text:
Tony and the Beetles

by Philip K. Dick

A TEN-YEAR-OLD BOY GROWS UP FAST WHEN HISTORY CATCHES UP WITH THE HUMAN RACE.

Reddish-yellow sunlight filtered through the thick quartz windows into the sleep-compartment. Tony Rossi yawned, stirred a little, then opened his black eyes and sat up quickly. With one motion he tossed the covers back and slid to the warm metal floor. He clicked off his alarm clock and hurried to the closet.

It looked like a nice day. The landscape outside was motionless, undisturbed by winds or dust-shift. The boy's heart pounded excitedly. He pulled his trousers on, zipped up the reinforced mesh, struggled into his heavy canvas shirt, and then sat down on the edge of the cot to tug on his boots. He closed the seams around their tops and then did the same with his gloves. Next he adjusted the pressure on his pump unit and strapped it between his shoulder blades. He grabbed his helmet from the dresser, and he was ready for the day.

In the dining-compartment his mother and father had finished breakfast. Their voices drifted to him as he clattered down the ramp. A disturbed murmur; he paused to listen. What were they talking about? Had he done something wrong, again?

And then he caught it. Behind their voices was another voice. Static and crackling pops. The all-system audio signal from Rigel IV. They had it turned up full blast; the dull thunder of the monitor's voice boomed loudly. The war. Always the war. He sighed, and stepped out into the dining-compartment.

"Morning," his father muttered.

"Good morning, dear," his mother said absently. She sat with her head turned to one side, wrinkles of concentration webbing her forehead. Her thin lips were drawn together in a tight line of concern. His father had pushed his dirty dishes back and was smoking, elbows on the table, dark hairy arms bare and muscular. He was scowling, intent on the jumbled roar from the speaker above the sink.

"How's it going?" Tony asked. He slid into his chair and reached automatically for the ersatz grapefruit. "Any news from Orion?"

Neither of them answered. They didn't hear him. He began to eat his grapefruit. Outside, beyond the little metal and plastic housing unit, sounds of activity grew. Shouts and muffled crashes, as rural merchants and their trucks rumbled along the highway toward Karnet. The reddish daylight swelled; Betelgeuse was rising quietly and majestically.

"Nice day," Tony said. "No flux wind. I think I'll go down to the n-quarter awhile. We're building a neat spaceport, a model, of course, but we've been able to get enough materials to lay out strips for—"

With a savage snarl his father reached out and struck the audio roar immediately died. "I knew it!" He got up and moved angrily away from the table. "I told them it would happen. They shouldn't have moved so soon. Should have built up Class A supply bases, first."

"Isn't our main fleet moving in from Bellatrix?" Tony's mother fluttered anxiously. "According to last night's summary the worst that can happen is Orion IX and X will be dumped."

Joseph Rossi laughed harshly. "The hell with last night's summary. They know as well as I do what's happening."

"What's happening?" Tony echoed, as he pushed aside his grapefruit and began to ladle out dry cereal. "Are we losing the battle?"

"Yes!" His father's lips twisted. "Earthmen, losing to—to _beetles_. I told them. But they couldn't wait. My God, there's ten good years left in this system. Why'd they have to push on? Everybody knew Orion would be tough. The whole damn beetle fleet's strung out around there. Waiting for us. And we have to barge right in."

"But nobody ever thought beetles would fight," Leah Rossi protested mildly. "Everybody thought they'd just fire a few blasts and then—"

"They _have_ to fight! Orion's the last jump-off. If they don't fight here, where the hell can they fight?" Rossi swore savagely. "Of course they're fighting. We have all their planets except the inner Orion string—not that they're worth much, but it's the principle of the thing. If we'd built up strong supply bases, we could have broken up the beetle fleet and really clobbered it."

"Don't say 'beetle,'" Tony murmured, as he finished his cereal. "They're Pas-udeti, same as here. The word 'beetle' comes from Betelgeuse. An Arabian word we invented ourselves."

Joe Rossi's mouth opened and closed. "What are you, a goddamn beetle-lover?"

"Joe," Leah snapped. "For heaven's sake."

Rossi moved toward the door. "If I was ten years younger I'd be out there. I'd really show those shiny-shelled insects what the hell they're up against. Them and their junky beat-up old hulks. Converted freighters!" His eyes blazed. "When I think of them shooting down Terran cruisers with _our_ boys in them—"

"Orion's their system," Tony murmured.

"_Their_ system! When the hell did you get to be an authority on space law? Why, I ought to—" He broke off, choked with rage. "My own kid," he muttered. "One more crack out of you today and I'll hang one on you you'll feel the rest of the week."

Tony pushed his chair back. "I won't be around here today. I'm going into Karnet, with my EEP."

"Yeah, to play with beetles!"

Tony said nothing. He was already sliding his helmet in place and snapping the clamps tight. As he pushed through the back door, into the lock membrane, he unscrewed his oxygen tap and set the tank filter into action. An automatic response, conditioned by a lifetime spent on a colony planet in an alien system.

A faint flux wind caught at him and swept yellow-red dust around his boots. Sunlight glittered from the metal roof of his family's housing unit, one of endless rows of squat boxes set in the sandy slope, protected by the line of ore-refining installations against the horizon. He made an impatient signal, and from the storage shed his EEP came gliding out, catching the sunlight on its chrome trim.

"We're going down into Karnet," Tony said, unconsciously slipping into the Pas dialect. "Hurry up!"

The EEP took up its position behind him, and he started briskly down the slope, over the shifting sand, toward the road. There were quite a few traders out, today. It was a good day for the market; only a fourth of the year was fit for travel. Betelgeuse was an erratic and undependable sun, not at all like Sol (according to the edutapes, fed to Tony four hours a day, six days a week—he had never seen Sol himself).

He reached the noisy road. Pas-udeti were everywhere. Whole groups of them, with their primitive combustion-driven trucks, battered and filthy, motors grinding protestingly. He waved at the trucks as they pushed past him. After a moment one slowed down. It was piled with _tis_, bundled heaps of gray vegetables dried, and prepared for the table. A staple of the Pas-udeti diet. Behind the wheel lounged a dark-faced elderly Pas, one arm over the open window, a rolled leaf between his lips. He was like all other Pas-udeti; lank and hard-shelled, encased in a brittle sheath in which he lived and died.

"You want a ride?" the Pas murmured—required protocol when an Earthman on foot was encountered.

"Is there room for my EEP?"

The Pas made a careless motion with his claw. "It can run behind." Sardonic amusement touched his ugly old face. "If it gets to Karnet we'll sell it for scrap. We can use a few condensers and relay tubing. We're short on electronic maintenance stuff."

"I know," Tony said solemnly, as he climbed into the cabin of the truck. "It's all been sent to the big repair base at Orion I. For your warfleet."

Amusement vanished from the leathery face. "Yes, the warfleet." He turned away and started up the truck again. In the back, Tony's EEP had scrambled up on the load of _tis_ and was gripping precariously with its magnetic lines.

Tony noticed the Pas-udeti's sudden change of expression, and he was puzzled. He started to speak to him—but now he noticed unusual quietness among the other Pas, in the other trucks, behind and in front of his own. The war, of course. It had swept through this system a century ago; these people had been left behind. Now all eyes were on Orion, on the battle between the Terran warfleet and the Pas-udeti collection of armed freighters.

"Is it true," Tony asked carefully, "that you're winning?"

The elderly Pas grunted. "We hear rumors."

Tony considered. "My father says Terra went ahead too fast. He says we should have consolidated. We didn't assemble adequate supply bases. He used to be an officer, when he was younger. He was with the fleet for two years."

The Pas was silent a moment. "It's true," he said at last, "that when you're so far from home, supply is a great problem. We, on the other hand, don't have that. We have no distances to cover."

"Do you know anybody fighting?"

"I have distant relatives." The answer was vague; the Pas obviously didn't want to talk about it.

"Have you ever seen your warfleet?"

"Not as it exists now. When this system was defeated most of our units were wiped out. Remnants limped to Orion and joined the Orion fleet."

"Your relatives were with the remnants?"

"That's right."

"Then you were alive when this planet was taken?"

"Why do you ask?" The old Pas quivered violently. "What business is it of yours?"

Tony leaned out and watched the walls and buildings of Karnet grow ahead of them. Karnet was an old city. It had stood thousands of years. The Pas-udeti civilization was stable; it had reached a certain point of technocratic development and then leveled off. The Pas had inter-system ships that had carried people and freight between planets in the days before the Terran Confederation. They had combustion-driven cars, audiophones, a power network of a magnetic type. Their plumbing was satisfactory and their medicine was highly advanced. They had art forms, emotional and exciting. They had a vague religion.

"Who do you think will win the battle?" Tony asked.

"I don't know." With a sudden jerk the old Pas brought the truck to a crashing halt. "This is as far as I go. Please get out and take your EEP with you."

Tony faltered in surprise. "But aren't you going—?"

"No farther!"

Tony pushed the door open. He was vaguely uneasy; there was a hard, fixed expression on the leathery face, and the old creature's voice had a sharp edge he had never heard before. "Thanks," he murmured. He hopped down into the red dust and signaled his EEP. It released its magnetic lines, and instantly the truck started up with a roar, passing on inside the city.

Tony watched it go, still dazed. The hot dust lapped at his ankles; he automatically moved his feet and slapped at his trousers. A truck honked, and his EEP quickly moved him from the road, up to the level pedestrian ramp. Pas-udeti in swarms moved by, endless lines of rural people hurrying into Karnet on their daily business. A massive public bus had stopped by the gate and was letting off passengers. Male and female Pas. And children. They laughed and shouted; the sounds of their voices blended with the low hum of the city.

"Going in?" a sharp Pas-udeti voice sounded close behind him. "Keep moving—you're blocking the ramp."

It was a young female, with a heavy armload clutched in her claws. Tony felt embarrassed; female Pas had a certain telepathic ability, part of their sexual make-up. It was effective on Earthmen at close range.

"Here," she said. "Give me a hand."

Tony nodded his head, and the EEP accepted the female's heavy armload. "I'm visiting the city," Tony said, as they moved with the crowd toward the gates. "I got a ride most of the way, but the driver let me off out here."

"You're from the settlement?"

"Yes."

She eyed him critically. "You've always lived here, haven't you?"

