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Mary II quence of which Marlborough was for some weeks lodged in the Tower.

During William's sojourn in England in the winter of 1692-3 she took great comfort from his unaccustomed kindness. He approved the orders she had during his absence given to the magistrates all over England for enforcing the law against vice and immorality, including what to her was specially abominable, the desecration of the Sunday (Burnet, iv. 181-2). She had also issued on 13 Sept. 1692 a much-censured proclamation, offering 40l. a head for the apprehension and conviction of any burglar or highwayman (Miss Strickland, xi. 256-8). She could now hardly repress her indignation at the treachery and disloyalty surrounding the throne, and her dislike of the necessity to which William found himself reduced of courting the tories (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 58-9). After he had again quitted Engand (24 March 1693), and she had to resume the regency, everything seemed to go wrong, nor had she when he came back (29 Oct.) the satisfaction of finding him approve her administration (ib.) Yet whether or not she acted judiciously in getting rid of Lord Bellamont, she was responsible neither for the loss of the Smyrna fleet, which caused an alarm she sought to allay by the prompt appointment of a committee of the council on the grievances of the Turkey merchants (, iv. 416, 469), nor for William's defeat at Landen. The anarchy in the council which she had been unable to stay obliged him after all to fall back on the whigs, out of whom he gradually formed a more solid ministry. Things began to improve, and, as she says, every one was resolving to try one year more at least (Memoirs ap., p.61).

During William's absence on the campaign of 1694 (6 May-9 Nov.), the queen's popularity in the city was proved Dy the ready response to her courageous request for a loan of 300,000l. (Klopp, vi. 217 ; see ''Shrewsbury Correspondence, pp. 69 seqq. ; Klopp, vi. 340-341). The death of Tillotson'' (22 Nov.) greatly grieved her. Burnet (iv. 243) says that for many days she spoke of the archbishop ' in the tenderest manner, and not without tears;' she pressed the king and Shrewsbury to name Stillingfleet as his successor, but Tenison was preferred as less 'high' in 'his notions and temper.' Soon afterwards the queen was herself taken ill. Already in the previous spring she had described herself as increasingly subject to the infirmities accompanying age— but she was only thirty-two — or the troubles and anxieties which every returning summer I brought to her (ap. Countess Bentinck, p. 146). On 20 Dec. she felt unwell, but the indisposition seemed unimportant, and on the 22nd she felt stronger, though by way of precaution she put her papers in order. It must have been on this occasion that she wrote to her husband a letter dwelling on his conjugal infidelities, and exhorting him to mend his ways, which she afterwards gave to Tenison to be transmitted after her death (Plumptre, ii. 79 note). On the 23rd an eruption ensued, which the nurse and Dr. John Radcliffe [q. v.] thought to be measles. By Christmas day the king and court were much alarmed; deep emotion was manifested at the services in the Chapel Royal, and already political speculations were rife on the consequences of her death. In the evening the physicians agreed that she was suffering from a virulent attack of small-pox. On 26 Dec. Tenison was commissioned to inform her of her danger, when she expressed her perfect submission to the divine will. The king's grief, which he freely imparted to Burnet, was most vehement; sympathetic crowds blocked all the approaches to Kensington Palace. The Princess Anne's request to be allowed to visit her sister was by medical advice declined by the king. On 2,' Dec. Mary, who had been almost continuously in prayer, received the sacrament, and bade an affectionate farewell to the king. Half an hour later, at one a.m. on 28 Dec, she died (Klopp, vii. 6-10 ; Lexington Papers, pp. 31-6; Burnet, iv. 245-8 ; cf. Macau lax, iv. 350-2). The queen's body, after being opened and embalmed, was removed from Kensington to Whitehall on the night of 29 Dec. The king, who had at first wished her funeral to be private, deferred it, and it was ultimately celebrated on 5 March with great pomp in Westminster Abbey, where Queen Mary rests in Henry VI Fs Chapel. Tenison preached the funeral sermon, an answer to which, reproaching the primate for not having exhorted the queen to a deathbed repentance on her fathers account, is thought to have been written by Ken (Plumptre, ii. 86-94 ; as to the replies which followed, see State Papers during the Reign of William III, 1706, ii. 522 seqq.) Both houses of parliament, which contrary to usage had not been dissolved, attended the service (Macaulay, iv. 534-5). Public funeral solemnities were also held in the United Provinces ; at Utrecht Grsevius preached before the Provincial Estates. Other notable sermons were delivered in England by Burnet, Sherlock, Wake, and many other divines; and the queen was mourned in verse by Prior, Swift, Congreve, the Duke of Devonshire, and Lord Cutts, who had already in 1687 dedicated his


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Rh Oh, whiskey killed my sister Sue,

Whiskey, Johnny,

And whiskey killed the old man, too,

Whiskey for my Johnny.

Whiskey's gone, what shall I do?

Whiskey, Johnny,

Oh, whiskey's gone, and I'll go too,

Whiskey for my Johnny,"

"Belay your maintopsail halliards." "Aye, aye, sir." And so the canvas is set fore and aft, topsails, topgallantsails, royals, and skysails, flat as boards, the inner and outer jibs are run up and the sheets hauled to windward; the main- and after-yards are braced sharp to the wind, the foretopsail is laid to the mast, and the clipper looks like some great seabird ready for flight. The anchor is hove up to:

And while some of the hands bring the anchor to the rail with cat and fish tackle, and:

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Mary II poems to Mary, in the ' Lacrymae Cantabrigienses,' edited by Thomas Brown, as well as in ' Clarendon Correspondence,' ii. 450 note. The city council was anxious to erect her statue with William's in front of the Royal Exchange ; but he preferred to honour her memory by carrying out her scheme of Greenwich Hospital. James II put on no mourning, and forbade the wearing of it by his court (Life of James II, ii. »525-7), and Pope Innocent XII took occasion to deliver an edifying discourse on the fifth commandment (Letters of James, Earl of Perth, ed. W. Jerdan, Camden Soc., 184o, p. 57). The hopes of the Jacobites were largely raised by her death.

It was Mary's fate in life, as she herself avers, to be misinterpreted. Placed under the fiercest light of publicity, in the most painful Eossible dilemma — between her father and er husband — she chose distinctly and definitely, and thereby drew upon herself the rancorous misjudgment of half a world. But both James and others who were without his excuse grossly erred in supposing that Mary either made or adhered to her choice with a light heart. Her solicitude for her father is unmistakably shown in numerous passages of herprivate memoirs (ap. Doebner, pp. 81-2). William warned Carmarthen that the queen never forgave disrespectful words concerning her father. Halifax lost credit with her for inopportune jests on the subject (Burnet, iv. 241 note), and Titus Oates's pension was suspended because he had darea to offend in the same sense (Klopp, v. 123). Nottingham, who enjoyed much of her intimacy, was even convinced that if she had survived her husband she would have restored her father, but though this passes probability she never seems to have cut herself loose from him till after she discovered his. cognisance of Grandvaal's design upon William's life.

Her affection for William thus became the only human anchorage of her life. She was childless, brotherless, and, after the quarrel which Anne had forced upon her, sisterless. To her husband she was absolutely loyal. Though in fact fully equal to the responsibilities thrust upon her, and wanting neither in application nor in firmness and courage, she regarded herself as unfit for politics, and felt assured that it was not through them she would find a place in history (ib. ii. 92). Year after year she cheerfully relinquished the conduct of affairs when relieved of it by the king's return, only to resume it on his departure with renewed misgivings. In an age and belonging to a family prolific of strong-minded women, she was not one of them. Buckinghamshire ( Works, ii. 74) truly calls her ' the most complying wife in the world,' and Macaulay hardly goes beyond the mark in asserting that her husband's ' empire over her heart was divided only with her God,'

Profoundly convinced that Williams was a providential mission, to further his political ends was for her a religious duty. Brought up in a spirit of militant protestantism, she had accustomed herself in Holland to a fervent, pietistic way of looking at the experiences of life. She was a great bible-reader (cf. Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 25 ; cf. C. J. Abbey, i. 125), and never swerved from her own standard of orthodoxy, of which she was capable of giving a very clear account. But she was wholly devoid of theological arrogance, and her 'Meditations' and 'Prayers,' as well as her 'Memoirs,' which were manifestly intended for no eye but her own, breathe a spirit of simple piety. It was inevitable that, though an affectionate daughter of the church of England, and extremely regular in all practices of devotion, she should attract little sympathy from the high church party. She would gladly have reconciled parties in the church, and the church itself with the presbyterians. She even shared William's tolerant feelings towards the Roman catholics. Thus her warm interest in ecclesiastical affairs, and more especially in the matter of preferments, though altogether single-minded (cf. ib. pp. 104 seqq.), met with a return anything but grateful from the embittered-clerical spirit of her age. Her endowment of the William and Mary College in Virginia for the training of missionaries (Burnet, Own Time, iv. 216-16), and her interest in Thomas Bray [q. v.], the founder of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (Abbey, i. 83), attest her religious interests; while, according to Burnet (Memorial, pp. 106 seqq.), she had formed a design for the augmentation of poor livings at home, and entertained a strong objection to pluralities and non-residence. Her efforts on behalf of public morality were not ill-timed. Her public and private charities were alike numerous and unostentatious, her special protection was extended to the French protestant refugees, both in England and in the Low Countries (ib. pp. 143 seqq.) The charm of her character lay in her moral qualities. She was amiable, cheerful, and equable in temper, and gifted with both intelligence and reasonableness of mind. Genuinely modest in a shameless age, and hating scandal, she was not wanting in vivacity (Burnet, Memorial, p. 87). Her letters contain some sprightly turns of phrase, and her memoirs some good sketches of character. She was, moreover, unlike her sister, fond of conversation. Indeed, the Duchess of


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Mary II Marlborough (Account of Conduct, p. 25) pretends that she soon grew weary of anybody who would not talk a great deal. At court a saying circulated according to which the queen talked as much as the king thought and the princess ate (, iv. 397). Miss Strickland insinuates that in the last respect both of Anne Hyde's daughters resembled their mother. The defects of Mary's education had, more especially in the quiet Dutch days during Hooper's chaplaincy, been supplemented by reading, and she never gave up the habit. She was well-informed, not only in controversial divinity, but in history, and took up the study of English constitutional history as late as 1691 (Memoirs ap., p. 44). According to Burnet (Memorial, p. 80) she was very exact in geography, and had a taste for other sciences. She wrote with ease and fluency in both French and English, and could put together a letter in Dutch (ap., iii. 87). Her weak eyesight, however, at times obliged her to resort to female handiwork in her desire to avoid idleness (, Own Time, iii. 134; Memorial, pp. 81-2). At Hampton Court many evidences of her horticultural taste are still extant, and three catalogues of her botanical collections are in the British Museum (Sloane MSS. 2928, 2370-1, 3343; see, Hampton Court, iii. 30-42).

