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Barack Obama's presidential press conference - 14 November 2012

THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, everybody. Please have a seat. I hear you have some questions for me. [Laughter] But let me just make a few remarks at the top, and then I'll open it up. First of all, I want to reiterate what I said on Friday. Right now, our economy is still recovering from a very deep and damaging crisis, so our top priority has to be jobs and growth. We’ve got to build on the progress that we’ve made, because this nation succeeds when we’ve got a growing, thriving middle class.

And that’s the idea at the core of the plan that I talked about on the campaign trail over the last year: Rewarding manufacturers and small businesses that create jobs here, not overseas; providing more Americans the chance to earn the skills that businesses are looking for right now; keeping this country at the forefront of research, technology, and clean energy; putting people back to work rebuilding our roads, our bridges, and our schools; and reducing our deficit in a balanced and responsible way. Now, on this last item, we face a very clear deadline that requires us to make some big decisions on jobs, taxes and deficits by the end of the year. Both parties voted to set this deadline. And I believe that both parties can work together to make these decisions in a balanced and responsible way.

Yesterday, I had a chance to meet with labor and civic leaders for their input. Today, I’m meeting with CEOs of some of America’s largest companies. And I’ll meet with leaders of both parties of Congress before the week is out. Because there’s only one way to solve these challenges, and that is to do it together. As I’ve said before, I’m open to compromise and I’m open to new ideas. And I’ve been encouraged over the past week to hear Republican after Republican agree on the need for more revenue from the wealthiest Americans as part of our arithmetic if we’re going to be serious about reducing the deficit.

Because when it comes to taxes, there are two pathways available: Option one, if Congress fails to act by the end of the year, everybody’s taxes will automatically go up -- including the 98 percent of Americans who make less than $250,000 a year and the 97 percent of small businesses who earn less than $250,000 a year. That doesn’t make sense. Our economy can’t afford that right now. Certainly no middle-class family can afford that right now. And nobody in either party says that they want it to happen.

The other option is to pass a law right now that would prevent any tax hike whatsoever on the first $250,000 of everybody’s income. And by the way, that means every American, including the wealthiest Americans, get a tax cut. It means that 98 percent of all Americans, and 97 percent of all small businesses won’t see their taxes go up a single dime. The Senate has already passed a law like this. Democrats in the House are ready to pass a law like this. And I hope Republicans in the House come on board, too.

We should not hold the middle class hostage while we debate tax cuts for the wealthy. We should at least do what we agree on, and that's to keep middle-class taxes low. And I’ll bring everyone in to sign it right away so we can give folks some certainty before the holiday season. I won’t pretend that figuring out everything else will be easy, but I'm confident we can do it -- and I know we have to. I know that that's what the American people want us to do. That was the very clear message from the election last week. And that was the message of a letter that I received over the weekend.

It came from a man in Tennessee who began by writing that he didn’t vote for me -- which is okay. (Laughter.) But what he said was even though he didn’t give me his vote, he’s giving me his support to move this country forward. And he said the same to his Republican representatives in Washington. He said that he’ll back each of us, regardless of party, as long as we work together to make life better for all of us. And he made it clear that if we don’t make enough progress, he’ll be back in touch.

“My hope,” he wrote, “is that we can make progress in light of personal and party principles, special interest groups, and years of business as usual. We’ve got to work together and put our differences aside.” I couldn't say it better myself. That’s precisely what I intend to do. And with that, let me open it up for your questions. And I'm going to start off with Ben Feller of AP.

FELLER: Thank you, Mr. President. Can you assure the American people that there have been no breaches of national security or classified information in the scandal involving Generals Petraeus and Allen? And do you think that you as Commander-in-Chief and the American people should have been told that the CIA chief was under investigation before the election?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I have no evidence at this point from what I've seen that classified information was disclosed that in any way would have had a negative impact on our national security. Obviously there’s an ongoing investigation. I don't want to comment on the specifics of the investigation. The FBI has its own protocols in terms of how they proceed, and I'm going to let Director Mueller and others examine those protocols and make some statements to the public generally.

I do want to emphasize what I’ve said before: General Petraeus had an extraordinary career. He served this country with great distinction in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and as head of the CIA. By his own assessment, he did not meet the standards that he felt were necessary as the Director of CIA with respect to this personal matter that he is now dealing with, with his family and with his wife. And it’s on that basis that he tendered his resignation, and it’s on that basis that I accepted it.

But I want to emphasize that from my perspective at least, he has provided this country an extraordinary service. We are safer because of the work that Dave Petraeus has done. And my main hope right now is, is that he and his family are able to move on and that this ends up being a single side note on what has otherwise been an extraordinary career.

FELLER: What about voters? Did they deserve to know?

THE PRESIDENT: Again, I think you’re going to have to talk to the FBI in terms of what their general protocols are when it comes to what started off as a potential criminal investigation. One of the challenges here is, is that we’re not supposed to meddle in criminal investigations, and that’s been our practice. And I think that there are certain procedures that both the FBI follow, or DOJ follow, when they’re involved in these investigations. That’s traditionally been how we view things, in part because people are innocent until proven guilty, and we want to make sure that we don’t pre-judge these kinds of situations. And so my expectation is, is that they followed protocols that they already established. Jessica Yellin. Where’s Jessica?

YELLIN: Mr. President, on the fiscal cliff, two years ago, sir, you said that you wouldn’t extend the Bush-era tax cuts, but at the end of the day, you did. So, respectfully, sir, why should the American people and the Republicans believe that you won’t cave again this time?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, two years ago, the economy was in a different situation. We were still very much in the early parts of recovering from the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. And ultimately, we came together not only to extend the Bush tax cuts, but also a wide range of policies that were going to be good for the economy at that point -- unemployment insurance extensions, payroll tax extension -- all of which made a difference, and is part of the reason why what we've seen now is 32 consecutive months of job growth and over 5.5 million jobs created and the unemployment rate coming down. But what I said at the time is what I meant, which is this was a one-time proposition. And what I have told leaders privately as well as publicly is that we cannot afford to extend the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy. What we can do is make sure that middle-class taxes don’t go up.

And so the most important step we can take right now -- I think the foundation for a deal that helps the economy, creates jobs, gives consumers certainty, which means gives businesses confidence that they're going to have consumers during the holiday season -- is if we right away say 98% of Americans are not going to see their taxes go up; 97% of small businesses are not going to see their taxes go up. If we get that in place, we are actually removing half of the fiscal cliff. Half of the danger to our economy is removed by that single step.

And what we can then do is shape a process whereby we look at tax reform -- which I'm very eager to do. I think we can simplify our tax system. I think we can make it more efficient. We can eliminate loopholes and deductions that have a distorting effect on our economy. I believe that we have to continue to take a serious look at how we reform our entitlements, because health care costs continue to be the biggest driver of our deficits. So there is a package to be shaped, and I'm confident that parties -- folks of goodwill in both parties can make that happen. But what I'm not going to do is to extend Bush tax cuts for the wealthiest 2 percent that we can't afford, and according to economists, will have the least positive impact on our economy.

YELLIN: You've said that the wealthiest must pay more. Would closing loopholes instead of raising rates for them satisfy you?

THE PRESIDENT: I think that there are loopholes that can be closed, and we should look at how we can make the process of deductions, the filing process easier, simpler. But when it comes to the top 2 percent, what I’m not going to do is to extend further a tax cut for folks who don’t need it, which would cost close to a trillion dollars.

And it’s very difficult to see how you make up that trillion dollars -- if we’re serious about deficit reduction -- just by closing loopholes and deductions. The math tends not to work. And I think it’s important to establish a basic principle that was debated extensively during the course of this campaign. I mean, this shouldn’t be a surprise to anybody. If there was one thing that everybody understood was a big difference between myself and Mr. Romney, it was when it comes to how we reduce our deficit, I argued for a balanced, responsible approach, and part of that included making sure that the wealthiest Americans pay a little bit more.

I think every voter out there understood that that was an important debate, and the majority of voters agreed with me. By the way, more voters agreed with me on this issue than voted for me. So we’ve got a clear majority of the American people who recognize if we’re going to be serious about deficit reduction, we’ve got to do it in a balanced way.

The only question now is are we going to hold the middle class hostage in order to go ahead and let that happen? Or can we all step back and say, here’s something we agree on -- we don’t want middle-class taxes to go up. Let’s go ahead and lock that in. That will be good for the economy. It will be good for consumers. It will be good for businesses. It takes the edge off the fiscal cliff. And let’s also then commit ourselves to the broader package of deficit reduction that includes entitlement changes and it includes potentially tax reform, as well as I’m willing to look at additional work that we can do on the discretionary spending side.

So I want a big deal. I want a comprehensive deal. I want to see if we can, at least for the foreseeable future, provide certainty to businesses and the American people so that we can focus on job growth, so that we’re also investing in the things that we need. But right now what I want to make sure of is that taxes on middle-class families don’t go up. And there’s a very easy way to do that. We could get that done by next week. Lori Montenegro, Telemundo.

MONTENEGRO: Thank you, Mr. President. On immigration reform, the criticism in the past has been that you did not put forth legislation with specific ideas and send it up to the Hill. This time around you have said again that this will be one of the top priorities for a second term. Will you then send legislation to the Hill? And exactly what do you envision is broad immigration reform? Does that include a legalization program? And also, what lessons, if any, did Democrats learn from this last election and the Latino vote?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think what was incredibly encouraging was to see a significant increase in Latino turnout. It is the fastest-growing group in the country. And historically what you’ve seen is the Latino vote, vote at lower rates than the broader population, and that's beginning to change. You're starting to see a sense of empowerment and civic participation that I think is going to be powerful and good for the country.

And it is why I’m very confident that we can get immigration reform done. Before the election I had given a couple interviews where I predicted that the Latino vote was going to be strong, and that that would cause some reflection on the part of Republicans about their position on immigration reform. I think we’re starting to see that already. I think that's a positive sign.

This has not historically been a partisan issue -- we’ve had President Bush and John McCain and others who have supported comprehensive immigration reform in the past. So we need to seize the moment. And my expectation is, is that we get a bill introduced and we begin the process in Congress very soon after my inauguration. And in fact, some conversations I think are already beginning to take place among senators and congressmen and my staff about what would this look like.