"I was born here. My family came here from Earth four years before I was born. My father was an officer in the fleet. He earned an Emigration Priority."

"So you've never seen your own planet. How old are you?"

"Ten years. Terran."

"You shouldn't have asked the driver so many questions."

They passed through the decontamination shield and into the city. An information square loomed ahead; Pas men and women were packed around it. Moving chutes and transport cars rumbled everywhere. Buildings and ramps and open-air machinery; the city was sealed in a protective dust-proof envelope. Tony unfastened his helmet and clipped it to his belt. The air was stale-smelling, artificial, but usable.

"Let me tell you something," the young female said carefully, as she strode along the foot-ramp beside Tony. "I wonder if this is a good day for you to come into Karnet. I know you've been coming here regularly to play with your friends. But perhaps today you ought to stay at home, in your settlement."

"Why?"

"Because today everybody is upset."

"I know," Tony said. "My mother and father were upset. They were listening to the news from our base in the Rigel system."

"I don't mean your family. Other people are listening, too. These people here. My race."

"They're upset, all right," Tony admitted. "But I come here all the time. There's nobody to play with at the settlement, and anyhow we're working on a project."

"A model spaceport."

"That's right." Tony was envious. "I sure wish I was a telepath. It must be fun."

The female Pas-udeti was silent. She was deep in thought. "What would happen," she asked, "if your family left here and returned to Earth?"

"That couldn't happen. There's no room for us on Earth. C-bombs destroyed most of Asia and North America back in the Twentieth Century."

"Suppose you _had_ to go back?"

Tony did not understand. "But we can't. Habitable portions of Earth are overcrowded. Our main problem is finding places for Terrans to live, in other systems." He added, "And anyhow, I don't particularly want to go to Terra. I'm used to it here. All my friends are here."

"I'll take my packages," the female said. "I go this other way, down this third-level ramp."

Tony nodded to his EEP and it lowered the bundles into the female's claws. She lingered a moment, trying to find the right words.

"Good luck," she said.

"With what?"

She smiled faintly, ironically. "With your model spaceport. I hope you and your friends get to finish it."

"Of course we'll finish it," Tony said, surprised. "It's almost done." What did she mean?

The Pas-udeti woman hurried off before he could ask her. Tony was troubled and uncertain; more doubts filled him. After a moment he headed slowly into the lane that took him toward the residential section of the city. Past the stores and factories, to the place where his friends lived.

The group of Pas-udeti children eyed him silently as he approached. They had been playing in the shade of an immense _hengelo_, whose ancient branches drooped and swayed with the air currents pumped through the city. Now they sat unmoving.

"I didn't expect you today," B'prith said, in an expressionless voice.

Tony halted awkwardly, and his EEP did the same. "How are things?" he murmured.

"Fine."

"I got a ride part way."

"Fine."

Tony squatted down in the shade. None of the Pas children stirred. They were small, not as large as Terran children. Their shells had not hardened, had not turned dark and opaque, like horn. It gave them a soft, unformed appearance, but at the same time it lightened their load. They moved more easily than their elders; they could hop and skip around, still. But they were not skipping right now.

"What's the matter?" Tony demanded. "What's wrong with everybody?"

No one answered.

"Where's the model?" he asked. "Have you fellows been working on it?"

After a moment Llyre nodded slightly.

Tony felt dull anger rise up inside him. "Say something! What's the matter? What're you all mad about?"

"Mad?" B'prith echoed. "We're not mad."

Tony scratched aimlessly in the dust. He knew what it was. The war, again. The battle going on near Orion. His anger burst up wildly. "Forget the war. Everything was fine yesterday, before the battle."

"Sure," Llyre said. "It was fine."

Tony caught the edge to his voice. "It happened a hundred years ago. It's not my fault."

"Sure," B'prith said.

"This is my home. Isn't it? Haven't I got as much right here as anybody else? I was born here."

"Sure," Llyre said, tonelessly.

Tony appealed to them helplessly. "Do you have to act this way? You didn't act this way yesterday. I was here yesterday—all of us were here yesterday. What's happened since yesterday?"

"The battle," B'prith said.

"What difference does _that_ make? Why does that change everything? There's always war. There've been battles all the time, as long as I can remember. What's different about this?"

B'prith broke apart a clump of dirt with his strong claws. After a moment he tossed it away and got slowly to his feet. "Well," he said thoughtfully, "according to our audio relay, it looks as if our fleet is going to win, this time."

"Yes," Tony agreed, not understanding. "My father says we didn't build up adequate supply bases. We'll probably have to fall back to...." And then the impact hit him. "You mean, for the first time in a hundred years—"

"Yes," Llyre said, also getting up. The others got up, too. They moved away from Tony, toward the near-by house. "We're winning. The Terran flank was turned, half an hour ago. Your right wing has folded completely."

Tony was stunned. "And it matters. It matters to all of you."

"Matters!" B'prith halted, suddenly blazing out in fury. "Sure it matters! For the first time—in a century. The first time in our lives we're beating you. We have you on the run, you—" He choked out the word, almost spat it out. "You white-grubs!"

They disappeared into the house. Tony sat gazing stupidly down at the ground, his hands still moving aimlessly. He had heard the word before, seen it scrawled on walls and in the dust near the settlement. _White-grubs._ The Pas term of derision for Terrans. Because of their softness, their whiteness. Lack of hard shells. Pulpy, doughy skin. But they had never dared say it out loud, before. To an Earthman's face.

Beside him, his EEP stirred restlessly. Its intricate radio mechanism sensed the hostile atmosphere. Automatic relays were sliding into place; circuits were opening and closing.

"It's all right," Tony murmured, getting slowly up. "Maybe we'd better go back."

He moved unsteadily toward the ramp, completely shaken. The EEP walked calmly ahead, its metal face blank and confident, feeling nothing, saying nothing. Tony's thoughts were a wild turmoil; he shook his head, but the crazy spinning kept up. He couldn't make his mind slow down, lock in place.

"Wait a minute," a voice said. B'prith's voice, from the open doorway. Cold and withdrawn, almost unfamiliar.

"What do you want?"

B'prith came toward him, claws behind his back in the formal Pas-udeti posture, used between total strangers. "You shouldn't have come here, today."

"I know," Tony said.

B'prith got out a bit of _tis_ stalk and began to roll it into a tube. He pretended to concentrate on it. "Look," he said. "You said you have a right here. But you don't."

"I—" Tony murmured.

"Do you understand why not? You said it isn't your fault. I guess not. But it's not my fault, either. Maybe it's nobody's fault. I've known you a long time."

"Five years. Terran."

B'prith twisted the stalk up and tossed it away. "Yesterday we played together. We worked on the spaceport. But we can't play today. My family said to tell you not to come here any more." He hesitated, and did not look Tony in the face. "I was going to tell you, anyhow. Before they said anything."

"Oh," Tony said.

"Everything that's happened today—the battle, our fleet's stand. We didn't know. We didn't dare hope. You see? A century of running. First this system. Then the Rigel system, all the planets. Then the other Orion stars. We fought here and there—scattered fights. Those that got away joined up. We supplied the base at Orion—you people didn't know. But there was no hope; at least, nobody thought there was." He was silent a moment. "Funny," he said, "what happens when your back's to the wall, and there isn't any further place to go. Then you have to fight."

"If our supply bases—" Tony began thickly, but B'prith cut him off savagely.

"Your supply bases! Don't you understand? We're beating you! Now you'll have to get out! All you white-grubs. Out of our system!"

Tony's EEP moved forward ominously. B'prith saw it. He bent down, snatched up a rock, and hurled it straight at the EEP. The rock clanged off the metal hull and bounced harmlessly away. B'prith snatched up another rock. Llyre and the others came quickly out of the house. An adult Pas loomed up behind them. Everything was happening too fast. More rocks crashed against the EEP. One struck Tony on the arm.

"Get out!" B'prith screamed. "Don't come back! This is our planet!" His claws snatched at Tony. "We'll tear you to pieces if you—"

Tony smashed him in the chest. The soft shell gave like rubber, and the Pas stumbled back. He wobbled and fell over, gasping and screeching.

"_Beetle_," Tony breathed hoarsely. Suddenly he was terrified. A crowd of Pas-udeti was forming rapidly. They surged on all sides, hostile faces, dark and angry, a rising thunder of rage.

More stones showered. Some struck the EEP, others fell around Tony, near his boots. One whizzed past his face. Quickly he slid his helmet in place. He was scared. He knew his EEP's E-signal had already gone out, but it would be minutes before a ship could come. Besides, there were other Earthmen in the city to be taken care of; there were Earthmen all over the planet. In all the cities. On all the twenty-three Betelgeuse planets. On the fourteen Rigel planets. On the other Orion planets.

"We have to get out of here," he muttered to the EEP. "Do something!"

A stone hit him on the helmet. The plastic cracked; air leaked out, and then the autoseal filmed over. More stones were falling. The Pas swarmed close, a yelling, seething mass of black-sheathed creatures. He could smell them, the acrid body-odor of insects, hear their claws snap, feel their weight.

The EEP threw its heat beam on. The beam shifted in a wide band toward the crowd of Pas-udeti. Crude hand weapons appeared. A clatter of bullets burst around Tony; they were firing at the EEP. He was dimly aware of the metal body beside him. A shuddering crash—the EEP was toppled over. The crowd poured over it; the metal hull was lost from sight.

Like a demented animal, the crowd tore at the struggling EEP. A few of them smashed in its head; others tore off struts and shiny arm-sections. The EEP ceased struggling. The crowd moved away, panting and clutching jagged remains. They saw Tony.

As the first line of them reached for him, the protective envelope high above them shattered. A Terran scout ship thundered down, heat beam screaming. The crowd scattered in confusion, some firing, some throwing stones, others leaping for safety.

Tony picked himself up and made his way unsteadily toward the spot where the scout was landing.

"I'm sorry," Joe Rossi said gently. He touched his son on the shoulder. "I shouldn't have let you go down there today. I should have known."

Tony sat hunched over in the big plastic easychair. He rocked back and forth, face pale with shock. The scout ship which had rescued him had immediately headed back toward Karnet; there were other Earthmen to bring out, besides this first load. The boy said nothing. His mind was blank. He still heard the roar of the crowd, felt its hate—a century of pent-up fury and resentment. The memory drove out everything else; it was all around him, even now. And the sight of the floundering EEP, the metallic ripping sound, as its arms and legs were torn off and carried away.