A large number of portraits remain from the successive periods of Mary's short life. In youth an elegant dancer, and slight in figure, she afterwards grew more, but never excessively, full in person, and was always a good walker (ap., pp. 102-3).

The earliest portrait of her is probably Necksher's, taken at about two years of age. Wissing's was painted in duplicate between 1685 and 1687. There is another Dutch portrait, belonging to Lord Braybrooke, of 1688. The latest is Vandervaast's, of 1692.

 MARY of (1658–1718), queen of James II of England, was born at Modena 5 Oct. 1658. Her additional baptismal names were Beatrice Anne Margaret Isabel; the name of Eleanor, by which she was familiarly known in her youth, and which reappears in her official burial certificate, was not among them (, Les Derniers Stuarts, i. 51 n.; Introduction, p. 83 and note). She was the only daughter of Alfonso IV of Modena, of the house of Este, who succeeded as duke a few days after her birth. On the death of Alfonso (July 1662), the government of the duchy was, on behalf of Francis II, his sister's junior by two years, carried on by the widowed Duchess Laura, a descendant of the Roman house of Martinozzi, and cousin of Mnzarin (, Geschichte der italien. Staaten, 1832, v. 656; cf., i. 33 note). She brought up her children both religiously and strictly (cf.


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Mary of Modena Lord Peterborough's character of her ap. Campana di Cavelli, i. 87). Mary Beatrice's uncle, Rinaldo, afterwards cardinal, and finally Duke of Modena, was associated with the Duchess Laura in the guardianship of her children (Miss Strickland, ix. 5).

When in the summer of 1672 it became known that the negotiations for a marriage between the widowed James, duke of York, and the Archduchess Claudia Felicitas had broken down, the Duchess Laura prompted Colbert de Croissy, the French ambassador in London, to suggest her daughter's name. Immediately afterwards he was directed by Louis XIV to put forward as still more suitable that of the Princess Eleanor of Modena, Mary Beatrice's aunt, whose years just doubled her own. The negotiation proceeded slowly, nor was it till July 1673 that the Earl of Peterborough was sent as ambassador extraordinary to Modena, with instructions to ask the hand of Mary Beatrice. On the understanding that the king of France would insure a dowry of at least four hundred thousand crowns on the part of the bride, Charles II undertook to offer on behalf of his brother a jointure of 15,000/. per annum. The king of France himself wrote repeatedly to the duchess-dowager, urging the speedy conclusion of the match, in view of the meeting of parliament, besides sending the Marquis of Dangeau to second Peterborough's efforts, but delays supervened on both sides (Campana di Cavelli, i. 40-5). Mary had been ' so innocently bred ' that before Peterborough's advent she had never heard either of England or of the Duke of York ; and the hope of her heart had been to enter the nunnery of the Visitation recently set up by her mother in close vicinity to the ducal palace. The duchess had to call in the aid of her confessor, the Jesuit father Garimberti ; and in the end Pope Clement X himself addressed a brief, dated 19 Sept., to the youthful princess, pointing out to her that the proposed marriage would in her case be the more meritorious sacrifice (ib, pp. 66-7). Thus Mary Beatrice might through life not unnaturally regard herself as consecrated to the work of the conversion of England, and Louis XIV as the unselfish benefactor who had enabled her to co-operate in the task. Although in a subsequent brief addressed to the duchess-dowager the requisite dispensations were deferred till Mary Beatrice's exercise of her religion in England should have been satisfactorily safeguarded, the marriage treaty (which settled a dowry of three hundred thousand crowns upon the princess) was signed, and the marriage ceremony gone through at Modena on the very day (30 Sept.) on which the mandate issued. This haste, which was much blamed at Rome (id. pp. 122-3 can only be explained by the eagerness for the marriage of both the English court and its French ally ; the papal benediction was not accorded till nearly six months later (ib. .pp. 152-3). The solemnity itself, in which Peterborough acted as proxy for the Duke of York, was performed in the ducal chapel by the court chaplain in ordinary, and not (as is said by Miss Strick- land, ix. 41) by ' a poor English priest ; ' and the usual rejoicings ensued in the town (Campana di Cavelli, i. 1-92 ; Supplement to the anonymous Life of James II, 3rd edit. 1705, pp. 11-41, based on Halstead's Succinct Genealogies ; Clarke, Life of James II, pp. 484-5: Klopp, i. 353-G).

Though the journey of Mary Beatrice, on which she was accompanied by her mother (much to Peterborough's regret), and for part of the way by her brother and a large half of his court, was professedly performed by her incognita, Louis XIV had given orders that every honour should be paid to her in his dominions, and she accordingly met with a warm reception both at Lyons and at Paris. Here she lodged in the arsenal and was visited by everybody (Madame de Sevige, iii. 262-4): at Versailles, where the king himself did the honours, she was detained by indisposition (ib. p. 276; see Campana di Cavelli, i. 95 seqq.) On 21 Nov. she landed at Dover, where she was met by the Duke of York, and where the marriage was after a fashion performed over again by Lord Crewe, bishop of Oxford, acting under no authority but an order under the king's signet (C. J. Abbey, The English Church and its Bishops, 1887, i. 165). Charles with his court welcomed her in her passage up the Thames. Long afterwards, at Chaillot, Mary Beatrice confessed that her first feelings towards her husband could only be expressed by tears. The affection which she afterwards cherished for him was of later growth (Campana di Cavelli, i. 132 note).

Meanwhile parliament had, it was said at Shaftesbury's instigation, passed an address, calling upon the king to declare the proxy marriage void (30 Oct.), and had been adjourned in consequence. Though he declared that he was personally delighted with his sister-in-law, Charles II delayed the execution of the article in the marriage treaty which secured to her a public chapel, a private one being fitted up instead (Clarke. Life of James II, i. 486-7). In point of fact he does not appear to have publicly acknowledged the marriage till September 1674 (Reresbt, Memoirs, ed. Cartwrieht'


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Mary of Modena p. 92). Some months before this she had been established in St. James's Palace, and her mother had returned to Italy at the close of 1673. In 1675 an allowance of 5,000l. a year was granted her by the king (Campana di Cayelli, i. 156).

Mary was welcomed by the court poets, Dryden and Waller. To Cambridge she paid an early visit with the duke, and the youthful Lansdowne eulogised her in verse. At court she found general favour, except with the queen (ib. i. 158) ; on the other hand, she grew much attached to her step- daughters Mary and Anne (ib. pp. 154, 202). But among the public at large, which viewed the Duke of York's second marriage as a crowning proof of his subservience to France, Mary Beatrice shared her husband's unpopularity (ib. i. 144 seqq. ; Lingard, His- tory of England, 6th ed. 1855, ix. 139). At all events, from about 1676 onwards she was regarded as a valuable ally by the French government ; and Louis XIV, though looking coldly on her wish to engage his assistance in obtaining a cardinal's hat for her uncle Rinaldo — an object on which she had set her heart (ib. i. 157-9, 170, 184) — testified to his regard for her by valuable gifts (ib. p. 185).

Mary Beatrice's eldest child, a daughter, christened Catherine Laura, was born 16 Jan. 1675, but died on 3 Oct. following. A second daughter, Isabel, born 28 Aug. 1676, survived till 2 March 1680. Her eldest son, Charles, duke of Cambridge, born 7 Nov. 1677, whose birth was reported by Barillon to have excited no joy among the population of London, and to have taken away much of that called forth by the Orange marriage (Campana di Cavelli, i. 203), was carried off by the small-pox 12 Dec. of the same year (see Mary Beatrice's letter, 16. pp. 205-6 ; cf. Lake, Diary, Camd. Soc, pp. 7, 14). He was followed by a third daughter, Elizabeth, born 1678, and a fourth, Charlotte Margaret, born 15 Aug. and died 6 Oct, 1682 (W. A. Lindsay, Pedigree of the House of Stewart).