And when I say comprehensive immigration reform, it is very similar to the outlines of previous efforts at comprehensive immigration reform. I think it should include a continuation of the strong border security measures that we’ve taken because we have to secure our borders. I think it should contain serious penalties for companies that are purposely hiring undocumented workers and taking advantage of them. And I do think that there should be a pathway for legal status for those who are living in this country, are not engaged in criminal activity, are here simply to work. It’s important for them to pay back-taxes. It’s important for them to learn English. It’s important for them to potentially pay a fine. But to give them the avenue whereby they can resolve their legal status here in this country I think is very important.

Obviously, making sure that we put into law what the first step that we’ve taken administratively dealing with the DREAM Act kids is very important as well. One thing that I’m very clear about is that young people who are brought here through no fault of their own, who have gone to school here, pledged allegiance to our flag, want to serve in our military, want to go to school and contribute to our society, that they shouldn’t be under the cloud of deportation, that we should give them every opportunity to earn their citizenship.

And so there are other components to it, obviously. The business community continues to be concerned about getting enough high-skill workers, and I am a believer that if you’ve got a PhD in physics or computer science who wants to stay here and start a business here, we shouldn’t make it harder for him to stay here; we should try to encourage him to contribute to this society.

I think that the agricultural sector obviously has very specific concerns about making sure that they’ve got a workforce that helps deliver food to our tables.

So there are going to be a bunch of components to it, but I think whatever process we have needs to make sure our border security is strong, needs to deal with employers effectively, needs to provide a pathway for the undocumented here, needs to deal with the DREAM Act kids. And I think that’s something that we can get done. Chuck Todd. Where’s Chuck?

TODD: Mr. President, I just want to follow on both Ben’s question and Jessica’s question. On having to do with Ben’s question --

THE PRESIDENT: How about Lori’s question? Do you want to follow up on that one, too? [Laughter]

TODD: No, I feel like you answered that one completely. Are you withholding judgment on whether you should have known sooner that there was a potential -- that there was an investigation into whether your CIA Director -- potentially there was a national security breach with your CIA Director -- do you believe you should have known sooner? Are you withholding judgment until the investigation is complete on that front? And then the follow-up to Jessica’s question -- tax rates. Are you -- is there no deal at the end of the year if tax rates for the top 2 percent aren’t the Clinton tax rates, period? No ifs, ands, or buts -- any room in negotiating on that specific aspect of the fiscal cliff?

THE PRESIDENT: I am withholding judgment with respect to how the entire process surrounding General Petraeus came up. We don’t have all the information yet, but I want to say that I have a lot of confidence generally in the FBI, and they’ve got a difficult job. And so I’m going to wait and see to see if there’s any other --

TODD: -- that you should have known? Do you think in hindsight --

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I mean, Chuck, what I’ll say is, is that if -- it is also possible that had we been told, then you’d be sitting here asking a question about why were you interfering in a criminal investigation. So I think it’s best right now for us to just see how this whole process unfolded. With respect to the tax rates, I just want to emphasize I am open to new ideas. If Republican counterparts or some Democrats have a great idea for us to raise revenue, maintain progressivity, make sure the middle class isn’t getting hit, reduces our deficit, encourages growth, I’m not going to just slam the door in their face. I want to hear ideas from everybody.

TODD: -- red line.

THE PRESIDENT: Look, I believe this is solvable. I think that fair-minded people can come to an agreement that does not cause the economy to go back into recession, that protects middle-class families, that focuses on jobs and growth, and reduces our deficit. I’m confident it can be done. My budget, frankly, does it. I understand that -- I don’t expect the Republicans simply to adopt my budget. That’s not realistic. So I recognize that we're going to have to compromise. And as I said on Election Night, compromise is hard, and not everybody gets 100 percent of what they want and not everybody is going to be perfectly happy.

But what I will not do is to have a process that is vague, that says we're going to sort of, kind of, raise revenue through dynamic scoring or closing loopholes that have not been identified. And the reason I won't do that is because I don’t want to find ourselves in a position six months from now or a year from now where, lo and behold, the only way to close the deficit is to sock it to middle-class families, or to burden families that have disabled kids or have a parent in a nursing home, or suddenly we've got to cut more out of our basic research budget that is the key to growing the economy in the long term.

So that’s my concern. I'm less concerned about red lines, per se. What I'm concerned about is not finding ourselves in a situation where the wealthy aren't paying more or aren't paying as much as they should, middle-class families one way or another are making up the difference -- that’s the kind of status quo that has been going on here too long, and that’s exactly what I argued against during this campaign. And if there’s one thing that I'm pretty confident about is the American people understood what they were getting when they gave me this incredible privilege of being in office for another four years.

They want compromise. They want action. But they also want to make sure that middle-class folks aren't bearing the entire burden and sacrifice when it comes to some of these big challenges. They expect that folks at the top are doing their fair share as well. And that’s going to be my guiding principle during these negotiations, but, more importantly, during the next four years of my administration. Nancy Cordes.

CORDES: Mr. President, on Election Night, you said that you were looking forward to speaking with Governor Romney, sitting down in the coming weeks to discuss ways that you could work together on this nation's problems. Have you extended that invitation? Has he accepted? And in what ways do you think you can work together?

THE PRESIDENT: We haven't scheduled something yet. I think everybody forgets that the election was only a week ago and -- I know I've forgotten. I forgot on Wednesday. [Laughter] So I think everybody needs to catch their breath. I'm sure that Governor Romney is spending some time with his family. And my hope is, before the end of the year, though, that we have a chance to sit down and talk. There are certain aspects of Governor Romney’s record and his ideas that I think could be very helpful.

CORDES: Such as?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, to give you one example, I do think he did a terrific job running the Olympics. And that skill set of trying to figure out how do we make something work better applies to the federal government. There are a lot of ideas that I don’t think are partisan ideas but are just smart ideas about how can we make the federal government more customer friendly; how can we make sure that we’re consolidating programs that are duplicative; how can we eliminate additional waste. He presented some ideas during the course of the campaign that I actually agree with. So it would be interesting to talk to him about something like that. There may be ideas that he has with respect to jobs and growth that can help middle-class families that I want to hear. So I’m not either prejudging what he’s interested in doing, nor am I suggesting I’ve got some specific assignment. But what I want to do is to get ideas from him and see if there are some ways that we can potentially work together.

CORDES: But when it comes to your relationships with Congress, one of the most frequent criticisms we’ve heard over the past few years from members on both sides is that you haven’t done enough to reach out and build relationships. Are there concrete ways that you plan to approach your relationships with Congress in a second term?

THE PRESIDENT: Look, I think there’s no doubt that I can always do better, and so I will examine ways that I can make sure to communicate my desire to work with everybody, so long as it’s advancing the cause of strengthening our middle class and improving our economy. I’ve got a lot of good relationships with folks both in the House and the Senate. I have a lot of relationships on both sides of the aisle. It hasn’t always manifested itself in the kind of agreements that I’d like to see between Democrats and Republicans. And so I think all of us have responsibilities to see if there are things that we can improve on. And I don’t exempt myself from needing to do some self-reflection and see if I can improve our working relationship.

There are probably going to be still some very sharp differences. And as I said during the campaign, there are going to be times where there are fights, and I think those are fights that need to be had. But what I think the American people don’t want to see is a focus on the next election instead of a focus on them.

And I don’t have another election. And Michelle and I were talking last night about what an incredible honor and privilege it is to be put in this position. And there are people all across this country, millions of folks, who worked so hard to help us get elected, but there are also millions of people who may not have voted for us but are also counting on us. And we take that responsibility very seriously. I take that responsibility very seriously. And I hope and intend to be an even better President in the second term than I was in the first. Jonathan Karl.

KARL: Thank you, Mr. President. Senator John McCain and Senator Lindsey Graham both said today that they want to have Watergate-style hearings on the attack on the U.S. consulate in Benghazi, and said that if you nominate Susan Rice to be Secretary of State, they will do everything in their power to block her nomination. As Senator Graham said, he simply doesn’t trust Ambassador Rice after what she said about Benghazi. I’d like your reaction to that. And would those threats deter you from making a nomination like that?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, I’m not going to comment at this point on various nominations that I’ll put forward to fill out my Cabinet for the second term. Those are things that are still being discussed. But let me say specifically about Susan Rice, she has done exemplary work. She has represented the United States and our interests in the United Nations with skill and professionalism and toughness and grace.

As I’ve said before, she made an appearance at the request of the White House in which she gave her best understanding of the intelligence that had been provided to her. If Senator McCain and Senator Graham and others want to go after somebody, they should go after me. And I’m happy to have that discussion with them. But for them to go after the U.N. Ambassador, who had nothing to do with Benghazi, and was simply making a presentation based on intelligence that she had received, and to besmirch her reputation is outrageous.

And we’re after an election now. I think it is important for us to find out exactly what happened in Benghazi, and I’m happy to cooperate in any ways that Congress wants. We have provided every bit of information that we have, and we will continue to provide information. And we’ve got a full-blown investigation, and all that information will be disgorged to Congress.

And I don't think there’s any debate in this country that when you have four Americans killed, that's a problem. And we’ve got to get to the bottom of it, and there needs to be accountability. We’ve got to bring those who carried it out to justice. They won’t get any debate from me on that.

But when they go after the U.N. Ambassador, apparently because they think she’s an easy target, then they’ve got a problem with me. And should I choose, if I think that she would be the best person to serve America in the capacity of the State Department, then I will nominate her. That's not a determination that I’ve made yet. Ed Henry.

HENRY: I want to take Chuck’s lead and just ask a very small follow-up, which is whether you feel you have a mandate not just on taxes but on a range of issues because of your decisive victory? But I want to stay on Benghazi, based on what Jon asked because you said, if they want to come after me, come after me. I wanted to ask about the families of these four Americans who were killed. Sean Smith’s father, Ray, said he believes his son basically called 911 for help and they didn't get it. And I know you’ve said you grieve for these four Americans, that it’s being investigated, but the families have been waiting for more than two months. So I would like to -- for you to address the families, if you can. On 9/11, as Commander-in-Chief, did you issue any orders to try to protect their lives?

