realising just one pound per man. They were naturally somewhat discouraged at such poor returns after months of labour, and believed themselves to be very unlucky indeed. Still, they were determined to make one effort more, and, on sinking their twenty-eighth hole, they struck a splendid patch of gold which yielded them £1,000 per man.

Mr. James Bonwick, the most industrious and voluminous of Australian authors, visited Bendigo in 1852, and, in his "Notes of a Gold Digger," he speaks of the Irish who occupied Tipperary Gully, near his tent, as consisting entirely of families conspicuous for their order, cleanliness, kind-heartedness and happiness.

Sandhurst is not to be compared with Ballarat for beauty of site or surroundings, but by means of various artificial embellishments and the almost universal planting of umbrageous trees along its thoroughfares, its civic rulers have in great measure succeeded in overcoming its natural defects of position, and introducing some of the elements of the picturesque. No doubt, on entering the city the

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Author talk:Albert S. Evans

Summary
Albert S. Evans (1831-1872) was a New Hampshire-born California journalist, serving as correspondent for the New York Tribune and Chicago Tribune. Á la California (1873) is a volume of reminiscences and anecdotal history published after Evans's death at sea. He begins by taking his reader on a tour from the Sierra Morena through the San Andreas Valley, south to Pescadero and Santa Cruz, up the Napa Valley and Mount St. Helena. He offers several chapters on San Francisco, with special attention to the legends of the Barbary Coast and Chinatown and tales of miners in the Gold Rush.

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MY FIRST SCRAMBLE ON THE MATTERHORN. "What power must have been required to shatter and to sweep away the missing parts of this pyramid; for we do not see it surrounded by heaps of fragments; one only sees other peaks—themselves rooted to the ground—whose sides, equally rent, indicate an immense mass of débris, of which we do not see any trace in the neighbourhood. Doubtless this is that débris which, in the form of pebbles, boulders, and sand, fills our valleys and our plains."

summits amongst those in the Alps which yet remained virgin had excited my admiration. One of these had been attacked numberless times by the best mountaineers without success; the other, surrounded by traditional inaccessibility, was almost untouched. These mountains were the Weisshorn and the Matterhorn.

After visiting the great tunnel of the Alps in 1861, I wandered for ten days in the neighbouring valleys, intending, presently, to attempt the ascent of these two peaks. Rumours were floating about that the former had been conquered, and that the latter was shortly to be attacked, and they were confirmed on arrival at Chatillon, at the entrance of the Val Tournanche. My interest in the Weisshorn abated, but it was raised to the highest pitch on hearing that Professor Tyndall was at Breil, and intending to try to crown his first victory by another and still greater one.

Up to this time my experience with guides had not been fortunate, and I was inclined, improperly, to rate them at a low value. They represented to me pointers out of paths, and great consumers of meat and drink, but little more; and, with the recollection of Mont Pelvoux, I should have greatly preferred the


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Rh of a couple of my countrymen to any number of guides. In answer to inquiries at Chatillon, a series of men came forward, whose faces expressed malice, pride, envy, hatred, and roguery of every description, but who seemed to be destitute of all good qualities. The arrival of two gentlemen with a guide, who they represented was the embodiment of every virtue, and exactly the man for the Matterhorn, rendered it unnecessary to engage any of the others. My new guide in physique was a combination of Chang and Anak; and although in acquiring him I did not obtain exactly what was wanted, his late employers did exactly what they wanted, for I obtained the responsibility, without knowledge, of paying his back fare, which must have been a relief at once to their minds and to their purses.

When walking up towards Breil, we inquired for another man of all the knowing ones, and they, with one voice, proclaimed that Jean-Antoine Carrel, of the village of Val Tournanche, was the cock of his valley. We sought, of course, for Carrel; and found him a well-made, resolute-looking fellow, with a certain defiant air which was rather taking. Yes, he would go. Twenty francs a-day, whatever was the result, was his price. I assented. But I must take his comrade. "Why so?" Oh, it was absolutely impossible to get along without another man. As he said this an evil countenance came forth out of the darkness and proclaimed itself the comrade. I demurred, the negotiations broke off, and we went up to Breil. This place will be frequently mentioned in subsequent chapters, and was in full view of the extraordinary peak, the ascent of which we were about to attempt.

It is unnecessary to enter into a minute description of the Matterhorn, after all that has been written about that famous mountain. Those by whom this book is likely to be read will know that that peak is nearly 15,000 feet high, and that it rises abruptly, by a series of cliffs which may properly be termed