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 a firm footing. I will point it out to you to morrow, and the mark of the spears. I shall never forget that night; but knowing the natives have a great dislike to remain in a neighbourhood where any of their tribe have died, I prefer to retain my tree rather than risk spending such another night. I often start in my sleep, and hear that groan, and feel the weight upon my chest, and have that fearful struggle with the dead. But, gentlemen, my yarn has been long enough for tired men, so let us collect some fire-wood and turn in."

A large fire was made up for the night, great logs were piled on it, and a cheerful blaze illuminated the landscape for some distance around. All but the stranger were soon wrapped in a sound slumber. He got up more than once and fed the fire, first bending his piercing glance into the impenetrable gloom of the forest: he made little noise, and Hugh and Slinger slept on. He lit some dead leaves to obtain a more brilliant light, drew from his knapsack the piece of newspaper which had occasioned his surprise, and read a portion of it attentively. It was to this effect—"Government Notice.—£200 reward. Whereas Richard Bayley,—alias the Scourge,—alias Hurricane Dick, a convict, escaped from a road gang, in the district of Menaroo, about two months since, by slipping his irons, and surprising the sentry, inflicted a blow upon his head of which he has since died; and whereas it is supposed he has organized a gang of bush-rangers and committed divers depredations. This is to give notice, that the above reward will be given to any free person or persons, not actually belonging to the gang, who shall take the said Richard Bayley,—alias the Scourge,—alias Hurricane Dick, dead or alive; and a reward of £100 and a free pardon will be given to any of his men who shall deliver him alive into the hands of justice."

"So much for that," he muttered, as he crushed the paper

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 in his hand and threw it in the fire. As he watched its burning he continued, "Would that I could so easily destroy the records of my life; but it cannot be whilst memory lasts.—Richard Bayley," he said, apostrophising himself, for he was the notorious bush-ranger of whom tales were told enough to appal the stoutest heart,—"Necessity has made you live a brute's life, and it may be even yet you shall die a dog's death." He spoke so loudly in his excitement, that the sleepers were disturbed.

"Halloo! Mate!" said Slinger, seeing him sitting up, "I thought I heard some one talking—I suppose 'twas fancy."

"No:" said Bayley: "not fancy:—I've been dreaming one of my cursed dreams again.—Good night," and Slinger soon slept as soundly as before.

"How do I know," muttered Bayley, looking round "but these very men are here to betray me?—Ah:" he exclaimed, as Hugh's head rolled off the knapsack which he was using as a pillow, "there may be information there," and he drew it towards him and examined the contents. "No! No!" he said as he replaced it, "I do them an injustice, none but honest men with hearts at ease could enjoy such sleep as that;" and he leant over the sleepers and then regained his old position, saying, "When shall I sleep so again?—I who am put up for sale at a price—whose rest is a period of danger—who have been driven from bad to worse—whose enemies are all the world, for friends I have not one in whom to trust:" and he buried his face in his hands. Presently he lay down and fell into a fitful slumber, occasionally starting and muttering strange unmeaning sentences. Once he pronounced the name of "Jarroll," and shortly afterwards said, "the greatest rascal of them all." Then he slept more quietly.

The morning sun shone in brilliancy, and nature's pearls glistened on the trees; for there had been a heavy fog, and

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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 and Brabant with the Meuse.

West Flanders is bounded with the Sea, and with that part of Artoys, that bordereth uppon Picardy.

The whole contrey is conteined almost in one Climat & a half, namely, from the halfe of the 7. called Diaboristhenes, unto the 8. (esteemed inhabitable by Ptoleme) named by the Moderne Cosmographers Diaripheos.

The Lowe Countreys have of Longitude 7. degrees and a halfe: namely, from 22.& a halfe, to 30. And of Latitude, just 4. degrees: namely, from 50. to 54. the which space, allowing halfe an hower for a Clymat, maketh the artificial day to differ about three quarters of an howre.

The middle of the Countrey is Andwerp, which standeth in the longitude of 26. degrees, and 42 minuts, & in the Latitude of 51. degrees and a halfe, so that the highest that the Sun mounteth above the Orizon the longest day of the year: as for example, The 12. day of June is about 63. degrees and a halfe, & that day it sheweth it selfe above the Orizon, or neere about it 16 houres & a halfe. But bicause the Sun entring in the morning into our Hemisphere, & at night passing into the nother, abideth long (as the Sphere plainely sheweth) about the said Orizon, and giveth great light to us, though we see it not. We may say truly that the day on the said xii. of June is xx houres long, in such sort that a man may easilie read a


text: The Oldest English Epic/Chapter 2

title: The Oldest English Epic/Chapter 2


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 's ‘She Stoops to Conquer,’ was produced in Dublin. The author sent it anonymously to Colman, the manager of the Haymarket Theatre in London, and on 2 July 1778 it was put on the stage there with considerable success. It was published in the same year. From that date O'Keeffe proved an exceptionally prolific playwright, but mainly confined his efforts to farces and comic operas. His phraseology was quaint, and sometimes barely intelligible, but gave opportunities for ‘gag’ to comedians, of which they took full advantage. The songs in his operas had an attractive sparkle, and some, like ‘I am a Friar of Orders Grey’ and ‘Amo Amas I love a Lass,’ are still popular. He was always a facile if not a very finished rhymester.