THE PRESIDENT: Ed, I’ll address the families not through the press. I’ll address the families directly, as I already have. And we will provide all the information that is available about what happened on that day. That’s what the investigation is for. But as I’ve said repeatedly, if people don’t think that we did everything we can to make sure that we saved the lives of folks who I sent there and who were carrying out missions on behalf of the United States, then you don’t know how our Defense Department thinks or our State Department thinks or our CIA thinks. Their number-one priority is obviously to protect American lives. That’s what our job is. Now --

HENRY: [Inaudible]

THE PRESIDENT: Ed, I will put forward every bit of information that we have. I can tell you that immediately upon finding out that our folks were in danger, that my orders to my national security team were do whatever we need to do to make sure they’re safe. And that’s the same order that I would give any time that I see Americans are in danger, whether they’re civilian or military, because that’s our number-one priority.

With respect to the issue of mandate, I’ve got one mandate. I’ve got a mandate to help middle-class families and families that are working hard to try to get into the middle class. That’s my mandate. That’s what the American people said. They said: Work really hard to help us. Don’t worry about the politics of it; don’t worry about the party interests; don’t worry about the special interests. Just work really hard to see if you can help us get ahead -- because we’re working really hard out here and we’re still struggling, a lot of us. That’s my mandate.

I don’t presume that because I won an election that everybody suddenly agrees with me on everything. I’m more than familiar with all the literature about presidential overreach in second terms. We are very cautious about that. On the other hand, I didn’t get reelected just to bask in reelection. I got elected to do work on behalf of American families and small businesses all across the country who are still recovering from a really bad recession, but are hopeful about the future.

And I am, too. The one thing that I said during the campaign that maybe sounds like a bunch of campaign rhetoric, but now that the campaign is over I am going to repeat it and hopefully you guys will really believe me -- when you travel around the country, you are inspired by the grit and resilience and hard work and decency of the American people. And it just makes you want to work harder. You meet families who are -- have overcome really tough odds and somehow are making it and sending their kids to college. And you meet young people who are doing incredible work in disadvantaged communities because they believe in the American ideal and it should available for everybody. And you meet farmers who are helping each other during times of drought, and you meet businesses that kept their doors open during the recession, even though the owner didn’t have to take a salary.

And when you talk to these folks, you say to yourself, man, they deserve a better government than they've been getting. They deserve all of us here in Washington to be thinking every single day, how can I make things a little better for them -- which isn't to say that everything we do is going to be perfect, or that there aren't just going to be some big, tough challenges that we have to grapple with. But I do know the federal government can make a difference.

We're seeing it right now on the Jersey coast and in New York. People are still going through a really tough time; the response hasn't been perfect; but it's been aggressive and strong and fast and robust, and a lot of people have been helped because of it. And that’s a pretty good metaphor for how I want the federal government to operate generally, and I'm going to do everything I can to make sure it does. Christi Parson. Hey.

PARSON: Thank you, Mr. President, and congratulations, by the way.

THE PRESIDENT: Thanks.

PARSON: One quick follow up --

THE PRESIDENT: Christi was there when I was running for state Senate.

PARSON: That’s right, I was.

THE PRESIDENT: So Christi and I go back a ways.

PARSON: I've never seen you lose. I wasn't looking that one time. (Laughter.)

THE PRESIDENT: There you go.

PARSON: One quick follow-up, and then I want to ask you about Iran. I just want to make sure I understood what you said. Can you envision any scenario in which we do go off the fiscal cliff at the end of the year? And on Iran, are you preparing a final diplomatic push here to resolve the nuclear program issue, and are we headed toward one-on-one talks?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, obviously, we can all imagine a scenario where we go off the fiscal cliff. If despite the election, if despite the dangers of going over the fiscal cliff and what that means for our economy, that there’s too much stubbornness in Congress that we can't even agree on giving middle-class families a tax cut, then middle-class families are all going to end up having a big tax hike. And that’s going to be a pretty rude shock for them, and I suspect will have a big impact on the holiday shopping season, which, in turn, will have an impact on business planning and hiring, and we can go back into a recession.

It would be a bad thing. It is not necessary. So I want to repeat: Step number one that we can take in the next couple of weeks, provide certainty to middle-class families -- 98 percent of families who make less than $250,000 a year, 97 percent of small businesses -- that their taxes will not go up a single dime next year. Give them that certainty right now. We can get that done. We can then set up a structure whereby we are dealing with tax reform, closing deductions, closing loopholes, simplifying, dealing with entitlements. And I’m ready and willing to make big commitments to make sure that we’re locking in the kind of deficit reductions that stabilize our deficit, start bringing it down, start bringing down our debt. I’m confident we can do it.

And, look, I’ve been living with this for a couple of years now. I know the math pretty well. And it really is arithmetic; it’s not calculus. There are some tough things that have to be done, but there is a way of doing this that does not hurt middle-class families, that does not hurt our seniors, doesn’t hurt families with disabled kids, allows us to continue to invest in those things that make us grow, like basic research and education, helping young people afford going to college. As we’ve already heard from some Republican commentators, a modest tax increase on the wealthy is not going to break their backs; they’ll still be wealthy. And it will not impinge on business investment.

So we know how to do this. This is just a matter of whether or not we come together and go ahead and say, Democrats and Republicans, we’re both going to hold hands and do what’s right for the American people. And I hope that’s what happens. With respect to Iran, I very much want to see a diplomatic resolution to the problem. I was very clear before the campaign, I was clear during the campaign, and I’m now clear after the campaign -- we’re not going to let Iran get a nuclear weapon. But I think there is still a window of time for us to resolve this diplomatically. We’ve imposed the toughest sanctions in history. It is having an impact on Iran’s economy.

There should be a way in which they can enjoy peaceful nuclear power while still meeting their international obligations and providing clear assurances to the international community that they’re not pursuing a nuclear weapon. And so, yes, I will try to make a push in the coming months to see if we can open up a dialogue between Iran and not just us, but the international community, to see if we can get this things resolved. I can’t promise that Iran will walk through the door that they need to walk through, but that would be very much the preferable option.

PARSON: And under what circumstances would one-on-one conversations take place?

THE PRESIDENT: I won’t talk about the details in negotiations. But I think it’s fair to say we want to get this resolved, and we’re not going to be constrained by diplomatic niceties or protocols. If Iran is serious about wanting to resolve this, they’ll be in a position to resolve it.

PARSON: At one point just prior to the election that was talk that talks might be imminent.

THE PRESIDENT: That was not true, and it’s not true as of today. Just going to knock through a couple others. Mark Landler. Where’s Mark? There he is right in front of me.

LANDLER: Thank you, Mr. President. In his endorsement of you a few weeks ago, Mayor Bloomberg said he was motivated by the belief that you would do more to confront the threat of climate change than your opponent. Tomorrow you’re going up to New York City where you’re going to, I assume, see people who are still suffering the effects of Hurricane Sandy, which many people say is further evidence of how a warming globe is changing our weather. What specifically do you plan to do in a second term to tackle the issue of climate change? And do you think the political will exists in Washington to pass legislation that could include some kind of attacks on carbon?

THE PRESIDENT: As you know, Mark, we can’t attribute any particular weather event to climate change. What we do know is the temperature around the globe is increasing faster than was predicted even 10 years ago. We do know that the Arctic ice cap is melting faster than was predicted even five years ago. We do know that there have been extraordinarily -- there have been an extraordinarily large number of severe weather events here in North America, but also around the globe. And I am a firm believer that climate change is real, that it is impacted by human behavior and carbon emissions. And as a consequence, I think we've got an obligation to future generations to do something about it.

Now, in my first term, we doubled fuel efficiency standards on cars and trucks. That will have an impact. That will take a lot of carbon out of the atmosphere. We doubled the production of clean energy, which promises to reduce the utilization of fossil fuels for power generation. And we continue to invest in potential breakthrough technologies that could further remove carbon from our atmosphere. But we haven't done as much as we need to.

So what I'm going to be doing over the next several weeks, next several months, is having a conversation, a wide-ranging conversation with scientists, engineers, and elected officials to find out what can -- what more can we do to make a short-term progress in reducing carbons, and then working through an education process that I think is necessary -- a discussion, a conversation across the country about what realistically can we do long term to make sure that this is not something we're passing on to future generations that's going to be very expensive and very painful to deal with.

I don't know what either Democrats or Republicans are prepared to do at this point, because this is one of those issues that's not just a partisan issue; I also think there are regional differences. There’s no doubt that for us to take on climate change in a serious way would involve making some tough political choices. And understandably, I think the American people right now have been so focused, and will continue to be focused on our economy and jobs and growth, that if the message is somehow we're going to ignore jobs and growth simply to address climate change, I don't think anybody is going to go for that. I won't go for that.

If, on the other hand, we can shape an agenda that says we can create jobs, advance growth, and make a serious dent in climate change and be an international leader, I think that's something that the American people would support. So you can expect that you’ll hear more from me in the coming months and years about how we can shape an agenda that garners bipartisan support and helps move this agenda forward.

LANDLER: Sounds like you're saying, though, in the current environment, we're probably still short of a consensus on some kind of attack.

THE PRESIDENT: That I'm pretty certain of. And, look, we're still trying to debate whether we can just make sure that middle-class families don't get a tax hike. Let’s see if we can resolve that. That should be easy. This one is hard -- but it’s important because one of the things that we don't always factor in are the costs involved in these natural disasters; we just put them off as something that's unconnected to our behavior right now. And I think what -- based on the evidence we're seeing, is that what we do now is going to have an impact and a cost down the road if we don’t do something about it. All right, last question. Mark Felsenthal. Where’s Mark?

FELSENTHAL: Thank you. Mr. President, the Assad regime is engaged in a brutal crackdown on its people. France has recognized the opposition coalition. What would it take for the United States to do the same? And is there any point at which the United States would consider arming the rebels?

THE PRESIDENT: I was one of the first leaders I think around the world to say Assad had to go, in response to the incredible brutality that his government displayed in the face of what were initially peaceful protests. Obviously, the situation in Syria has deteriorated since then. We have been extensively engaged with the international community as well as regional powers to help the opposition. We have committed to hundreds of millions of dollars of humanitarian aid to help folks both inside of Syria and outside of Syria. We are constantly consulting with the opposition on how they can get organized so that they’re not splintered and divided in the face of the onslaught from the Assad regime.

