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H passed the west end of Cuba, through the Gulf of Florida, and so along the coast of the mainland, looking for some place to water.

In the river of May, now St. John's River (, Hist. of America, ii. 264–5), they found a French colony, commanded by M. Laudonnière, in a state of destitution. Hawkyns relieved their immediate wants, and offered to carry them to France; but Laudonnière declined, not knowing, he says, ‘how the case stood between the French and the English,’ and doubting also lest Hawkyns might ‘attempt somewhat in Florida in the name of his mistress.’ Finally, he agreed with Hawkyns for the purchase of one of his small vessels, with a quantity of provisions and stores, giving a bill for the price agreed on; for he was afraid, he says, to pay in silver, ‘lest the queen of England, seeing the same, should be encouraged to set footing there.’ At the same time he bears witness that Hawkyns ‘won the reputation of a good and charitable man, deserving to be esteemed as much of us all, as if he had saved all our lives’ (, p. 69). By doing this, however, Hawkyns had incurred a serious risk; the homeward voyage was prolonged by contrary winds; they ran short of provisions, and were for a time in great danger, from which they were relieved by a large take of cod on the banks of Newfoundland, and afterwards by falling in with a couple of French ships, from whom they purchased sufficient for their needs. On 20 Sept. they arrived at Padstow, after a voyage described as ‘profitable to the venturers, as also to the whole realm, in bringing home both gold, silver, pearls, and other jewels great store’ (ib. p. 64). On 23 Oct. the Jesus was received again into the charge of the queen's officers, the Earls of Pembroke and Leicester paying 500l. for the expense of refitting her. No mention is made of the further profit which accrued to the queen.

The success of these two voyages brought repute to Hawkyns as a skilful and prudent commander, and won him favour in influential quarters. Arms were granted to him: sable, on a point wavy a lion passant or; in chief three bezants: and for a crest, a demi-Moor, proper, in chains. The enormous profits suggested new voyages. The Spaniards, keenly sensible of the danger which these expeditions caused to their monopoly, represented the matter so strongly to the queen, that she was compelled to put on the appearance, at least, of prohibiting them. Hawkyns had intended to sail again in the following year, but was prevented by the council, who bound him over not to go near the West Indies nor to break the laws of the king of Spain (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 13, 31 Oct. 1566). He accordingly gave up the intended voyage, though possibly his ships went under some other commander. De Silva, the Spanish ambassador, alleged that they did go; trafficked, smuggled, and plundered, and returned ‘loaded with gold and silver’ (, viii. 67); but the statement was based on vague rumours, and seems extremely doubtful. In 1567 Hawkyns resolved upon another voyage, and this time met with no hindrance. The queen, indeed, seems to have been personally one of the adventurers, so far, at any rate, as lending the Jesus for the voyage; but this assuredly did not confer on Hawkyns any claim to be considered an officer in the queen's service.

While Hawkyns was at Plymouth preparing for his voyage, some Spanish ships from the Low Countries came into the Sound and stood on, apparently meaning to go into Catwater, where Hawkyns, with his ships, was lying. Hawkyns considered that in the small and already crowded harbour there was no room for them, and, not to lose time in expostulation, stopped their advance by firing at them. They immediately struck their flag and anchored outside, where the next day some private ship, Dutch or English, laying the admiral on board, rescued a number of prisoners who were being carried to Spain; but of this Hawkyns protested he had no knowledge till afterwards. The Spaniard wrote to his ambassador; the ambassador sent an angry representation to the queen; Hawkyns was called on to explain, and the affair was smoothed over diplomatically. But from first to last, no mention was made of the insult to the English flag, which, according to the incorrect story written many years afterwards by Hawkyns's son, was the immediate cause of the dispute (, p. 119; cf. State Papers, For., De Silva to the Queen, 6 Oct. (? N.S.) 1567; ‘De Wachene to — 23 Oct. (? Sept.) 1567; State Papers, Dom. xliv. 13; Hawkyns to Cecil, 28 Sept. 1567;, viii. 68–9). Long before the question was settled, Hawkyns sailed from Plymouth on 2 Oct. in command of a squadron consisting of, besides the Jesus, the Minion, another queen's ship, and four smaller vessels; one of the latter was the Judith, commanded by Francis Drake [q. v.], a kinsman, possibly a nephew of Hawkyns, with whom he was now for the first time associated.

As in the previous voyages, Hawkyns went to Sierra Leone, took part in native wars, assaulted and set fire to a native town of eight thousand inhabitants, plundered Portuguese vessels to the amount, it was deposed, in wares and negroes, of more than


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H seventy thousand gold pieces (State Papers, For., December 1568, f. 90); and finally, having obtained some five hundred negroes, sailed for the West Indies. Again he had a tedious voyage to Dominica; again he forced his trade on the Spaniards at Rio de la Hacha, where he sold two hundred of the negroes. Without any further resort to arms he and his companions disposed of their wares along the Spanish main. At Cartagena the governor proved more strict, and as their ‘trade was so near finished,’ and the hurricane season coming on, they left the coast on 24 July (, p. 73), intending, it is implied, to pass up the coast of Florida, as in the former voyage, and so home. But early in August, off the west end of Cuba, according to Hawkyns's own story, a storm lasting four days ‘so beat the Jesus that we … were rather upon the point to leave her than to keep her any longer; yet, hoping to bring all to good pass, sought the coast of Florida, where we found no place nor haven for our ships because of the shallowness of the coast.’ ‘A new storm, which continued other three days,’ finally drove them into ‘the port which serveth the city of Mexico, called San Juan de Lua’ (ib.)

The truth of Hawkyns's explanation of his going to San Juan de Lua is extremely doubtful. Several times before he had attributed his presence in a Spanish port to ‘force of weather,’ as soon as it appeared likely that he might be called to account for being there. It is far from improbable that he again did so on this occasion, when it was more than ever necessary for him to make out a plausible case. For so far from ‘their trade being near finished’ when they reached Cartagena, we know that they had on board at San Juan de Lua fifty-seven negroes ‘optimi generis,’ each valued at 160l., or a total of 9,120l. (Schedule of property lost, State Papers, Dom. Elizabeth, liii.), and that they had previously made inquiries as to the price of slaves at Vera Cruz. The inference is that Hawkyns had predetermined to sell the negroes there, and that the storm—if there was one—merely gave colour to his usual pretext.

On 16 Sept. he anchored his squadron in the narrow harbour, now more familiarly known as Vera Cruz, which is formed by the low-lying little island of San Juan, opposite to the town, and backed by wide-extending shoals (cf., Voyages, vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 125). The next day the fleet of Spain, consisting of thirteen great ships, appeared outside, and Hawkyns sent word to the general that he would not suffer him to enter the port without a pledge for the maintenance of peace. He was, he says, quite able to have kept him out, but did not venture to do so, ‘fearing the Queen's Majesty's indignation in so weighty a matter.’ The Spanish fleet represented a value of nearly two million sterling, and there was no other port on the coast in which it could shelter in the stormy season. After three days' negotiation and the interchange of pledges of peace and amity, the Spanish fleet entered the port on the 20th (, p. 76; Hawkyns's Deposition, State Papers, Dom. Eliz. liii.) Unfortunately we have only Hawkyns's own account of this negotiation, as well as of what followed. According to him the English scrupulously observed the conditions, while the Spaniards' hearts were filled with treachery from the first. He admits, indeed, that he thoroughly mistrusted the Spaniards; and it is certain that the Spaniards looked on Hawkyns and his men as dangerous smugglers and pirates. It is thus impossible to say exactly how the quarrel broke out; but on the morning of the 24th a fierce encounter began. Hawkyns, caught in the crowded harbour at a terrible disadvantage, defended himself most stubbornly, but the odds against him were too great. The Spaniards landed large numbers of men on the island, made themselves masters of the battery which Hawkyns had constructed there, and turned its fire against the English ships. One of the smaller vessels was sunk, two others were captured, the Jesus was dismasted and helpless; Hawkyns's one hope was to defend her till nightfall, and then in the dark to get her treasure and provisions on board the Minion and put to sea. The Spaniards anticipated him; they sent down two fireships, which threatened both the Jesus and Minion with instant destruction. The Minion, which was at the time alongside the Jesus, made sail without waiting for orders. Hawkyns and some of his shipmates sprang and got on board her; others apparently managed to reach her in a boat; the rest, remaining on board the Jesus, were made prisoners when the Spaniards took possession of the ship and all the treasure on board, amounting to about 100,000l., the result of the previous traffic. The Minion and Judith alone succeeded in getting to sea. Their rigging was shattered, they had lost their anchors, and they were short of provisions. The two ships parted company in the dark, each apparently having as much as she could do to look out for herself. The Minion had about two hundred men crowded together on board, with insufficient provisions, clothes, and bedding; and, after enduring extreme privations for about three weeks, finding no relief nor possibility of obtaining supplies, ‘our people, being


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H forced with hunger, desired to be set a land; whereunto,’ says Hawkyns, ‘I concluded’ (, p. 79). A hundred of them were therefore landed in the bottom of the Gulf of Mexico; and having taken on board some water, the Minion with the others and ‘the little remains of victuals’ put to sea on 16 Oct. As she ran into colder weather ‘our men, being oppressed with famine, died continually; and they that were left grew into such weakness that we were scantly able to manœuvre our ship; and the wind being always ill for us to recover England, determined to go with Galicia in Spain’ (ib. p. 80). On the last day of December they arrived at Ponte Vedra, near Vigo. There the men ‘with excess of fresh meat … died, a great part of them;’ but Hawkyns, getting the Minion round to Vigo, was assisted by some English ships lying there, entered some fresh hands, and sailed on 20 Jan. 1568–9. On the 25th he anchored in Mount's Bay; Drake, in the Judith, had arrived with the news five days earlier.