About 1780 O'Keeffe removed from Dublin to London, with a view to obtaining an engagement as an actor. But in this endeavour he was not successful, and he consequently devoted himself to writing comic pieces, chiefly for the Haymarket and Covent Garden Theatres. He also sent verses for many years to the ‘Morning Herald.’ His failing sight compelled him to depend largely on an amanuensis, but his gaiety was not diminished. He dictated many of his plays in his garden at Acton, whither he went to reside about 1798.

At the Haymarket were produced his †‘Son-in-Law,’ comic opera (14 Aug. 1779; London, 1779, 8vo); †‘The Dead Alive,’ comic opera (16 June 1781; 1783, 8vo); †‘The Agreable Surprise,’ comic opera, with music by Dr. Arnold (3 Sept. 1781; London, 1786, 8vo; Dublin, 1784 and 1787; printed in Cumberland's ‘British Theatre,’ No. 232); †‘The Young Quaker’ (26 July 1783); ‘The Birthday, or Prince of Aragon,’ comic opera (12 Aug. 1783; 1783, 8vo); †‘Peeping Tom of Coventry,’ comic opera (6 Sept. 1784; 1787, 8vo); *‘A Beggar on Horseback,’ comic opera (16 June 1785; 1785, 8vo); ‘The Siege of Curzola,’ comic opera (12 Aug. 1786; not published); ‘Prisoner at Large,’ a comedy (2 July 1788); *‘The Basket-Maker,’ musical piece (4 Sept. 1790); ‘London Hermit,’ a comedy (29 June 1793); *‘The Magic Banner,’ opera (22 June 1796; not published separately, but apparently identical with ‘Alfred,’ a drama, in the collected edition of 1798; on it James Pocock [q.v.] based his ‘Alfred the Great, or the Enchanted Standard,’ produced at Covent Garden on 3 Nov. 1827.

At Covent Garden were represented O'Keeffe's *‘The Positive Man’ (16 March 1782); *‘Castle of Andalusia,’ comic opera (2 Nov. 1782); *‘Poor Soldier,’ comic opera (4 Nov. 1783); *‘Fontainebleau’ (16 Nov. 1784); *‘The Blacksmith of Antwerp’ (7 Feb. 1785); ‘Omai,’ a pantomime (20 Dec. 1785); *‘Love in a Camp, or Patrick in Prussia,’ musical piece (17 Feb. 1786); *‘The Man Milliner’ (27 Jan. 1787); *‘The Farmer,’ musical piece (31 Oct. 1787); *‘Tantararara Roguesall’ (1 March 1788); *‘The Highland Reel’ (6 Nov. 1788); ‘The Toy,’ a comedy (3 Feb. 1789); *‘Little Hunchback,’ farce (14 April 1789); *‘The Czar Peter,’ comic opera (8 March 1790); ‘The Fugitive,’ musical piece (4 Nov. 1790); *‘Modern Antiques,’ a farce (14 March 1791); ‘Wild Oats,’ a comedy (16 April 1791); ‘Tony Lumpkin's Rambles,’ musical piece (10 April 1792); *‘The Sprigs of Laurel,’ comic opera (11 May 1793); ‘World in a Village,’ a comedy (23 Nov. 1793); ‘Life's Vagaries,’ a comedy (19 March 1795); ‘The Irish Mimic’ (23 April 1795); ‘The Lie of the Day’ (19 March 1796); *‘The Lad of the Hills,’ comic opera, 9 April 1796 (reproduced with alterations as ‘The Wicklow Mountains,’ 10 Oct. 1796; *‘Doldrum,’ a farce (23 April 1796); ‘Olympus in an Uproar,’ 5 Nov. 1796 (altered from ‘The Golden Pippin,’ a burletta, by Kane O'Hara); ‘Aladdin, or the Wonderful Lamp,’ a melodramatic romance (19 April 1813).

At Drury Lane appeared in 1798 O'Keeffe's ‘She's Eloped,’ a comedy (19 May); ‘The Eleventh of June, or the Dagger-Woods at Dunstable’ (5 June); ‘A Nose Gay of Weeds,’ interlude (6 June).