His mother dabbed at his cuts and scratches with antiseptic. Joe Rossi shakily lit a cigarette and said, "If your EEP hadn't been along they'd have killed you. Beetles." He shuddered. "I never should have let you go down there. All this time.... They might have done it any time, any day. Knifed you. Cut you open with their filthy goddamn claws."

Below the settlement the reddish-yellow sunlight glinted on gunbarrels. Already, dull booms echoed against the crumbling hills. The defense ring was going into action. Black shapes darted and scurried up the side of the slope. Black patches moved out from Karnet, toward the Terran settlement, across the dividing line the Confederation surveyors had set up a century ago. Karnet was a bubbling pot of activity. The whole city rumbled with feverish excitement.

Tony raised his head. "They—they turned our flank."

"Yeah." Joe Rossi stubbed out his cigarette. "They sure did. That was at one o'clock. At two they drove a wedge right through the center of our line. Split the fleet in half. Broke it up—sent it running. Picked us off one by one as we fell back. Christ, they're like maniacs. Now that they've got the scent, the taste of our blood."

"But it's getting better," Leah fluttered. "Our main fleet units are beginning to appear."

"We'll get them," Joe muttered. "It'll take a while. But by God we'll wipe them out. Every last one of them. If it takes a thousand years. We'll follow every last ship down—we'll get them all." His voice rose in frenzy. "Beetles! Goddamn insects! When I think of them, trying to hurt my kid, with their filthy black claws—"

"If you were younger, you'd be in the line," Leah said. "It's not your fault you're too old. The heart strain's too great. You did your job. They can't let an older person take chances. It's not your fault."

Joe clenched his fists. "I feel so—futile. If there was only something I could do."

"The fleet will take care of them," Leah said soothingly. "You said so yourself. They'll hunt every one of them down. Destroy them all. There's nothing to worry about."

Joe sagged miserably. "It's no use. Let's cut it out. Let's stop kidding ourselves."

"What do you mean?"

"Face it! We're not going to win, not this time. We went too far. Our time's come."

There was silence.

Tony sat up a little. "When did you know?"

"I've known a long time."

"I found out today. I didn't understand, at first. This is—stolen ground. I was born here, but it's stolen ground."

"Yes. It's stolen. It doesn't belong to us."

"We're here because we're stronger. But now we're not stronger. We're being beaten."

"They know Terrans can be licked. Like anybody else." Joe Rossi's face was gray and flabby. "We took their planets away from them. Now they're taking them back. It'll be a while, of course. We'll retreat slowly. It'll be another five centuries going back. There're a lot of systems between here and Sol."

Tony shook his head, still uncomprehending. "Even Llyre and B'prith. All of them. Waiting for their time to come. For us to lose and go away again. Where we came from."

Joe Rossi paced back and forth. "Yeah, we'll be retreating from now on. Giving ground, instead of taking it. It'll be like this today—losing fights, draws. Stalemates and worse."

He raised his feverish eyes toward the ceiling of the little metal housing unit, face wild with passion and misery.

"But, by God, we'll give them a run for their money. All the way back! Every inch!"

title: Tony and the Beetles


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Page:Whymper - Scrambles amongst the Alps.djvu/486

 CEOLOGICAL SECTION OF THE MATTERHORN. (MONT CERVIN)

BY SIGNOR F. GIORDANO. Page 486 - Scrambles amongst the Alps - Whymper.jpg

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 26.djvu/103

 eldest son of Richard, earl of Cornwall, afterwards king of the Romans, by his first wife, Isabella, daughter of William Marshall, third earl of Pembroke, and widow of Gilbert of Clare, seventh earl of Gloucester [q. v.] He was born on 1 Nov. 1235 (Ann. Tewk. in Ann. Mon. i. 98), and was baptised at his father's favourite seat at Hailes, near Winchcomb in Gloucestershire, by Ralph of Maidstone, bishop of Hereford. In 1240 his mother died, and when his father in the same year went on crusade young Henry was left to the care of his uncle, Henry III (, iv. 44). In 1247 he accompanied his father on his journey to France, which included an interview with St. Louis and a pilgrimage to Pontigny (ib. iv. 645–6). In 1250 he also went with his father and stepmother, Sanchia, in their mysterious and magnificent progress throughout France, and visited Innocent IV at Lyons (ib. v. 97). He also accompanied his father on the latter's visit to Germany to receive the German crown. The party embarked from Yarmouth on 27 April 1257, and landed at Dordrecht on 1 May (Liber de Ant. Leg. p. 26). On Ascension day (17 May) Henry witnessed his father's coronation at Aachen, and next day was solemnly knighted by his father, and a banquet given in his honour of such splendour as to rival the coronation feast (, v. 641, vi. 366). His German advisers pointed out the impolicy of his surrounding himself with so many Englishmen, and King Richard sent Henry home about Michaelmas along with the majority of his English followers (ib. v. 653; Ann. Dunst. p. 203).

Henry's political career begins with his return to England, where his father had now granted him Knaresborough and some other possessions ( in Mon. Germ. Scriptt. xxviii. 511). At the parliament of Oxford in June 1258 he was one of the twelve (or rather eleven) elected on the king's side to draw up with twelve baronial representatives the provisional constitution (Ann. Burton. p. 447). Yet after the king and his son Edward had sworn to the provisions of Oxford which they drew up, Henry joined the Lusignans in an obstinate opposition to them. He did not, however, accompany the king's half-brothers on their secession to Winchester, but contented himself with refusing to take the oath to the provisions until he had got the permission of his father, on whom he was entirely dependent (, v. 697). Forty days were given him to consult King Richard (Ann. Burton. p. 444). He must have finally given way, and soon began to incline to the popular party.

On St. Edward's day 1260 Henry acted as proxy for Leicester as seneschal at the royal feast at Westminster (Fœdera, i. 402). In 1262 he started again with his father for Germany, but soon came back accompanied by his nephew Gilbert, the new earl of Gloucester (Cont., ii. 215, 216). He now became a regular partisan of Montfort's (, Simon de Montfort, p. 199), and was looked upon by Simon as a youth of unusual promise. In October he was in England, and the justiciar, Philip Basset [q. v.], was directed to work with him in defeating the designs of Montfort; but, perhaps by way of precaution, Henry was himself summoned to attend the king at Paris in November, and a gift of a hundred marks for his expenses was offered if he came (Fœdera, i. 422). On 10 March 1263 he was back in England along with Earl Warenne and Henry de Montfort (Cont., ii. 219). In April he was at a council of barons at London (, p. 133; Ann. Dunst. says Oxford, but cf., p. 199), and then joined in spoiling the estates of Peter of Aigueblanche, the foreign bishop of Hereford. In June he pursued John Mansel [q. v.] on his flight to France, and was arrested at Boulogne and imprisoned by Ingelram de Fiennes at the suggestion of Mansel (Cont., ii. 222). This angered the barons greatly, and Simon de Montfort insisted on his release as a condition of the peace then being negotiated. Henry III agreed to this, and Henry of Almaine, released through the good offices of St. Louis, returned to England (Ann. Dunst. p. 223). On 10 July King Richard thanked his brother for his exertions on Henry's behalf (Fœdera, i. 427). On 23 Aug. Henry was again in England, and sent with Simon and Walter de Cantelupe [q. v.], bishop of Winchester, to treat with Llewelyn of Wales (ib. i. 430). In September he was again sent to France (Cont., ii. 224). In October he was present at the great meeting of the partisans of both sides at Boulogne (Chron. Dover, MS. Cotton, Julius D. V., in, ii. 225).

Henry now began to waver. He told his uncle Simon that he could no longer fight on his side against his father and uncle the king, but said that he had resolved never to take up arms against him. Leicester answered that he feared his inconstancy more than his arms (, Chronicle, pp. 12–13, Rolls Ser.; cf., De Bellis, p. 17, Camden Soc.) Yet after his return from Boulogne Henry actively joined Edward, under whose strong influence he remained for the rest of the war against Leicester. He received from Edward a grant of the manor of Tickhill. He was with Edward when he attempted in vain


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 to win Gloucester from the sons of Montfort (Ann. Dunst. p. 228). On 16 Dec. he signed the agreement to submit to the arbitration of St. Louis (Royal Letters, ii. 252).

Henceforth Henry remains a strong partisan of his uncle the king. He fought on 14 May 1264 at Lewes, sharing under his father the command of the second line, but apparently getting separated from him and joining Edward in his wild pursuit of the Londoners. Next day Henry surrendered, along with Edward, as hostages for the marchers and other recaptured royalist chiefs (Ann. Dunst. p. 232). They were sent from Lewes to Canterbury and thence to Dover, but must almost at once have been transferred to Wallingford, whence at the end of July they were moved to Kenilworth, though King Henry strongly urged their presence at Dover as likely to help the proposed negotiations with France (Royal Letters, ii. 263–4). Finally they were removed to Dover again. It was complained that they were harshly treated (, p. 152, ‘minus honeste quam decebat’). Yet on 4 Sept. Henry was let out of his prison at Dover (Fœdera, i. 446), and was allowed under stringent conditions to go to France to treat with King Louis. But nothing really resulted from these insincere attempts to renew the reference to French arbitration. In March 1265 Henry was formally transferred from the custody of Henry de Montfort to that of the king (ib. i. 452). On 14 April he was again commissioned to treat with the French, this time in conjunction with the abbot of Westminster (, p. 223). But when on 4 Aug. Montfort's power was destroyed at Evesham Henry was still in France, and nothing had been accomplished. He now returned home to share in his uncle's triumph. On 29 Oct. he received a grant of the manor of Gringley in Nottinghamshire, forfeited by the rebel William de Furnival (Fœdera, i. 465), where his bailiffs afterwards became involved in a quarrel with the prior of Worksop, whom they deprived of his tithes (Calendarium Genealogicum, p. 302). With Edward, Henry became a surety for the younger Simon when the latter surrendered at Axholme, and was forced to abjure the realm (Ann. Wav. p. 363;, p. 181). Henry was put at the head of the expedition to the north, which on 15 May took Robert, earl Ferrers [q. v.], prisoner at Chesterfield (, p. 188;, l. 11852). In October 1267 he and the legate were added by co-optation to the referees appointed under the Dictum de Kenilworth (Ann. Dunst. p. 243;, l. 11957). In 1267 he also acted as a mediator between Henry III and the Earl of Gloucester (, p. 205). Like Edward he now became a great patron and frequenter of tournaments (ib. p. 212).