Hawkyns's first idea was to fit out another expedition to the Spanish main, to release his comrades left behind at San Juan de Lua and in the Gulf of Mexico, and to avenge his own losses. But his reputation was under a cloud; the adventurers had lost their money; the queen had lost her ship; and neither were prepared to send him out again, at any rate until his conduct had been strictly inquired into. Cecil, too, looked with no friendly eye on the trade in negroes, or the semi-piratical adventure of which Hawkyns was accused; and Elizabeth realised that Spain would not always be tolerant of her connivance at this illegal traffic. Hawkyns was forbidden to go on his proposed voyage or to attempt the release of his friends by force. He was compelled, therefore, to search for other means.

The Spaniards, enraged at the stoppage of the Genoese ducats on their way to the Duke of Alva, were at this time meditating an invasion of England; they believed that a great many English were disaffected to the queen's government, and were anxious to find out what support they might expect from the malcontents. At least as early as August 1570, and probably some months earlier, Hawkyns made overtures to Don Gueran de Espes, the Spanish ambassador, spoke bitterly of the ingratitude of the government, and asked Gueran to interest himself in obtaining the release of the prisoners. Gueran suggested to the Spanish government that it might be worth their while to win this man to their side by acceding to his request. The suggestion met with no response; but Hawkyns, still hoping to gain his end, led Don Gueran to believe that he was willing to enter the Spanish service, and to carry over with him the best of the queen's ships and of the English sailors. Finding that his negotiations did not advance, he despatched George Fitzwilliam, who had been with him in his second voyage (ib. p. 64), into Spain, to communicate directly with the king. Fitzwilliam was authorised to say that Hawkyns was a faithful son of the church, that he was looking forward to the time when the queen should be overthrown, that he was ready to pass over to the king's service, bringing with him the English fleet; the men would follow where he led; the king need only pay their usual wages, and advance the money necessary for the equipment of the ships; for himself he desired nothing beyond the release of a few prisoners at Seville who were not worth the cost of keeping (, ix. 510–11). Philip, at first incredulous, began at last to entertain Hawkyns's offers. He desired Fitzwilliam, as a proof of his sincerity, to bring him a letter from the Queen of Scots, explaining what she wanted done. With the connivance of Burghley, with whom Hawkyns was in communication all along, Fitzwilliam had an interview with Mary, and received the requisite papers, which enabled Burghley to track out the Ridolfi plot. Philip's suspicion was disarmed. He liberated the prisoners at Seville, and gave them ten dollars each that they might not arrive in England penniless; he sent Hawkyns 40,000l. for the equipment of the promised ships, together with a patent constituting him a grandee of Spain. The whole intrigue was dirty enough; and though Hawkyns entered into it primarily to recover the liberty of his imprisoned shipmates, and secondarily, to further Burghley's political ends, he was also keenly sensible of the value of the 40,000l., which he regarded as part compensation for his losses (ib. ix. 509–520). While this negotiation was going on, Hawkyns seems to have been engaged in another with an exactly opposite purpose. On 25 May 1571 Walsyngham, then ambassador at Paris, wrote to Burghley that he was desired by Count Louis of Nassau to move the queen ‘to license Hawkyns underhand to serve him with certain ships,’ and this was repeated in almost the same terms on 12 Aug. (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1569–71, Nos. 1729, 1920;, Compleat Ambassador, pp. 103, 126). There can be little doubt that Count Louis had a previous understanding with Hawkyns; but it does not appear that the queen gave the requisite license, or that Hawkyns engaged in this service.

It was about this time that Hawkyns received an augmentation to the arms already granted in 1565—on a canton or, an escallop


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 importance, could not appear; Captain Gordon turned against him, and expressed the free opinion that Barron had never meant to resist; Captains Murray, Hull, and Chauncey, on the court of inquiry, had already made a hostile report; and the government prosecutor pressed every charge with a persistency that, as coming from the Department, seemed almost vindictive.

From January 4 to February 8 the court-martial tried charges against Barron, after which it continued until February 22 trying Captain Gordon, Captain Hall of the marines, and William Hook the gunner. The result of this long, searching, and severe investigation was remarkable, for it ended in a very elaborate decision that Barron was blameless in every particular except one. He had not been negligent of his duty; he was not to blame for omitting to call the crew to quarters before he received Captain Humphreys' letter; he did well in getting the men to quarters secretly without drum-beat; he did not discourage his men; he had shown coolness, reflection, and personal courage under the most trying circumstances; he was right in striking his flag when he did,—but he was wrong in failing to prepare for action instantly on reading Admiral Berkeley's order; and for this mistake he was condemned to suspension for five years from the service, without pay or emoluments.

Barron had argued that although his judgment on


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H between two palmer's staves sable. He was also member for Plymouth in the parliament of 1572. On 11 Oct. 1573 he had a narrow escape of his life, being stabbed, as he was riding along the Strand in company with Sir William Wynter, by one Peter Burchett, a gentleman of the Middle Temple, who, in a fit of fanatical fury, mistook him, as he said, for Sir Christopher Hatton [q. v.] Hawkyns was dangerously wounded. The queen sent her own surgeon to attend him, and was desirous of having Burchett hanged forthwith by martial law; but that, she was persuaded, was illegal. On 12 Nov., however, he was hanged on a gibbet erected on the spot where he had stabbed Hawkyns, his right hand being previously cut off and nailed overhead (, Annals, ed. Howe, p. 677;, Annals, Oxford edit. vol. ii. pt. i. p. 427; , Life of Parker, Oxford ed. ii. 327; , Queen Elizabeth and her Times, i. 492; , Elizabethan Religious History, p. 197).

Shortly before this Hawkyns had succeeded to the office of treasurer of the navy, previously held by his father-in-law, Benjamin Gonson, the reversion of which had been secured to him some years before. To this were presently added the duties of comptroller of the navy; and these important functions he exercised during the remainder of his life. His experience as a seaman and shipowner enabled him to appreciate and adopt many improvements in the building and rig of the ships of the navy. He made them more weatherly, by lowering the huge castles at the bow and stern, and faster, by increasing their length, and so giving them finer lines. He also introduced chain pumps, boarding nettings, a new sheathing, the use of the bowline, and the method of striking topmasts. Of some of these improvements he was possibly the inventor. Others were probably due to, among others, Richard Chapman, a private shipbuilder at Deptford, whose yard was in close proximity to that of the navy, and with whom Hawkyns was for many years more or less directly in partnership. This partnership, and the almost uncontrolled power then exercised by the treasurer of the navy, gave rise to a suspicion that, with two yards so conveniently situated, Hawkyns worked them both to his pecuniary advantage. It was alleged that ships in Chapman's yard were built of government timber, and fitted out with government stores; that Hawkyns bought timber at a low rate, and sold it to the queen at a considerable advance; that he passed off inferior hemp and other articles as the best, and entered them as such in his accounts; that when at the point of death, after he had been stabbed by Burchett, he had made his will, and at that time had not above 500l. to dispose of, and that since then he ‘was greatly enriched by his underhand management,’ and had accumulated a considerable fortune by his ‘unjust and deceitful dealings’ (State Papers, Dom. Eliz. cciv. 16, 17, 18, 21; Lansdowne MS. vol. lii. cap. 43). It is not correct to say that these charges were put aside as idle calumnies (, p. xiii). They were not, indeed, formally inquired into; but Burghley quietly satisfied himself that they were not unfounded, and drew up a set of stringent regulations, intended to prevent such abuses in future, noting on the rough draft in his own hand, ‘Remembrances of abuses past: John Hawkyns was half in the bargain with Peter Pett and Matthew Baker,’ the mastershipwright and storekeeper respectively in Deptford dockyard (Cotton MS. Otho E. viii. 147; cf. State Papers, Dom. Eliz. cciv. 18;, Compleat Journal … throughout the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, p. 519 a). It seems very probable, however, that these charges, irresponsibly made, were much exaggerated. Monson, who knew a great deal of what was going on, refers to Hawkyns as ‘perfect and honest in his place,’ in comparison with the reformed administrations of the succeeding reign (, iii. 332); and in 1588 the ships fitted out by Hawkyns were equal to the very severe service they were called on to perform. On 21 Feb. of that year Lord Howard wrote to Burghley that, as Hawkyns was ordered to the court ‘to answer in the matter of his bargain for the navy, he could testify that the ships were in excellent condition’ (Cal. State Papers, Dom.); and in the August following, the thorough efficiency of the ships afforded undoubted proof that they were not, as had been alleged, caulked with rotten oakum, or rigged with twice-laid rope.

When the fleet was mustered for the defence of the country against the Spanish Armada, Hawkyns was captain of the Victory, one of the new ships which had been built at Deptford under his own supervision. While at Plymouth he commanded in the third post under the lord admiral and Drake, and was a member of the council of war which the admiral consulted ‘on every question of moment’ (State Papers, Dom. Elizabeth, ccxi. 37, Howard to Walsyngham, 19 June). When the fleet was extended from Scilly to Ushant in three divisions, Hawkyns had command of the inshore squadron towards Scilly (ib. ccxii. 18, Howard to Walsyngham, 6 July). As rear-admiral he took an active part in the several engagements with the Spanish fleet in the Channel, beginning 21 July; and especially in that off the Isle


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H of Wight on the 25th, on the evening of which day, in acknowledgment of his gallant conduct, he, together with Frobisher (or Frobiser) and Lord Thomas Howard, was knighted by the lord admiral on the deck of the Ark. When on the next day the fleet was joined by the squadron of the Narrow Seas under Lord Henry Seymour [q. v.], Hawkyns, falling into the fourth place, became vice-admiral of Howard's division, and in the early part of the decisive action off Gravelines on the 29th would appear to have had the actual command of the centre during Howard's temporary absence [see ]; beyond all question the Victory fully shared in the glories of the day.

When the accounts for wages, provisions, and equipment had to be settled, Hawkyns obtained the assistance of his brother-in-law, Edward Fenton, who was appointed his deputy ‘to enable him to draw up his accounts’ (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 14 Dec. 1588). It is true enough that Hawkyns complained of the work as burdensome, and that Elizabeth and her ministers exercised a supervision which he thought offensive; but those who have condemned the queen's conduct in this matter have apparently not known that she had clear reasons for doubting Hawkyns's integrity. That the payments were made out of Hawkyns's own pocket is contrary to certain fact (ib. 16 Jan. 1589; Hist. MSS. Comm. 12th Rep. App. pt. i. p. 12, October 1588).