O'Keeffe is also credited with producing many pieces which, unlike those already enumerated, are not mentioned by Genest. The additional pieces include ‘The Banditti’ (1781); ‘Lord Mayor's Day’ (1782); ‘Maid the Mistress,’ ‘Shamrock,’ and ‘Friar Bacon’ (1783); ‘Harlequin Teague;’ ‘The Definitive Treaty;’ ‘The Loyal Bandeau’ (opera); ‘Female Club;’ ‘Jenny's Whim;’ ‘All to St. Paul's;’ ‘The She-Gallant.’ In 1798, when O'Keeffe claimed to have composed fifty pieces, and he was totally blind, he published a selection from them by subscription in four volumes. He had disposed of the copyright of those marked † in the list already given, and was unable to include them. The volumes only contained those marked * above, all of which were now printed for the first time, together with ‘Le Granadier,’ intended for production at Covent Garden in 1789, but not performed.

On 12 June 1800, owing to O'Keeffe's financial embarrassments, he was accorded a benefit at Covent Garden, under the patronage of the Prince of Wales. His ‘Lie of the Day’ was performed, and, at the


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User talk:Materialscientist

— billinghurst  sDrewth  12:58, 26 March 2012 (UTC)

Globalreplace
Please be careful using Globalreplace on Wikisource. Works on Wikisource should use the same images that are present in the original scans. You replaced an illustration with a (very different) photograph. This kind of change is fine on pages unrelated to works, meaning it's often fine to subjectively switch illustrations on Author:, Portal:, etc pages, but not on Page:, Index, or even Mainspace, which host text of works.

Above are the two images you switched, to demonstrate the differences between them, plus another... In looking into this change, I noticed this third image which was similar to the original, and in fact it appears to be the same illustration, but at a much higher quality and resolution. A direct replacement could actually be extracted from this other image. (That said, neither image is quite identical to what's present in the original scan, and the standards on Wikisource have actually increased since this text was added.) djr13 (talk) 13:21, 3 July 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Materialscientist


text: The Oldest English Epic/Chapter 3

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 end of the second act, he was led on the stage to deliver a poetical address of his own composition. The benefit produced 360l., and the Prince of Wales sent him 50l. besides. In December 1803 he obtained an annuity of twenty guineas from Covent Garden Theatre, and sent to Harris, the manager, six new plays, of which no use appears to have been made. In January 1820 a royal pension from the privy purse of one hundred guineas a year was conferred on him. In 1826 O'Keeffe issued his rambling ‘Recollections,’ replete with social and dramatic gossip, but not remarkable for accuracy. Lady Morgan described the book as ‘feeble, but amiable.’ It was dedicated to George IV. In it O'Keeffe enumerates sixty-eight pieces of his own composition. The ‘Recollections’ were condensed by Richard Henry Stoddard for his volume, ‘Personal Reminiscences by O'Keeffe, Kelly, and Taylor,’ in the Bric-à-Brac series (New York, 1875).

In his later years he was affectionately tended by his only daughter, Adelaide (see an interesting manuscript letter by Adelaide O'Keeffe, bound in one of the copies of the ‘Recollections’ in the British Museum. In the same copy are a few lines scrawled in O'Keeffe's own hand). About 1815 he retired from London to Chichester (Notes and Queries, 7th ser. ii. 9). From Chichester he removed in 1830 to Southampton. As late as that year he could dictate verse epistles with all his youthful alacrity (ib. 3rd ser. x. 307). Before his death his daughter read to him most of Sir Walter Scott's novels, and he was gratified by the ‘two mentions’ of Cowslip, the leading character of his ‘Agreable Surprise,’ in Scott's ‘Tales of my Landlord;’ but when he found that Scott used the phrase ‘From Shakespeare to O'Keeffe’ in ‘St. Ronan's Well,’ he remarked sardonically, ‘Ah! the top and the bottom of the ladder; he might have shoved me a few sticks higher.’ He died at Bedford Cottage, Southampton, on 4 Feb. 1833, aged 85, after receiving the last rites of the Roman catholic church. A half-length portrait of O'Keeffe was painted in 1786 by Thomas Lawrenson [q. v.], and is now in the National Portrait Gallery, London. It was engraved in line by Bragg as a frontispiece to the ‘Recollections.’

O'Keeffe's ‘Wild Oats’ is played to this day, and one of the most successful of Buckstone's revivals was ‘The Castle of Andalusia,’ in which that actor took a leading part. But O'Keeffe's popularity has not proved permanent, and his unpublished and unacted pieces, which his daughter offered for sale at his death, did not find a purchaser. Miss O'Keeffe published his poetical works as ‘A Father's Legacy to his Daughter’ in 1834. He had already issued in 1795 a volume of verse, entitled ‘Oatlands, or the Transfer of the Laurel.’