On 24 June 1268 Henry took the cross, at the same time as his cousins Edward and Edmund and 120 other knights (, p. 218). On 19 May 1269 he married at Windsor Constance, daughter of Gaston, viscount of Béarn (Ann. Osney, p. 223; Ann. Winton. p. 107). This alliance gave him a great position in Gascony. Soon after he did homage to the Bishop of Agen for the lands held in right of his wife of that see (Fœdera, i. 480). In the same year Henry again shared in pacifying the unruly Gloucester, who had refused to attend parliament, and next year joined with Gloucester in prevailing on Earl Warenne to submit to justice for the murder of Alan la Zouche and to pay a large fine (, p. 234). In August 1269 he signed at Paris the agreement between Edward and Louis with regard to the crusade (Fœdera, i. 481).

On 15 Aug. 1270 Henry started on his crusade, following the footsteps of Edward. He first went to Gascony, where he left his wife, and thence proceeded to Aigues Mortes, where he joined Edward. The cousins arrived at Tunis only to find St. Louis dead and a peace made with the infidels. Henry then crossed over with Edward to Sicily, where he remained a short time. But when Edward departed for Syria he commissioned Henry, ‘who excelled the rest in wisdom’ (, p. 237), to return to the west to settle the disorderly affairs of Gascony. Henry willingly agreed to this, as he was tired of his long travels and anxious to get home to see his father, who was slowly dying. Henry therefore accompanied the kings of France and Sicily in their journey through southern and central Italy. They passed from Messina through Faro, Cosenza, and Rome (Mon. Germ. Scriptt. xviii. 269), and arrived at Viterbo on 9 March (ib. xxvi. 594).

Here the two kings remained, hoping to persuade the conclave, which was there assembled, to put an end to the scandal of the long vacancy in the papacy. Henry of Almaine remained there too, perhaps with an eye to securing some real recognition of his father as king of the Romans, and having also, it was believed, some hope of reconciling his cousins, Guy and Simon, the sons of Simon de Montfort (Fœdera, i. 501), who were in the neighbourhood. Guy, high in the confidence of Charles of Anjou, was then acting as his vicar in Tuscany. But the Montforts thought only of revenge, and with the help of Count Aldobrandino Rosso of the Maremma, Guy's father-in-law, they fitted out a large band of soldiers. It was now Lent.


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 46. All these factors vary widely depending on differing institutional, legal, and financial arranqements in different countries. Cost generalizations and comparisons are therefore unhelpful or misleading. However, cost associated with several of these factors have increased more rapidly for nuclear stations during the last 5-10 years, so that the earlier clear cost advantage of nuclear over the service life of the plan has been reduced or lost altogether. Nations should therefore look very closely at cost comparisons to obtain the best value when choosing an energy path.

2.2 Health and Environment Risks
47. Very strict codes of safety practice are implemented in nuclear plants so that under officially approved operating conditions, the danger from radiation to reactor personnel and especially to the general public is negligible. However, an accident occurring in a reactor may in certain very rare cases be serious enough to cause an external release of radioactive substances. Depending upon the level of exposure, people are under a certain level of risk of becoming ill from various forms of cancer or from alteration of genetic material, which may result in hereditary defects.

48. Since 1928, the International Commission on Radiological Protection (ICRP) has issued recommendations on radiation dosage levels above which exposure is unacceptable. These have been developed for occupationally exposed workers and for the general public. The 'Nuclear Safety Standards (NUSS) codes of IAEA were developed in 1975 to reduce safety differences among member states. Neither system is in any way bindinq on governments. If an accident occurs, individual governments have the responsibility of deciding at what level of radioactive contamination pasture land, dinkinq water, milk, meat, eggs, vegetables, and fish, are to be banned for consumption by livestock or humans.

49. Different countries – even different local government authorities within a country – have different criteria. Some have none at all, ICRP and NUSS notwithstandinq. States with more rigorous standards may destroy large amounts of food or may ban food imports from a neighbour state with more permissive criteria. This causes great hardship to farmers who may not receive any compensation for their losses. It may also cause trade problems and political tension between states. Both of these difficulties occurred followinq the Cbernobyl disaster, when the need to develop at least regionally conformable contamination criteria and compensation arrangements was overwhelmingly demonstrated.

2.3 Nuclear Accident Risks
50. Nuclear safety returned to the newspaper headlines following the Three Mile Island (Harrisburq, United States) and the Chernobyl (USSR) accidents. Probabilistic estimates of the risks of component failure, leadinq to a radioactive releass in western style light water reactors were made in 1975 by the U.S. /…

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The New International Encyclopædia/Mohammedan Sects

MOHAMMEDAN SECTS. The movement which led to the division of Islam into opposing parties was at first a political one, though religious, theological, and philosophical questions soon arose which added to the complexity of the situation and caused a further subdivision into sects. Mohammed died without naming his successor; and while Abu Bekr was looked upon by many as the natural leader, others felt that Ali, who was not only the cousin and son-in-law, but also a decided favorite of the Prophet, should be his successor. Among the Arabs, however, leadership was not a matter of inheritance, but of election; and when Abu Bekr was chosen Caliph, he received the recognition of all, including Ali. Omar's election likewise resulted in general satisfaction, although the Ommiads, who,

even when they had accepted Islam, were still rivals of the Prophet's family, began to show their opposition to those who had been the Prophet's intimate companions. On Omar's death the caliphate was again denied to Ali, Othman being chosen. Othman's misrule, however, caused great dissatisfaction, and when he was assassinated Ali finally came to the caliphate. The hostility of the Ommiads, however, continued, and soon turned into open revolt, with Moawiyah, the Ommiad Governor of Syria, at its head. The question as to the right of succession, which was soon to cause the permanent separation of the whole Mohammedan world into Shiites and Sunnites, had even then presented itself in great seriousness, the followers of Ali claiming that only the Prophet's family had the right to the caliphate, the Ommiads opposing this claim.

There was also a third party, afterwards known as the (‘those who go forth’), who held the old Arab view on the question of succession, and were thus directly opposed, in principle, to the ‘legitimists.’ They were, in reality, theocrats; and they claimed that any man might be called to the imāhmah, or leadership, even if he did not belong to the Koreish, or was not even a freeman, provided only that he was just and pious and fit in every other respect. As a result of this they also claimed that an unrighteous imam might be deposed, or even put to death; and furthermore, that there was no absolute need for any imam at all. Since Ali, however, united in his person the claims of heredity and of election, they were at first among his partisans. But when at the battle of Sitlin Ali submitted to arbitration the decision of his right to the caliphate as against Moawiyah, they refused to stand by the decision and swear allegiance to either one or the other. Twelve thousand of them consequently deserted Ali's camp in a body; they proclaimed “no rule but that of Allah alone.” The Kharijites, though often defeated in this and succeeding caliphates, appeared again and again as the assailants of the established government.

After Ali's death, when Moawiyah had finally succeeded in establishing himself in control, he induced Hasan, the elder son of Ali, to yield up his prerogatives. Ali's followers, however, refused to recognize Moawiyah and espoused the cause of Hosein, Ali's second son. A bloody struggle followed, in which Hosein lost his life. The division of the Mohammedans into Sunnites and Shiites was now fixed, and the Shiites, consistently developing the theory of legitimism, refused to recognize that there had ever been any legitimate caliph between Mohammed and Ali. See ;.

Despite the fact that with Ali's death and the Ommiad supremacy the question as to the caliphate was settled, the Shiites still looked to the descendants of Ali as their religious leaders, or imams. But even among the Shiites themselves unanimity in regard to the imamah did not long prevail, and discussions of a theological nature likewise proved a source of trouble. The impulse to such discussions came from Persia, into which Mohammedanism had well penetrated, and which, since the principle of hereditary succession had always obtained there, naturally espoused the cause of Ali.

Down to the sixth imam, Jafar al-Sadik (died 765), there was agreement among the Shiites; Jafar, however, had two sons, Ismail and Musa al-Kasim. The former, as the elder, should have been successor to the imamah. The father, however, is said to have declared in favor of Musa; and on Jafar's death, a division ensued between the adherents of Ismail—the (Ismā‘iliyyah)—and those of Musa, the greater part of the Shiites following the latter.

Krom this time on the question of the imamah received more and more a theological, mystical treatment. The notion of the imam, in general, was that of an ever-living, though at times hidden, supreme guide of the people, who after a time is restored to humanity, or at least to the believing part of it. (See .) The Ismailian doctrine was that the imam had been revealed in Ali, whereas during the preceding ages the imams had been concealed; that Ali himself had reappeared in every imam till the time of Ismail, and had then become invisible again; but that he would descend some day from the clouds' to unite all believers and to restore the pure faith. The real importance, however, of the Ismailians, who existed unobserved for some time, dates from Abd Allah ibn Maimun, whose father had been executed for professing materialistic doctrines and trying to turn people away from the doctrines of Islam. Abd Allah seems to have practically carried out his father's notions. Aided by favorable circumstances, he matured a plan which, for the boldness and genius of conception and for the energy and vigor with which it was carried out, has not many parallels in history. Nothing less was contemplated than the union of the Arabic conquerors and the many races they had subjected since Mohammed's death, and the enthronement of what afterwards was called ‘Pure Reason’ as the sole deity to be worshiped. The advanced should be free of all so-called religious fetters, which, as symbols and allegorical actions, should be laid all the heavier on the necks of the less advanced strata of society. The ‘believers’ and ‘conquerors’ were to be made missionaries for unbelief and the implements for the destruction of their own empire. With an extraordinary knowledge of the human heart and human weakness, he offered devotion to the believer; liberty, if not license, to the ‘free in spirit’; philosophy to the ‘strong-minded’; mystic hopes to the fanatics; miracles to the masses. The Messiah whom Abd Allah preached stood higher than Mohammed himself, and, though he did not reject the Koran, he yet contrived to allegorize and symbolize away nearly all its narratives and precepts. An elaborate secret doctrine was worked out, into which the members of the sect were initiated by degrees. Missionary schools were established, and the instruction given to the young missionaries was artfully designed to win over not merely all the different Mohammedan sects, both Sunnites and Shiites, but also Jews and Christians. By the time the neophyte had completed the ninth and concluding degree of initiation, all his earlier religious beliefs had been explained away. He had learned that no miracle had ever been performed; that the prophet is merely a man distinguished by his purity and the perfection of his intelligence; and that this purity of his intelligence is precisely what is called

God throws into the prophet's mind what pleases Him, and that is what is understood by the ‘Word of God.’ The prophet clothes this Word afterwards with flesh and bones, and communicates it to the churches. He establishes by this means the systems of religious institutions which, appear to him the most advantageous for the ruling of men; but these institutions and behests are but temporary, and intended for the preservation of order and worldly interests. No man who has knowledge need practice any single one of them; to him his knowledge suffices.