We are in very close contact with countries like Turkey and Jordan that immediately border Syria and have an impact -- and obviously Israel, which is having already grave concerns, as we do, about, for example, movements of chemical weapons that might occur in such a chaotic atmosphere and that could have an impact not just within Syria, but on the region as a whole. I’m encouraged to see that the Syrian opposition created an umbrella group that may have more cohesion than they’ve had in the past. We’re going to be talking to them. My envoys are going to be traveling to various meetings that are going to be taking place with the international community and the opposition.

We consider them a legitimate representative of the aspirations of the Syrian people. We’re not yet prepared to recognize them as some sort of government in exile, but we do think that it is a broad-based representative group. One of the questions that we’re going to continue to press is making sure that that opposition is committed to a democratic Syria, an inclusive Syria, a moderate Syria. We have seen extremist elements insinuate themselves into the opposition, and one of the things that we have to be on guard about -- particularly when we start talking about arming opposition figures -- is that we’re not indirectly putting arms in the hands of folks who would do Americans harm, or do Israelis harm, or otherwise engage in actions that are detrimental to our national security.

So we're constantly probing and working on that issue. The more engaged we are, the more we'll be in a position to make sure that we are encouraging the most moderate, thoughtful elements of the opposition that are committed to inclusion, observance of human rights, and working cooperatively with us over the long term. Thank you very much.

FELSENTHAL: -- spending side of the fiscal cliff. On spending, the $1.2 trillion trigger, is that something that you can see having a short-term component -- because I remember you said it's not happening --

THE PRESIDENT: That was a great question, but it would be a horrible precedent for me to answer your question just because you yelled it out. [Laughter] So thank you very much, guys.


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 through this, and that is more credible through which (a thing is demonstrated). Also the demonstration which is through fewer things is therefore better, cæteris paribus; both then are demonstrated through three terms, and two propositions, but the one assumes that something is, and the other, that something is and is not, hence through a greater number of things (the demonstration is made) so that it is the worse.

Moreover since it has been shown impossible for a syllogism to be produced with both propositions negative, but that one must of necessity be such (negative), and the other that a thing is present with, (that is affirmative,) we must in addition to this assume this, for it is necessary that affirmative (propositions) when the demonstration is increased, should become more, but it is impossible that the negatives should be more than one in every syllogism. For let A be present with nothing of those with which B is, but B be present with every C, if indeed, again, it should be necessary to increase both propositions, a middle must be introduced. Of A B then let the middle be D, but of B C let the middle be E, E then is evidently affirmative, but D is affirmative indeed of B, yet is placed negatively as regards A, since it is necessary that D should be present with every B, but A with no D; there is then one negative proposition, viz. A D. The same mode also subsists in other syllogisms, for the middle of affirmative terms is always affirmative in respect of both (extremes), but in the case of a negative (syllogism), the middle must be necessarily negative in respect to one of the two, so there is one proposition of this kind, but the others are affirmative. If then that is more known and credible through which a thing is demonstrated, but the negative is shown through the

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text: Cassells' Carpentry and Joinery

title: Cassells' Carpentry and Joinery


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The New International Encyclopædia/Assam

ASSAM'. A chief commissionship in the north-eastern part of British India, bordering on China, Burma, Manipur, and Bengal (Map: Burma, A 1). Area, 52,078 square miles. The interior belongs chiefly to the valley of the Brahmaputra, while the territory on both sides of the river is mostly mountainous. Among the mountain districts are the Garo, Khasi, and Jaintia Hills. The streams are abundant and the lower lands frequently suffer inundations. The climate is moderate as regards temperature. The annual rainfall in some sections is the heaviest on the globe. The frequent occurrence of earthquakes is a great hindrance to the development of the country. A large portion of the country is covered with jungle, in which elephants, tigers, leopards, and other wild beasts are found in abundance. Large deposits of coal, iron, and petroleum are known to exist, but only the first is exploited to any extent. The soil is mostly very fertile, and the extensive forests contain numerous useful woods. The tea-plant is indigenous and tea-culture is making rapid strides. The area under tea is now about 300,000 acres,and the tea plantations are owned largely by Europeans. The great staple of agriculture is rice. The principal articles of export are rice, tea, silk, cotton, rubber, ivory, and gold. The commerce is mostly in the hands of the Jains. The population in 1901 was 6,122,201, showing an increase of 11.8 per cent. since 1891. Over 70 different languages and dialects are spoken in Assam. The seat of administration is Shillong.

The Assamese, or Ahoms, are probably a Hindu-Shan (Mongolian) mixed stock, with the Hindu element predominant. They are short and thickset, with coarse, black hair and Mongoloid face. Their language has some right to be classed as a sister-tongue of Hindi, Bengali, etc., and not as a mere dialect of the latter. It is spoken by about 4,500,000 people, the standard dialect being that of Nowgong. The Assamese literature is extremely scanty, although it employs a special alphabet of its own. The Assamese have a national festival called Baisakh Bihu, a gay occasion, in which young women especially are prominent. Besides the Assamese, the country contains a number of more primitive peoples (Lushai, etc.), whose language and folktales have recently been studied by Major Shakespeare (1898-99). Over 50 per cent. of the population are Hindu in faith. The Mohammedans number about 1,500,000.

Consult: Cooper, The Mishmee Hills (London, 1873); Hunter, Statistical Account of Assam (London, 1880); Reid, Chin-Lushai Land (Calcutta, 1894); Brown, Grammatical Notes on the Assamese Language (Nowgong, 1893); Bronson, Dictionary in Assamese and English (Sibsagor, 1867).


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 as we have said, but in the same (man) it is impossible even thus, since he would have a notion at the same time, for instance, that man is essentially animal, (for this it is to be impossible not to be an animal,) and is not essentially an animal, for this it is to be possible not to be an animal.

For the rest, how it is necessary to distinguish between discourse and intellect, and science and art, and prudence and wisdom, belongs rather partly to the physical, and partly to the ethical theory.

Chapter 34
is a certain happy extempore conjecture of the middle term, as if a man perceiving that the moon always has that part lustrous which is towards the sun, should straightway understand why this occurs, viz. because it is illuminated by the sun, or seeing a man talking to a rich person, should know that it is in order to borrow money of him, or that persons are friends, because they are enemies of the same man; for he who perceives the extremes knows all the middle causes. Let to be lustrous in the part toward the sun be A, to be illuminated by the sun B, the moon C. Wherefore B to be illuminated by the sun is present with the moon C, but A to be lustrous in the part turned towards that by which it is illuminated is present with B, hence also A is present with C through B.


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The New International Encyclopædia/Assassination

ASSASSINA'TION. The act of taking the life of any one by surprise or treacherous violence, either by a hired emissary, as in the case of political plots, or by a fanatic who hopes to further his ideas through the death of his victim, as in the case of anarchists (q.v.) in recent times. Generally the term is applied to the

murder of a public pprsonage by one who aims solely at the death of his victim. In ancient times assassination was not unknown, and was often even applauded, as in the scriptural instances of Ehud and Jael, and in the murder of Hipparchus by Harmodius and Aristogiton. The following list includes the most important assassinations, arranged in chronological order: Philip of Macedon, B.C. 336; Julius Cæsar, B.C. 44; Thomas à Becket, 1170; Albert I., Emperor of Germany, 1308; James I. of Scotland, 1437; Alessandro de' Medici, 1537; Cardinal Beaton, 1546; David Rizzio, 1566; Darnley, 1567; James, Earl of Murray, Regent of Scotland, 1570; William of Orange, 1584; Henry III. of France, by Jacques Clément, 1589; Henry IV. of France, by Ravaillac, 1610; Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, by Felton, 1628; Wallenstein, 1634; Archbishop Sharp, 1679; Gustavus III. of Sweden, 1792; Marat, by Charlotte Corday, 1793; General Kléber, at Cairo, 1800; Paul, Czar of Russia, 1801; Perceval, English premier, by Bellingham, 1812; Kotzebue, the dramatist, 1819; Duc de Berry, 1820; Charles III., Duke of Parma, 1854; Abraham Lincoln, by Booth, 1865; Michael, Prince of Servia, 1868; Marshal Prim, 1870; Georges Darboy, Archbishop of Paris, by communists, 1871; Earl of Mayo, Governor-General of India, 1872; Abdul Aziz, 1876; Alexander II., Czar of Russia, 1881; President J. A. Garfield, at Washington, by Guiteau, 1881; Lord Frederick Cavendish and T. H. Burke, Phoenix Park, Dublin, 1882; President Carnot of France, at Lyons, 1894; Stefan Stambuloff, in Sofia, Bulgaria, 1895; Empress Elizabeth, of Austria, at Geneva, by an anarchist, 1898; King Humbert I., of Italy, at Monza, by an anarchist, Bresci, 1900; President Williain McKinley, at Buffalo, N. Y., 1901. No mention is made here of the unsuccessful attempts at assassination, which would include nearly all the crowned heads of Europe and many of the prominent statesmen of Europe and America in the list of prospective victims. For the origin of the word, see.