His son, John Tottenham O'Keeffe (1775–1803), who was brought up as a protestant, matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford, 22 Nov. 1798 (B.A. 1801), became chaplain to H.R.H. the Duke of Clarence, went out in 1803 to Jamaica to take possession of a lucrative living, but died three weeks after his arrival, aged 28.

His only daughter and third child, (1776–1855?), born 5 Nov. 1776 in Eustace Street, Dublin, contributed thirty-four poems to Taylor's ‘Original Poems for Infant Minds by Several Young Persons,’ London, 1804, 2 vols. (cf. Notes and Queries, 7th ser. iii. 361–2), and was author of ‘National Characters,’ 1808; ‘Patriarchal Times,’ London, 1811, 2 vols. (6th edit. 1842); ‘A Trip to the Coast’ (poems), 1819, 12mo; ‘Dudley,’ a novel, 3 vols. 1819, 12mo; ‘Poems for Young Children,’ 1849, 12mo; and ‘The Broken Sword, a Tale,’ 1854, 8vo. She also wrote ‘Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra. A Narrative founded on History,’ 2 vols. 12mo, 1814; but this must be distinguished from the better known ‘Zenobia, or the Fall of Palmyra. An Historical Romance’ (New York, 1837; London, 1838), by William Ware, author of ‘Julian.’ Miss O'Keeffe died about 1855.

O'KELLY, CHARLES (1621–1695), Irish historian, the elder son of John O’Kelly, eighth lord of the manor of Screen, co. Galway, by Isma, daughter of Sir William Hill of Ballybeg, co. Carlow, was born at the castle of Screen in 1621, and educated in the Irish College at St. Omer. Soon after the outbreak of the civil war in Ireland he was summoned home to join the royal arm. He accordingly returned in 1642, and obtained the command of a troop of horse under the Marquis of Ormonde. After the ultimate triumph of the parliamentarians he retired, with two thousand of his countrymen, into Spain to serve Charles II. On hearing, however, that


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 Charles was in France, he proceeded thither with most of the officers and soldiers belonging to the corps which he was appointed to command. When Cardinal Mazarin and Oliver Cromwell concluded the treaty of alliance against Spain, in consequence of which the royal family of England were obliged to quit France, O'Kelly and other exiles transferred their services to the crown of Spain.

He came to England on the restoration of Charles II, and, his father dying in 1674, he succeeded to the family estate, becoming ninth lord of the manor of Screen. His name appears on the list of the twenty-four burgesses of the reformed corporation of Athlone in 1687. In the parliament summoned by James II to meet at Dublin in 1689, O'Kelly sat as member for the county of Roscommon. He was commissioned in the same year to levy a regiment of infantry for the king's service, to be commanded by himself, with his brother John as his lieutenant-colonel. This regiment was not long maintained, though he continued to serve the king with the title of colonel. He undertook to defend the province of Connaught, under the direction of Brigadier Patrick Sarsfield [q. v.], with such force of the county militia as could be collected. Colonel Thomas Lloyd [q. v.] defeated this force on 19 Sept. 1689, but O'Kelly, on the rout of his infantry, escaped with his cavalry. He was one of the garrison of the island of Bofin, on the western coast, at the time of its capitulation to the forces of King William on 20 Aug. 1691. Subsequently he was appointed to guard a strong castle near Lough Glin, but he was compelled to surrender this post about 9 Sept., whereupon he proceeded to Limerick, then besieged by Baron de Ginkell. On the conclusion of the treaty of Limerick he retired to his residence at Aughrane, or Castle Kelly, where he died in 1695.

He married Margaret, daughter of Teige O'Kelly, esq., of Gallagh, co. Galway, and had one son, Denis, who became a captain in the Irish army of King James II, and on whose death in 1740 the family in the male line became extinct.

Under disguised names he described the struggle between James II and William III in Ireland in a curious work entitled ‘Macariæ Excidium; or the Destruction of Cyprus, containing the last Warr and Conquest of that Kingdom. Written originally in Syriac by Philotas Phylocypres. Translated into Latin by Gratianus Ragallus, P.R. And now Made into English by Colonel Charles O'Kelly,’ 1692. This was first printed in 1841 by the Camden Society in ‘Narratives illustrative of the Contests in Ireland in 1641 and 1690,’ under the editorship of Thomas Crofton Croker, and from a manuscript in his possession. It was afterwards ‘edited, from four English copies, and a Latin manuscript in the Royal Irish Academy,’ by John Cornelius O'Callaghan, and printed for the Irish Archæological Society, Dublin, 1850, 4to. The Latin translation, made by the Rev. John O'Reilly, preserves many passages not found in the English version. O'Callaghan's notes abound in curious and valuable matter, and contain references to all the original sources of the history of that period. O'Kelly asserts that the successes of William III could not be ascribed to the cowardice or infidelity of the Irish troops, who were abandoned by James II without sufficient trial, undervalued and neglected by their French allies, and betrayed by the policy of Tyrconnel. A new edition of the work, brought out under the superintendence of Count Plunket and the Rev. Edmund Hogan, S. J., under the title of ‘The Jacobite War in Ireland,’ was published at Dublin in 1894, as a volume of the ‘New Irish Home Library.’