In 1678 the Duchess of York, who had had the satisfaction of inducing the English fovernment to use its influence in favour of lodena, then in conflict with Mantua (Campana di Cavelli, i. 215-17), paid an incognita visit with the Princess Anne to the Princess of Orange in Holland (ib. i. 231 ; Miss Strickland, ix. 80-2). With her return began serious troubles. Her secretary, Edward Coleman (d. 1678) [q. v.], was fatally involved in the discoveries connected with the 'Popish Plot' charges, but the letters from the duchess to the pope that were seized were very harmless (Clarke, Life of James II, i. 523; Campana di Cavelli, i. 235, 347). She accompanied the duke on his withdrawal into the Low Countries in March 1679, visiting Brussels and her step-daughter at the Haffue, and writing home in June : ' i have no hops yett of going to my dear England again (ib. i. 276). In July the Duchess Laura, and in August the Princesses Anne and Isabel, were with her at Brussels. In October the duke took her home to England, and in November she proceeded with him to Scotland (ib. p. 309). They were recalled in January 1680, and landed at Deptford before the end of February (cf. Terriesi's despatch, ib. pp. 316-18, as to their ' triumphant entry '). Yet she seems after their return to have suffered much from depression, which gossip attributed to her husband's liaison witn Catherine Sedley. Her position was not improved by another visit from her mother, whose unpopularity in England transferred itself to her (H. Sidney, Diary, ed. Blencowe, 8 July 1680, ii. 12). In September she visited Newmarket and Cambridge (Miss Strickland, ix. 111).

In October 1680 the duchess embarked with her husband for a longer sojourn in Scotland, and she aided him in holding his court at Edinburgh. Among the evil signs of the times were the charges of plotting the death of the king, brought in 1681 by Fitzharris against her husband, her mother, and the late Modenese envoy Montecucoli, the head of a family devotedly attached to her (Campana di Cavelli, i. 354, 384 ; cf. Clarke, Life of James II, i. 168; Miss Strickland, ix. 129-30). In January 1682 she had a serious fall from her horse. On their return to London from Scotland (6 June 1682), the duke and duchess met with a warm welcome ; but they were still exposed to suspicion, and on the birth in August of the Princess Charlotte Margaret, it was rumoured that the substitution of a male child had been entertained (Gregorio Leti ap. Miss Strickland, ix. 149). In December all the London tradesmen whose shops bore the arms of the Duke of York had been insulted by the mob, and the Duchess of Modena seems to have feared for her life (Campana di Cavelli, i. 398,414-15). Fortherest, the death of the infant princess had, according to Barillon, been a cause of great grief to the duke, inasmuch as it left him without hope of having children who would live (ib, pp. 394, 399, 407,415). In both November 1683 and May 1684 Mary was seriously ill, but she was able in October 1684 to accompany the duke on an excursion to Salisbury and to assist at a review on Putney Heath (ib. pp. 416 seqq.) She was at this time much


text:
The Exemplary Novels of Cervantes

'''THE EXEMPLARY NOVELS

OF

CERVANTES '''

TRANSLATED FROM THE SPANISH

BY

WALTER K. KELLY

LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET

COVENT GARDEN

1881

LONDON:

PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,

STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS

Introduction

 * Preface
 * Dedication
 * Author's Preface

Novels

 * /The Lady Cornelia/
 * Rinconete and Cortadillo: or, Peter of the Corner and the Little Cutter
 * The Licentiate Vidriera; or, Doctor Glass-case
 * /The Deceitful Marriage/
 * Dialogue between Scipio and Berganze, dogs of the Hospital of the Resurrection in the city of Valladolid, commonly called the Dogs of Mahudes
 * /The Little Gipsy Girl/
 * /The Generous Lover/
 * /The Spanish-English Lady/
 * /The Force of Blood/
 * /The Jealous Estramaduran/
 * /The Illustrious Scullery-maid/
 * /The Two Damsels/

Novelas ejemplares Novelle esemplari

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Mary of Modena occupied by the affairs of her family at Modena, which was so divided on the subject of the marriage of her brother the duke that the duchess-dowager withdrew to Rome ; and it soems to have been in connection with the same transactions that she unfortunately took under her protection the Abbe 1 Rizzini on his falling into disfavour at Versailles (ib. pp. 421 seqq.) Through her the dying Charles II obtained the ministrations of a catholic priest (ib. ii. 8; cf. Klopp, ii. 447). On the accession of James II to the throne, his queen became inevitably identified with the aggressive faction among the English catholics. She assured the papal nuncio at Brussels (30 March) that a revolution had begun in England (Campana di Cavelli, ii. 28). But it was some time before she had any insight into the actual situation of affairs ; and she continued on perfectly good terms with the Prince of Orange and his wife, always a favourite with her (Klopp, iii. 74, 155). A letter in Mary's hand, dated 'Whitehall, 13 March 108),' is addressed 'To my sonne, the Prince of Orange' (, Autograph Letters).

Her health was at this time precarious. In March and April 1085 the Tuscan minister, Terriesi, and others reported a visible decline in her strength, and already new marriage schemes for the king were suggested (jb. iii. 40; Campaxa dt Cavelli, ii. 29, So); but she was able to bear her part in the coronation ceremony of St, George's day, when her devout demeanour was contrasted with the apathetic bearing of her consort (Bisnop Patrick ap. Plumptre, Life of Ken t .20$; Campaxa di Cavelli, ii. 53 seqq.; and see ik, p. 02, the coronation medal with the absurd legend ' O dea certe *). In all probability the gossips rightly connected the queen's indisposition with the king's continued amour with Catherine Sedley, whom early in 1086 he created Countess of Dorchester. The announcement not long afterwards of James's intention to break with his mistress was reported to have restored the queen to health (Thun ap. Klopp, iii. 173 note; ct Campaxa di Cavelli, ii. HS seqq.) ; but it proved difficult to shake off the new countess. The combined influence of Mary Beatrice and Father Petre prevailed, however, to relegate her to Ireland. Thence the countess managed to incense the queen against the Rochester-Clarendon interest, and thus helped to bringr about its downfall. Mary, however, had little liking for Clarendon's succ' j s*or, Tyrconnel,and it was maliciously reported that he had bribed her into supporting him bv the gift of a precious string of pearls (Macaulay, iii. 156-7, ii. -72; Klopp, ii. 159; Clarendon Corre- spondence, i. 577, ii. 117 note et al. ; Burnet, iii. 120-1 ; Campaxa di Cavelli, ii. 117). The queen was also (September 1685) said to have been vexed by the favours shown by the king: to his illegitimate sons by Arabella Churchill ; and it is clear that her health re- mained uncertain as late as the spring of 16^6 (ib. ii. 78, 106).

Although her influence upon the king's policy, determined as it was by religious motives, increased, her chief interest in Castelmaine's mission to Rome (February 1686) was doubtless the renewed demand of a cardinal's hat for her uncle (ib. ii. $4, 76, 91). This was at last reluctantly granted (ib. ii. 110 seqq., 120 seqq.; cf. Clarke, Life of James II y ii. 75-8). In February 1087 she is described by an observer on the other side (Kaunitz ap' Klopp, iii. 307-8) as leaving the king no peace till he had yielded to her persuasions in the French interest. In the following July she lost her mother, who was said shortly before her death to have addressed special orisons to the Virgin of Loretto for the birth of a son to Mary Beatrice.

In August she proceeded to Bath (which Tbrriesi ap. Campaxa di Cavelli, ii. 140, 146, calls the Baths of Bristol) to drink the waters ; the hopes of the king, who accompanied her (Plumptre, Life of Ken, i. 275 seqq.), were already set on the birth of an heir, and he turned aside from his western progress to offer pravers to St. Winifred at her holy well in Wales (Macaulat, ii. 509-10; Clarke, Life of James II, ii. 129; and for Burnet's additional fiction, Own Time, iii. 246 n.) Before the end of October the news of the queen's pregnancy began to spread through London (Macaulat, ii'. 308: Klopp, iii. 394-6) ; and while exciting enthusiasm among the catholics, was, by the great body of the public, received with a mixture of incredulity and dislike, which very soon passed into a readiness to believe the worst scandals.

At such a time prudence might have prevented division of feeling among the catholics ; and in one important matter the counsels of Mary Beatrice seem to have been on the side of prudence. Ardently attached to the Jesuits (cf. her letter ap. Campaxa di Cavelli, ii. 492 seqq. ; Klopp, iii. 156), she nevertheless sought to resist the recognition of the overbearing influence of their vice-provincial, Father Petre, by his admission into the privy council (Burnet, iii. 102 n. ; Klopp, iit. 390). Though failing in this, she was able to prevent the complete success of his and Sunderland's ambitious intrigues (ib. iii. 397 ; cf. Clarke, Life of James II, ii. 131-2). It would seem as ifin other matters,


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Mary of Modena too, such as the restoration of the forfeited charter of the city of London, her voice was raised in favour of a conciliatory policy (Klopp, iv. 165). On the other hand, she can have been no stranger to the transfer from Cardinal Howard to Cardinal d'Este of the protectorship of English catholics, and the consequent irritation of the powerful conservative section of the bodv (Ellis, Original Letters, 3rd ser. iv. 313-15).

On 19 Jan. 1688 a public thanksgiving had been celebrated for the queen's condition, but according to Clarendon amidst general coldness (Diary, ii. 156; cf. Campana di Cavelli, ii. 165). Her serious indisposition in May, due to the false news of her brother's death (ib. p. 182), caused some anxiety (ib. pp. 165, 192). After a temporary subsidence (Klopp, iv. 39), the popular belief that her pregnancy was feigned grew more obstinate (cf. Burnet's discreditable account, Own Time, iii. 245 seqq., which was refuted by Swift, ib. p. 257 n.; cf. Clarke, Life of James II, ii. 192; Scott, Works of Dryden, ed. Saintsbury, x. 289). Unfortunately the arrangements connected with the birth itself were inpart such as to strengthen suspicion.