About this time Hawkyns, in conjunction with Drake, is commonly said to have instituted the fund long known as ‘The Chest at Chatham.’ As treasurer of the navy he would naturally be consulted in such a business, and Drake was the right hand of the lord admiral; but their share in the matter has been much exaggerated. Instituted the fund certainly was, and was continued as a distinct charity for the relief of maimed and wounded seamen, till the beginning of the present century; in 1814 its revenues were finally united with those of Greenwich Hospital. The chest, from which it derived its name, was moved to Greenwich in 1845, and is still preserved in the museum of the Royal Naval College. Early in 1590 Hawkyns was associated with Frobiser in the command of a squadron sent to the coast of Portugal ‘to do all possible mischief’ to the enemy, and especially to look out for the annual Plate fleet. This, however, having timely warning, did not appear; and the expedition returned to Plymouth without having accomplished anything, ‘and thus,’ wrote Hawkyns to Burghley on 31 Oct., ‘God's infallible word is performed in that the Holy Ghost said, “Pawle dothe plant, Apollo dothe watter, but God gyvethe the increase”’ (State Papers, Dom. Elizabeth, ccxxxiii. 118). It is said that the queen on reading the letter ejaculated, ‘God's death! This fool went out a soldier and has come home a divine.’

Hawkyns passed the years immediately following on shore. In November 1591 he was one of the commissioners ‘for taking account of the prizes taken at sea during the summer … and of the proper proportions to be assigned to her Majesty’ (Cal. State Papers, Dom.); proof sufficient that he had not forfeited the queen's confidence. On 8 July 1592 he wrote to Burghley that he had his leg hurt at the launch of the Swiftsure (ib.) He was at this time also engaged in the building and organising the still existing ‘Sir John Hawkyns's Hospital’ at Chatham, which was built in 1592, though the charter was not granted till two years later. Towards the end of 1594 he was again called on to serve at sea, in an expedition ordered to the West Indies, under the command of Sir Francis Drake, and fitted out at the joint cost of the queen, Hawkyns, Drake, and possibly other minor adventurers. After many delays this fleet left Plymouth in August 1595, by which time the Spaniards were well informed of its destination and its force. It thus disappointed expectation; but Hawkyns did not witness the failure. He died at sea off Porto Rico on 12 Nov. 1595. His death was doubtless due to the effect of the West Indian climate on a man no longer young, and with a constitution already weakened by former hardships and by attacks of fever and ague, one of which in 1581 had brought him to death's door (, p. 43n.) Four days before his death, feeling his strength failing, he added a last codicil to his will, in which, after directing restitution to be made to any man whom he had injured, he continued: ‘For the faults or offences which I have or might have committed against her Majesty, I do give unto her 2,000l. (if she will take it), for that she hath in her possession of mine a far greater sum which I do release unto her. This I mean with God's grace to perform myself, if he of his mercy send me home.’

Hawkyns was buried at sea, but in accordance with his will a monument was erected to his memory in the church of St. Dunstan's-in-the-East, in which parish he had resided for thirty years, and to the poor of which, as well as a Plymouth and of Deptford, he bequeathed a sum of 50l. In addition to the Latin inscription on the monument, another in English was shown on a mural tablet. These with the church perished in the great fire; but the inscriptions have been preserved


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 this point proved to be mistaken, it was reasonable, and in accord with his instructions. He produced the orders of the Secretary of the Navy, dated May 15, 1807, written with full knowledge that the deserters from the "Melampus" had been claimed by the British minister, and that a British squadron was lying in Chesapeake Bay. "Our interest as well as good faith requires," said the secretary, "...that we should cautiously avoid whatever may have a tendency to bring us into collision with any other Power." Barron urged that if he had given the order to prepare for battle as required by the court-martial, he must have detained by force the British lieutenant and his boat's crew, which would have had a direct "tendency to bring us into collision," or he must have let them go, which would have hurried the collision. He said that he had tried to gain time by keeping the appearances of confidence and good-will. He admitted that he had failed, but claimed that the failure was due to no fault which could have been corrected at that moment by those means.

The defence was open to criticism, especially because Barron himself could claim to have made no use of the time he gained. Yet perhaps, on the whole, the court-martial might have done better to punish Barron for his want of caution in permitting the British frigate to approach. This was his first error, which could not be retrieved; and Barron could hardly have complained of his punishment, even though every officer in the service knew that the rule


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Schmidt's Lunar Map

Part 1
CLOSELY following the appearance of Lohrmann’s complete sections, edited by Dr. Schmidt, we have this author’s own lunar map published by the Prussian Government. Dr. Schmidt’s great work, which he calls a chart of the lunar mountains, is, like Lohrmann’s, in 25 sections, which would form a map of six French feet diameter, about 6 feet 6 inches English. The sections, however, are intended to remain separate, each one forming a map in itself, graduated at the edges, and they are thus evidently more convenient for reference than if joined together. They are in photo-lithograph, made from the original chart at the office of the Prussian General Staff.

It redounds highly to the honour of his Imperial Highness the Crown Prince of Prussia that it was at his request, and under his auspices, that the publication of the work was undertaken by the Government, which has thus been the means of giving to the world a performance which must be placed among the greatest feats of astronomical science and observation, while it must rank among the most distinguished achievements of German capability and perseverance.

In the volume accompanying the map, Dr. Schmidt gives a history of his labours, which may here be briefly referred to.

In the autumn of 1839, when of the age of 14 years, and at his own home at Eutin in Oldenburg, a copy of Schröter’s work on the Moon came into his hands, and he was so struck with the figures of the shadow-throwing hills and craters, that the effect in a great degree fixed the bias of his after life. His own first observations were made with a small telescope, the work of his father; and with the instrument steadied by a lamp-post, he made his first attempts at sketching. The study of Schröter’s work, together with observing and sketching, now became his chief employment, and it was not long before he had constructed a rough wooden stand for his telescope, which greatly facilitated his observations. At length, owing to the kindness of a gentleman, who noticed the industry of the young astronomer, he procured, early in 1841, the loan of a 4-foot Dollond, with a power of 15 to 20. In July of the same year he saw, for the first time, the Moon in a larger telescope. This was at the Altona Observatory, where Petersen showed him the craters Bullialdus and Gassendi; and now he got a fair idea of the rich abundance of lunar objects, both by his observations with the large instrument, and still more by what he saw in Mädler’s chart, which he found at the observatory. In 1842 he came to Hamburg, and through the goodness of the director of the observatory, he had the use of several telescopes from 1842 to 1845. In 1845 he came to the Bilk Observatory, where he made but little progress in his lunar sketches.

It seems worthy of remark that the scientific ardour of the worthy director of this observatory, Herr Benzenberg, was just sufficient to allow the young astronomer the use of only a wretched instrument, while the principal telescope was rigidly tabooed, so that its outward good looks and polish might not suffer by handling! Very different was the conduct of those able men, Galle and Bruhns, who subsequently placed the great Berlin refractor at Herr Schmidt’s disposal on several occasions. From 1845 to 1853 he was employed at the Bonn Observatory, where, on account of other work, he was not able to pursue his lunar studies in the usual manner, though still he succeeded in making many useful sketches. From 1853 to 1858, at the Olmütz Observatory, he made not many drawings, but numerous micrometrical measurements. In the interim, in March 1855, he sketched at the great Roman refractor, and in April at the observatory at Naples.

On December 2, 1858, Herr Schmidt came into his present position as director of the Athens Observatory, where the condition of things prevented all observing for a whole year, until the 6-foot refractor by Plössl was again set up. From February 1860 to the beginning of 1865 considerable progress was made in lunar observations, although the greater part of the time was occupied with other work.

At length Dr. Schmidt determined to lay down all his fragmentary surveys on a 6-foot map, for the purpose of seeing what parts of the Moon had been neglected in his work, which was principally expended on certain favourite areas. All this time, however, he had no notion of completing any general chart, not seeing that he could ever bring to an end the delineation of the lunar surface as it appeared in the 6-foot Plössl. Simultaneously with this, in 1865, he seems to have begun a map of 1 metre diameter, in 4 sheets, in which the principal objects were laid down from Mädler, and the details of his own observations added in. He now very soon found how much he wanted and how little he possessed; and he was obliged so to extend and repeat his observations, that the older ones became at length of little importance.

Nine years longer were devoted to this work, until, in July 1874, he determined on concluding it, as it became manifest that for an exhaustive representation of all the details of lunar features, visible in a 6-foot refractor, would be required more powers of endurance and a longer lifetime than are allotted to mortals.

Dr. Schmidt seems not very clear on the subject of these maps. For two years, he says, he worked at the first great map already referred to, and added from time to time all the results of the Athens Observations [sic], until it became evident that this would lead to no satisfactory conclusion. The division into four parts was inconvenient for several reasons; and Dr. Schmidt finally determined on a 6-foot map as before, but divided into 25 sections, corresponding with Lohrmann’s, but of course, on double the scale. The graduation was copied from Lohrmann; but it was afterwards discovered that it would have been better if this work had been done specially for the new map. If Lohrmann’s sections contained faults of graduation, on account of the paper suffering unequal pressure in the printing, the errors in Schmidt’s would be somewhat greater, as not alone adopting the faults of the original, but suffering from imperfections of their own, induced by the unequal expansions of the different papers on which the sections were drawn. But this, after all, was of little import. Although the margins of the sections might not close so well together as was desired, still the delineation of details succeeded in the main as intended, and greater faults were happily avoided. The construction of this second map was continued without intermission, except from August 1869 to April 1870, and in July and August in each year, and meanwhile every favourable time for observation was made use of. In 1873 and 1874 the non-topographical part of the map (that is, the colouring) was added.

It was found that in the course of eight or nine years’ working at the sections, the parallel and meridian lines were obliterated, and an attempt in 1874 to restore them was unsuccessful, because in the mean time the surface of the paper had become too rough. Each section has, however, the graduation at the margins, so that approximate positions can be determined. For several considerations, it was decided to write no names in the sections, but to confine them, in number over 500, to the descriptive letterpress.