The creed of the Ismailians was gradually built up, and many changes were introduced into it at different times; from it sprang various other sects. The most notable is that of the , or (so called from one of their leaders, surnamed Al-ḳarmaṭ). This sect sprang up in the ninth century, under the caliphate of Al-Mutamid, and by a combination of extraordinary circumstances succeeded in establishing itself for a time as a political power which threatened to overturn the caliphate itself. The practical exertions of Abd Allah ibn Maimun and their wonderful results had soon attracted the attention of the authorities. Obliged to flee from place to place, he sought refuge successively in Karaj, in Ispahan, in Ahwaz, in Basra, finally in Salamia, in Syria, where he died, leaving his son Ahmad his successor as chief of the Ismailians. One of Ahmad's missionaries (or, according to other accounts, a convert of a missionary) was Al-Karmat. He lived in Irak, and was a fit man to carry out the plans of Abd Allah ibn Maimun. His house in Kufa became the centre whence all the missionaries were sent forth, and where all the details of a great conspiracy were directed. One of the most noted of the missionaries, Abu Said, won over a great part of the people of Bahrein, the majority of whom were not Mohammedans and impatient of the Moslem rule. In 900 Abu Said defeated an army of 10,000 men sent against him by the Caliph, and captured the latter's general. He then gained undisputed possession of the whole country, destroyed the old capital, Hajar, and made Lhasa, his own residence, the capital. At the same time two other Karmathian chieftains arose to threaten the Court of Bagdad, one near Kufa and the other in Syria. The former was defeated, captured, and tortured to death. The latter at first defeated the Governor of Damascus most ignominiously, but in 907 the Caliph's general, Wasif, won a decisive victory and made an end of this branch of the Karmathians. Meanwhile both Al-Karmat and Abu Said disappear from view, and the leadership passed to Abu Said's son, Abu Tahir. In 923 he seized Basra. The next year he pillaged the Meccan caravan and plundered Kufa. In 927 he gained a decided victory over the Caliph's troops in Irak. In 929 he appeared at Mecca at the head of his army, when the pilgrimage was at its height. Attempts to buy him off were unavailing, and a fearful massacre, lasting several days, ensued. The holy places were desecrated and the Black Stone was carried off. Abu Tahir may have thought that this act would destroy the sanctity of Mecca and the Kaaba in the eyes of the faithful; but if so he was mistaken; the caravans still went on their usual annual pilgrimage as often as he did not restrain them by force. In 939 the emir of the pilgrimage, Abu Tahir's

personal friend, persuaded him to conclude a treaty by which the pilgrimage was again allowed, on payment of 5 dinars for every camel and 7 for every horse. The Black Stone was returned for an enormous ransom in 950, seven years after Abu Tahir's death. At that time the Karmathians were masters of Irak, Syria, and Arabia. Little of importance is heard of them again till 990, when they were defeated before Kufa—an event which seems to have made an end of their dominion in Irak and Syria. About 993 they were again defeated by Asfar, and their chief lost his life. They retreated to Lhasa, where they fortified themselves, while Asfar marched against Al-Katif, captured it, and carried away all the baggage, slaves, and animals of the Karmathians of that town and then retired to Basra. The Karmathians retained Lhasa for a considerable time, but nothing further is heard of them in history. In 1862-63 Palgrave found remnants of them still living in Najran, and in Bahrein and Oman, and their hatred of Islam seemed in no wise abated.

Concerning the special beliefs of the Karmathians, so far as they have been preserved, their system seems in the beginning to have been merely a sort of reformed Islam. The prophet Al-Karmat, it was held, had brought a new law into the world, by which many of the tenets of Mohammedanism were altered, many ancient ceremonies abrogated, new forms of prayer introduced, and an entirely new kind of fast inculcated. Wine and a few other things prohibited by the Koran were allowed. Certain of the precepts of the book were turned into mere allegories. Instead of tithes they gave the fifth part of their property to the imam. Prayer was merely the symbol of obedience to the imam. Fasting was the symbol of silence, or rather of concealment of religious doctrine from the stranger.

Another offshoot of the Ismailians is the sect known as (ḥashshishin, a name derived from ḥashish, a drink drawn from hemp, to which the members of the sect were addicted). The sect owed its origin to Hasan ibn Sabbah, a Persian fanatic, who at the beginning of the eleventh century formed a secret society, the members of which swore blind obedience to their leader, known to history as the ‘Old Man of the Mountain.’ From their mountain fastnesses in Persia (Alamut) they bade defiance for two centuries to the strongest armies sent against them by Moslem rulers, and they were reduced to harmlessness only by the Mongol invasion (1255). They owed their power chiefly to the perfection of their secret organization and to the unscrupulousness with which they carried out their plans. They were perhaps best known for the countless assassinations of which the members of the sect were guilty. From Persia they spread into Syria and Asia Minor, while Hasan ibn Sabbah was still alive, the Governor of Aleppo had invited them to settle in his territory, and they had taken possession of various mountain fastnesses from which they were enabled to play an important role in the Crusades. There are still a few Assassins in the neighborhood of Homs. See.

When the Assassins came into Syria they found the mountain regions around Hama in possession of the, apparently a remnant of the ancient Syro-Phœnician population of the land, which had preserved its own religion through the

centuries despite all the efforts of Christianity. Most of the Nosairians displayed a bitter enmity toward the Ismailians, though some embraced their cause, and at the end of the tenth century there was a strong infiltration of Ismailian doctrines into the general Nosairian religious system. In fact, the Nosairian religion, without being identical with Ismailism, shows many strong points of analogy with it. The Nosairians are divided into four sects—Ḥaidariyyah, Ḳalaziyyah (or Kamaviyyah), Shamaliyyah (or Shamsiyyah), and Ghaibiyyah. The Shamaliyyah and Ḳalaziyyah are the most important. They all possess the same religious book (Kitāb al-Majmu‘), and differ from one another only on points of minor importance. The chief variations from the Ismailian doctrines are these: While the Ismailians taught that of the seven cycles corresponding to the various manifestations of the deity, the sixth, that of Mohammed, was closed with the death of Jafar, and the seventh, which was to be characterized by the coming of the Mahdi, or Messiah, was thereby opened, the Nosairians taught that the seventh was closed by the seventh divine manifestation, that of Ali. Furthermore, the Nosairians recognized Musa instead of Ismail as the successor of Jafar al-Sadik. This was probably due to the fact that they had accepted as their leader Mohammed ibn Nosair, who was a partisan of the eleventh imam, a descendant of Musa. And with Musa (died 799), who was the seventh imam, they considered the number of imams to have been completed. Another striking characteristic of the Nosairian belief was their attitude toward the natiḳs, the various divine incarnations. The Ismailians held that all the natiks excepting Mohammed were superior to their assas (foundations) or sameṭs, while the Nosairians placed all of their assas above the natiks. But of greatest importance was the degree to which they carried their doctrine of the divinity of Ali. Ali, while he confided the word to Mohammed, had reserved the ma‘na (meaning) for himself. Ali is their god in heaven and their imam on earth; he is concealed from man because of his divine nature; he is not created and has no attributes: his essence is the light. He created Mohammed to be the veil with which he conceals himself, the place in which he resides, the bearer of his name. Mohammed in his turn created Salman al-Farisi to be the bab, or gate—the one through whom man communicates with the deity, and who is charged by the divinity with the making of his propaganda. Salman created the five ‘incomparables’ (in reality five planets) which created the world. The Nosairians are sometimes called (q.v.).

Besides the Assassins and Nosairians, a third sect with Ismailian tendencies found refuge in the Syrian mountain districts—the. When Abd Allah ibn Maimun found himself persecuted by the authorities be fled to Syria, and continued to preach there the coming of the Mahdi. His son Mohammed continued the propaganda, and finally the Mahdi himself appeared among the Berbers of North Africa. This Mahdi founded the Egyptian dynasty of the Fatimites (909), the sixth of which, Hakim, probably under Ismailian influence, declared himself an incarnation of the deity. He disappeared mysteriously, which helped to support his contentions. Hamza and Al-Darzi (whence the name

‘Druze’) were his propagandists (dā‘i), and gained many followers in the Lebanon mountains. It is interesting to note that one of Hamza's treatises was intended as a refutation of the Nosairian doctrines, and tried to show that Hakim, not Ali, was God. See.

A sectary whose name has become familiar through the use made of his story by Thomas Moore in his Lalla Rookh was Hakim ibn Allah, better known as al-Mokanna, ‘the veiled,’ because he wore a mask to conceal the disfigurement of his face. He lived in the eighth century, and headed a revolt against the Mahdi, the third Abbasside Caliph. He claimed to be an incarnation of the deity, and won repute as a miracle-worker. He made many followers, and for a time maintained himself against the Caliph, but was ultimately defeated and committed suicide. He left word that he would reappear as a gray man riding a gray beast, and his followers long expected his coming. They dressed only in white. See.

All of these Shiite sects were political, or at least politico-religious, sects, whose doctrines turned about the question of the imamah. But there were in Islam also some sects purely theological, differing on such questions as predestination, free will, belief, idea of God, and revelation—points upon which Mohammed had not expressed himself clearly. It was again in Persia that the movement looking toward independent religious views took its rise, under the influence of Greek philosophy.