The Prince of Wales, James Francis Edward Stuart [q. vj, was born on the morning of 10 June (O.S.) at St. James's Palace, whither the gueen had leisurely betaken herself from Whitehall on the previous evening. Of the fact there can be no question. The news, celebrated by official rejoicings at home and abroad, and by the pens of loyal poets great and small, was coldly received by the public. Burnet not only touches sceptically on the rapidity of the queen's recovery—she first reappeared in public on 5 July (Campana di Cavelli, ii. 239)— but suggests that the illness of the infant prince at Richmond in August was likewise a figment (see, however, ib. ii. 246 seqq.; Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd ser. iv. 119; Clarke, Life of James II, ii. 161-2). On their return to London from Windsor at the end of September, the king and queen found doubts of the genuineness of the birth generally rampant; and the attitude of the Princess Anne seems to have convinced the queen of the necessity of the proceedings taken by the king to clear up the subject (Clarendon Correspondence, ii. 198; Clarke, Life of James II, ii. 197; Dalrymple, who omits the correspondence of the Princess of Orange and Mary Beatrice, which furnishes strong internal evidence of the queen's veracity; see Ellis, Original Letters, 1st ser. iii. 348 n.; Clarendon Correspondence, ii. 190 n.; Miss Strickland, x. 3 seqq.)

Meanwhile the dangers of the situation were thickening. Early in November the queen implored the pope to protect the Prince of Wales (Campana di Cavelli, ii. 319); ten days later the nuncio reports that she had given her husband all the money in her hands to aid him in his defence (ib. p. 328). In a postscript to a letter in which she informed her uncle that Innocent XI had consented to James II acting as mediator in his differences with France, she stated that now their own affairs had overwhelmed them, the king had gone to Salisbury, the Prince of Wales had been sent to Portsmouth (ib.) At first there had been some thought of her following the infant thither (ib. p. 291; Klopp, iv. 176), but she was left alone in a ' mutinous and discontented city' (Clarke, Life of James II, ii. 220-1); and calumny was so busy against her, absurdly charging her even with maltreatment of the Princess Anne, that some loyal protestants as well as catholics were prepared: to risk their lives to protect her. One morning she found, thrust into one of her gloves, a pamphlet on the spuriousness of the Prince of 'Wales (Macaulay, ii. 517; Campana di Cavelli, ii. 341).

The most fatal act of Mary Beatrice's life was her flight to France with the Prince of Wales, which drew after it that of the king. According to Burnet, who, by the way, entirely misstates the facts of the flight, she was suddenly determined to it by the fear that she would be impeached by the next parliament. On the contrary, it is specially attested that she preserved her presence of mind (ib. ii. 368-369). According to James himself (Clarke, ii. 245), the project was so far from being advised or pressed by her, that she only reluctantly assented to it. It is not impossible that a knowledge of the design of seizing the prince imputed to the managers of the revolution might have suggested the desperate remedy of his removal by his mother (Clarendon Correspondence,)!. 336). But this could have been equally well accomplished, and an irrevocable political blunder avoided, had the queen fled to Flanders instead of to France (Campana di Cavelli, ii. 424-5). It is therefore sufficiently clear, and was in fact confessed to Rizzini by James II at Gravesend, that both he and the queen fell with their eyes open into the net spread before them by Louis XIV, whose purpose it was to furnish James with a legitimate subterfuge against being compelled by English opinion to join the League of Augsburg (ib. ii. 443), as well as to assure his own position in the event of the success of the revolution, by constituting himself the actual protector of the legitimate claimants to the English throne. The flight had been


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Masham to have a peeress lie upon the floor and do several other inferior offices,' The queen, however, finally consented to it, on the condition that Abigail should still remain one of her bedchamber women (, vi. 36, note). Lady Masham is stated to have had previously to the treaty of Utrecht several interviews and some correspondence with Mesnager, who represents her as zealous in the cause of the Pretender (Minutes of the Negotiations, 1717, pp. 225–321). Oxford, however, as late as April 1714, told a Hanoverian correspondent that he was 'sure that Lady Masham, the queen's favourite, is entirely for 'the Hanoverian succession (, Original Letters, 2nd ser. 1827, iv. 270). Annoyed, it is said, by Oxford refusing her 'a job of some money out of the Asiento contract' (, i. 86–7, note), but more probably disgusted by Harley's habitual indecision, Lady Masham quarrelled with him and sided with Bolingbroke and the Jacobites. In June 1714 she informed Oxford that she would carry no more messages for him, and in the following month she told him to his face, 'You never did the queen any service, nor are you capable of doing her any' (, Works, xvi. 144, 173). Within a few days after this she procured Oxford's dismissal (27 July), and on 29 July wrote to Swift, imploring him to remain in England in order to help the queen with his advice (ib. xvi. 193–4). She attended the queen during her last illness with unremitting care. Upon the queen's death Lady Masham left the court and lived in retirement with her husband. She died after a long illness on 6 Dec. 1734 (Hist. MSS. Comm. 11th Rep. pt. iv. p. 244), and was buried at High Laver, Essex. Lady Masham was a woman of good education, with considerable abilities and cultivated tastes, a plain face and a large red nose, which formed a fruitful subject for raillery in the whig lampoons. Dartmouth, who was not in her good graces, because he 'lived civilly' with her rival the Duchess of Somerset, declares that she was 'exceeding mean and vulgar in her manners, of a very unequal temper, childishly exceptious and passionate' (, vi. 37, note). Mesnager, on the other hand, wondered much 'that such mean things could be said of this lady as some have made pubiick. . . she seem'd to me as worthy to be the favourite of a queen as any woman I have convers'd with in my life' (Minutes of the Negotiations, 1717, p. 290).

Swift, who was very intimate with her during the last three years of the queen's reign, describes her as 'a person of a plain, sound understanding, of great truth and sincerity, without the least mixture of falsehood or disguise; of an honest boldness and courage superior to her sex, firm and disinterested in her friendship, and full of love, duty, and veneration for the queen her mistress' (Works, vi. 33). Swift attached so much importance to her influence over the queen that he actually complained of her for stopping at home in April 1713 in order to nurse her sick son, and declared that 'she should never leave the queen, but leave everything to stick to what is so much the interest of the public as well as her own. This I tell her, but talk to the winds' (ib. iii. 204). Four of Lady Masham's letters, the style of which is very superior to that of the ordinary correspondence of her day, are printed in Swift's 'Works' (xvi. 83–4, 193–4, 457, xviii. 167–8), two in the 'Minutes of the Negotiations of Monsieur Mesnager' (pp. 301, 310–12), and one in the 'Account of the Conduct of the Dowager Duchess of Marlborough ' (pp. 187–9). A few are preserved among the 'Cæsar Correspondence' in the possession of Mr. C. Cottrell Dormer of Rousham, near Oxford (Hist. MSS. Comm. 2nd Rep. pp. 83–4), and there appears to be one in the Ormonde collection (ib. vii. 825). None seem to have found their way to the British Museum. A letter from Dr. Arbuthnot to Mrs. Howard gives a curious account of the duties of a bedchamber woman, the details of which he had obtained for her guidance from Lady Masham (Letters to and from Henrietta, Countess of Suffolk, &c, 1824, i. 292–4). Though Lady Masham promised to sit for Swift (Works, iii. 175), no portrait of her can now be traced.

, first (1679?–1758), the eighth son of Sir Francis Masham, bart., by his first wife, Mary, daughter of Sir William Scott, bart., was a remote kinsman of Queen Anne, by his descent from Margaret, countess of Salisbury, the daughter and coheiress of George Plantagenet, duke of Clarence. He was successively page, equerry, and groom of the bedchamber to Prince George of Denmark, and in the spring of 1710 was gazetted a brigadier-general in the army. At the general election in October 1710 he was returned for the borough of Ilchester. On his appointment as cofferer of the household to Queen Anne in May 1711, he accepted the Chiltern hundreds, but was shortly afterwards returned for Windsor. He formed one of the batch of twelve tory peers, and was created Baron Masham of Oates in the county of Essex on 1 Jan. 1712, taking his seat in the House of Lords on the following day (Journals of the House of Lords, xix. 355). On the death of Simon, fifth viscount Fanshawe, in 1710, he


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466 he had thus warmly expressed his confidence, a letter was brought to him from Cranmer, revealing a story of profligacy necessary to be told, yet too hideous to dwell upon. I shall touch upon it but lightly, inasmuch as the entire body of evidence survives in its voluminous offensiveness, and leaves no room for the most charitable scepticism to raise questions or suggest uncertainties.

During the King's absence a gentleman named Lascelles came to the Archbishop and told him that his sister had been in the household of the Duchess of Norfolk, where the Queen had been brought up; that a short time previously he had advised her, on the plea of early acquaintance, to seek for a situation as maid of honour at the palace, and that she had replied that she would not take service under a mistress who, before her marriage, had disgraced herself. She was sorry to speak in such terms of the King's wife, but she mentioned the names of two gentlemen, one of them her cousin, Francis Derham, the other a person called Mannock, on the establishment of the Duchess, with whom her intimacy had been of the most unambiguous description. The Archbishop, perplexed and frightened, consulted the chancellor and Lord Hertford, the only members of the council remaining in London. They agreed that Lascelles's story must be communicated to the King before any other step should be taken; and


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1541.] Cranmer, unable to summon nerve to speak on so frightful a subject, waited till the close of the progress, and wrote to Henry at Hampton Court.

The letter was received at first with utter incredulity. The King had seen nothing in his wife's character to lend credibility to so odious a charge. He laid the account which the Archbishop had sent, before such of his ministers as were in attendance; but he declared emphatically his conviction that the Queen was the object of a calumny. The story should be investigated, but with scrupulous secrecy, to protect her character from scandal. Lord Southampton was sent to London to see and examine the Archbishop's informant.