In 1874 the author brought his chart to the observatory at Berlin, where it excited so much interest that it was determined to publish it under state patronage. At the instance of his Imperial Highness the Crown Prince, the 25 sections were photographed at the General Staff Office, under the direction of Count von Moltke; and Dr. Schmidt, having received proof-sheets in April 1875, was thus assisted in proceeding with the descriptive text, which he had commenced in 1873. Only the observations from 1842 to 1874 have been made available for the chart. The sketches of previous years were considered imperfect, and were rejected.

J. BIRMINGHAM

Part 2
WHILE the author, like Lohrmann and Mädler, adopted a modified style of Lehmann’s method of delineation, it appears that the various declivities of the hills are not represented with angles of inclination so true as they might be. To explain this Dr. Schmidt says that he knew that in process of time his sketched shadings would become faded; and as he was determined, since 1868, to have the work photographed, it seemed necessary to have faint heights and ridges in the Mares much more strongly marked than their real steepness required. Hence the author explains that this chart does not give the correct impression of the individual characters of the lunar mountains which, he admits, are better represented by Mädler. He could easily have made his drawings nearer the truth if he had intended to have the work lithographed; but with photography it was different, and his object was that every feature should be sharply delineated.

The correct representation of the several forms of lunar mountains belongs to a higher department of art, and can have been hitherto but in a few instances attained. With all his industry Lohrmann failed in this design, while he made the ridges too broad, and almost entirely misrepresented the character of the crater walls. Mädler was more fortunate, and his chart contains remarkable illustrations of individual forms. In Schmidt’s chart the shadings present a general uniformity, and the desire to show characteristic differences was sacrificed on account of other considerations. Lunar drawings require for sufficient exactness several repetitions; and to spend the necessary time for a close portraiture of the various objects in a map like Dr. Schmidt’s was obviously out of the question.

With regard to the colouring of the Moon, to show it properly in a topographic chart is impossible; and Dr. Schmidt, like his predecessors, confined himself to representing the grey tints of the flats and several dark spots. Light-rays he shows only in the Mares, and light-spots where they appear within dark areas. By photography alone we can fairly picture the full Moon, where the endless modifications of brightness are beyond the art of the draughtsman. The mountains about the limb occupied Dr. Schmidt’s attention less than the interior formations; and with regard to the former, his map appears as defective as the maps of Lohrmann, and Beer and Mädler, though it is in reality more comprehensive. When the selenographic positions of the limb-mountains are accurately known, they can then, more properly than at present, be included in some future general chart.

Dr. Schmidt adopts the positions of the first and second order from Lohrmann, but he has laid down the intermediate detail altogether from his own measurements. He has excluded all written names from the chart, using only letters and numerals instead; but the nomenclature, old and new, is found in the descriptive text. In this he has omitted all mathematical explanations and formulæ such as appear in the works of Schröter, Lohrmann, and Mädler, as he regards it as essentially no other than a descriptive volume and an index to the objects that he has delineated. He explains, however, the methods of measuring lunar heights; and an original expedient of his own, where, for want of a micrometer, he measured by time, appears especially ingenious, and was well applied in those cases where the shadows ran parallel with the Moon’s motion. Her increase in R.A., which would obviously affect the angle deduced from the time, was, of course, taken into account, and conveniently found in the duration of her meridian passage as it appeared in the ‘Nautical Almanac.’ The heights ascertained by this method number 109 in his list, while he records no less than 2894 as taken with the micrometer; and it may be added that for these results no less than 57,000 observations were made from 1853 to 1858, which, of themselves, would be sufficient to give a fair idea of the untiring patience with which Dr. Schmidt pursued his immense task.

There is no sea-level in the Moon from which to measure the mountain-heights, and the datum-plain must be found in the low lands adjacent. In the method of measuring by shadows, the land at the end of the shadow is taken as level with the base of the mountain. The height is then simply the difference between the land referred to and the summit. The altitude of the Sun above the horizon of the mountain is, of course, a chief factor in the question; and though this may be ascertained by calculation, it is not found practically much more advantageous than the method of directly measuring the distance from the terminator. The uncertainty, however, of defining the true terminator on a broken surface like that of the Moon must then be regarded as presenting a serious obstacle in such measurements; and while these seem sufficiently difficult even in the Mares, it is not easy to see how they can give much hope of a fair approximation in other districts where the serrated outlines of the grouped hills rise in all confusion from the darkness. Mädler recommends those measurements to be taken when the distance of the terminator from the mountain is from 10 to 12 times the length of its shadow, as the uncertainty of the terminator becomes less important according as it recedes from the object. Penumbral effects must render the definition of the true shadow less certain; and altogether it would seem necessary to leave a wide margin for error in those measurements of lunar mountains. Indeed this view seems justified by the various measures of the same objects over and over again, surveyed with inexhaustible diligence by Dr. Schmidt. The differences are startling; and as examples may be given the mountain Huyghens, where one measure gives double the height of another, and Curtius (of which Dr. Schmidt took no less than 80 measures), where the height by one measure over another is more than quadrupled. In cases of such extreme differences, a mean can scarcely be much relied on. Mountains, when precisely on the limb, can be measured by their addition to the angular diameter of the moon at the time of observation. Whatever this diameter is calculated to be, the measure will give the height of the mountain above it. It is plain that a position within or on the other side of the limb must subtract from the apparent height, and great care on this account is necessary. Some of these mountains are of great size, and may be compared to the loftiest of the Andes, or even the Himalayas. Yet their heights over the valleys are not so considerable as the height of the mountains of the earth above the depths of the oceans, though the difference seems not very great, as Schmidt found examples along the eastern limb and at the south pole, where the hills rose about 6000 toises, or over 38,000 English feet, above the adjacent hollows, and Schröter measured heights of 4000 toises and depressions of 3000, showing a difference of level equal to near 45,000 English feet. Yet the aspect of those limb-mountains is not imposing. Only one of them might be compared in form to Chimboraço, while it was far from exhibiting the steepness of Cotopaxi and other volcanoes of the earth. There are no striking elevations on the N.E. or S.W. limbs. On the N.W. there are some visible at times of favourable libration.

Dr. Schmidt gives a list of light-rays, including light-spots and craters surrounded with bright or dark nimbi. The bright borderings will be found to be formed of close and delicate rays, or, at least, they give rise to an efflux of rays that widen as they advance. The nimbus may be of a dark shade, like those surrounding Tycho, Aristarchus, and Dionysius; and it is easy to conceive that its light-reflecting qualities depend on the nature of the stuff ejected by the crater. Dr. Schmidt regards the nimbi as volcanic ash distributed, as in terrestrial eruptions, round about the orifice. The ash may be of various colours; but it is possible, and, in the case of Linné, very probable, that the deposited stuff was in a fluid condition.

When the light-formations are of small extent, they may not be inaptly referred to eruptions similar to those that are seen on the earth. Dr. Schmidt observed, in the innumerable eruptions of the Santorin volcano in 1866 and 1868, that bright-coloured pumice and light grey ash were deposited on the dark surface of the hill in most remarkable radial streaks; and the matter being ejected on all sides, the streaks traced upwards coalesced into a uniform covering towards the summit, while lower down the hill they remained in separate lines of over 100 metres in length and from 2 to 10 metres wide. Here they consisted of the coarser materials, which rolled towards the foot of the mountain. Thus the crater, looked down on from a certain height, would appear surrounded by a bright nimbus, from which issued bright rays or streaks all round.

But who could find analogies between such phenomena and those of lunar volcanos, from which, uninfluenced by hill or valley, the light-rays extend for hundreds of miles, and even, like those from Tycho, to a distance equal to a fourth of the lunar meridian or more? Even recollecting the far inferior gravitating power at the Moon’s surface, and admitting a much greater eruptive force, still much would remain unaccounted for, especially, among other matters, the excentric direction of many of the rays, which, traced backwards, run past on one side of the place from which they must have issued. And to this might be added other anomalies, such as the bendings and interlacings of the lunar streaks like those from Tycho, Kepler, and Copernicus. It has long been known that the rays run indifferently over hill and valley, that they are visible over a bright surface, that with a low Sun they are not apparent, and that they throw no shadow; but to observe them closely would require many years’ study with powerful means. This has never yet been accomplished, and instead of profitable observations, we seem content with hypotheses. Only in the 36th year of his observations did Dr. Schmidt devote some evenings to these features, and then only to make himself acquainted with the principal ones.

Many remarkable forms observed by Schmidt are not found in Mädler, who, on the other hand, has noticed some not seen by the former. With high powers a vast number of minute light-spots may be found, and in many of them, as in Linné, are little craters. It may be conjectured that here are the most recent of lunar formations, and that changes on the surface are by no means to be classed among the most infrequent phenomena. The great ray system must be mapped in detail, if in future times it may be ascertained whether changes occur there or not. It may be considered unlikely that any will be found; but to give up the search on account of such settled opinions, would be only yielding to a deplorable dogmatism, which, under the appearance of critical strictness, has been of little advantage to science.

Dr. Schmidt gives the positions of the light-rays, classed according to the 4 quadrants of Beer and Mädler’s map. He declares, however, the incompleteness of his list, which may be easily improved and enlarged by future observers.

The Rill formations seem specially to have attracted the attention of Dr. Schmidt, who in 1866 published a catalogue of no less than 425 of those objects. In the present work he includes new observations of many of them, and describes several not previously noticed.

The effects of the earth-light on the Moon, or “lumière cendrée,” are described by Dr. Schmidt in a series of interesting observations. None of these served to show the existence of a lunar atmosphere. He devotes a long description to the crater Boussingault when just reached by the terminator. A certain illumination of the interior should be referred either to the refractive power of the gaseous matter within, and reaching above it, or to the earth-light in addition to the direct sunlight striking the inside of the wall and reflected to the crater floor. Dr. Schmidt does not hesitate to adopt the latter explanation.