The most important of these theological or philosophical sects was perhaps the rationalistic sect of the, or (Mu‘tazilah, from ‘azala, to separate). They were called also —i.e. those who divest God of His attributes (Ar. Mu‘aṭṭilun)—and Kadarites—i.e. “those who hold that man has a free will (Ar. ḳadar), and deny the strict doctrine of predestination.” The first beginnings of this sect are traced to Mabad, who already in the time of Mohammed himself began to question predestination by pointing out how kings carry on unjust wars, kill men, and steal their goods, and all the while pretend to be merely executing God's decrees. The real founder of the sect, as such, however, was Wasil ibn Ata (c.745). He denied God's ‘qualities,’ such as knowledge, power, will, life, as leading to, if not directly implying, polytheism. As to predestination, he held that it existed only with regard to the outward good or evil that befalls man, such as illness or recovery, death or life, while man's actions are entirely in his own hands. God, he said, had given commandments to mankind, and it was not to be supposed that He had at the same time preordained that some should disobey these commandments, and that, further, they should be punished for it. Man alone is the agent in his good or evil actions, in his belief or unbelief, obedience or disobedience, and he is rewarded according to his deeds. These doctrines were further developed by Wasil's disciple Abu al-Hudhail al-Allaf (died c.845), who did not deny so absolutely God's ‘qualities,’ but modified their meaning in the manner of the Greek philosophers, holding that every quality was also God's essence. The attributes are thus not without, but within Him, and so far from being a multiplicity, they merely designate the various ways of the manifestations of the Godhead. God's will he declared to be a

peculiar kind of knowledge, through which God did what He foresaw to be salutary in the end. Man's freedom of action is possible only in this world. In the next all will be according to necessary laws immutably preordained. The righteous will enjoy everlasting bliss, and for the wicked everlasting punishment will be decreed. A dangerous doctrine of this system was the assumption that before the Koran had been revealed, man had already come to the conclusion of right and wrong. By his inner intellect, Abu al-Hudhail held, everybody must and does know—even without the aid of the divinely given commandments—whether the thing he is doing be right or wrong, just or unjust, true or false. His belief in the traditions was also by no means an absolute one; indeed, it was held by the Mutazilites that even some of the earliest ‘traditioners’ may have told untruths, or have been imposed upon, and every tradition was to be rejected which was opposed to the Koran, to more authentic traditions, or even to mere reason. As to the Koran, although its authority was recognized, it was held to be created and not an object of worship.

Many were the branches of the Mutazilites. There were, apart from the disciples of Abu al-Hudhail, the Jubbaians, who adopted Abu Ali ibn Abd al-Wahhab's (Al-Jubbaï, d. 914) opinion to the effect that the knowledge ascribed to God was not an ‘attribute’; nor was his knowledge ‘necessary’; nor did sin prove anything as to the belief or unbelief of him who committed it, who would anyhow be subjected to eternal punishment if he died in it. Besides these, there were the Hashimites, the disciples of Abu Hashim Abd al-Salam, son of Al-Jubbaï, who held that an infidel was not the creation of God, who could not produce evil. Another branch of the Mutazilites were the disciples of Ahmad ibn Habit (or Haït), who held that Jesus was the eternal word incarnate, and that He had assumed a real body; that there were two gods or creators, one eternal—viz. the most High God—and the other not eternal—viz. Jesus—not unlike the Socinian and Arian theories on this subject; that there is a successive transmigration of the soul from one body into another, and that the last body will enjoy the reward or suffer the punishments due to each soul, and that God will be seen at the resurrection with the eyes of understanding, not of the body.

Four more divisions of this sect are mentioned—viz. the Jāḥiziyyah, whose master's (Amr ibn Bahr al-Jahiz) notion about the Koran was that it was “a body that might grow into a man, and sometimes into a beast, or to have, as others put it, two faces, one human, the other that of an animal, according to the different interpretations.” He further taught that the damned would become fire, and thus be attracted by hell; also that the mere belief in God and the Prophet constituted a ‘faithful one.’ Of rather different tendencies was Isa al-Muzdar, the founder of the branch of the Muzdariyyah. He not only held the Koran to be uncreated and eternal, but so far from denying God the power of doing evil, he declared it to be possible for God to be a liar and unjust. Another branch was formed by the Bishriyyah (from Bishr ibn al-Mutamir), who, while they carried man's free agency rather to excess, yet held that God might doom even an infant to eternal punishment—all the while granting that He would be unjust in so doing.

The last of these Mutazilite sectarians to be mentioned are the Thumumiyyah, who held, after their master, Thumamah ibn Ashras, that sinners will undergo eternal damnation and punishment; that free actions have no producing author; and that, at the resurrection, all infidels, atheists, Jews, Christians, Magians, and heretics will be returned to dust, and will not enter either paradise or hell. For the scientific development which the doctrines of the Mutazilites begot, and which resulted in the encyclopædic labors called “The Treatises of the Sincere Brethren and True Friends,” see.

Allied to the Mutazilites in their view of the divine attributes, but diametrically opposed to them in their view of predestination, were the (Necessarians). They held that man's every act is the result of the will of God, and that there is no human responsibility. There are pure Jabarites and middle Jabarites.

Opposed to both the Mutazilites and the Jabarites were the (‘Attributists’). With them God's attributes, whether essential or operative, or declarative or historical—i.e. used in historical narration (eyes, face, hand); anthropomorphisms, in fact—were considered eternal. But here again lay the germs for more dissensions and more sects. Some, taking this doctrine of God's attributes in a strictly literal sense, assumed a likeness between God and created things, while others gave it a more allegorical interpretation, without, however, entering into any particulars beyond the reiterated doctrine that God had no companion or similitude. The different sects into which the Sifatites split were, first, the Asharians, so called from Abu al Hasan al-Ashari (883-951), who, at first a Mutazilite, disagreed with his masters on the point of God's being bound to do always that which is best. He became the founder of a new school, which held (1) that God's attributes are distinct from His essence, and that any literal understanding of the words that stand for God's members in the Koran is reprehensible. (2) That predestination must be taken in its most literal meaning—i.e. that God preordains everything. The opinions on this point of man's free will are, however, much divided, as, indeed, to combine a predestination which ordains every act with man's free choice is not easy. The middle path, adopted by the greater number of the doctors, is expressed in this formula: There is neither compulsion nor free liberty, but the way lies between the two, the power and will being both created by God, while the merit or guilt is imputed to man. Regarding mortal sin, it was held by this sect that if a believer die guilty of it without repentance, he will not, for all that, always remain a denizen of hell. God will either pardon him or the Prophet will intercede in his behalf. Further, he in whose heart there is faith but of the weight of an ant shall be delivered from hell fire. From this more philosophical opinion, however, departed a number of other Sifatian sects, who, taking the Koranic words more literally, transformed God's attributes into grossly corporeal things; the Mushabbihites, or Assimilators, conceived God to he a figure having limbs like those of created beings, either of a bodily or of a spiritual nature, capable of local motion, ascent, or descent, etc.

The Murjites, likewise regarded as a sect of

the Sifatites, are sometimes regarded as the representatives of the whole sect, for their doctrines were very widespread, and they counted among them such men as Said ibn Jubair. The sect arose in Syria or North Arabia. It is worthy of note that some of the Murjites hold views approaching closely not only to those of the Mutazilites and Jabarians, but even, with reference to the imam, to those of the Kharijites.

Aside from the sects which owed their rise to political or theological differences, there were others in Islam which sprang from mysticism and asceticism. It is true that the secluded life of the monastery or hermitage was forbidden to Mohammedans by the Koran; nevertheless as early as the first and second centuries of the Hejira a sect of mystics had come into existence the distinguishing external mark of whom was a garment of coarse wool (ṣuf), such as had been worn by the founder of the sect, Abu Said ibn Abi al-Khair (815); they came therefore to be known as. Their main idea was that to attain to a nearer friendship with God there was necessary a certain course of life which, without demanding entire withdrawal from the world, insisted that religious laws be scrupulously observed, and that, God being loved above all else, everything worldly be despised. Merx has shown that this Oriental mysticism goes back finally to Palestine and Neo-Platonic philosophy, having come to the Mohammedans through the writings of Syrian philosophers. The main stronghold of the sect, however, was, like that of so many others, in Persia, where Sufiism made many converts from among the heterodox, and also gradually altered its original character. At first the Sufi had aimed by ascetic practices and religious contemplation to enter into a state of ecstasy in which he might attain to a real knowledge of the deity; but later Sufiism became in certain regards a real pantheism, and its adherents in the ecstatic state felt themselves united with, and a part of, the Godhead. Sufiism had its organization like other religious orders; the religious meetings were called dhikrs; novices (murid) were held to regular and exacting duties, as well as to strict compliance with the commands of the sheikh.

A later development (twelfth and thirteenth centuries) of mysticism is represented by the various orders of —Kadiriyyah, Rifaiyyah, Maulawiyyah, etc.—each with its own garb and symbols, rules of faith and practice as determined by its founder. Their dhikrs take place once or oftener every week in their religious houses (takkiyyah). There are howling, whirling, and dancing dervishes, and in some orders the members become so insensible to physical sensation while in the state of esctasy that they swallow glass or glowing coals, and often wound themselves severely in other ways. Most dervishes follow a trade, and do not withdraw from the affairs of life. There are also some begging dervishes, who have no dwelling places and live entirely from alms. See.

The last of the Shiite religious movements is known as (q.v.). In the earlier half of the nineteenth century Mirza Ali Mohammed al-Bab (gate) made propaganda for a mixture of Sufic and cabalistic doctrines which was soon accepted by a large following. They even threatened the Persian Government at one time, and had to be put down by force of arms.

Such were the numerous sects against which orthodox Mohammedanism was forced to contend; but, although Shiite doctrines more than once threatened to gain the ascendency, Sunnism remained the victor in the end. The four sects into which the Sunnites are divided—the Hanbalites, Malikites, Hanifites, and Shafi‘ites—differ only in regard to a few points of minor importance connected with religious observances and civil and religious jurisprudence. These sects have remained almost without change since their foundation under the Abbasside dynasty. Nevertheless, certain innovations had crept into the life of orthodox Mohammedans, principally an exaggeration of the reverence paid to the numerous saints, which amounted often to actual worship. It was against such abuses, as well as against all forms of luxury in everyday life, tobacco-smoking, etc., that Abd al-Wahhab and his followers (the ) arose in the latter half of the eighteenth century. From Nejd they carried on an iconoclastic warfare throughout the country; they conquered Mecca and Medina, and in destroying the many sanctuaries there did not even spare the grave of Mohammed. Previous to this they had taken Kerbela, a holy city of the Shiites in Mesopotamia. They were defeated finally by Egyptian troops, and driven back into the interior of the peninsula, and the Wahabis lost their importance. They still exist, however, as a sect.