Finding Lascelles adhere to his story, the Earl cautioned him to be silent; and went down into Sussex, under pretence of joining a hunting party, in order to question the sister; while Mannock and Derham were in the mean time arrested, on the charge of having been concerned in an act of piracy in the Irish seas, and were privately examined by Sir Thomas Wriothesley. Wriothesley, of all the ministers next to Gardiner and the Duke of Norfolk, was most interested in finding the Queen to be innocent; he had attached himself decidedly to the Anglican interest, and had taken a prominent part in promoting the divorce of Anne of Cleves. But the case admitted of no self-deception; the inquiry resulted on both sides in the confirmation of the worst which Lascelles had stated. The two gentlemen confessed; and Southampton returned with the miserable burden of his discoveries to the Court. The King was


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468 overwhelmed; some dreadful spirit pursued his married life, tainting it with infamy. The council were assembled, and he attempted to address them. But it was long before he could speak; and his words, when they came at last, were choked with tears. After a brief and miserable consultation, the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Sussex, the Lord Chancellor, and Cranmer were deputed to wait upon the Queen, and hear what she could say in her defence. The wretched lady at first attempted a denial; but from the questions which were put to her she discovered rapidly that too much was known; and after a fit of hysterics, and encouraged by promises of forgiveness, which Cranmer brought to her from the King on condition of a full confession, she acknowledged as much of her guilt as she saw that it was useless to disclaim. Foul as her behaviour had been before her marriage, Henry had as yet no reason to suppose that she had repeated her offences since she had been his Queen. Though she had disgraced herself as a woman, and had cruelly injured him as her husband, she had, as far as he knew, committed no crime against the State, and he allowed the Archbishop to quiet her alarms by a hope that her worst punishment would be the exposure of her shame.


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1541.] But it usually happens in such cases that the first discovery is but the end of a clue which ravels out to unexpected issues. Seven or eight of the Queen's ladies were examined, and it was found that Francis Derham had been lately taken back into her service, and had been employed in a confidential office about her person; while a third Court gallant, Thomas Culpeper, who had accompanied the progress, had been admitted to interviews at midnight in the Queen's private apartments. Her establishment had been separate from the King's; at each house at which they had stayed, either she herself, or her chosen friend Lady Rochford, studied the positions of the staircases and postern doors; and the quarters assigned to her at Lincoln and Pomfret having offered especial conveniences, Culpeper had been introduced to the Queen's room, Lady Rochford keeping guard to prevent a surprise, and had remained with her in more than dubious privacy from eleven o'clock at night till three in the morning.

No reasonable doubt could be entertained that the King had a second time suffered the worst injury which a wife could inflict upon him; that a second adultery, a second act of high treason, must be exposed and punished.

The hand involuntarily pauses as it writes the words. In nine years two queens of England had been divorced: two had been unfaithful. A single misadventure of such a kind might have been explained by accident or by moral infirmity. For such a combination of disasters some common cause must have existed, which may be


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470 or ought to be discoverable. The coarse hypothesis which has been generally offered of brutality and profligacy on the part of the King, if it could be maintained, would be but an imperfect interpretation; but, in fact, when we examine such details as remain to us of Henry's relations with women, we discover but few traces of the second of the supposed causes, and none whatever of the first. A single intrigue in his early years, with unsubstantiated rumours of another, only heard of when there was an interest in spreading them, forms the whole case against him in the way of moral irregularity. For the three years that he was unmarried after the death of his third wife, we hear of no mistresses and no intrigues. For six months he shared the bed of Anne of Cleves, and she remained a maiden; nor had he transferred his affections to any rival lady. The anxiety of his subjects, so far from being excited by his disposition to licentiousness, was rather lest his marriages should be uniformly unfruitful. The vigour of his youth was gone. His system was infirm and languid; and whenever his wedded condition was alluded to by himself, by the privy council, or by Parliament, it was spoken of rather as a matter politically of importance to the realm than of interest individually to the King himself. Again, his manner to his wives seems to have been no less kind than that of ordinary men. A few stern words to Anne Boleyn form the only approach to personal harshness recorded against him; and his behaviour, when he first heard of the misconduct of Catherine Howard, was manly, honourable, and generous.


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1541.] Extraordinary circumstances, and the necessity of arriving at a just understanding of a remarkable man, must furnish my excuse for saying a few words upon a subject which I would gladly have avoided, and for calling in question one of the largest historical misconceptions which I believe has ever been formed. It is not easy to draw out in detail the evidence on which we form, our opinion of character. We judge living men, not from single facts, but from a thousand trifles; and sound estimates of historical persons are pieced together from a general study of their actions, their writings, the description of friends and enemies, from those occasional allusions which we find scattered over contemporary correspondence, from materials which, in the instance of Henry VIII., consist of many thousand documents. Out of so large a mass tolerable evidence would be forthcoming of vicious tendencies, if vicious tendencies had existed. We rise from the laborious perusal with the conviction, rather, that the King's disposition was naturally cold. The indolence and gaiety of early years gave way, when the complications of his life commenced, to the sternness of a statesman engaged in incessant and arduous labours. He had no leisure, perhaps he had little inclination, to attend to the trifles out of which the cords of happy marriages are woven. A Queen was part of the State furniture, existing to be the mother of his children; and children he rather desired officially, than from any wish for them in themselves Except in the single instance of Anne Boleyn, whom he evidently loved, he entered marriage for the


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472 sake of the male heirs which he so passionately desired; while, again, he combined with much refinement and cultivation an absence of reserve on certain subjects, which is startling even in the midst of the plain speech of the sixteenth century. It was not that he was loose or careless in act or word; but there was a business-like habit of proceeding about him which penetrated through all his words and actions, and may have made him as a husband one of the most intolerable that ever vexed and fretted the soul of woman.

A small share of the misdemeanour of Catherine Howard, however, can be laid to the charge of the King. Every day brought to light some fresh scandal. It soon appeared that the old Duchess of Norfolk, Lord William Howard, the Countess of Bridgewater, and many other members of the family, had been acquainted with her misconduct as a girl, and had nevertheless permitted the marriage to go forward, and had even furthered and encouraged it.

The misfortune was trebled in weight; and it was trebly necessary to act in the matter with entire openness, owing to so many questionable antecedents. No disgrace, however shameful, could be concealed. Circulars, detailed and explicit, were sent to the foreign ambassadors, and to the English ministers in Paris, Brussels, and Spain. The writs went out for a Parliament, to meet in January, and in the mean time, on the 12th of November, 'His Majesty's councillors of all sorts, spiritual and temporal,' were assembled, 'with the judges and learned men of the council,' when 'the


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1541.] lord chancellor declared unto them the abominable demeanour of the Queen, that the world might know that which had been hitherto done to have a just ground and foundation.'

The offending lady herself was removed to Sion House, where she was confined to three rooms, and, with Lady Rochford, waited for the judgment of Parliament upon her. Derham and Culpeper were left to the ordinary course of justice. On the ist of December they were tried in the Guildhall before a special


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474 . They pleaded guilty; and twelve days after they were hanged at Tyburn. In the world the King had many enemies, who of course made use of the opportunity of scandal; but Francis, although on doubtful terms with England, sent a warm and generous message. 'He was sorry,' he said, 'to hear of the displeasure and trouble which had been caused by the lewd and naughty demeanour of the Queen;' 'albeit, knowing his good brother to be a prince of prudence, virtue, and honour, he did require him to receive and shift off the said displeasures wisely, temperately, and like himself, not reputing his honour to rest in the lightness of a woman, but to thank God of all, comforting himself in God's goodness.'

In England the feeling seems to have been January. unm ixed compassion for Henry; and the meeting of Parliament made an opportunity for the country


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1542.] to offer him some compensation, by acknowledging in an emphatic manner their sense of his services, and showing him the affection with which his subjects regarded him. The scene at the opening of the session was a very remarkable one, almost equally remarkable, whether we are to regard the emotion which was displayed as an exhibition of genuine feeling, or as affected sycophancy. When the Commons had answered to their names, and the Lords were in their places, the King passed up the middle of the great chamber, and took his seat upon the throne. The chancellor then rose and spoke for an hour; and the clerks of the House, having been unable to take down his words, an epitome was supplied for insertion in the Journals.

'King David,' Lord Audeley said, 'when called to reign over Israel, sought not of the Lord either honour or riches; but he prayed, as it is written in the Psalms, that God would grant him understanding, that he might keep his law. He asked for wisdom as the thing most necessary both for princes and people. In like manner, from the time when he came first to the throne of that country, his most sacred Majesty had sought of the Lord the same two things, understanding and wisdom.' As the King's name was mentioned, every peer rose from his seat and bowed. The chancellor went


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476 on with a sketch of the reign to illustrate in how large measure these gifts had been bestowed upon him. He described the wars with which it had opened; the thirty years of quiet which had been enjoyed by England while Europe elsewhere was wasted with war; the victory over the Goliath at Rome, whom Henry, like David, had smitten down with a sling and a stone—with the sling of his councillors and the stone of the Word of God. He touched upon the northern insurrection, which had threatened to become so dangerous, but had been composed almost without bloodshed. He pointed to the reduction of Ireland from a state of anarchy, and to the defences of the country, which was now secured from invasion. Much had been done, he said, but much remained to be done; and on them and on their assistance the King relied. New opinions in matters of religion were continually rising: it would be their duty to determine how much that was new should be received and adopted; how much that was effete should be laid aside. Justice, again, was ill administered. There were good laws; but good laws, if ill observed, were worse than none; and the measure was not even between the rich and the poor. Men in authority abused their powers; farms continued to be engrossed; the price of provisions was raised by artificial monopolies; the weak were oppressed, and were driven from their holdings: these were points which required attention and speedy remedy. Yet, when all was said—when England as it


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" off the island!" whispered Striker to Larry, as both peered through the opening beside their gun.