In comparing Lohrmann’s sections with Mädler’s list of positions in ‘Der Mond’ several differences will be noticed; and Dr. Schmidt seems always to agree with Lohrmann. In section XIV., for instance, the differences in the places of Mason, Plana, Eudoxus, Democritus, and Burg amount to about 2° both in latitude and in longitude. In Plana, indeed, there seems to be a difference of no less than 12° in latitude; but there is an evident misprint of 53° for 43° in Mädler’s list. In Eudoxus there appears a difference of some 5° in longitude.

It is well known to observers how an increase of power will alter the aspect of a lunar formation, breaking up into separate parts and irregular outlines what appears with inferior means as a single, sharply defined mass. For this reason it might be considered that the objects in Schmidt’s map might be more difficult of identification at first sight than those in Lohrmann’s; but it is quite the other way; for, notwithstanding the cutting up by a profusion of detail, the forms, as they appear with moderate powers, are, in general, more speedily recognized in Schmidt’s delineations. Take, for instance, the remarkable district in Section XVI. comprising Herschel II., Horrebow, South, Babbage, Pythagoras, Anaximander, &c. In Schmidt these are all identified at a glance, while in Lohrmann they are by no means so strikingly distinguished. In Lohrmann, and also in Beer and Mädler, South and Babbage are given very imperfectly. In Schmidt’s map it may be observed that the deep shading of the central ridge of Anaximander renders the eastern boundary less prominent than it appears in the telescope, and, indeed, Dr. Schmidt seems to confine the name to the western side of the ridge. Horrebow appears but as a single crater in Lohrmann, while in Schmidt it is nearly divided into two. It is composed of two in fact, with a low dividing lamina, seen only under favourable circumstances. The very remarkable double interior hill in Pythagoras, which has not been overlooked by Schmidt, appeared only single to Lohrmann, and so also to Beer and Mädler.

It may here be noticed that several remains of ancient craters, which have been more or less obliterated by newer formations, seemed to have escaped both observers, though some of them are more or less traceable in the maps.

In Section XXIV. a large ancient crater including Fabricius and Argelander, and extending a long way to the east, is better defined in Schmidt than in Lohrmann; but the latter shows more distinct traces of two similar craters in Section VIII. The more southerly of these, extending from Lexell on the south, goes to Hell on the north-east, and quite includes that crater. It is bounded on the S.E. by a line of small craters given by both Schmidt and Lohrmann, and reaches Walter and Regiomontanus to the W. and N.W. Another ancient crater reaches from Purbachius to the northern end of “Straight Wall,” which runs nearly down its centre. Thebit lies within it on the west. Both these are of great size, like all the primitive craters, and, though not equalling those like the Mare Crisium, they are far larger than Hipparchus. A third smaller, situated between the two, cannot be traced in either Lohrmann or Schmidt; but it may be noticed at the short periods of illumination favourable for observing such wasted or nearly obsolete features.

The incipient formation of rills by inosculating craters may be well seen in Schmidt’s map. In Section III., about Römer and Posidonius, are found several good illustrations of crater rills; and in Section I. the single cleft of Hyginus shows, in its varied character, the relationship between rills with craters and those where craters are not distinguished.

Schmidt has added to his map a convenient epitome of the descriptive volume; and a valuable adjunct will be found in ‘Der Mond’ of Beer and Mädler, as their letters of reference are given by Schmidt in his sections. It must be said, however, that the letters are often obscure and not readily deciphered—a fault, perhaps, of the photography.

It is to be regretted that Schmidt does not give a list of positions, like Mädler in § 37 of ‘Der Mond’, with the addition of references to the sections in which the objects are to be found; neither does he give any comprehensive index. His list of points of the first order falls far short of ordinary requirements; nor are even these easily found in the map without any indication of the sections in which they appear. A small index map showing the sections, and containing the most prominent features with the names, would also be very desirable; and, in its absence, it may be suggested that a spare copy ( say from an old edition) of Webb’s excellent little map in the ‘Celestial Objects’ can be well utilized as an index by dividing it into sections corresponding with those of Lohrmann and Schmidt, and adding with pen or pencil the names to a selection of the principal formations.

In even a cursory examination of Schmidt’s map its completion by a single observer must seem almost incomprehensible to a man of ordinary powers; but it requires protracted study to well realize the extent of the work. Any person who tries with the aid of a 6-feet telescope to give a closely detailed delineation of even a small area of the Moon, will soon conclude that a period of thirty-three years was comparatively a very short one for the accomplishment of Dr. Schmidt’s great task. It is, in all truth, a performance highly creditable to the age in which we live, and to Teutonic intellect and perseverance. It is a splendid example of great results from small beginnings. We have, first, the astronomer, as a youth of 14, viewing the Moon with a little telescope steadied by a lamp-post, and probably the laughing-stock of many a passer by; afterwards he is found, in maturer years, pursuing his favourite study under more or less difficult circumstances and in different countries, until, at length, as director of a national observatory, he completes the wonderful production of his truly inimitable labours. For this it required all the unswerving persistence that is ever a chief attribute of genius; and the pages of the ‘Astronomische Nachrichten’ and other scientific publications can testify to the large amount of other astronomical work performed by Dr. Schmidt simultaneously with his lunar researches.

It is to be hoped that his map will soon be well known and justly appreciated in this country. To every person interested in lunar topography it is certainly indispensable; and the observer who sees something in the Moon not shown by Lohrmann, or Beer and Mädler, may be saved from imagining a new discovery by finding that the object is represented by Schmidt. This may be easily understood when it is known that the number of craters shown by Lohrmann is 7177, and by Mädler 7735, while in Schmidt’s map they reach the extraordinary amount of 32,856. The rills number in Lohrmann 77, in Mädler 71, and in Schmidt 348. As regards other objects, such as hills, ridges, banks, crater-terraces, &c., Schmidt’s map easily surpasses the others in comprehensiveness. Still, of course, the survey cannot be considered exhaustive even within the range of a 6-feet telescope; and although, by referring to Schmidt’s map, an observer may find an object which otherwise, by its absence in other maps, he might be led to suppose was new, it would be plainly wrong to infer that a formation must necessarily be recent because it is not noticed even by Schmidt. In a work of such magnitude as his it would be manifestly senseless to imagine that even sufficiently obvious objects might not, in some instances, have escaped him. With a telescope not superior to the Athenian refractor I have observed a few things not indicated by him,—such as a second large crater in Gruithuisen’s Schröter, a dilapidated diaphragm dividing Endymion into two, &c.; I should, however, be far from concluding on that negative evidence that they were not old formations. I believe the instances of Schmidt’s oversights of rather obvious objects to be wonderfully rare; but at the same time, it is, I should say, in change of aspect in what he represents, rather than in the detection of something not shown in his chart (unless something very striking), that we are to seek for sure indications of continued action affecting the topography of the Moon.

J. BIRMINGHAM

title: Schmidt's Lunar Map


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H by Stow (Survey of London, vol. i. lib. ii. p. 45). In the English verses there is an error, presumably of transcription, which makes them unintelligible. According to Stow— Dame Katharine his first religious wife Saw years thrice ten and two of mortal life, Leaving the world the sixth, the seventh ascending. Married should probably be read for mortal in the second line, the third line implying that at her death she was between 42—6 times 7—and 49—7 times 7. Sir Richard Hawkyns [q. v.], her son, was born in or about 1561 or 1562, and Dame Katharine died after a lingering illness in the first days of July 1591 (Hist. MSS. Comm. 12th Rep. App. pt. i. pp. 14, 15). By the special permission of her husband she executed a will on 23 June 1591 (, p. xi;, p. 72). Hawkyns married secondly Margaret, daughter of Charles Vaughan of Hergest Court in Herefordshire, but had by her no issue. She died in 1619. Besides his son Richard, a ‘base son’ is spoken of as captain of the ship sent out to countermand Drake's orders in 1587 (Lansdowne MS. vol. lii. cap. 43). Neither the name of this ship nor of her captain can now be traced, nor yet any other mention of this ‘base son;’ and it has been suggested that the expression merely refers to Richard, the legitimate son, whose conduct may have been disapproved of by the writer of the manuscript, a man full of rancour towards Hawkyns and his family.

Hawkyns's reputation no doubt stands higher than it otherwise would have done by reason of his association with Drake, not only in the last voyage, which proved fatal to both, but in the defeat of the Armada and in their cruel experience at San Juan de Lua. But the characters of the two men were very different. While Drake was winning fame and fortune by unsurpassed feats of daring, Hawkyns was enriching himself as a merchant, shipowner, and admiralty official, whose integrity was suspected. ‘He had,’ says a writer who claims to have known him well, ‘malice with dissimulation, rudeness in behaviour, and was covetous in the last degree’ (R. M., probably Sir Robert Mansell, in Purchas his Pilgrimes, iv. 1185;, Naval History, p. 312). But, whatever his faults, history has condoned them, rightly considering him one of the great men who broke the power of Spain, and established England's maritime supremacy.

So-called portraits of Hawkyns are not uncommon, but few seem genuine. Of these one is in the Sir John Hawkyns's Hospital at Chatham, where it is said to have hung ever since the hospital was first built. Another now in the possession of Mr. C. Stuart Hawkins of Hayford Hall, Buckfastleigh, Plymouth, has not an unbroken tradition, but is believed to be genuine: it bears the arms of Sir John Hawkyns and the date ‘Ætatis suæ 58; Anno Domini 1591.’ It was exhibited in the Armada exhibition at Drury Lane Theatre in October 1888, and is reproduced as a frontispiece to Miss Hawkins's ‘Plymouth Armada Heroes.’ A group, said to be Drake, Hawkyns, and Cavendish, ascribed to Mytens, has been at Newbattle, the seat of the Marquis of Lothian, for at least 250 years. A copy, presented by the seventh Marquis of Lothian, is in the Painted Hall at Greenwich. Other portraits, such as the miniature ascribed to Peter Oliver, now belonging to the Countess of Rosebery, or the ivory bust belonging to the Rev. B. D. Hawkins (, pp. 17, 76), both of which were lent to the Drury Lane exhibition of 1888, cannot be identified with Hawkyns, and are, more especially the miniature, utterly unlike the better authenticated portrait. The name, though now commonly written Hawkins, was by Sir John himself, as well as by his brother William, his son Richard, and his nephew William, invariably written Hawkyns. The Spaniards, their contemporaries, preferred Aquinas or Achines, or occasionally Acle: in Portuguese Latin it appears as de Canes.