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The New International Encyclopædia/Assassins

ASSAS'SINS (Fr. assassin, OF. plur. hassasis, from Ar. hashashin, plur. of hashash, hashish-eater). A secret order of Islam, partly religious and partly secular in character, and an offshoot of the sect of Ismaili, which was in turn a branch of the great Shiite faction. The members of the Order of Ismaili derived their name from Ismail, a descendant of Ali, in whose line they considered the religious headship of the Mohammedan world to be rightfully vested. They united to this tenet the belief in the moral indifference of all actions and in the worthlessness of popular religion. Toward the middle of the Eleventh Century, Hassan ben Sabbah, a Persian of gifted mind and energetic character, came to Cairo and attained to a high rank among the Initiated of the Ismaelite Order. Political reasons forced him to flee to Persia. In 1090 he acquired the fortress of Alamut, in the district of Rudba, and made it the home of a new organization, whose principles were in the main those of the Ismailites, with the addition of a new feature, namely: the practice of the secret assassination of all enemies of the Order. At the head of the new organization stood an absolute ruler, the Sheikh-al-Jebal, or, as he became known in mediæval folk-lore, ‘The Old Man of the Mountain.’ Below him were three deputy-masters, in the provinces of Jebal,

and Syria. Next in rank were the Dais, or Initiated, and the Refiks, or Students, who were only partially acquainted with the secrets of the Order, but were graduated in time into the rank of Dais. Below these came the active members of the Order, the Fedavis, or Fedais, meaning ‘The Devoted Ones,’ young men who were kept in absolute ignorance of the teachings of the Order, but from whom complete obedience was expected. These were the blind instruments in the work of assassination planned by the leaders. Before they were assigned to their tasks these youths were stupefied by means of hashish, or the hemp plant, and while in an ecstatic condition they were plunged into all the pleasures of the senses as a foretaste of the bliss which awaited them in Paradise if they should faithfully execute the commands of their superiors. But the word hashashin, or hemp-eaters, was changed by the Europeans into assassins, and acquired the common meaning of murderers, which it bears at present. The novices, mechanics, and laborers formed the sixth and seventh classes of the Order, and upon them the observance of Islam was strictly enjoined, though the Initiated were exempted from its precepts. For 150 years the Order of Assassins held Asia Minor and Persia in terror. More than one caliph fell a victim to their knives. Princes paid tribute to the ‘Old Man of the Mountain,’ and the services of his followers were even hired by contending political factions. In all, there were six Grand Masters of the Order besides Hassan, who died in 1124. Of these, Hassan II., in 1163, extended the secret privilege of the Initiated (that is, exemption from the precepts of religion) to the people generally, and abolished Islam in his dominions; but he was speedily assassinated, and under his grandson, Hassan III., the old institutions were restored. Under Mohammed II. the Deputy Grand Master of Syria made himself independent, and during the wars of the Crusades wielded a terrible power. The murder of Conrad of Montferrat and other distinguished victims of assassination was attributed to him. The Mongol rulers of Persia broke up the Order in 1255. The Syrian branch was put down by the Mameluke Sultan Bibars; but remnants of the sect lingered in Kohistan, and are still said to exist in different parts of India, Persia, and Syria.

Consult: Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte der Assassinen (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1818); F. Walpole, The Ansayrii, or Assassins (London, 1851); Heckethorn's Secret Societies of All Ages and Countries (New York, 1897), which contains much curious information, but is ill-digested and unreliable; Guyard, Fragments rélatifs à la doctrine des Ismaélis (Paris, 1874-77).


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 that knowledge does not subsist at all, these think that we are to proceed to infinity as if we may not know things subsequent by things prior, of which there are no first, reasoning rightly, since it is impossible to penetrate infinites. And if (they say) we are to stop, and there are principles, these are unknown, since there is no demonstration of them, which alone they say is to know scientifically; but if it is not possible to know first things, neither can we know either simply or properly things which result from these, but by hypothesis, if these exist. Others however assent with respect to knowledge, for (they assert) that it is only through demonstration, but that nothing prevents there being a demonstration of all things, for demonstration may be effected in a circle, and (things be proved) from each other. We on the contrary assert, that neither is all science demonstrative, but that the science of things immediate is indemonstrable. And this is evidently necessary, for if it is requisite to know things prior, and from which demonstration subsists, but some time or other there is a stand made at things immediate, these must of necessity be indemonstrable. This therefore we thus assert, and we say that there is not only science, but also a certain principle of science, by which we know terms. But that it is impossible to demonstrate in a circle simply is evident, since


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1538.] had only to be appointed to draw the marriage treaty, and all might at once be arranged. The dispensation so far had not been mentioned. Mendoza, indeed, had again pressed Henry to accept the Emperor's good offices at the Vatican; but he had been met with a refusal so absolute as to forbid the further mooting of the question; and the negotiations for these several alliances being continued as amicably as before, the King flattered himself that the difficulty was waived, or else would be privately disposed of.

Either the Emperor's true intentions were better known in Paris than in London, or Francis was alarmed at the rapid friendship, and desired to chill down its temperature. While gracious messages and compliments were passing between England and Spain and Flanders, the Bishop of Tarbes was sent over with an offer on the part of the French to make Henry sole mediator in the peace, and with a promise that, in the matter of the general council, and in all other things, Francis would be 'his good brother and most entire friend.' The Emperor, the Bishop asserted on his own knowledge, was playing a part of mere duplicity. Whatever he said, or whatever others said for him, he had determined that England should not be comprehended in the treaty. The King would be left out—dropped out—in some way or other got rid of—when his friendship ceased to be of moment; and so he would find to his cost.

The warning might have been well meant, the offer might have been sincere, but the experience was too


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92 recent of the elastic character of French promises. Henry refused to believe that Charles was deceiving him; he replied with a declaration of his full confidence in the Emperor's honour, and declined with cold courtesy the counter-advances of his rival. Yet he was less satisfied than he desired to appear. He sent to Sir T. Wyatt an account of the Bishop of Tarbes's expressions, desiring him to acquaint the Emperor with their nature, and with the answer which he had returned; but hinting at the same time, that although the general language of the Flemish and Spanish Courts was as warm as he could desire, yet so far it amounted only to words. The proposal to constitute him sole mediator in the peace was an advance upon the furthest positive step towards him which had been taken by Charles, and he requested a direct engagement in writing, both as to his comprehension in the intended treaty, and on the equally important subject alluded to by the Bishop, of the approaching council.

Meanwhile the marriages, if once they were completed, would be a security for good faith in other matters; and on this point no difliculties were interposed till the middle of the spring. The amount of dotes and


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1538.] dowries, with the securities for their payment, the conditions under which Mary was to succeed to the crown, and other legal details, were elaborately discussed. At length, when the substance seemed all to be determined, and the form only to remain, the first official conference was opened on the 5th of April, with the Spanish commissioners, who, as was supposed, had come to London for that single and special purpose. The card castle so carefully raised crumbled into instant ruins—the solid ground was unsubstantial air. The commissioners had no commission: they would agree to nothing, arrange nothing, promise nothing. 'I never heard so many gay words, and saw so little effect ensue of the same,' wrote Cromwell in the passion of his disappointment; 'I begin to perceive that there is scarce any good faith in this world.'

Henry's eyes were opening, but opening slowly and reluctantly. Though irritated for the moment, he listened readily to the excuses with which Charles was profusely ready; and if Charles had not been intentionally treacherous, he reaped the full advantage of the most elaborate deception. In the same month it was arranged between the Courts of France and Spain that the truce should, if possible, become a peace. The place of mediator, which Henry had rejected at the hands of France, had been offered to and accepted by the Pope, and the consequences foretold by the Bishop of Tarbes were now obviously imminent. Paul had succeeded at last, it seemed, in his great object—the two Catholic powers were about to be united. The effect of this


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94 , brought about by such means, would be followed in all likelihood by a renewal of the project for an attack on the Reformation, and on all its supporters. Nice was chosen for the scene of the great event of pacification, which was to take place in June. The two sovereigns were to be present in person; the Pope would meet them, and sanctify the reconciliation with his blessing.

The Emperor continued, notwithstanding the change of circumstances, to use the same language of friendship towards Henry, and professed to be as anxious as ever for the maintenance of his connection with England. Wyatt himself partially, but not entirely, distrusted him, until his conduct no longer admitted any construction but the worst.

The affair at Nice was the central incident of the summer. Wyatt went thither in Charles's train. Paul came accompanied by Pole. Many English were present belonging to both parties: royal emissaries as spies—passionate Catholic exiles, flushed with hope and triumph. We see them, indistinctly, winding into one another's confidence—'practising' to worm out secrets—treachery undermined by greater treachery; and, at last, expectations but half gratified, a victory left but half gained. The two princes refused to see each other. They communicated only through the Pope. In the end, terms of actual peace could not be agreed upon. The conferences closed with the signature of a general truce, to last for ten years. One marked consolation only the Pope obtained.


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1538.] Notwithstanding the many promises, Henry's name was not so much as mentioned by the Emperor. He was left out, as Wyatt expressed it, 'at the cart's tail.' Against him the Pope remained free to intrigue and the princes free to act, could Pole or his master prevail upon them. The secret history of the proceedings cannot be traced in this place, if indeed the materials exist which allow them to be traced satisfactorily. With infinite comfort, however, in the midst of the diplomatic trickeries, we discover one little island of genuine life on which to rest for a few moments—a group, distinctly visible, of English flesh and blood existences.

Henry, unable, even after the Nice meeting had been agreed upon, to relinquish his hopes of inducing other princes to imitate his policy towards Rome, was determined, notwithstanding avowals of reluctance on the part of Charles, that his arguments should have a hearing; and, as the instrument of persuasion, he had selected the facile and voluble Dr Bonner. Charles was on his way to the congress when the appointment was resolved upon.

Bonner crossed France to meet him; but the Emperor, either distrustful of his ability to cope with so skilful a polemic, or too busy to be trifled with, declined resolutely to have anything to do with him. Bonner was thus thrown upon Wyatt's hospitality, and was received by him at Villa Franca, where, for convenience and economy, the English embassy had secured apartments remote from the heat and crowd in Nice itself. Sir John Mason, Mr Blage, and other friends of the


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96 ambassadors, were of the party. The future Bishop of London, it seems, though accepted as their guest, was not admitted to their intimacy; and, being set aside in his own special functions, he determined to console himself in a solid and substantial manner for the slight which had been cast upon him. In an evil hour for himself, three years after, he tried to revenge himself on Wyatt's coldness by accusations of loose living, and other calumnies. Wyatt, after briefly disposing of the charges against his own actions, retorted with a sketch of Bonner's.

'Come, now, nay Lord of London,' he said, 'what is my abominable and vicious living? Do ye know it, or have ye heard it? I grant I do not profess chastity—but yet I use not abomination. If ye know it, tell with whom and when. If ye heard it, who is your author? Have you seen me have any harlot in my house while you were in my company? Did you ever see a woman so much as dine or sup at my table? None but, for your pleasure, the woman that was in the galley—which, I assure you, may be well seen—for, before you came, neither she nor any other woman came above the mast; but because the gentlemen took pleasure to see you entertain her, therefore they made her dine and sup with you. And they liked well your looks—your carving to Madonna—your drinking to her—and your playing under the table. Ask Mason—ask Blage—ask Wolf that was my steward. They can tell how the gentlemen marked it and talked of it. It was play to them, the keeping your bottles, that no man might drink of


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1538.] them but yourself, and that the little fat priest was a jolly morsel for the signora. This was their talk. It was not my device. Ask others whether I do lie.'