O'Kelly was also the author of ‘The O'Kelly Memoirs.’ The manuscript volume containing them was at the time of the French revolution in the possession of Count John James O'Kelly Farrell, minister-plenipotentiary from Louis XVI to the elector of Mayence, but it was lost in the disturbances of that period. These memoirs are stated to have embraced narratives of the parliamentarian war which commenced in 1641, and of the subsequent war of the revolution.

 O'KELLY, DENNIS (1720?–1787), owner of racehorses, born in Ireland about 1720, was brother of a cobbler. He came to England, when young, as a chairman. His strength and presence of mind attracted a lady of high position, but the liaison came to an early end. O'Kelly was again thrown upon the world, and made his livelihood as a billiard and tennis marker. He seems to have bettered his fortunes by a permanent connection with a noted courtesan, Charlotte Hayes, who afterwards became his wife. His first important step towards wealth was the purchase of the racehorse Eclipse. This horse, foaled in 1764, was bought when one year old after the death of his breeder, the Duke of Cumberland, by a cattle salesman named Wildman, for seventy-five guineas.


text: The Oldest English Epic/Chapter 1/Beowulf 00


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User talk:Ret.Prof/Hebrew Gospel

Please leave comments here. Ret.Prof (talk) 13:50, 26 March 2012 (UTC) See http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/User:Ret.Prof/Hebrew_Gospel

title: User talk:Ret.Prof/Hebrew Gospel


text: Author:Ralph Griffiths

title: Author:Ralph Griffiths


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 imagine, unless it be that, having been prejudiced in early youth, he declined to listen to any arguments for the furthering of either women's rights or duties in the State. At any rate, it is scarcely fair to stigmatise as an immoral and reprehensible act, the Emperor's grant to this Senate of women of the power to make necessary edicts on points which are now very ably supervised by the Lord Chamberlain's department. The points discussed were those relating to the length of a train or the Court uniform of a guardsman; the precedence due to rank; who must wait for another's salutation; to whom a carriage; to whom a saddle-horse; to whom a public conveyance; to whom a mere donkey-cart was a fitting means of progression; who might use mules; or for whom oxen were considered sufficiently rapid; for whom the saddle might be inlaid with ivory; for whom with bone; for whom with silver; or even when pointing out what persons might fittingly wear gold and jewelled buckles on their shoes without the imputation of plutocratic ostentation.

To-day, despite the fact that we have progressed by eighteen centuries, it is generally believed in governmental circles that such matters are possibly best settled by women, and such useful, not to say necessary functions concerning the polite amenities of civilised existence would be most readily conceded by authority to their sex, if only such would content and assuage that feline animosity which has of late disturbed social gatherings, even the intercourse between authorities in the state and


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 considered that his God, being unmarried, might well acquire possession of Vesta by a matrimonial alliance. As Pontifex Maximus, he was head of the Vesta worship, and had a perfect right to enter her shrine when and how he pleased, a circumstance which Lampridius entirely ignored when he said that the Emperor forced his way into the temple illegally. Antonine certainly did go to her shrine at this time, and took the sacred fire, carrying it to the Eliogabalium. Lampridius asserts that the high priestess, being jealous of the loss of her charge, tried to palm off a false vessel upon him, but that the Emperor saw the deceit and broke the jar in contempt for the foolish fraud. He also transferred the sacred stone at the same time, and in pursuance of his plan, celebrated the nuptials on which he had set his heart. This was bad enough for Roman susceptibilities, but he went one worse. Being himself free, he decided to marry one of the Sacred Vestals from the shrine of his God's new wife. He certainly seems to have been vitally attracted by the charms of Aquilia Severa, a woman no longer in the first flush of youth, to judge by her effigy, but one whom his religious as well as his personal predilections pointed out as a fitting consort. Pallas and Elagabal were united in a heavenly union like so many others amongst Syrian and Egyptian deities; why, then, should not Antonine, the chief priest of the Sun, and Aquilia, an important priestess of Minerva, unite in a fruitful union which would produce a demi-god meet for the Empire?


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 ladies seeking a useful outlet for their superfluous energies. Alas, the world is grown older, and the female mind now knows itself capable of regulating both the social and political worlds, and has no intention of satisfying its aspirations, like Soaemias, with the social side of life, as long as mere man opposes her entrance into the political sphere.