"It's as dark on the island as it is on the ships," returned the boy. His heart was thumping so violently that he could scarcely speak.

"Silence, men!" came the low command from out of the semi-darkness of the gun-deck. And then, for the time being, nothing more was said.

On swept the flagship at a speed of eight knots an hour. Corregidor Island was now directly abeam, and every glass on the big warship was trained on those dark and frowning works, while a sharp lookout was kept ahead and the "mine catchers" were out in force. In a minute more the Olympia would sweep into Boca Grande, the main channel, supposed to be fairly thick with hidden mines. What if their ship should strike? The thought sent a cold shiver

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Rh the sea beyond when it exploded with a loud noise, scattering the spray in all directions.

"I wonder if we have got to take this in silence," muttered Barrow, when a boom from the Raleigh told that she had answered the enemy's fire. Soon came a shot from the Boston, as that ship passed close to the fort. In the mean time the other vessels were out of range. Not to be outdone by her companions, the Concord sent a six-inch shell into a shore battery that began firing. At that time the damage done was not known, but later on it was ascertained that the shell had landed directly in the battery, and one Spanish soldier was killed and several gunners injured; and thus was the first blood of the war spilt in this part of the world.

But the Americans had suffered a loss too, although not through the illy aimed shots of their enemy. Signalled to run alongside of the big Olympia for protection, the McCulloch reported the death of her chief engineer, a highly esteemed man named Randall, who had been overcome by the terrific heart in the despatch boat's engine-room. This was the first, and, in fact, the only life lost by our side during the world-famous battle now so close at hand.

"We're out of that," said the chief of the gunners,

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246 when Corregidor Island had been left in the distance, "And I don't believe they even touched us."

"We're not over the mines yet," said Barrow. "I take it we've got good cause to remember the Maine just now. If we strike anything like that—"

"Don't go for to speak of it!" cried Striker. "It's bad enough to have your nerves up like the string o' a bow, without spittin' out your tongue about it." And several nodded so vigorously at this that the word "mine" was not mentioned again. The lazy ones stretched themselves beside their "big brothers," as they called their guns, but the majority were in no humor to do aught but peer through the portholes, trying vainly to pierce the darkness of the night as the moon scurried beneath some fleeting clouds.

"Four hundred pairs of eyes on the watch and nothing to see but water and sky," mused Striker. "I hope we don't feel anything more either," he added, and that was the last reference the down-easter made to the mines.

However, by one o'clock in the morning the bugbear was a thing of the past, for all the warships were standing out into the middle of Manila Bay, where it was not likely a mine would be encountered. That they had actually passed through a field of mines,

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Rh though, is a matter of history, and this being so, their complete escape from injury seems little short of a miracle. Some naval experts have said that running the mines was as much to the Americans' credit as what came after.

There now remained nothing to do but to wait for daylight, since Commodore Dewey did not deem it advisable to go in shore in the darkness. The vessels consequently sailed on slowly towards the outer anchorage off Manila. A great many more men turned in to snatch a nap previous to engaging in a battle that was likely to be not far off. From what they had seen off Corregidor Island, those in command felt almost certain that Admiral Montojo's fleet must be in the vicinity.

"It will either be a case of meeting that fleet or bombarding Manila, see if it ain't," remarked Striker, as he and Larry turned in near the gun. Getting into one's hammock under the circumstances was out of the question.

At four o'clock, just as the first streaks of dawn were beginning to show over the distant mountains of Luzon, there was a call for something with which to arouse the men, and strong coffee was served, to which were added hardtack for any one who cared for

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248 them. As Larry sipped his steaming coffee and munched a soaked-up hardtack, he looked occasionally through the port and over the distant waters, and beheld what looked like a mass of shipping backed up by a solidly built-up town. This was Manila itself.

"It looks exactly as it did when I was here years ago," remarked Striker. "That part over to the right is old Manila, where the military post used to be. The main shipping is dead ahead of us, in the new territory. There is a river running between the two portions."

"I don't see anything like a warship," said Larry, "though, to be sure, it's too dark yet to see much."

"They'll see all they want to see when the sun is a bit higher, lad, and they get out their best glasses. But I don't think the Spaniards would put their battleships in the midst o' that shipping—it wouldn't be fair, if they were expecting us."

The squadron now began to move along the front of Manila harbor, with glasses trained on the shipping, from which, as the sun came up, could be seen floating the flags of various nations. Some of the flags were Spanish, but these were on merchantmen and fishing craft.

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Rh "We haven't catched the Spanish admiral yet," sighed the tall down-easter, as word drifted below that Manila harbor did not hold the fleet they were after. I wonder what the commodore will do now?"

No one on the Olympia was kept long in suspense over this point. The squadron was moving southward, in the direction of the long neck of land upon which was located, as previously mentioned, Fort Cavite, or, as it is locally termed, the Cavite Arsenal.

"They have found the Spanish fleet!" The cry ran from one ship to another, and soon it was on the lips of everybody, from the men in the tops to the stokers in the depths of the coal bunkers. The warships of the enemy had been discovered lying in the little bay formed by the curving shore of old Manila and the neck of land supporting Fort Cavite. The distance from Fort Cavite to Manila is almost eight miles in a straight line. Along such an imaginary line, and back of it, was Admiral Montojo's fleet, flanked on the right by Manila's shore batteries, and on the left by the powerful guns of the fort.

The Spanish fleet was a formidable one. If their

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250 individual ships were not the equal of the American vessels, they had they had, moreover, the assistance of the shore batteries and the powerful fort. A glance at their vessels will not come amiss to the reader who wishes to know some of the particulars of this stirring encounter.

The real flagship of the Spanish fleet was the cruiser Reina Cristina, of 3100 tons, carrying twenty guns of small and large caliber, including six rapid-firing guns supposed to be of first-class pattern and efficacy. Like the Olympia, she carried about four hundred officers and men.

Next in size to the flagship came the cruiser Castilla, the temporary flagship, of 3300 tons, carrying a mixed battery of eighteen guns, and manned by three hundred well-trained Spanish tars. Two other cruisers were the Don Antonio de Ulloa and the Don Juan de Austria, of about 1100 tons burden each, and each carrying nine guns and manned by a crew of one hundred and seventy-three. There was another cruiser at hand, the Velasco, but she was out of repair, and her best guns had been placed near the fort, for use from shore.

Of the gunboats, of which there were quite a number, the principal ones were the Isla de Luzon

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Rh and the Isla de Cuba, each, of a thousand tons, carrying a mixed battery of ten guns, and manned by a hundred and sixty officers and men. There were also the General Lezo, mounting half a dozen guns, the Del Dueroe, and also the Spanish mail steamer, Mindanao, which had been hastily pressed into service as an auxiliary cruiser, with a battery of no mean proportions. Added to these vessels were four torpedo boats and the transport Manila. The total number of officers and men on the various vessels was estimated to be between eighteen and nineteen hundred—about a hundred more than in the American forces.

A word may be added concerning Admiral Patricio Montojo y Pasaron. He was not only the commander of the fleet, but also the commander at Cavite. He was an old and trained naval officer, known to be brave to the degree of rashness, and even by Americans it was felt that he was a foe fully worthy of Commodore Dewey's steel. The men beneath the Spanish admiral were as bold and hard fighters as himself. All in all, the coming contest was to be a battle of giants, and what the outcome of that mighty contest was to be no person at the outset could tell.

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text: Under Dewey at Manila/Chapter 25

title: Under Dewey at Manila/Chapter 25


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! bang! crack! boom! boom! boom!

Loud and clear came the reports over the waters of the inner bay, and over and around the American warships whistled and screamed a dozen balls and shells ere they plunged into the briny element. The shore battery near old Manila had "opened the ball," as Striker declared, and, though not a shot took effect, the firing thoroughly aroused Uncle Sam's jackies to the fact that "the real thing" was on them.

"Now, boys, roll up your sleeves and be prepared to pitch in!" exclaimed Barrow. "It's no loafing allowed for the next few hours, I'll warrant you! Larry, you must do the double-quick now if you never did it before."

"I'm more than willing to pitch in," answered the youth, with a nervous little laugh. "Anything is better than this waiting around."

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Rh "That's true," put in Striker. "I know I won't get my nerves settled until we're in the thick on it—kind o' like your second wind in a fist fight, you know."

The men were crowded together at the ports, watching eagerly whatever might be seen, which just then was not much, for they were getting away from the shore batteries, and the first of the battleships of the enemy was still some distance off. Barrow's reference to shirt sleeves was entirely superfluous, since the shirts worn were altogether of the short-sleeved variety, revealing full many a tough and brawny arm, ready to do battle as long as the breath of life remained in its owner's body.

"We're getting closer to 'em," said Striker, a few minutes later. "If only the commodore—"

The tall Yankee did not finish, but stared before him in open-mouthed amazement. About a thousand yards away the waters of the bay had suddenly gone up into a gigantic fountain. A rumble followed, felt quite distinctly by all on board.

"Gracious, what's that, an earthquake?" ejaculated Larry.

"Sort of one, lad," answered Barrow. "That

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254 was a connection mine going up. They've got 'em out here, it would seem, but they made a bad miss of it that trip—about half a mile, I calculate. It's lucky we weren't sailing closer in, eh?"

"I should say so." Larry drew a long breath. "I think I'd rather fight with the guns, any day."

"So would all of us, lad; but we have to take what comes, and so does the enemy. We've got a whole lot of warships against us, but the Olympia's all right, and so are. the others, and we'll knock the spots off those Spaniards. Hurrah for Uncle Sam and remember the Maine!" he added loudly.