Such was Bonner. The fame, or infamy, which he earned for himself in later years condemns his minor vices to perpetual memory; or perhaps it is a relief to find that he was linked to mankind by participating in their more venial frailties.

Leaving Nice, with its sunny waters, and intrigues, and dissipations, we return to England.

Here the tide, which had been checked for awhile by the rebellion, was again in full flow. The abbeys within the compass of the Act had fallen, or were rapidly falling. Among these the demolition was going actively forward. Among the larger houses fresh investigations were bringing secrets into light which would soon compel a larger measure of destruction. The restoration of discipline, which had been hoped for, was found impossible. Monks, who had been saturated with habits of self-indulgence, mutinied and became unmanageable when confined within the convent walls. Abbots in the confidence of the Government were accused as heretics. Catholic abbots were denounced as traitors. Countless


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98 letters lie among the State Papers, indicating in a thousand ways that the last hour of monasticism was approaching; that by no care of Government, no efforts to put back the clock of time, could their sickly vitality be longer sustained. Everywhere, as if conscious that their days were numbered, the fraternities were preparing for evil days by disposing of their relics, secreting or selling their plate and jewels, cutting down the timber on the estates, using in all directions their last opportunity of racking out their properties. Many, either from a hope of making terms for themselves, or from an honest sense that they were unfit to continue, declared voluntarily that they would burden the earth no longer, and voted their own dissolution.

'We do profoundly consider,' said the warden and friars of St Francis in Stamford, 'that the perfection of a Christian living doth not consist in douce ceremonies, wearing of a grey coat, disguising ourselves after strange fashions, ducking and becking, girding ourselves with a girdle of knots, wherein we have been misled in times past; but the very true way to please God, and to live like Christian men without hypocrisy or feigned dissimulation, is sincerely declared unto us by our master Christ, his Evangelists and Apostles. Being minded, therefore, to follow the same, conforming ourselves unto the will and pleasure of our Supreme Head under God


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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive had been helped in this endeavor by Bao Dai and French colonial administrators. The Binh Xuyen controlled prostitution and gambling in Cholon and the Saigon–Cholon police force — reportedly because Bay Vien paid Bao Dai some 40 million piasters for these privileges. Still-dissident sect leaders such as Ba Cut, whose 5000 Hoa Hao adherents denounced Geneva and refused cooperation with Diem, and Frenchmen opposed to Diem abetted Binh Xuyen intrigues against the government.

 * 3.

More than the Vietnamese power struggles and Diem's inability to consolidate his rule, French activities during the autumn of 1954 galvanized the United States. From acquiescence to U.S. demands in September, American policy makers felt France had moved toward opposition to U.S. demands by November. That this assessment of French actions was either objective or fair is questionable.

 * a.

After Franco–American discussions in Washington in late September — the first in a progression of monthly meetings on Vietnam — the United States seemed to have scored highest. France promised to support Diem, to grant independence to Vietnam quickly. The transfer of financial, administrative, economic and other functions to the Vietnamese had begun and would be completed by December 1954. That France balked at U.S. demands for an immediate grant of independence outside of the French Union is not surprising: French cultural, economic and political interests in Vietnam were still strong; the Frenchman's belief in the validity of the French Union was deep. No French government dared defy public opinion by seeming to hasten the end of the French Union. France felt the U.S. had an "almost psychological attachment to 'independence' without giving sufficient thought and attention to the practical problems and risks involved."

Secondly, the U.S. had been able to defer a commitment to finance the French Expeditionary Corps in Vietnam although an indication that aid would be resumed, if not resumption itself, had been the first order of French business at the Washington Conference. France agreed to maintain the Corps in Vietnam but was told no aid figures would be available until December.

Both France and the U.S. thought their respective economic aims had been won. France objected strongly to the idea of direct American aid to Vietnam on the grounds that it violated the Geneva Accords, would needlessly provoke Communist China, promote graft and corruption in Vietnam, and intensify the political struggle. Plus, "past (French) sacrifices on behalf of Vietnam and their obligation as a member of the French Union" made French supervision of aid essential. To France, a compromise agreement drafted by Walter Bedell Smith meant the U.S. Rh


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1538.] in earth, and not to follow henceforth superstitious traditions, we do, with mutual assent and consent, surrender and yield up all our said house, with all its lands and tenements, beseeching the King's good grace to dispose of us as shall best stand with his most gracious pleasure.'

'We,' said the prior and convent of St Andrew's, 'called religious persons, taking on us the habit and outward vesture of our rule, only to the intent to lead our lives in idle quietness, and not in virtuous exercise, in a stately estimation, and not in obedient humility, have, under the shadow of the said rule, vainly, detestably, and ungodly devoured the yearly revenues of our possessions in continual ingurgitations and farcings of our bodies, and other supporters of our voluptuous and carnal appetites, to the manifest subversion of devotion and cleanness of living, and to the most notable slander of Christ's holy Evangile, withdrawing from the minds of his Grace's subjects the truth and comfort which they ought to have by the faith of Christ, and also the honour due to the glorious majesty of God Almighty, stirring them with persuasions, engines, and policy to dead images and counterfeit relics for our damnable lucre; which our horrible abominations and longcovered hypocrisy, we revolving daily, and pondering in our sorrowful hearts, constrained by the anguish of our consciences, with hearts most contrite and repentant, do lamentably crave his Highness' most gracious


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100 '—they also submitting and surrendering their house.

Six years had passed since four brave Suffolk peasants had burnt the rood at Dovercourt; and for their reward had received a gallows and a rope. The high powers of state were stepping now along the road which these men had pioneered, discovering, after all, that the road was the right road, and that the reward had been altogether an unjust one. The 'materials' of monastic religion were the real or counterfeit relics of real or counterfeit saints, and images of Christ or the Virgin, supposed to work miraculous cures upon pilgrims, and not supposed, but ascertained, to bring in a pleasant and abundant revenue to their happy possessors. A special investigation into the nature of these objects of popular devotion was now ordered, with results which more than any other exposure disenchanted the people with superstition, and converted their faith into an equally passionate iconoclasm. At Hales in Worcestershire was a phial of blood, as famous for its powers and properties as the blood of St Januarius at Naples. The phial was opened by the visitors in the presence of an awe-struck multitude. No miracle punished the impiety. The mysterious substance was handled by profane fingers, and was found to be a mere innocent gum, and not blood at all, adequate to work no miracle either to assist its worshippers or avenge its violation. Another rare


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1538.] treasure was preserved at Cardigan. The story of Our Lady's taper there has a picturesque wildness, of which later ages may admire the legendary beauty, being relieved by three centuries of incredulity from the necessity of raising harsh alternatives of truth or falsehood. An image of the Virgin had been found, it was said, standing at the mouth of the Tivy river, with an infant Christ in her lap, and the taper in her hand burning. She was carried to Christ Church, in Cardigan, but 'would not tarry there.' She returned again and again to the spot where she was first found; and a chapel was at last built there to receive and shelter her. In this chapel she remained for nine years, the taper burning, yet not consuming, till some rash Welshman swore an


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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Jones, John (1575-1636)


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 Mayd, William, recorder of Bury St. Edmunds since Dec., 1877, a revising barrister on South-eastern circuit, counsel to the Mint at Cambridge sessions, matric. Queen's Coll., Oxon, from Eton, a student of the Inner Temple 19 March, 1851 (then aged 21), called to the bar 9 June, 1854 (2nd son of Rev. William Mayd, rector of Withersfield, Suffolk); born, 1830; married 5 Aug., 1858, Lucy Eliza, youngest dau. of late William Fowler-Jones, Esq., of Ashurst Park, Kent, and has issue.
 * Withersfield, Newmarket; 15, Montagri Place, Bryanston Square, W.; 1, Elm Court, Temple, E.C.; Junior Carlton Club.

Mayer, George Clifford, district magistrate Mauritius since March, 18S1, acting district magistrate Seychelles Jan., 1865, a student of Lincoln's Inn 1 Nov., 1856 (then aged 19), called to the bar 10 June, 1859 (eldest son of Edward Mayer, Esq., of Mauritius); born, 1837.
 * Mauritius.

Mayhew, Charles Jeremiah, legal remembrancer Bombay, author of The Law of Merger as it affects Estates in Land, a student of the Inner Temple 31 Oct., 1849 (then aged 20), called to the bar 17 Nov., 1852 (4th son of John Jeremiah Mayhew, Esq., of Over Hall, Essex); born, 1829.
 * Bombay; Care of 3, Edinburgh Mansions, Victoria Street, S.W.

Mayne, Henry Blair, chief clerk of private bills House of Commons since 1870, senior clerk House of Commons 1859-70, sometime student Christ Church, Oxon, a student of the Middle Temple 16 Nov., 1838, called to the bar 21 Nov., 1845 (2nd son of Rev. Robert Mayne, of Limpsfield, Surrey); born, 1813.
 * 6, St. James' Place, St. James' Street, S.W.

Mayne, John Dawson, joined the Madras bar 1857, assistant secretary to Government in legislation department 1860-72, clerk of the Crown 186—, chief clerk insolvent debtors' court, Crown prosecutor and acting advocate-general Madras 1862-72, Inns of Court professor of common law 1879-83, author of treatises on The Law of Damages, Hindu Law, and Indian Penal Code, contested Falmouth 1880, a student of the Inner Temple 2 May, 1850 (then aged 25), second prizeman, called to the bar 17 Nov., 1854 (3rd son of John Mayne, Esq., dec.); bom 31 Dec., 1828; married 1st, Aug., 1859, Helen Sarah, dau. of Col. Richard Hamilton, Madras staff corps; he married 2ndly, May, 1873, Annie Katherme, dau. of Charles Craigie-Halkett, Esq., of Cramond, Midlothian.
 * Goodrest, Reading, Berks; 1, Crown Office Row, Temple, E.C.

Mayne, Robert Dawson, stipendiary justice Port of Spain, Trinidad, B.A., Balliol Coll., Oxon, 1867, a student of Lincoln's Inn 17 Jan., 1866 (then aged 21), called to the bar 26 Jan., 1869 (2nd son of Sir Richard Mayne, late commissioner of metropolitan police, dec.); born, 1845.
 * Port of Spain, Trinidad.