Surely, everything considered, this cavilling at what was an ancient, and still would be a useful, body, is only another proof of the spirit in which the biographers have poured abuse on a boy who was so obviously striving to satisfy his relatives by giving them an outlet for their energies, while keeping the essential powers of government in his own hands. Of course he failed, mainly because his grandmother was not satisfied with her function in the state, she wanted to filch from Antonine what was his right, and what she wanted she determined to get at all costs. Whether she really aspired to the Senate and got there is another question. It is distinctly stated that under Alexander Severus no woman ever sat in that assembly; further, that decrees were passed forbidding their presence there for ever. Now, Maesa was almost sole ruler during the early years of that reign, and one can never believe that she deprived herself of one jot or tittle of a power which she had once acquired. There is one occasion, and one occasion only, on which we may well imagine, as the writers state, that the women were all present, officially, in the Senate, namely, at the meeting when Alexander was adopted. At other times, we can believe that


text:
European Charter of Municipal Liberties

The European Charter of Municipal Liberties
Adopted by the General Assembly of Europe's Municipalities Held at Versailles, from 16 to 18 October 1953

1. Preamble
Europe's municipalities, united across frontiers within the Council of European Municipalities, are determined to build, in the interests of their citizens, a free and peaceful Europe.

They have consequently decided to recall their rights, which are based on centuries-old traditions, as well as on liberty and human dignity.

They note that these rights are today in peril, sometimes even totally suppressed.

The Council of European Municipalities is committed to defend them, and to put its strength at the service of every municipality that is fighting for its liberties.

2. The conditions for municipal liberties
Municipalities should be conscious that they constitute the very foundation of the nation. Their citizens, members of the community, have the right to work together for their development. Municipalities must therefore strive to enable them to participate in the town's life.

A true municipal freedom can only flourish if it is beyond all kinds of arbitrary authority. It exists only where citizens possess the firm will to safeguard local self-government. Citizens should thus take on their responsibilities and refuse individually and collectively - to submit to any kind of instruction that is contrary to law.

The law must be applied in a way that safeguards the rights of the local community towards the higher authorities, just as it must also guaranteed the rights of the citizen in the local community itself.

3. The definition of municipal liberties
Municipal liberties must be defined by the Constitution, and guaranteed through the right of recourse to independent judicial organs.

Draft laws regulating the organisation of local authorities must, save in case of emergency declared by Parliament, be submitted to the prior opinion of a legal representative of the municipalities concerned.

The exercise of every function of municipal interest belongs to the municipality itself. Within the framework of the law, its representatives themselves determine the rules to be applied. In the case of powers delegated by the State, there should be scope for adapting the execution of general laws to local circumstances.

Municipalities have the right to create their own resources, by voting local taxes that are sufficient to cover the costs of their administration, as well as all expenses necessary to meet the needs of their inhabitants. A system of compensation between municipalities shall be established, which will have effect in case of proven inadequacy of resources, without imposing any constraint on the free management of the municipality.

The power of decision in relation to municipal affairs, the approval and use of the financial means, belong to the citizens of the municipality, or to their representatives. The same applies, within the framework of the relevant legal provisions, to the recruitment, remuneration and promotion of the council's employees, as well as the disciplinary measures that concern them.

Those holding executive office as managers on behalf of the municipality are accountable for the exercise of their functions before the inhabitants of the local community. The latter may, through due legal process, challenge the officeholders' management before the competent jurisdiction.

Only the conformity of municipal decisions with the law may be submitted to an administrative control. Any such control is to be exercised through independent bodies, which, in cases prescribed by law, can demand a new deliberation.

The territory of a municipality should not be altered without a legal procedure, which involves the consultation of the populations concerned.

Municipalities and associations of municipalities have the right to belong to international organisations in order to promote the defence of their interests and their rights, in accordance with the fundamental principles of this Charter.

Resolution Concerning Municipalities and the European Institutions
The thousand mayors and local government representatives, belonging to 16 European countries, meeting in Versailles on 16, 17 and 18 October 1953

Declare

That municipal self-government is the bulwark of personal liberties,

That municipal liberties are everywhere threatened by the encroachments of the State,

That the mayors and elected members of local authorities, united beyond national frontiers by their preoccupations as managers in direct contact with the realities and with their populations, are the builders of a Europe that is free, united and respectful of diversity;

Are delighted at the creation by the Council of Europe at Strasbourg of a Special Committee on Municipal and Regional Affairs, to which they will bring their fullest collaboration;

See in the coming birth of the European political community an important new step towards the integration of Europe in full respect for democracy;

Consider that this community will only bear its full fruit, and will only ensure the economic and social development of its localities, on the condition that an effective participation is reserved for the representatives of Europe's local authorities.

title: European Charter of Municipal Liberties


text:
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 Opposite Tiffany & Co., bet. Spring & Prince Sts.,

Paper,

Glass,

Porcelain,

Ferrotype,

And Carbon

Depot for the celebrated

STAR FERROTYPE PLATES.