HAWKINS, JOHN, M.D. (fl. 1635), translator and grammarian, was younger brother of Sir Thomas Hawkins (d. 1640) [q. v.], and of Henry Hawkins the jesuit [q. v.] He probably took his degree of M.D. at Padua. He was a staunch catholic, and appears in Gee's list of ‘Popish


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 of going to quarters in such cases was seldom strictly observed. The President and the Secretary of the Navy could alone say whether Barron had understood their orders correctly, and whether his plea, founded on the secretary's instructions, was sound. In the light of Jefferson's diplomacy, Barron's course accorded with his instructions; and perhaps, had the President claimed his own share in the "Chesapeake's" disaster, he would have refused to degrade a faithful, able, and gallant seaman for obeying the spirit and letter of his orders. Unfortunately such an interference would have ruined the navy; and so it happened that what Jefferson had so long foreseen took place. He had maintained that the frigates were a mere invitation to attack; that they created the dangers they were built to resist, and tempted the aggressions of Great Britain, which would, but for these ships, find no object to covet; and when the prediction turned true, he was still obliged to maintain the character of the service. He approved the sentence of the court-martial.

So far as the service was concerned, Barron's punishment was not likely to stimulate its caution, for no American captain, unless he wished to be hung by his own crew at his own yard-arm, was likely ever again to let a British frigate come within gunshot without taking such precautions as he would have taken against a pirate; but though the degradation could do little for the service, it cost Barron his honor, and ended by costing Decatur his life.


text: Category:Historical fiction novels

title: Category:Historical fiction novels


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Sidgwick, Henry


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[Ch. 55.] (2) Subject as in this section provided, no company, body, or person not directly interested in the subject matter of any application shall be entitled to make such application. (3) Any authority or body as aforesaid may appear in opposition to any application, representation, or submission in any case where such authority, or the persons represented by them, appear to the Board of Trade to be likely to be affected by the decision on any such application, representation, or submission. (4) The Board of Trade may, if they think fit, require as a condition of giving a certificate under this section, that security be given in such manner and to such amount as they think necessary, for costs which may be incurred. (5) Any certificate granted under this section shall, unless withdrawn, be in force for twelve months from the date on which it was given.}} (6) Any expenses incurred by any such authority in or incidental to any such application or opposition shall be defrayed out of the rate or fund out of which the expenses of the authority in the. execution of. their ordinary duties are defrayed, and, in the case of a rural district council in England, shall be defrayed as general expenses unless the. Minister of Health directs that they shall be defrayed as special expenses.

Provision as to railway officers transferred to Minister

79. Paragraph (iii) of subsection (1) of section seven of the (which provides for officers and servants transferred to the Minister officers remaining full members of railway pension funds and superannuation funds, shall—

(a)in the case of an officer or servant transferred from any railway company to whom it is applicable at the time when the Minister, ceases to be in possession of the undertaking or any part of the undertaking of the company continue to apply as respects that officer or servant or, after such cessation, so long as he remains in the service of the Crown; and

(b) apply to any officer or servant of any railway company who, with his consent and the consent of the railway company, may hereafter be 65


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H Physicians in and about the City of London’ in 1624 as residing in Charterhouse Court. He married Frances, daughter of Francis Power, esq., of Bletchington, Oxfordshire. Besides his son Francis [q. v.], the jesuit, he had probably another son, from whom descend the family of Hawkins of Tredunnock, Monmouthshire.

He published: 1. ‘A brief Introduction to Syntax, collected out of Nebrissa. … With the Concordance supplyed by J. H.,’ London, 1631, 8vo. 2. ‘Discursus de Melancholia Hypochondriaca,’ Heidelberg, 1633, 4to. 3. ‘The Ransome of Time being captive. Wherein is declared how precious a thing is Time,’ London, 1634, 8vo, written in Spanish by Andreas de Soto, and translated by J. H. 4. ‘Particulæ Latinæ Orationis, collectæ, dispositæ, et confabulationibus digestæ,’ London, 1635, 8vo. 5. ‘Paraphrase upon the seaven Penitential Psalms,’ London, 1635, 8vo, translated from the Italian by J. H.

 HAWKINS, JOHN (1719–1789), author, youngest son of a carpenter who rose to be a surveyor, and claimed descent from the famous seaman, by Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Gwatkin, was born in London 30 March 1719. He learnt some Latin at school; and after studying under Hoppus for his father's business, changed his mind and was articled as clerk to John Scott, an attorney in Bishopsgate. By early rising he managed to find time for studying both law and literature. He wrote for the ‘Gentleman's Magazine,’ his earliest contribution being an ‘Essay on Honesty,’ in the number for March 1739, and published verses in this and other periodicals. About 1741 he became a member of the Madrigal Society, and soon afterwards of the Academy of Ancient Music. In 1742 he wrote the words for five cantatas, which (with another written by his friend Foster Webb) were set to music by John Stanley, and a few months later wrote six more. They became popular at Vauxhall and Ranelagh, and led to his making acquaintance with several musical amateurs; one of them introduced him to Peter Storer of Highgate. Hawkins's business as an attorney had increased, and about the winter of 1749 he ceased to live with his father and shared a house in Clement's Lane, Lombard Street, with Dr. Munckley, a physician. In the spring of 1753 he married Peter Storer's youngest daughter, Sidney, with a fortune of 10,000l., and transferred his business to a house in Austin Friars. Upon the death of his wife's brother, Peter Storer, in 1759, she inherited a fortune, and he then parted with his business to Richard Clark (1739–1831) [q. v.], afterwards city chamberlain, and took a house at Twickenham and another in Hatton Street for a town residence. At Twickenham he made the acquaintance of Horace Walpole, Garrick, and other distinguished neighbours.

He was placed in 1761 in the commission of peace for Middlesex and was an active magistrate. He declined to accept fees until he found that his generosity encouraged litigation, when he took the money and gave it to the poor of the parish. In 1763 he published ‘Observations on the State of the Highways and on the Laws for keeping them in repair,’ recommending a new statute for the purpose, which was afterwards passed into law. He opposed successfully (1764) a bill for rebuilding Newgate by which an undue share of the expense would be thrown upon the county of Middlesex. His fellow-magistrates showed their gratitude by electing him chairman of quarter sessions on 19 Sept. 1765. He left Twickenham in 1771 upon the death of his father, who was fond of the house. His services in suppressing the election riots at Brentford in 1768 and the Moorfield riots in 1769 recommended him to the king, by whom he was knighted 23 Oct. 1772. In November 1777 he was frightened from Hatton Street by three successive attempts at burglary, and settled in Queen Square, Westminster. In 1785 he was forced to move by a fire which destroyed his valuable library and many prints and drawings. He settled in Broad Sanctuary, Westminster, where he lived until 1789, when he was attacked by paralysis, and died on 21 May. He was buried in the cloisters of Westminster Abbey under a stone engraved, by his direction, with nothing but his initials, the date of his death, and his age. The wits had composed an epitaph in ridicule of his drawl: Here lies Sir John Hawkins Without his shoes and ‘stawkins.’ Hawkins was a keen fisherman, and in 1760 published an edition of Walton's ‘Compleat Angler,’ in competition with Moses Browne [q. v.], who had modernised the text. Hawkins prefixed a life of Walton, and Oldys contributed a life of Charles Cotton [q. v.] A fourth edition, revised by Hawkins, appeared in 1784, and a fifth, edited by his son, in 1792.

Hawkins then began his ‘History of Music’ at the instigation of Horace Walpole, who ordered Italian books for him through Sir Horace Mann (, Letters, Cunning-


text: Category:Historical fiction short stories


text: Category:Adventure short stories

title: Category:Adventure short stories


text: Category:Adventure novels

title: Category:Adventure novels


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 Meanwhile, Captain Humphreys reported to Captain Douglas on the "Bellona," and Captain Douglas reported the whole affair to Admiral Berkeley at Halifax, who received at the same time accounts from American sources. The admiral immediately wrote to approve the manner in which his orders had been carried out. "As far as I am enabled to judge," he said in a letter to Captain Humphreys, dated July 4, "you have conducted yourself most properly." The inevitable touch of unconscious comedy was not wanting in the British admiral, whose character recalled Smollett's novels and memories of Commodore Hawser Trunnion. "I hope you mind the public accounts which have been published of this affair as little as I do," he continued; "we must make allowances for the heated state of the populace in a country where law and every tie, both civil and religious, is treated so lightly." No broader humor could be found in "Peregrine Pickle" than in one breath to approve an act so lawless that no man of commonsense even in England ventured to defend it as lawful, and in the next to read the Americans a moral lecture on their want of law and religion; yet grotesque as this old-fashioned naval morality might be, no man in England noticed either its humor or its absurdity.

As though to show that he meant no humor by it, the admiral, August 25, called a court-martial, which the next day sentenced Jenkin Ratford to be hanged,


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Silvester de Everdon


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H to the abbey to hear the music and study the architecture. One of his earliest literary efforts were some essays on plates from subjects in Westminster Abbey, published in 1782–3 in Carter's ‘Antient Sculpture and Painting.’ The extent and value of his assistance was afterwards a matter of dispute between him and Carter (Gent. Mag. 1814, i. 133, 144, ii. 114). On the discovery of the paintings on the walls of the House of Commons in 1800, Hawkins undertook to write an account of them to accompany the drawings made by J. T. Smith. A misunderstanding arose, and Smith completed and published the work himself in 1807 as ‘Antiquities of Westminster.’ Hawkins published ‘A Correct Statement’ of his share of the work, London, 1807, 8vo, and Smith issued ‘A Reply,’ London, 1808, 8vo. During 1814 he engaged in a dispute with Isaac D'Israeli in vindication of his father, but seems to have got the worst of it (Gent. Mag. 1814, i. 551, ii. 12). Hawkins died on 12 Aug. 1842, in his eighty-fifth year, at Lower Grove, Brompton, where he had long resided. He was a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries. His library was sold in 1843. He is described (Gent. Mag.) as a learned antiquary, whose ‘talents were overshadowed by a sour and jealous temper.’