Mazzinghi, Thomas John, M.A., Trin. Coll., Camb., 1835, from the Charterhouse, librarian of the William Salt Library Stafford since Feb., 1873, served under Indian Law Commission 1865-9, a student of the Inner Temple 22 Jan., 1829 (then aged 18), called to the bar 28 Jan., 1842 (only son of Dominick Peter Mazzinghi, Esq., of London); born 13 Nov., 1810; married Dec., 185-, Anne, dau. of M. Matthieu Schrobilgen, chief greffier of the High Court at Luxembourg.
 * Bank Passage, Stafford.

Mead, Frederick, a member of the South-eastern circuit, counsel to the treasury at the Middlesex sessions, joint editor of Archbold's Quarter Sessions, 4th edn., associate of King's Coll., London, a student of the Middle Temple 31 Oct., 1866, called to the bar 7 June, 1869 (2nd son of George Edward Mead, of London, solicitor); born 22 July, 1847; married 7 Sept., 1878, Sophia, youngest dau. of Richard Henry Poland, Esq., of Blackheath.
 * Bridge House, Lordship Lane, Dulwich, S.E.; 11, King's Bench Walk, Temple, E.C.

Mears, Thomas Lambert, M.A., LL.D. London Univ. 1870 and a member of Convocation, associate of King's Coll., London, lieut.-col. late commanding 5th Middlesex rifle volunteers, author of Institutes of Gaius and Justinian, with Translation, and Analysis of Ortolan's Roman Law, a member of the South-eastern circuit, a student of the Inner Temple 1 Nov., 1865 (then aged 26), called to the bar 17 Nov., 1868 (2nd son of Charies Thompson Mears, of New York, U.S.A., formerly of London, dec.); born, 1839; married 7 Aug., 1875, Alice Catherine, eldest dau. of John Henry Westcar Peel, Esq., and has issue (see Foster's Baronetage).
 * 134, Portsdown Road, W.; 9, King's Bench Walk, Temple, E.C.

Meates, Thomas Arrowsmith, undergrad. Univ. Coll., Oxon, a member of the South-eastern circuit, a student of the Middle Temple 15 Nov., 1878, called to the bar 29 June, 1881 (eldest son of Thomas William Meates, of Wimbledon, Surrey, merchant); born 8 Oct., 1857; married 9 Jan., 1884, Ellen Gertrude, 2nd surviving dau. of Gilliat Hatfeild, Esq., of Morden Hall, Surrey.
 * Wimbledon, Surrey; 2, Mitre Court Buildings, Temple, E.C.

Medd, Charles Septimus, M.A. (fellow) Univ. Coll., Oxon, B.A. 1864, sometime Incorporated Law Society equity lecturer, real property tutor Inner Temple since 1877, a student of the Inner Temple 23 May, 1863 (then aged 24), certificate of honour Mich., 1869, called to the bar 17 Nov., 1869 (7th son of late John Medd, of Mansion House, Stockport, Cheshire); born, 1839; married 3 Aug., 1871, Alice, 3rd dau. of Frederick Maples, Esq., of London.
 * 12, Harewood Square, N.W.; 5, Stone Buildings, Lincoln's Inn, W.C.

Medlicott, Henry Edmondstone, M.A. Wadham Coll., Oxon, J.P. Wilts, a student of the Middle Temple 3 March, 1863, called to the bar 26 Jan., 1866 (eldest son of Rev. J. Medlicott, of Potterne, Wilts); born, ; married 9 April, 1874, Kate D'Oyly, eldest dau. of late Alexander Robinson Gale, Esq., of Stanton Lodge, Suffolk.
 * Potterne, Devizes.

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 Moore, George Osborne, a member of the South-eastern circuit, commander R.N. 1873 (retired 1874), a student of the Inner Temple 6 Nov., 1874 (then aged 30), called to the bar 17 Nov., 1877 (youngest son of late Philip Charles Moore, a proctor of Doctors' Commons); born, 1844.
 * Oakfield, Eltham, Kent; 7, King's Bench Walk, Temple, E.C.

Moore, Henry William, B.A., Trin. Coll., Camb., 1865, a student of the Inner Temple 14 Nov., 1863 (then aged 21), called to the bar 17 Nov., 1866 (eldest son of Joseph William Moore, Esq., of Brighton); born, 1842.

Moore, Hildebrand Ogle, a student of the Middle Temple 19 Nov., 1874, called to the bar 27 Jan., 1879 (6th son of Very Rev. William Moore, late dean of Clogher, co. Tyrone); born, ; married 8 Oct., 1881, Essie, only dau. of late William Hopkinson, of Addlestone, Surrey.
 * 4, Garden Court, Temple, E.C.

Moore, John Alldin, M.A., St John's Coll., Camb., 1845, a special pleader 1843-7, a commissioner of lieutenancy for city of London 1868, one of the court of assistants and twice master of the Slcinners' Company, a student of the Inner Temple 11 Jan., 1839 (then aged 20), called to the bar 19 Nov., 1847 (eldest son of Thomas Moore, of London, merchant); born 13 Nov., 1818; married 20 June, 1844, Harriet Masters, dau. of late Thomas Usborne, Esq., of Croydon.
 * 95, South Hill Park, Hampstead Heath, N.W.; Oxford and Cambridge Club.

Moore, John Byers Gunning, M.A., St. Peter's Coll., Camb., 1866, J.P. co. Tyrone, high sheriff 1871, a student of Lincoln's Inn 5 June, 1861 (then aged 20), called to the bar 1 May, 1865 (eldest son of James Moore, Esq., of Glenville, co. Antrim); born, 1841; married , 1869, Ada, dau. of late Thomas West, Esq., of Prinsted, Sussex.
 * Loymount, Cookstown, co. Tyrone; New University Club, S.W.

Carrick-Moore, John, F.R.S., M.A., Queen's Coll., Camb., 1830, educated at Westminster School, J.P., D.L. co. Wigtown, a student of the Inner Temple 29 Jan., 1824, called to the bar 28 Jan., 1831 (eldest son of James Carrick-Moore, Esq., of Corswall, co. Wigtown, N.B.); born, 1805; married , 1835, Caroline, youngest dau. of John Bradley, Esq.; she died, 1876, leaving issue.
 * Corswall, Stranraer, N.B.; Brook Farm, Cobham, Surrey; 113, Eaton Square, S.W.

Moore, John Wilson, undergrad. Pembroke Coll., Oxon, a member of the Midland circuit, a student of the Inner Temple, 21 Jan. 1857 (then aged 21), called to the bar 1 May, 1871 (only son of Ambrose Moore, Esq., of Wandsworth, Surrey); born, 1836.
 * St. Anne's House, Wandsworth; 85, Brick Lane, E.

Moore, Robert Garret, undergrad. Trin. Coll., Camb., a student of the Inner Temple 14 Jan., 1873 (then aged 20), called to the bar 17 Nov., 1875 (eldest son of Robert Waters Moore, of Adelaide, South Australia, surgeon) born, 1853.
 * Adelaide, South Australia.

Moore, Samuel, B.A. Trin. Coll., Camb., equity draftsman and conveyancer, a student of Lincoln's Inn 22 March, 1879 (then aged 40), called to the bar 26 Jan., 1882 (eldest son of William Cameron Moore, Esq., of Bamford, co. Derby); born 1 Dec., 1838.
 * Chorlton-on-Medlock; 60, King Street, Manchester.

Moore, Sandford, B.A. Trin. Coll., Dublin, 1866, M.B., surgeon-major in the army since 1878, assistant professor military hygiene, Netley 1882, author of Notes with Prussians in the Loire Campaign 1870-1, The Manual for Training Bearer-Companies, a student of the Inner Temple 9 Nov., 1878 (then aged 35), called to the bar 29 June, 1881 (only surviving son of Rev. George Beatty Moore, of Newton Forbes, co. Longford); born 12 July, 1843.
 * Netley, Southampton.

Moore, Stevenson Stewart, B.A., Keble Coll., Oxon, 1880, a member of the South Wales circuit, a student of the Middle Temple 27 Oct., 1879, lecture prize Dec., 1880, and Dec., 1881, called to the bar 21 June, 1882 (son of Rev. John S. Moore, of Pagenham, Essex); born,.
 * 2, Essex Court, Temple, E.C.

Moore, Stuart Archibald, a student of the Inner Temple 24 Jan., 1880 (then aged 38), called to the bar 25 June, 1884 (4th son of late Barlow Brass Moore, of the Lawn, South Lambeth, Surrey); born, 1842.
 * 1, Serjeants' Inn, W.C.

Moore, Thomas, B.A., Jesus Coll., Camb., 1880, a student of the Inner Temple 27 Jan., 1879 (then aged 22), called to the bar 21 June, 1882 (only son of late Edward Moore, of Burnley, co. Lanc.); born, 1857.

Tunnard-Moore, Thomas Coney, B.A. Magdalen Coll., Oxon, from Rugby, a member of the Midland circuit, J.P. co. Lincoln (parts of Holland), late lieut. royal South Lincoln militia, assumed the additional surname of Tunnard, a student of Lincoln's Inn 17 June, 1876 (then aged 21), called to the bar 25 June, 1879 (eldest son of Charles Thomas-John Moore, of Frampton Hall, co. Linc., col. royal South Lincoln militia); born 29 Dec., 1854.
 * Frampton Hall, Boston, co. Lincoln; 1, New Court, Temple, or 7, Furnivall's Inn, E.C.

Moore, William Robert, B.A., St. John's Coll., Camb., 1880, a member of the Western circuit, a student of the Inner Temple 13 Nov., 1878 (then aged 24), called to the bar 7 May, 1884 (only son of William Moore, of Highbullen, Devon); born 16 Nov., 1853.
 * Highbullen, Chittlehamholt, Devon; 1, Harcourt Buildings, Temple, E.C.

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 Mitchell, Edward Fanecourt, M.A., Trin. Hall, Camb., 1884, B.A., LL.B. 1880, a student of the Inner Temple 16 April, 1878 (then aged 22), called to the bar 26 Jan., 1881 [younger son of (Hon.) Sir William Henry Fanecourt Mitchell, late of Victoria, Australia, dec.]; born, 1856.
 * Melbourne, Victoria.

Mitchell, Hugh, a student of the Inner Temple 21 Jan., 1881 (then aged 31), called to the bar 7 May, 1884 (only surviving son of late Hugh Mitchell, of the Madras army); born, 1850.
 * 44, Hogarth Road, W.