IMPORTER of the GENUINE B. P. C. GLASS.

SOLE AGENT for

Address, WM. B. HOLMES, 555 Broadway, New York.

title: Page:TheAmericanCarbonManual.djvu/112


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 they were there, just as the queen consort is present in the House of Peers, but without any real political significance.

To this period Lampridius assigns the winter spent at Nicomedia, which is a very fair example of this biographer's egregious carelessness and stupidity. Considering that both Dion and Herodian are perfectly explicit as to the actual date, it is monstrous that he should have put this period just a year later than it actually occurred, nor, as we have said, is it in this matter alone that he leads us to mistrust his accuracy, where either fact or fiction are at stake.

Lampridius, with a great show of moralising, and having already stated that the Emperor had lost his popularity shortly after Macrinus' death, re-ascribes its loss to this current year, namely, from the summer of 219 to the autumn of 220, and this without showing cause, reason, or mismanagement which would justify the statement, if we except the vague statement that he neglected public business for religion, though, as far as we can see, the Emperor did not begin to neglect the State for the Church until his temple was opened. After that time we can well believe that all his energies were centred on his cult, an error which, like that made by certain Stuart sovereigns of this enlightened country, equally lost, the one his head, and the other his crown. No act of cruelty is cited, no accusation of glaring or vital mistakes made, until the very end of the year 220.

Arrived at that period, there is much to be said


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 August 217,—in finishing the baths of Caracalla, and in erecting his own splendid bathing establishments in the palace and on the Aventine. He had refounded the Senaculum, and built a hall for its use; he was attending to business, helped by his fellow-consul, Eutychianus, and was giving righteous judgment, as all biographers admit, when he attended the courts or the Senate. He was, moreover, most popular, liberal, and generous, though devoted to the pleasures of the table, and unfortunately hermaphroditic in tendency, which hereditary taint was certainly mitigated by the fact that he was devoted to outdoor exercises, especially those that demanded courage, nerve, and strength of will. Underneath all this there is a predominating religious feeling, and the simply monotheistic obsession which drove him to his doom.

The year 221 is the time of Antonine's utter failure. As far as we can judge from numismatic evidence, one of his first acts was to divorce, as we have said, the Empress Julia Paula, probably in pursuance of his scheme for religious unity. He had conceived a notion of rendering his God absolutely supreme by means of an alliance with the worship of Vesta. Now this Goddess and her Sacred Stone or Phallus, called the Palladium, her shields or bucklers, had been sent to Troy direct from heaven. Aeneas had brought them to Latium, and they were the head and centre of Roman greatness. Pallas, or Vesta, was too powerful to be absorbed in the ordinary way. Antonine


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 —the mismanagement of affairs grows apace. First, there is his religion, which he makes a definite eyesore; second, he is accused of selling honours, dignities, and power, both with his own hands and by those of his favourites; third, he appoints Senators without any reference to either their age, good sense, or nobility; fourth, he sells the offices of praefect, tribune, ambassador, and general, even those about the palace itself.

Now, all this may be perfectly true. Antonine must have wanted money, but, as we have remarked before, he had a passion for giving, not for receiving. The most likely supposition is therefore, that he gave offices indiscriminately to those who pleased him, and that his favourites, often debased and unworthy people, sold what they could get hold of to the highest bidder. The accusation is vitiated by the fact that no names are mentioned, no instances given, except those of the two chariot drivers, Protogenes and Gordius, intimates of the Emperor and supervisors of his sports. It is quite possible that he admired and liked these men for their proficiency in sport, and that unwholesome minds saw more in the friendship than was warranted. Of Protogenes we hear no more. Cordus or Gordius—probably the same person as the above—was made Praefect of the Watch during the next year; perhaps he was useful, perhaps he was not; any way he was dismissed in the autumn of 221.

Amongst the last events of this 220th year of our salvation, or early in the year 221, occurred


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 in a green tunic, and that he was most dextrous in the sport.