Hawkins also published: 1. An edition of Ruggle's ‘Ignoramus,’ with notes, &c., London, 1787, 8vo, on which he had worked for nearly ten years (, Literary Anecdotes, ix. 35). 2. ‘Walton's Complete Angler,’ 1797, 12mo, 1808, 8vo (a reproduction of Sir J. Hawkins's edition). 3. ‘L. Da Vinci's Treatise on Painting’ (Rigaud's translation), with a life, 1802, 8vo. 4. ‘A History of the Origin and Establishment of Gothic Architecture,’ London, 1813, 8vo, which was severely handled by John Carter (1748–1817) [q. v.] in the ‘Gentleman's Magazine’ (for Carter's letters see Gent. Mag. 1813 ii. 321, 1814 i. 9, 114, 133, 329, ii. 313, 1815 ii. 305. Hawkins, who does not seem to have studied architecture thoroughly, replied in the same periodical (1814, i. 5, 242, 348, 456). 5. ‘An Inquiry into … Greek and Latin Poetry’ (especially dramatic), London, 1817, 8vo. 6. ‘An Inquiry into the nature … of Thorough Bass on a new plan,’ London [1817], 8vo.

 HAWKINS, NICHOLAS, LL.D. (d. 1534), bishop-designate of Ely, nephew and godson of Bishop West of Ely, was born at Putney, and was educated at Eton, whence he was elected scholar of King's College, Cambridge, in 1514. He became rector of Doddington in the Isle of Ely (19 Jan. 1518–1519), of East Dereham, Norfolk (1520), and Snailwell, Cambridgeshire (20 June 1526). He devoted himself to the study of civil and canon law, proceeded to the degree of LL.D., and was admitted an advocate 30 Nov. 1528. We learn from a letter of Chapuys that at one time he embraced the teaching of the reformers, and was thrown into prison for Lutheranism, but subsequently recanted and was compelled to ‘carry a fagot’ as a repentant heretic by his uncle the Bishop of Ely (Letters and State Papers of Hen. VIII, v. No. 1377). He was well rewarded for his compliance. He became a diplomatic servant of the crown, and it was when absent on a foreign mission that he was collated to the rich archdeaconry of Ely, to which he was admitted by proxy 9 Nov. 1527, resigning the rectory of Doddington. As archdeacon he attended the convocation of 1529. When Henry VIII was prosecuting his divorce with the pope and the emperor, Hawkins's reputation as an ecclesiastical lawyer and diplomatist led to his appointment in 1532 as resident ambassador at the imperial court in succession to Cranmer. He was sent with credentials to the Duke of Brunswick, the king of Hungary, and the Elector Palatine, October 1532, at a salary of 30s. a day, paid a year in advance (ib. v. 1372, 1380, 1388). Chapuys, writing to the emperor 1 Oct., gives a full account of his earlier life, and states that he had rendered eminent service to the king when he declared himself head of the church, and had written against the authority of the pope. Hawkins was instructed to procure opinions relative to the divorce, and was credited with possessing ample funds to prosecute his object (ib. 1377). A commission was also given him in common with Jerome (Ghinucci), bishop of Worcester, Dr. Cranmer, and others, to treat for a universal peace (ib. 1482). Hawkins landed at Calais 5 Oct., and reached Mantua 16 Nov., when he had an audience with Charles V, and his credentials were accepted. He employed himself in translating into Latin Henry's ‘Glass of Truth’ on the unlawfulness of marriage with a deceased brother's wife (ib. 1564). By Christmas eve he had reached Bologna, where Clement VII had come to confer with the emperor. Thence he wrote to the king that he had finished his translation, and requested him to send him his book ‘De Potestate Papæ.’ At the same time he complained to Cromwell that while the other ambassadors had silver plate he was compelled to eat off pewter. By 22 Feb. 1533 he had had an interview touching the divorce with the pope (ib.


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 and the three American deserters from the "Melampus" to receive five hundred lashes each. The last part of the sentence was not carried out, and the three Americans remained quietly in prison; but August 31, Jenkin Ratford was duly hanged from the foreyard-arm of his own ship, the "Halifax."


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H vol. vi. No. 177), who, in pursuit of his policy of delay, demanded fuller and more accurate information (ib. vol. vi. Nos. 206, 226). Hawkins followed the emperor to Spain, and being a ‘sorry seaman’ begged Henry not to insist on his going by water. Writing to Cranmer from Barcelona, 11 June, he complained of the lowness of his funds—‘he had only forty pieces left’—and craved for news of ‘his country, his relations, and his friends.’ Cranmer replied, 17 June, in the well-known letter, describing the promulgation of the sentence of divorce at Dunstable and Anne Boleyn's private marriage with Henry (, Original Letters, 1st ser. ii. 33;, Remains, Parker Soc., ii. 244;, History, i. 457). Cranmer also sent Hawkins a bill for four hundred ducats out of his ‘alonely benevolence.’ During the latter half of the year letters frequently passed between the king and Hawkins, who had removed from Barcelona to ‘Almunia’ in Arragon. Henry dictated what Hawkins was to say to the emperor in justification of the divorce, and instructed him to show the emperor an exemplified copy of the sentence. Hawkins was specially enjoined to contradict the report that his aunt Katherine and the Princess Mary were ill-treated (ib. Nos. 775, 838, 855, 903, 1053). In December Hawkins received his last letter from Cranmer, announcing the birth of Elizabeth (, Remains, Parker Soc., ii. 272). Henry VIII designated Hawkins bishop of Ely late in 1533. But no formal election had taken place when the news arrived in England of Hawkins's death. He died of dysentery early in January 1533–4 ‘at a village named Balbase, in the realm of Arragon, two leagues from Mousa’ (Letters, &c., of Henry VIII, vii. No. 115, 2). According to his will, dated 29 Dec. 1533, as quoted by Bentham, he died ‘in civitate Barbatrensi,’ where he desired to be buried. Other authorities wrongly make Barcelona the place of his death. The emperor sent him medicines in his last illness. According to Chapuys, Anne Boleyn showed more grief at his death than the king, and suggested that he had been poisoned (ib. No. 171). According to Fuller (''Hist. of Cambr''. p. 152), Hawkins was ‘a person of such eminent charity that in a time of famine he sold all his plate and goods for the relief of the poor of Ely, being served in wooden dishes and earthen pots.’

HAWKINS or HAWKYNS, RICHARD (1562?–1622), naval commander, only son of Sir John Hawkyns (1532–1595) [q. v.], was brought up almost from infancy among ships and seamen, whether at Plymouth or Deptford. He probably made at an early age short voyages in coasting or cruising vessels, but went for the first time to the West Indies in 1582, under the command of his uncle, William Hawkyns (d. 1589) [q. v.] In 1585 he was captain of the Duck galliot in Drake's expedition to the West Indies, the Spanish main, and the coast of Florida; on the return voyage Hawkins was driven into Mount's Bay on 21 July 1586, and himself carried the news of Drake's success to Exeter in fourteen hours (Cal. of MSS. at Hatfield, iii. 152; Hist. MSS. Comm.) In 1588 he commanded the queen's ship Swallow against the ‘Invincible’ Armada, and in 1590 the Crane in his father's expedition to the coast of Portugal. Meantime he was meditating a voyage which, in his conception, was to surpass any yet made. This was not only a voyage round the world, arriving at ‘the islands of Japan, of the Philippines, and Moluccas, the kingdoms of China and East Indies, by the way of the Straits of Magellan and the South Sea,’ but he designed principally, he tells us, ‘to make a perfect discovery of all those parts where he should arrive, as well known as unknown, with their longitudes and latitudes, the lying of their coasts, their head-lands, their ports and bays, their cities, towns and peoplings, their manner of government, with the commodities which the countries yielded, and of which they have want and are in necessity’ (, p. 89). This was a project quite beyond his predecessors, Drake or Cavendish, whose principal end was to prey on the Spaniards, and who had been driven to sail round the world mainly by force of circumstances. There is nothing in Hawkyns's actions to show that his object was different from theirs; though when he wrote, thirty years afterwards, he may have persuaded himself that his voyage was primarily intended as one of scientific discovery. The ship in which he determined to go was built for his father in 1588, and named, in the first instance, the Repentance; afterwards the queen, admiring her graceful form, had ordered her to be re-named the Dainty, and as such she had sailed in the expedition to the coast of Portugal in 1590, and again in the voyage to the Azores in 1592. Hawkyns now bought her from his father, fitted her out in the river, sailed from Blackwall on 8 April 1593; and finally, after many mishaps and delays, left Plymouth about the middle of June, having a pinnace


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H and a victualler in company, and a commission ‘to attempt some enterprise against the king of Spain, his subjects and adherents, upon the coast of the West Indies, Brazil, Africa, America, or the South Seas, granting him and his patrons whatever he should take, reserving to the crown one-fifth part of all treasure, jewels, and pearls’ (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1591–4, p. 376).