"Remember the Maine!" came back from a hundred voices, in heavy unison. That was the battle-cry, uttered thousands of times during those trying hours, just as during the Mexican War the cry was, "Remember the Alamo!" and during the Revolutionary War, "Remember Concord and Lexington!" Soldiers and sailors must have some cry to stir up their blood, and what cry was better for that purpose than one calling upon them to remember the martyrdom of two hundred and fifty-three of their comrades in arms?

The signal was now displayed from the American flagship to close up and prepare for general action,

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Rh and the vessels fell into a single column, four hundred yards apart, and went ahead at a speed of six knots an hour. The Olympia, as usual, led, and from each masthead and gaff floated Old Glory, whipping out a breezy defiance to the enemy as the line swept on.

Commodore Dewey's plan of battle was exceedingly simple. Unless something unusual occurred, the ships were to make a number of courses in front of the enemy's line, the vessels taking part to be the six cruisers and gunboats. The despatch boat and the boats with coal and stores were to lie just out of range of the Spanish guns. The first course was to be at forty-five hundred yards, and each circuit was to come in a little closer, the tide of battle permitting. It was Dewey's plan, just as it was Nelson's plan at the famous battle of Trafalgar, to give the enemy no rest, but to go at him with all vigor from the start.

The commodore was on the bridge of the Olympia with his powerful field-glasses in his hand. When about five thousand yards away from the Castilla, which was seen to be flying the Spanish admiral's pennant for the time being, he turned to Captain Gridley, who stood watching him eagerly.

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256 "You can open up as soon as you please, Gridley," he said. "And give it to them good and strong."

"I'll train the forward turret gun myself," Captain Gridley is reported to have answered, as he made off, to later on command his ship from the conning tower.

"Ready there!" the cry running along the larboard guns made everybody jump. "Prepare to fire."

"Don't hold your ears shut!" screamed Striker at Larry. "They are better off open, and throw your arms out like this, and open your mouth," he went through the motions himself. "Now, then!"

Larry had scarcely time to follow directions than the final signal was given, and with what seemed little short of a thunderclap to the youth, the Olympia let drive with her four eight-inch turret guns. The aim was directed at the Castilla, and when the smoke cleared away the Spanish flagship was seen to be struck in one, if not two, places.

"Come, lad, pick yourself up and hustle!" cried Barrow, for Larry had gone down with the unusual roll caused by the discharge. "Lively now, for there's no time to waste before the next shot."

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Rh The man at the breech, a good-natured chap named Castleton, was already opening the gun. As the breech fell back a cloud of smoke and soot entered the gun-room, nearly choking Larry. When the boy had cleared his eyes and throat he saw to his astonishment that all the highly polished brasswork on the cannon had turned a sickly green.

The soot cleared away, Striker began to swab out the gun, which contained a quantity of matter looking like red chalk. This was what was left of the burnt powder. Barrow felt of the piece, to find it cool enough to do without a washing with cold water, and then the process of reloading began.

During this time the other ships in the line began to fire at the enemy, and now the Spanish warships fired in return. The noise was something fearful, and in a short while every ship in the harbor was enveloped in a dense cloud of smoke.

As was natural, the opening fire on the American side was directed principally to the ship flying the Spanish admiral's colors, and by the time one course had been taken down the line, and the Olympia was sweeping closer to try it again, the Castilla, as well as the Reina Cristina, was seen to be struck in a dozen places, and on fire.

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258 "It's first blood for us!" yelled Striker, enthusiastically. "I don't believe we've been struck once."

He had hardly spoken when the whining shriek of a hundred and fifty pound shell was heard, coming straight at the Olympia. "We're struck now!" cried Barrow, when, as shells sometimes do, the unwelcome missile took a turn in the air and went sailing through the flagship's upper works, doing damage that was but trifling.

In less than half an hour Larry felt at home at his work. He now knew what real fighting meant, and was getting used to the noise and smoke. Strange to say, he did not feel in the least alarmed. Perhaps this was because some awful shot had not yet brought home to him the true horrors of the dreadful combat. He was working like a Trojan, with the perspiration pouring from his whole body, and the smoke and soot had made him the color of a true African.

The Olympia's gunners had now obtained the correct range of the Spanish ships, and in addition to the smaller shots were pouring in a number of two hundred and fifty pound shells. As the flagship came down the second course, these shells

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Rh struck fairly and squarely upon the deck of the Castilla, doing fearful damage.

"She'll be out of it in a few minutes more!" cried Striker. "See, she is burning in two places. Her crew had better leave before the magazines blow up, if they want to save their lives."

"Their other ships are catching it, too," said Barrow, as a sudden breeze sent the smoke flying. "I wonder how the rest of our squadron are making it?"

That was a question which could not be answered just then, but, later on, word drifted into the gunroom that the Baltimore had been hit rather heavily and some of the men injured. The Raleigh had had her largest whaleboat smashed, and the splinters had caught some of the men on deck, but the injuries were trifling.

As the smoke went up, the Castilla was seen to be turning, as if to retire to a small inlet partly behind Fort Cavite. She was now in flames in every part. Quick orders were given, and just as the Spanish flagship showed her stern fully, a big shot from the Olympia went crashing straight through her. It is said this shot killed over fifty of her crew, and exploded one of her boilers.

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260 However that was, it is a fact that she sank immediately afterwards, the majority of her crew going with her.

"The game is up with 'em!" cried Striker. "I reckon the Dons will give it up now!"

But the tall Yankee was mistaken, not knowing the stern fighting qualities of Admiral Montojo. Scarcely had the Castilla gone down when the admiral's flag was hoisted on the Reina Cristina, and the fire on board of that boat was put out.

"Their flag is up again!" said Barrow. "Now to give the new flagship the same dose that we gave the other! Come, Castleton, clean out the gun good."

Castleton, very much exhausted, staggered forward and did as bidden. The terrible heat was beginning to tell upon all sides. Larry brought some powder, and then turned to get a drink from the hose pipe, his mouth feeling as though it was filled with cotton. Striker had obtained permission to take a peep on deck, and the other men were working along as well as the smoke and exhaustion would permit.

How it all happened it was impossible, afterward, for Larry to tell. He had obtained all the powder

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Rh necessary and was getting his drink as before mentioned. A fall beside him made him turn, and through the smoke he saw Castleton lying beside him. The gunner's mate had been overcome by the heat.

"Poor chap!" thought the boy, and turned the hose upon the prostrate man's head, as the best available means of restoring him to consciousness.

Then, while still working over Castleton, Larry happened to glance towards the gun, which Barrow was on the point of firing. A sight met his gaze which nearly paralyzed him. The gun breech was closed but still unlocked! Should Barrow discharge the gun while in that condition, every one of them would be blown to atoms!

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text: Under Dewey at Manila/Chapter 26

title: Under Dewey at Manila/Chapter 26


text:
Author:Carmen Milagros Ortiz

Works

 * Statement of United States Attorney Carmen M. Ortiz Regarding the Death of Aaron Swartz, January 16, 2013

title: Author:Carmen Milagros Ortiz


text:
Statement of United States Attorney Carmen M. Ortiz Regarding the Death of Aaron Swartz

As a parent and a sister, I can only imagine the pain felt by the family and friends of Aaron Swartz, and I want to extend my heartfelt sympathy to everyone who knew and loved this young man. I know that there is little I can say to abate the anger felt by those who believe that this office's prosecution of Mr. Swartz was unwarranted and somehow led to the tragic result of him taking his own life.

I must, however, make clear that this office's conduct was appropriate in bringing and handling this case. The career prosecutors handling this matter took on the difficult task of enforcing a law they had taken an oath to uphold, and did so reasonably. The prosecutors recognized that there was no evidence against Mr. Swartz indicating that he committed his acts for personal financial gain, and they recognized that his conduct – while a violation of the law – did not warrant the severe punishments authorized by Congress and called for by the Sentencing Guidelines in appropriate cases. That is why in the discussions with his counsel about a resolution of the case this office sought an appropriate sentence that matched the alleged conduct – a sentence that we would recommend to the judge of six months in a low security setting. While at the same time, his defense counsel would have been free to recommend a sentence of probation. Ultimately, any sentence imposed would have been up to the judge. At no time did this office ever seek – or ever tell Mr. Swartz's attorneys that it intended to seek – maximum penalties under the law.

As federal prosecutors, our mission includes protecting the use of computers and the Internet by enforcing the law as fairly and responsibly as possible. We strive to do our best to fulfill this mission every day.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mandeville, John


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Maitland Haig's Senators of the College of Justice, pp. 97-9; Preface to the Maitland Club edition of his poems.]  MAITLAND, RICHARD, fourth (1653–1695), Jacobite, eldest son of Charles, third earl of Lauderdale [q. v.], and brother of John, fifth earl [q. v.], by Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Richard Lauder of Halton, was born 20 June 1653. He was styled of Over-Gogar, before his father succeeded to the Lauderdale title, after which he was known as Lord Maitland. On 9 Oct. 1678 he was sworn a privy councillor, and appointed joint general of the mint with his father. In 1681 he was made lord justice general, but in 1684 he was deprived of that office, on account of suspected communications with his father-in-law, Argyll, who had escaped in 1681 to Holland, and in 1683 had had some connection with the Scottish part of the Rye House plot [see, ninth ]. It would appear, however, that Maitland had really no sympathy with the schemes of Argyll, for so steadfast was he in his support of the Stuart dynasty, that he declined to agree to the revolution settlement, and became an exile. According to Nathaniel Hooke, he was present at the battle of the Boyne, 1 July 1690, after which he and Hooke retired together to Limerick (, Correspondence, i. 438). Subsequently he went to the court of St. Germains. As, however, he disapproved of the extreme catholic policy of James, he lost the royal favour, and while his wife, who shared the strong protestant sympathies of the Argyll family, was ordered to England, not to return any more, he himself was forbidden to appear at James's court, and his pension was reduced to one hundred pistoles a year. He succeeded to the earldom of Lauderdale on the death of his father, 9 June 1691, but was outlawed by the court of justiciary 23 July 1694. After his exclusion from St. Germains, he retired to Paris, where he died in 1695. By his wife, Lady Agnes Campbell (1658–1734), second daughter of Archibald, earl of Argyll, who married after his death Charles, fifth earl of Moray, he left no issue.