Consult: Shahrastani, Book of Sects, translated into German by Haarbrücker (Halle, 1850); Steiner, Die Mu‘taziliten (Leipzig, 1865); Brünnow, Die Charidischten unter den ersten Omayyaden (Leyden, 1884); Kremer, Geschichte der herrschenden Ideen des Islam (Leipzig, 1868); Spitta, Zur Geschichte Abu ’l-Hasan al As‘ari's (ib., 1876); Schmölders, Essai sur les écoles philosophiques chez les Arabes (Paris, 1842); Krehl, Beiträge zur Charakteristik der Lehre vom Glauben im Islam (Leipzig, 1877); Tholuck, Sufismus sive Theosophia Persarum Pantheistica (Berlin, 1821); id., Blüthensammlung aus der morgenländischen Mystik (ib., 1825); Merx, Idee und Grundlinien einer allgemeinen Geschichte der Mystik (Halle, 1893); Goldziher, Mohammedanische Studien (ib., 1880-90); id., Die Zahiriten (Leipzig, 1884); De Goeje, Mémoire sur les Carmathes de Bahraïn et les Fatimides (Leyden, 1886); Sylvestre de Sacy, Exposé de la religion des Druzes (Paris, 1828); Goldziher, Beiträge zur Litteraturgeschichte der Schi‘a und der sunnitischen Polemik (Vienna, 1874); Guyard, Fragments relatifs à la doctrine des Ismaïlis (Paris, 1874); Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahhabis (London, 1820); Gobineau, Les religions et les philosophies de l'Asie centrale (Paris, 1865); E. G. Browne, A Year Among the Persians (London, 1893); id., A New History of the Bab (Cambridge, 1893); Chantepie de la Saussaye, Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte, vol. i. (Freiburg, 1887); De Boer, Geschichte der Philosophie im Islam (Stuttgart, 1901); Dussaud, Histoire des Nosairis (Paris, 1900); Macdonald, Development of Muslim Theology, Jurisprudence, and Constitutional Theory (New York, 1893).


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 In the early morning of Friday, 13 March 1271 (12 March, Ann. Winton. p. 110), the kings of France and Naples were at mass in the church of the Franciscans. Henry was also attending service at one of the parish churches of the town situated opposite his lodgings (Fœdera, i. 501, ‘Processus Papæ contra G. de Monteforte’). This was probably the church of San Silvestro (Ann. Winton.;, p. 239; Flores Historiarum, p. 350, ed. 1570, and Cont. ). But some authorities send Henry to church in the cathedral of S. Lorenzo. Wykes makes it the church of the confraternity of S. Biagio (see for these churches, Istoria di Viterbo). The most authoritative sources speak very vaguely of ‘a certain church or chapel’ (e.g. letter of Philip III to the king of the Romans in Lib. de Antiquis Legibus, p. 133;, p. 237; Ann. Osney, p. 243; , i. 331; ; , &c., Ann. Januenses).

Henry was kneeling at prayer before the high altar when a band of armed men burst violently into the church. At their head was Guy de Montfort, who as he entered cried out in a loud voice, ‘Traitor, Henry of Almaine, thou shalt not escape’ (Fœdera, i. 501). He was followed by his brother Simon and his father-in-law Rosso. Taken utterly by surprise Henry was seized with a sudden panic, and rushed for sanctuary to the altar, clinging to it with his hands, and crying for mercy. He was fiercely attacked, and soon despatched with a multitude of wounds, the fingers of the hand that was clutching the altar being nearly cut off. Two clerks were also wounded in the confusion. ‘I have had my revenge,’ cried Guy, as he hurried from the church. ‘How so,’ replied one of his knights, ‘your father was dragged about’ ( in, xiii. 261, gives the very words in French in the midst of his Italian narrative). Guy then returned to the church, and dragged the body of his cousin by the hair right through the church to the piazza opposite, where it met with barbarous ill-treatment. The murderers then took horse, and found a refuge in Rosso's castle in the Maremma (‘in Montemfisconum,’ Ann. Placentini Gibellini; Mon. Germ. Scriptt. xviii. 550).

This cold-blooded murder excited universal horror, the more so as Henry was not even present at the death of Earl Simon, and had laboured for the reconciliation and return of his sons (Ann. Norm. in Mon. Germ. Scriptt. xxvi. 517). It was to little purpose that Philip of France wrote in terms of deep sympathy to King Richard, and Charles of Anjou sought to exculpate himself with Edward from the misdeeds of his vicar (Lib. de Ant. Leg. pp. 133–4; Fœdera, i. 488). Men generally blamed them for their weakness or their sluggishness. It was not until Edward, now king of England, appeared in Italy that strong measures were taken by Gregory X against the murderers (Fœdera, i. 501). But Simon was already dead, though Guy atoned for his crime by a long imprisonment and a miserable end. Dante put him in the seventh circle of hell, surrounded by a river of boiling blood (Inferno, xii. 118–20; cf. Commentary of Benvenuto of Imola in, Antiq. Ital. i. 1050 B). The men of Viterbo caused the story of the slaughter to be painted on the wall, and a copy of Latin verses inspired by the picture is preserved (, p. 67, Rolls Ser.)

Henry of Almaine was a good soldier and a man of ability, though somewhat fickle and inconstant. His character was so attractive that both Simon de Montfort and Edward I had conceived the highest hopes of him. The more perishable parts of his body were buried at Viterbo ‘between two popes’ (Ann. Hailes in Mon. Germ. Scriptt. xvi. 483). His bones and heart were conveyed to England, arriving in London on 15 May. The heart, encased in a costly vase, was deposited in Westminster Abbey, near the shrine of the Confessor, where it became an object of popular veneration. Later Italian writers, misunderstanding Dante's reference (‘Lo cuor che 'n sul Tamigi ancor si cola’), have ludicrously inferred that it was put on the top of a column over London Bridge. Henry's bones were, by King Richard's direction, buried on 21 May at Hailes, his birthplace, next those of his stepmother, Sanchia, in the noble Cistercian abbey which his father had now erected there. The obsequies were carried out by the London Franciscans (Lib. de Ant. Leg. p. 134). [Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ed. Luard; Annales Monastici, especially Tewkesbury, Dunstable, Waverley, Winchester, and Wykes; Rishanger; Robert of Gloucester, Continuation of Gervase and Shirley's Royal Letters (all these in Rolls Series); Rishanger, De Bellis, and Liber de Antiquis Legibus (Camden Soc.); Rymer's Fœdera, vol. i. (Record edit.); Hemingburgh and Trivet (Engl. Hist. Soc.); Chron. de Lanercost (Maitland Club). The majority of the texts of the English writers are collected by Pauli and Liebermann in vols. xxvii. and xxviii. of Pertz's Monumenta Germaniæ, Scriptores, including extracts from several minor writers not otherwise easily accessible; in the same way vol. xxvi. of the Monumenta Germaniæ contains the chief passages from the French writers, of which Guillaume de Nangis, also in Société de l'Histoire de France,


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 eliminate nuclear weapons in their arsenals and the role those weapons play in their strategies. And the non-nuclear-weapon states must cooperate in providing credible assurances that they are not moving towards a nuclear weapon capability.

44. Most schemes for non-proliferation mandate an institutional separation between military and civilian uses of nuclear energy. But for countries with full access to the complete nuclear fuel cycle, no technical separation really exists. Not all states operate the necessary clear-cut administrative separation of civilian and military access. Cooperation is needed also among suppliers and buyers of civilian nuclear facilities and materials and the International Atomic Energy Agency, in order to provide credible safeguards aqainst the diversion of civilian reactor programmes to military purposes, especially in countries that do not open all their nuclear programmes to IAEA inspection. Thus, there still remains a danger of the proliferation of nuclear weapons.

2.1 Costs
45. The costs of construction and the relative economics of electricity generating stations – whether powered by nuclear energy, coal, oil or gas – are conditioned by the following factors throughout the service life of a plant: …
 * the cost of borrowing money to finance plant construction;
 * the impact of inflation
 * the duration of the period of planning, licensing, and construction;
 * the cost of fuel and maintenance;
 * the costs of protective measures to ensure safe operation; and
 * waste disposal costs (land, air, and water pollution containment) and the costs of dismantling at the end of service life.

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 is important for the murder; in vol. xviii. of the same great collection are important references from Italian Annals, of which Oberti Stanconi, Ann. Januenses, pp. 268–77, Ann. Placentini Gibellini, pp. 550, 557, and Ann. Parmenses Minores, p. 682, are the most important with G. Villani in Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, xiii. 261. Of modern books the most useful are Gebauer's Leben Herrn Richards erwählten römischen Kaysers, Leipzig, 1744, which, however, cannot always be depended upon. Blaauw's Barons' War, second edition, especially pp. 336–53; and Bémont's Simon de Montfort. Slight topographical indications can be obtained from Bussi's Istoria di Viterbo (Rome, 1742), and Miranda's Richard von Cornwallis und sein Verhältniss zur Krönungstadt Aachen (Bonn, 1880).]  HENRY (1281?–1345), second son of Edmund, earl of Lancaster, called Crouchback [see ], the second son of Henry III, was born about 1281, his mother being Edmund's second wife, Blanche of Artois, queen-dowager of Navarre. In the winter of 1292–3 he and his elder brother, Thomas, earl of Lancaster [see ], were the constant companions of John of Brabant (afterwards duke), who was then residing in England. On the death of his father in 1296 he inherited the castles and lordships of Monmouth, Kidwelly, and Carwathlan, together with all that his father held on the Welsh side of the Severn. He served with Edward I in Flanders in 1297 and 1298, and was a captain in the third division of the army which invaded Scotland in the summer of 1298, being then a knight. At Falkirk he rode a horse given him by the king. On his return from the expedition he married Maud, daughter and heiress of Sir Patrick Chaworth. He was summoned to parliament as baron in February 1299, and in that year, in 1300, 1303, and 1305 served in Scotland. In the letter of the barons to Boniface VIII in 1301 he is described as Lord of Monmouth. At the coronation of Edward II on 25 Feb. 1308 he carried the rod with the dove. In 1315 he, in common with the other lords of the Welsh marches, joined the Earl of Hereford in putting down the rebellion of Llewelyn Bren, and in 1318 was ordered to bring his Welsh retainers to Newcastle to serve against the Scots. He was opposed to the Despensers, for the greediness of the younger threatened the lords marchers generally; but he does not seem to have had any violent feelings against the king, and was not involved in his brother's treason. In 1324 he was created Earl of Lancaster, Earl of Leicester, and steward of England, dignities which had been held by his brother. It is evident that he was indignant at his brother's fate, and was resolved to avenge it, and was not appeased by these honours. He assumed the arms of his brother instead of his own, as though, so the king's friends said, he denied that they were condemned by the late earl's attainder. Moreover, he built a cross for his brother's soul outside the town of Leicester. The Bishop of Hereford [see ] wrote to ask him to plead for him with the king, and he replied in a letter full of sympathy and encouragement. This became known to the king, who, in May 1324, was anxious to convict him of treason, and called on him to answer for these offences. He defended himself successfully, and the matter was dropped, for he was regarded as the foremost man in the kingdom. When the queen (Isabella) landed with an armed force in September 1326 he at once joined her, marched with her to Bristol, took part in declaring the king's son guardian of the kingdom, and on the next day (27 Oct.) sat in judgment on and condemned the elder Despenser. He was then sent into Wales to pursue the king, and took him and the younger Despenser [see under ]. He assisted at the trial of Despenser at Hereford on 24 Nov., and, having been charged with the custody of the king, took him to Kenilworth, for he was appointed constable of the castle on 27 Nov. Other castles and honours, formerly held by Earl Thomas, were put in his charge before the end of the year. He was one of the commissioners sent to inform the king of his deposition. Edward remained in his keeping until 5 April 1327, and found him a humane gaoler.