The account of the early part of the voyage, afterwards written by Hawkyns himself, is interesting from the intelligent descriptions of sea life and of the places at which the ships touched. They lost many men by scurvy; the Dainty was nearly burnt by accident; and about the end of October, having a very large number of sick, they put into Santos in Brazil. Here they were able to purchase oranges, lemons, and a few fowls; but the governor ordered them to depart within three days, nor would he permit them to trade or ‘to take any refreshing upon the shore.’ So they put to sea, though short of water, having, it appears, none except what they distilled; a process for which they had a proper apparatus (, p. 164), though it afterwards went completely out of use, presumably on account of the difficulty of carrying sufficient fuel. On 5 Nov. they anchored between the Santa Anna Islands, to the north of Cape Frio. There they put the sick on shore, and refreshed them with sea-fowl and such fruits as the islands afforded (ib. p. 168 n.) Afterwards they watered at Isla Grande, to the west of Rio Janeiro; and on 18 Dec. shaped their course for the Straits of Magellan. At Santa Anna they had emptied out and burnt the victualler; off the mouth of the River Plate the pinnace deserted and made her way home again. The Dainty thus came alone to the Straits; passed through, not without danger; and on 19 April 1594 anchored at the island of Mocha, where fresh provisions were procured. ‘I have not tasted better mutton anywhere,’ Hawkyns noted. And so on to Valparaiso, where they plundered the town and ransomed the ships in the bay; thence going north, making a few prizes, they anchored on 18 June in the bay of San Mateo, where on the 19th they were found by two large Spanish ships, well armed and commanded by Don Beltran de Castro, brother-in-law of the viceroy, who had fitted them out expressly to look for and capture or destroy these English pirates.

The crew of the Dainty had been reduced by deaths to about seventy-five; the Spaniards are said to have numbered ten times as many (ib. p. 271), which is probable enough. Another estimate, making them ‘thirteen hundred men and boyes’ (ib. p. 278), may be pronounced a gross exaggeration (cf., La Armada Invencible, ii. 194). The Dainty was stoutly defended, and she might possibly have beaten off her assailants and made good her escape, but for the extreme carelessness with which she had been prepared for action. Hawkyns had left all the supervision as well as the preparation to the gunner, in whom he had perfect confidence, but who, in the hour of need, proved ignorant and incapable. There were no cartridges, much of the ammunition had been spoiled by damp, few of the guns were clear when they were wanted, and some of them had been loaded with the powder on top of the shot (, p. 273). Hawkyns's own account of the action tells of such gross neglect and mismanagement, as to give rise to a suspicion that, whatever the gunner's faults, Hawkyns was not the ‘complete seaman’ and skilful commander that he would wish his readers to suppose. Of his stubborn courage, however, there is no doubt. The fight lasted through three days, till Hawkyns was carried below severely wounded. The ship was then almost knocked to pieces, with fourteen shot under water, seven or eight feet of water in the hold, and the pumps smashed; many of the men killed, many more wounded, and the rest mad drunk (ib. p. 302). Hawkyns therefore surrendered on capitulation, Don Beltran solemnly pledging himself ‘that he would give us our lives with good entreaty, and send us as speedily as he could into our own country.’ But at Lima the prisoners were claimed by the Inquisition; and, though the viceroy refused to give them up on the ground of having no instructions, they suffered much annoyance. In 1597 Hawkyns was sent to Spain in a galeon which was chased by the fleet under Essex into the roadstead of Terceira (ib. p. 304). She afterwards pursued her voyage and arrived at Seville. There, regardless of the capitulation, Hawkyns was thrown into prison. In September 1598 he escaped, but was recaptured and thrust into a dungeon. In 1599 he was removed to Madrid, and so kept, notwithstanding his own letters to the queen or the English ambassador at Paris, and the remonstrances of Don Beltran, who was indignant at the violation of his plighted faith. On 30 June 1602 Hawkyns wrote to Sir Robert Cecil, complaining that his ‘mother-in-law, Lady Hawkyns,’ would not pay the 3,000l. which had been allotted by his father's will for his ransom (Cal. State Papers, Dom.) Cecil probably interfered; at any rate, Hawkyns was released, though mainly, it was said, in consequence of the representations of the Count Miranda, the president of the council,


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CANTO I.] X.

Childe Harold had a mother—not forgot,

Though parting from that mother he did shun;

A sister whom he loved, but saw her not

Before his weary pilgrimage begun:

If friends he had, he bade adieu to none.

Yet deem not thence his breast a breast of steel:

Ye, who have known what 'tis to dote upon

A few dear objects, will in sadness feel

Such partings break the heart they fondly hope to heal.


text: Messages and Letters of William Henry Harrison/Harrison to speaker of House of Representatives Enclosing above resolutions


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 :"You must be perfectly aware," said he, "that the British flag never has been, nor will be, insulted with impunity. You must also be aware that it has been, and still is, in my power to obstruct the whole trade of the Chesapeake since the late circumstance; which I desisted from, trusting that general unanimity would be restored....  Agreeably to my intentions, I have proceeded to Hampton Roads, with the squadron under my command, to await your answer, which I trust you will favor me with without delay."

He demanded that the prohibition of intercourse should be "immediately annulled." The Mayor sent Littleton Tazewell to carry an answer to this warlike demand from the "Bellona," and Tazewell was somewhat surprised to find Captain Douglas highly conciliatory, and unable to see what the people of Norfolk could have found in his letter which could be regarded as "menacing;" but meanwhile all Virginia was aroused, an attack on Norfolk was generally expected, the coast was patrolled by an armed force, and the British men-of-war were threatened by mounted militia.

In the Northern States the feeling was little less violent. Public meetings were everywhere held. At New York, July 2, the citizens, at a meeting over which De Witt Clinton presided, denounced "the dastardly and unprovoked attack" on the "Chesapeake," and pledged themselves to support the government "in whatever measures it may deem necessary to adopt in the present crisis of affairs." At Boston,


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Simpson, William (1823-1899)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Skene, Felicia Mary Frances


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Smith, Barbara Leigh


text:
Author:John Birmingham

Works

 * a review of Lohrmann's Lunar Map
 * a two part review of Schmidt's Lunar Map

title: Author:John Birmingham


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Smith, Joseph (1733?-1790)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Stansfeld, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Steevens, George Warrington


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Stephens, Thomas (1549?-1619)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Stevenson, Robert Alan Mowbray


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Stewart, Donald Martin


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawford, Edward


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawke, Edward


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawker, Edward


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawker, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawker, Peter


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawker, Robert (1752-1827)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawker, Robert Stephen


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawker, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkesworth, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkesworth, Walter


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkey, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, Cæsar (1711-1786)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, Cæsar Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, Edward (1780-1867)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Stewart, Patrick (1832-1865)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, Ernest


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, Francis (1628-1681)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, Francis (1794-1877)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, George


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, John (1532-1595)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, John (fl.1635)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, John (1719-1789)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, John Sidney


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Stewart, Thomas Grainger


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, Nicholas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hawkins, Richard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Stokes, George Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Stokes, Margaret M'Nair


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Stokes, William (1839-1900)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Strachey, Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Struthers, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Stuart, John Patrick Crichton-


text:
Author:John Cassell

Works

 * The Story of the House of Cassell (1922)
 * Cassell's illustrated Shakespeare
 * The plays of Shakespeare, ed. and annotated by C.C. and M.C. Clarke, illustr. by H.C. Selous (1864)
 * Cassell's Illustrated History of England, Vols. I–IX (1865) Cassell's Illustrated History Of England.jpg
 * Volume 1: From the earliest period to the reign of Edward the Fourth
 * Volume 2: From the reign of Edward the Fourth to the death of Queen Elizabeth
 * Volume 3: From the accession of James I. to the revolution of 1688
 * Volume 4: From the accession of William III. to the death of George II.
 * Volume 5: From the accession of George III. to the French Revolution (July, 1792)
 * Volume 6: From the French Revolution (July, 1792) to the death of George III.
 * Volume 7: From the Accession of George IV. to the Irish Famine, 1847
 * Volume 8: From the Overthrow of Louis Philippe to the Affair of the "Trent"
 * Volume 9: From the death of the Prince Consort to the Geneva Convention
 * The Popular Educator (1888)

title: Author:John Cassell


text:
User talk:71.7.233.8

Beeswaxcandle (talk) 21:50, 12 December 2012 (UTC)

February 2013
Beeswaxcandle (talk) 18:11, 21 February 2013 (UTC)

This is a library
Hi, as I have told you now twice already, Wikisource is a library of previously published books. Your recent contribution of World Economy does not meet our requirements and has been deleted. Our sister Wikipedia is not a previously published book and copying pieces of text from there and pasting them here is not the way that we build our library. Please see this page for an explanation of how we do that. Beeswaxcandle (talk) 19:49, 26 April 2013 (UTC)

title: User talk:71.7.233.8


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[Ch. 55.] to the Minister, so long as the officer or servant in question remains in the service of the Crown;

and accordingly the said paragraph shall have effect as the words "under this section, then so long as the Minister remains in possession of that undertaking or any part or plant thereof" were omitted therefrom.

Provisions as to inquiries.

80.—(1) The provisions of section twenty of the Ministry of Transport Act, 1919 (relating to local inquiries), shall extend so as to enable the Minister to hold local inquiries for the purposes of this Act in like manner as for the purposes of the said Act.

(2) Section twenty-three of the Ministry of Transport Act, 1919 (which provides for the establishment of a panel for giving advice and assistance to the Minister, in connexion with the exercise and performance of his powers and duties), shall extend to the exercise and performance of the powers and duties of the Minister under this Act; and the Minister may add to the panel persons having special experience in the various matters to which the powers and duties of the Minister under this Act relate.

(3) Any expenses incurred by the Minister in relation to any such local inquiry, or an inquiry by a committee chosen either wholly or partly from such panel as aforesaid, shall be paid by the railway companies and other persons concerned in the inquiry, or by such of them and in such proportions as the Minister may direct; and, the Minister may certify the amount of the expenses incurred, and any sum so certified and directed by the Minister to be paid by any railway company or other person shall be a debt to the Crown from such company or person.

(4) The rates advisory committee constituted under section twenty-one of the Ministry of Transport Act, 1919, shall continue in existence so long as may be necessary for the purposes of references under the, and after the said committee ceases to exist any functions which under any other enactments are to be discharged by the committee. shall be transferred to the rates tribunal. 66


text: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 33

title: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 33


text: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 34

title: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 34


text: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 35

title: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 35


text: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 36

title: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 36


text: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 37

title: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 37


text: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 38

title: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 38


text: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 39

title: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 39


text: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 40

title: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 40


text: Page:Tales of two countries.djvu/1

title: Page:Tales of two countries.djvu/1


text: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 41

title: A Complete Guide to Heraldry/Chapter 41