Lauderdale was the author of a verse translation of ‘Virgil,’ published in two volumes in 1737. Dryden states that Lauderdale sent him over a copy from Paris, while he was working at his own translation, and that he consulted it as often as he doubted of the author's sense (Works, ed. Scott, xiv. 223–4). Lauderdale also wrote a ‘Memorial on the Estate of Scotland’ (about 1690), printed in Hooke's ‘Correspondence’ (i. 438–52), and in the index wrongly attributed to his father, Charles, third earl of Lauderdale.

 MAITLAND, RICHARD (1714?–1763), captor of Surat, born about 1714, enlisted in the royal artillery as a matross on 1 Nov. 1732 (, List, 1891, p. 3). Rising by merit through the non-commissioned grades, he obtained his first commission as lieutenant-fireworker in 1742. The dates of his subsequent commissions show that his promotion was at first uncommonly rapid: second lieutenant, 1 May 1743; first lieutenant, 1 April 1744; captain-lieutenant, 1 Aug. 1747; and captain, 1 March 1755. Maitland fought at Fontenoy in 1745, and perhaps in some of the other unsuccessful battles of the two following years.

Four companies of royal artillery, one of which Maitland commanded, were specially formed for Indian service in 1755, and embarked in that year. One was totally lost on the voyage out; the other three arrived safely at Bombay. Maitland served at the reduction of the pirates' stronghold at Gheria in February 1756, on which occasion the land forces were commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Clive. On 20 Feb. 1759 his company, together with that of John Northall [q. v.], sailed from Bombay with the object of capturing the town and castle of Surat. The authorities at Bombay entrusted Maitland with the command of this important expedition, and sent instructions to that effect to the chief and factors at Surat. The land force comprised the two companies just mentioned, and a large detachment of the Bombay European regiment, altogether 850 European soldiers and 1,500 Sepoys. The naval part of the expedition, under Commodore Watson, consisted of five of the East India Company's war ships and a large number of vessels to carry the troops and stores. After a slow passage along the coast, the troops landed on 26 Feb. at Dentiloury, nine miles from Surat. On the 28th the enemy were driven from a position at the French Garden after a smart action that lasted four hours, in which Maitland lost about twenty killed and as many wounded. On 1 March some of the troops were landed at the Bunder (customs wharf), covered by the fire of the shipping, and after some fighting the town surrendered. A battery for two guns and a mortar had been completed, and after three days' firing from this and the shipping, a ‘general attack’ was made, and on 4 March the castle capitulated. The details of the loss of the besiegers have been vari-


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  stated, but probably amounted to 130, including four officers, killed, and near a hundred wounded on the part of the land forces, while ‘the marine’ lost about 150. Maitland evinced throughout the best qualities of a commander. His report of the operations, although candid and unassuming, is not particularly lucid.

Maitland remained at Surat to repair the defences till April, when he landed at Bombay under a salute of thirteen guns. He received the thanks of the East India Company, to whom the acquisition of Surat brought an increase of revenue of about 50,000l. per annum. He was promoted to the rank of major on 10 March 1762, and died at Bombay on 21 Feb. 1763. He was buried the same day. It seems clear that Maitland's company is now No. 5 field battery.

MAITLAND, SAMUEL ROFFEY (1792–1866), historian and miscellaneous writer, was born in London at King's Road (now Theobald's Road), Bedford Row, on 7 Jan. 1792. His father, who was of Scottish extraction, was Alexander Maitland, a London merchant; his mother was Caroline Busby, a descendant of the famous head-master of Westminster School. She brought her husband an estate in Gloucestershire, which still remains in the possession of the family. The elder Maitland's presbyterian proclivities led him to attach himself to the congregationalist body in London, and it was very slowly that his only son, Samuel, broke away from his connection with the nonconformists. He was unfortunate in his early training, and was sent to various private schools, where he learnt a little Latin and less Greek, picked up some smattering of chemistry and French, but, as he says in an autobiographical fragment, ‘When I left school … I had no decent knowledge of any kind of history whatever.’ He left school in 1807, and was then placed under the tuition of the Rev. Launcelot Sharpe, one of the masters in Merchant Taylors' School, and a man of great learning and wide culture. Sharpe was a vehement supporter of the genuineness of the Rowley poems. From him, Maitland received his first acquaintance with the writings of Chatterton, and derived the conviction, which never left him, that there was more in the story of the Rowley poems than had yet been made known to the world. Under Sharpe, young Maitland, for the first time in his life, was brought into intimate relations with a scholar and man of real learning, who imparted to his pupil some of his own enthusiasm. From this time he became a diligent student, reading everything that came in his way. On 7 Oct. 1809 Maitland was admitted at St. John's College, Cambridge, and about the same time he entered at the Inner Temple with the intention of going to the bar. At St. John's he made no mark, and next year he migrated to Trinity College—induced to take this step by his desire to be nearer to his friend W. H. Mill [q. v.], afterwards Christian advocate, and regius professor of Hebrew in the university. It was from Mill that he caught his taste for Hebrew and Arabic literature. He left Cambridge in 1811, foreseeing that he could not get his degree without signing the Thirty-nine Articles and declaring himself ex animo a conscientious member of the church of England. As he afterwards declared, he could honestly have signed the articles, but he was not prepared to call himself a churchman when he was in communion with a dissenting body. In 1812 Dr. [q. v.] died, leaving Maitland's father and uncle his executors. Among other things, the doctor had left a large miscellaneous library behind him, and this young Maitland undertook to catalogue, on condition of receiving the duplicates as his reward—this was his first introduction to the work of librarian. From 1811 to 1815 he was living with his father, reading omnivorously, though in the main preparing for the bar. When he applied to be called, he found there were serious difficulties in the way, as he had not kept his terms at Cambridge. Accordingly, on 10 Oct. 1815, he once more returned to the university, entering again at St. John's. He kept three more terms, and at this time made the acquaintance of [q. v.], the self-taught orientalist, who had recently been made professor of Arabic. During the first half of 1816 he was occupying chambers in the Temple, and studying unceasingly, his only diversion apparently being music, which he studied as a science, while he practised it vigorously as an art, having a good command of two or three instruments. On 19 Nov. 1816 he married. He had been called to the bar in Easter term, 1816, but his literary tastes had got an increasing hold of him, and his studious habits were evidently not favourable to any hopes of professional success. In 1817 he published


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Maitland, Richard (1714?-1763)


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Rh velocity. The tides in this region of the ocean only raise the water a few feet, but that is amply sufficient to provide the necessary power to move the huge caissons and their levers.

As the height of the tides differs every day, increasing towards the period of spring-tides, and again declining towards the period of neap-tides, there are contrivances for meeting these variations. A small machine, separately connected with the water and moving up and down with the tides, acts on machinery so contrived that when the tide rises high it shortens the perpendicular shaft of the large caisson to which the lever is attached, and so counteracts the effect of the greater height of water, and lengthens this shaft when the caisson sinks lower, than the average: or the same effect is produced by a similar machinery that lengthens the horizontal arm of the lever of the larger caisson as the tide rises higher. When this plan is adopted, the basin in which the large caisson floats is necessarily longer than when the first plan is followed, in order to admit of the to-and-fro movement of the caisson. Another plan is to supply both of the basins in which the caissons float not directly from the sea, but at second-hand, through reservoirs in immediate connexion with the tide, whereby both the height of the water in the basins and the time of its entrance can be regulated. The engines are not necessarily close to the sea. In many instances they are some miles inland, the tidal water being conveyed to them by canals. The Colymbians avail themselves of this simple motive power to work all their machinery, and they use machinery for all their manufactures to a much greater extent than even we do.

The irresistible power of the ocean's tides, as regular

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62 as clock-work and as inexhaustible as the ocean itself, acts with unfailing constancy, and without the noise, the smoke and the destructive effects of our steam-engines. The tides are nature's own motive power, which she offers to us without stint and free of expense. The Colymbians utilize the generous gift which we neglect for inferior forces that deafen us with their noise, ruin us with their costliness, and destroy us by their ill-regulated action. These tidal machines are gigantic sphygmographs, recording the pulses of the mighty ocean.

There were occasional complaints about the impurity of the air supplied by the air-companies. In some cases it was found that the air-supply was derived from localities which were incapable of furnishing air of perfect purity.

To preserve the purity of the water, there is a very perfect system of what we would call sewerage, the sewage being conveyed to the land, and deposited in various localities appropriated for the purpose, or employed in fertilizing the soil for the growth of cereals. Now it so happened that some of the air-supply companies drew their air from sources where it was apt to be contaminated by the effluvia of the sewage heaps, and Government inspectors and chemists would be appointed to investigate the quality of the air supplied, and the sources whence it was obtained. But, in spite of the unfavourable reports these experts gave, it was a most difficult matter to compel the air-companies, which are great and powerful monopolies, to make the necessary changes in their plant and machinery, in order to secure the necessary purity of their air. The monopolists would resist the orders of the Government to the last, and when at length public opinion

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