Lancaster knighted the young king at his coronation, was his nominal guardian, and the chief member of the council of government. On 23 April he obtained a writ acknowledging that the king had received his homage for all the lands held by the late earl, and ordering the payment to him of certain back rents (Fœdera, ii. 704). In the Scottish war of this year Lancaster was sent with the Earl of Kent and other lords to Newcastle to strengthen the border. They were unable to check the ravages of Douglas, and were forced to remain inactive while he wasted the country almost to the walls of the town. Lancaster attended the parliament held at Leicester in November, and prevailed on the clergy in convocation to make a grant. In spite of the high place which he held in the council and as guardian of the king, he found himself without power, and was denied access to the king by the queen-dowager and Mortimer. The latter's conduct was bringing disgrace on the country,


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 should support transboundary monitoring of pollution being carried out by agencies in their region and, where there is no such agency, create one or give the job to any suitable regional body. Governments in many regions could gain significantly from early agreement to prevent transboundary air pollution and the enormous damage to their economic base now being experienced in Europe and North America. Even though the exact causes of the damage are hard to prove, reduction strategies are certainly within reach and economic. They could be viewed as a cheap insurance policy compared with the vast amount of potential damage these strategies avoid.

{{c|

1. The Peaceful Atom
}}

40. In the years following the Second World War, the nuclear knowledge that under military control had led to the production of atomic weapons was redeployed for peaceful 'energy' purposes by civilian technoloqists. Several benefits were obvious at the time.

41. It was also realized that no energy source would ever be risk-free. There was the danger of nuclear war, the spread of atomic weapons, and nuclear terrorism. But intensive international cooperation and a number of negotiated agreements suggested that these dangers could be avoided. For instance, the Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), drafted in its final form in 1969, included a promise by signatory governments possessing nuclear weapons and expertise to pursue and undertake nuclear disarmament and also to assist the non-nuclear signatories in developing nuclear power, but strictly for peaceful purposes only. Other problems, such as radiation risks, reactor safety, and nuclear waste disposal were all acknowledged as very important but, with the right amount of effort, containable.

42. And now, after almost four decades of immense technological effort to support nuclear development, nuclear energy has become widely used. Some 30 governments produce from nuclear generators a total of about 15 per cent of all the electricity used globally. Yet it has not met earlier expectations that it would be the key to ensuring an unlimited supply of low-cost energy. However, during this period of practical experience with building and running nuclear reactors, the nature of the costs, risks and benefits have become much more evident and as such, the subject of sharp controversy.

{{c|

2. The Growing Understanding of Nuclear Issues
}} 43. The potential for the spread of nuclear weapons is one of the most serious threats to world peace. It is in the interest of all nations to prevent proliferation of nuclear weapons. All nations therefore should contribute to the development of a viable non-proliferation regime. The nuclear-weapon states must deliver on their promise to reduce the number and ultimately /…

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 and Lancaster was soon in active opposition. When the parliament was held at Salisbury in October 1328, he and some other lords met in arms at Winchester and refused to attend. He then retired to Waltham. At this crisis Robert Holland, a favourite with the queen-dowager and Mortimer, who had betrayed Earl Thomas, and had done much damage to Earl Henry's lands, fell into the hands of his enemies, and was beheaded by his captor. His head was sent to Lancaster.

Many lords approved of Lancaster's attempt to overthrow Mortimer, and chief among them were the king's uncles, the Earl of Kent and Thomas, earl of Norfolk, the marshal. A meeting of bishops and barons was held in St. Paul's on 19 Dec. At the time the king and Mortimer were ravaging the lands of Lancaster and his party, and were on the point of declaring war against them. A message was therefore sent to the king, praying him to desist. Lancaster remained at Waltham until 1 Jan. 1329, when he went up to London, held a parley with the discontented bishops and barons at St. Paul's, and met the marshal, who was lodging at Blackfriars, and was reconciled to him, for there had been enmity between them on account of Holland's death and other matters. The next day Lancaster formed a confederacy of magnates and of some of the chief citizens at St. Paul's, and a schedule of complaints and demands was drawn up. On the 4th, however, the royal army entered Leicester, which belonged to the earl, and laid waste the surrounding country. Lancaster and some of his party, including six hundred Londoners, marched to meet it, and advanced as far as Bedford. There he found, however, that the Earls of Kent and Norfolk had made their peace with Mortimer, and as his troops were disorderly he could not venture to meet the king's army. Archbishop Mepeham interceded for him, and on the 11th or 12th the king accepted his submission, inflicting on him a fine of 11,000l., which was never paid. In the following December he was sent on an embassy to France in company with the Bishop of Norwich, and was there until after 5 Feb. 1330 (ib. pp. 775, 779). About this time a failure in his sight, which had been troublesome in 1329, ended in blindness, and probably on account of this infirmity he is described as already an old man (, pp. 43, 46). Nevertheless he attended the parliament held at Nottingham on 19 Oct.; he had brought Edward to see the necessity of ridding himself of the insolence of Mortimer; blind as he was he evidently took part in devising the means by which Mortimer was to be seized, and the next morning when he heard that his enemy was taken shouted for joy. Mortimer's overthrow was followed on 12 Dec. by the grant of a full pardon to Lancaster and his companions for their expedition to Bedford (Fœdera, ii. 802). The earl's blindness, which he bore with patience, forced him to retire from active life; he gave himself wholly to devotion, and in 1330 began to build a hospital near the castle at Leicester, in honour of the annunciation, for fifty infirm old men, a master, chaplains, and clerks. His foundation was completed on a grand scale by his son [see ]. He also gave an angel of the salutation to Walsingham, which was said to be of the value of four hundred marks. His name occurs in some public documents of a later date, for he still held the office of steward of England. But it is unlikely that he took any personal part in affairs (ib. 1083, 1084;, i. 347, 350, evidently confuses him with his son). He died on 22 Sept. 1345, and was buried on the north side of the high altar of the church of his hospital; the effigy on his tomb had no coronet. Lancaster was courteous and kind-hearted, of sound judgment, religious, and apparently of high principle.

By his wife Maud he had a son, Henry of Lancaster [q. v.], who succeeded him, and apparently two other sons who died in childhood, and six daughters: Maud, who married first William de Burgh, earl of Ulster [q. v.] (d. 1332), and secondly, Ralph de Ufford, heir of Robert, earl of Suffolk (d. 1345), whom she survived; Blanche, married Thomas, lord Wake of Lydell; Jane, married John, lord Mowbray; Isabel, prioress of Amesbury; Eleanor, married first John, lord Beaumont (d. 1342), and secondly, in 1346, Richard, earl of Arundel; Mary, married Henry, lord Percy.

HENRY, first (1299?–1361), son of Henry, earl of Lancaster (1281?–1345) [q. v.], and his


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Weihaiwei

WEIHAIWEI, wā'hī'wā', China, a duty-free seaport and British naval and coaling station, in the province of Shantung, near the eastern extremity of the Shantung Peninsula, 40 miles east of Chefu. It lies on the south shore of the entrance to the Gulf of Pechili, opposite Port Arthur on the north shore, about 100 miles distant. During the Chino-Japanese War, the Japanese destroyed a Chinese fleet here and captured the town, which they evacuated early in 1898. By a convention of 1 July 1898 the port of Weihaiwei, together with the adjacent waters and some neighboring

territory, was leased to Great Britain. The leased territory included the island of Liu Kung, all the islands in the bay and a belt of land 10 miles wide along the whole coast of the bay; area, 280 square miles; pop. 120,000; but the population of the town of Weihaiwei is only about 2,500 inhabitants, being an old-time walled town. By the terms of the lease Great Britain has sole jurisdiction within the limits of this territory, but within the walls of the city, Chinese officials may exercise such authority as is not inconsistent with the defense of the territory. The British government may also erect fortifications and carry out other defensive works in a defined region lying outside of the leased territory. Chinese war-vessels retain the right to use the waters. Weihaiwei is not to be fortified, but is intended to be a naval base, place of exercise and sanatorium for the British squadron on the China station. The station is used as a flying naval base, but no troops are stationed there, and the Chinese troops that were located there were disbanded. In 1917, 639 steamers and 2,563 iunks entered and cleared at Weihaiwei. The imports are mainly petroleum, flour, cotton goods, sugar, foodstuffs and coal; the exports are ground nuts and ground-nut seeds (290,687 hundred-weight in 1917), and salt fish. There is a mail service to Shanghai and Europeans seek the locality in summer to escape the heat of the region farther south. Consult Annual Report on Weihaiwei; Bruce-Mitford, C. E., ‘The Territory of Weihaiwei’ (Shanghai 1902); Johnston, R. F., ‘Lion and Dragon in Northern China’ (London 1910).


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