Mitchell, James, M.A., Christ Church, Oxon, 1833, J.P., D.L. Herts, a student of Lincoln's Inn 28 Jan., 1829 (then aged 19), called to the bar 30 Jan., 1835 (only son of James Mitchell, Esq., of the island of Jamaica, dec.); born, 1810; married 4 June, 1863, Caroline Augusta, 2nd dau. of late Job Thomas Syer Hanmer, of Holbrook Hall, Suffolk, capt. R.N., and has issue (see Foster's Baronetage).
 * Holbrook Hall, Sudbury, Suffolk; 33, Ennismore Gardens, S.W.

Mitchell, Robert William Tarn, B.A., Pembroke Coll., Camb., 1884, from Eton, a student of Lincoln's Inn 17 April, 1882 (then aged 20), called to the bar 26 Jan., 1885 (only son of Robert Nathaniel Mitchell, M.D., of Brockley, Kent); born 31 Aug., 1861.
 * Chester House, Wickham Road, Brockley, S.E.

Mitchell, Thomas John, a member of the Northern circuit, a student of the Inner Temple 14 Jan., 1861 (then aged 27), called to the bar 17 Nov., 1863 (2nd son of Alexander Mitchell, Esq., of Aberdeen, dec.); born, 1834.

Mitchell, William, a member of the Northern circuit, a student of the Middle Temple 11 Jan., 1879, called to the bar 3 May, 1882 (2nd son of William Mitchell, J.P., of Montrose, N.B., merchant and shipowner); born,.
 * 2, Brick Court, Temple, E.C.

Mitchell, William Henry, matric. Trin. Coll., Dublin, late police magistrate colony of Hong Kong, a student of Lincoln's Inn 13 March, 1863 (then aged 48), called to the bar 9 June, 1865 (eldest son of David Mitchell, of Galway, Ireland, merchant); born, 1815.
 * Hong Kong.

Mitchison, Arthur Maw, B.A. Pembroke Coll., Oxon, a member of the North-eastern circuit, a student of the Inner Temple 20 June, 1876 (then aged 21), called to the bar 7 May, 1879 (4th son of William Anthony Mitchison, of Manor House, Sunbury, Middlesex J.P.); born, 1855.
 * Manor House, Sunbury-on-Thames; 2, Plowden Buildings, Temple, E.C.

Mitra, Avinasa Chandon, practises before the High Court at Calcutta, a student of the Middle Temple 12 Nov., 1873, called to the bar 28 June, 1876 (2nd son of Kshiton Mohan Mitra, of Sulkeah, Bengal, pleader magistrates' court Bengal); born, 1851.
 * Calcutta.

Mitra, Krishna Nath, practises before the High Court at Calcutta, late of Calcutta Univ., a student of Lincoln's Inn 3 Nov., 1877 (then aged 25), called to the bar 9 June, 1880 (5th son of Madhut Chunder Mitra, of Calcutta); born, 1852.
 * Calcutta.

Mitra, Narendra Natha, matric. Calcutta Univ., a student of the Middle Temple 2 Nov., 1881, called to the bar 25 June, 1884 (2nd son of late Goura Sunker Mitra, of Calcutta, doctor); born, 1861.

Mittra, Pramattra Nath, practises before the High Court at Calcutta, a student of the Middle Temple 13 Nov., 1871, called to the bar 26 Jan., 1875 (eldest son of Bippra Dass Mittra, of Calcutta, engineer); born, 1852.
 * Calcutta.

Mittra, Raj Narain, B.A., St. Catherine Hall, Camb., 1876, practises before the High Court at Calcutta, a student of the Middle Temple 6 Nov., 1869, called to the bar 6 June, 1872 (2nd son of late Beereshur Mittra, of Calcutta, zemindar); born, 1846.
 * Shampooker Street, Calcutta.

Modi, Jijibhai Edalji, B.A. Bombay Univ., a student of Lincoln's Inn 3 May, 1882 (then aged 25), called to the bar 26 Jan., 1885 (only son of Edalji Rastamji Modi, of Bombay, merchant); born, 1857.
 * Northbrook Indian Club; 3, Whitehall Gardens, S.W.

Moffat, Cornelius William, a student of the Middle Temple 31 Oct., 1835, called to the bar 22 Nov., 1844 (2nd son of William Moffat, of Elm Lodge, near Southampton); born, ; married 30 June, 1847, Catherine, 2nd dau. of late R. F. Roberts, Esq., of Burton Bradstock, Dorset.

Moffat, Douglas, D.C.L., Christ Church, Oxon, 1879, B.A. 1866, M.A. 1870, B.C.L. 1873, a student of the Inner Temple 13 April, 1866 (then aged 22), called to the bar 26 Jan., 1875 (eldest son of Major Moffat, of Haperton, co. Roxburgh, dec.); born, 1844; married 12 April, 1881, Lilian Elizabeth, 2nd dau. of late Lewis Edwards, Esq., of Calcutta.
 * Edenhall, Kelso, N.B.; New University Club.

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 expedition appeared off the coast, where the inhabitants were seen in arms, ready to receive it. The spot, it would seem, was unfavourable for landing, and, for the first time in his life, Cæsar hesitated, and dropped anchor till three in the afternoon, hoping for the arrival of his other galleys. Disappointed in his expectation, he sailed along the coast, and finally decided on disembarking at Deal, where the shore

was comparatively level, and presented less difficulty for such an enterprise. But here, too, the Britons were prepared, a considerable force being collected to oppose him.

The galleys drew too much water to permit the invaders to land at once upon the beach, and the soldiers hesitated. There was a momentary confusion amongst them.

"Follow me, comrades!" exclaimed the standard-bearer, "if you would not see the eagle in the hands of the enemy. For myself, if I perish, I shall have done my duty to Rome and to my general."

At these words he plunged into the waves, and was followed by the men, who leaped tumultuously after him, ashamed, most likely, of their previous cowardice and hesitation. On reaching the shore, they fell with the utmost fury on the enemy, whose undisciplined ranks could ill sustain the shock of the Roman legion; still, they fought desperately, excited by their bards and priests, who sing the songs of victory, and exhorted them to renew the combat each time they seemed to waver.

We can easily imagine the cool steadiness of the Romans, and the fiery courage, mingled with terror and surprise, of the Britons at finding themselves exposed to men armed and disciplined in so novel a manner. Desperate acts of


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 which he spoke as though it were a paradise on earth, which no doubt it is when compared with the hideously gloomy and painfully desolate surroundings of Miandasht, with its brackish water and its absence of supplies of any kind.

After lunch we started with fresh horses for Abbasabad — twenty-two miles. The road was good for about three miles, over a level, barren plain, when it entered a defile through a range of low, volcanic hills. Half-way we passed the serai and fortified village of Alhak, and about four miles from Abbasabad we were met by the naib, who escorted us to the chapar khaneh, which is one of the best, if not the best, on the whole road. We reached it shortly before four, having ridden the last few miles in the teeth of a strong equinoctial east wind. I went for a bath in a neighbouring kanant, where the water was quite tepid, probably owing to the volcanic nature of the ground, and at eight o'clock we retired to bed, having with difficulty closed up the numerous apertures against the strong east wind which was blowing.

When I went out on the following morning,


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 that she was in search of milk, but, later on, a mouse, having by the activity of its movements revealed its presence inside Chivers' pillow, in which it had been accidentally packed when the pillow-case was being filled with straw, we concluded that it and not the milk was the bait that had attracted the feline intruder.

From Miamai to Miandasht the distance is twenty-four miles, which we accomplished in three hours. Our direction was south-east by south, and for the first five and the last four miles the road was level and good, the centre part being rough, undulating, and stony. There is no village at Miandasht, but merely a large fortified and gloomy serai, occupied by about thirty families, including that of the telegraph clerk, who, together with his gholam, came out to meet us. We lunched on the floor of his office, and were much amused by the antics of his two little boys, aged five and six respectively, to whom we gave biscuits and krans. The father thoroughly appreciated our whisky, having apparently acquired a taste for strong drink when resident at Bombay, a place of


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 lunch under the shade of some trees in preference to remaining in the chapar khaneh.

After lunch we continued with fresh horses, by a northerly and easterly track, to Miamai, which we reached at 3.30 — sixteen miles in two hours. Miamai is a prettily situated village, with a small chapar khaneh adjoining an enormous caravanserai. It has large chenar-trees and many streams of water. Late in the afternoon I went out and selected for my bath a suitable pool under a shady tree by the roadside. My ablutions much interested the small children of the village, who watched me at a distance from the flat roofs of the houses, and viewed my proceedings with the same curiosity which London street boys would exhibit were the Shah to take to bathing in the Serpentine. Late in the evening, which was bright, clear, and balmy, Hemmet Ali arrived, having followed slowly in our wake on the same horse. We slept well in the bala khaneh, although startled once by the sudden appearance of a large cat, which came down the chimney, and on being pursued disappeared by the same route. Our first impression was


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Author:George Gordon McCrae

Works

 * Afloat and Ashore; or, the Story of Oginski
 * Under the Yellow Flag
 * a quarantine experience in the Seychelles, to the Sydney Echo
 * Balladeadro and Mamba (Dwight: Melbourne)
 * The Man in the Iron Mask (George Robertson: Melbourne)
 * a poetical romance
 * A Rosebud from the Garden of the Taj

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 kindness and generosity, sent to cheer us on our way. In a letter from him which we also found here, he informed us that a similar store had been left with the 'naïb,' or postmaster, of each station at which we should sleep between Shahrûd and Meshed, and that his cavalry orderly, Hemmet Ali, would follow slowly in our rear to pick up and carry back to Meshed such fragments as might be left.

Within an hour of our arrival the head steward of the Prince Governor of Shahrûd called, with under-servants carrying large trays of different kinds of sweetmeats and bread. A sheep also was presented to us from His Excellency, which before long was converted into mutton for our dinner that evening. We sent back many civil messages, excused ourselves from calling on the ground that we had nothing but our travel-stained clothes in which to present ourselves, and, having rewarded the bearers of the gifts with money, we terminated our interview with the head steward.

The next morning, Wednesday, 12th of March, whilst waiting for our six o'clock breakfast, we strolled about the clean and