To-day, racing is considered as the sport of kings; certainly it is not the obvious outcome of an effeminate or degraded mind; rather the reverse: it is a virile occupation, calling forth nerve, pluck, courage, and other manly qualities. In third-century Rome it was much the same, but for purposes of disgusting posterity Lampridius affected not to think so. He pointed out that it was a calling proper only to coachmen and lackeys, though he must have known, if he had thought about it at all, that his readers would listen with their tongues in their cheeks when he tried to maintain that the courage, nerve, and pluck which the boy showed in this sport were evidences of the same degeneracy which he was decrying when he recounted the carding of wool and the other feminine occupations. Hosts of men, kings, and emperors of all ages have indulged in the intoxication of horse-racing. The mere fact of Lampridius putting this story, with its palpably stupid and far-fetched moral, alongside the really serious scandals would be enough to make critics distrust, not only his information, but even his ability to understand and use such when he had got it.

To sum up, therefore, our investigations of the months between June 219 and November 220, we must admit that no gross act of folly had as yet been committed. The Emperor had spent his time in building his temples, and in restoring the Flavian amphitheatre—which had been burnt down on 23rd


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Rh With envy and anger an evil spirit endured the dole in his dark abode, that he heard each day the din of revel high in the hall: there harps rang out, clear song of the singer. He sang who knew tales of the early time of man, how the Almighty, made the earth, fairest fields enfolded by water, set, triumphant, sun and moon for a light to lighten the land-dwellers, and braided bright the breast of earth with limbs and leaves, made life for all of mortal beings that breathe and move. So lived the clansmen in cheer and revel a winsome life, till one began to fashion evils, that fiend of hell. Grendel this monster grim was called, march-riever mighty, in moorland living, in fen and fastness; fief of the giants the hapless wight a while had kept since the Creator his exile doomed. On kin of Cain was the killing avenged by sovran God for slaughtered Abel.


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 the divorce of the august Julia Cornelia Paula, Empress. We know that it was late in the year, as there are coins in existence struck at Alexandria after 29th August which bear her name, and others struck at Tripolis in Phoenicia after October 220 (Eckhel). In all probability this lady was in no way averse to retiring into opulent privacy, a woman with both a past and a future.

Certainly her husband had neglected her scandalously if even a tithe of Lampridius' stories of his infidelities are true, and, from what we can learn of his psychological state, a certain number are obviously so. Modern investigation of such psychopathic conditions inclines us to admit that the boy was a sort of nymphomaniac, if not entirely homosexual, at least heterosexual, with a strong homosexual instinct, and it would be unnatural for any woman to appreciate this temperament in a husband, especially when she knew, as she must have known, since he was perfectly frank about it, that he was already allied, by a species of matrimony, with the chariot driver Hierocles—calling himself wife and Empress—and that he was not attached to this man alone but to many others, for whom inquisition had been made throughout the Empire, on account of their looks and ability to satiate his mania more satisfactorily.

This is, of course, Lampridius' version of the Emperor's character, and the same sources have been used by both Dion and Herodian with similar though varying degrees of grossness in expression. Undoubtedly the boy was by nature abnormal,


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 as were almost all the Emperors of Old Rome. Antonine had his moments when he imitated a virgin at bay, others when he was a wife, still others when he expected to be a mother, others when he carded wool, others when he played the pandore (an instrument of music with three strings invented by the Assyrians, according to Pollux, or, as Isidore remarks, attributed to the God Pan himself). Again, he would play the hydraulic organ of the period, and loved to dress himself in the clothes of women, even in the customary undress uniform of the courtesan, adopting the positions, voice, and manner of the most expert.

Undoubtedly these pastimes were most reprehensible and unpleasant, to be condemned one and all; though somehow to-day we are not altogether inclined to regard proficiency in music amongst men as quite so censurable and disgusting an art as the other foibles—to give them no worse a name—which Lampridius so justly censures. Unfortunately, many of these seem to have come quite naturally to the Emperor on account of his untrained and unrestrained nature, though Forquet de Dorne thinks that it was not so much evil propensities as his innate desire to please, combined with his genuine efforts to spend all his energies for other people, which have been misinterpreted by the evil-minded, especially as this was not the only side to the boy's character, as the biographers would have us believe. And this because we are told, amongst the list of his enormities, that he loved driving chariots both in the palace and in the circus, habited


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 CHAPTER VI

has given us, in his life of Alexander Severus, a mass of undigested information concerning the character and daily life of Mamaea's son. The narrative is as much concerned to prove the virtues of Alexander as it is to represent the degradation of his predecessor. Somehow the panegyric misses fire; Lampridius has produced a spasmodic and unenlightened discourse on trivialities, together with a haphazard essay on his hero's moral qualities. He assures us that Alexander had a regal presence, great flashing eyes, a penetrating gaze, a manly appearance, and the stature and health of a soldier. Now, the practice of idealising the appearance of royalty is not unknown, even in these days. Unfortunately, this description is in no way borne out by the portraits still extant. Alexander, in the Vatican bust, has certainly the appearance of strength, but it is such as is possessed by a lusty coal-heaver, with a bull neck and a thick skull; the undecided features of the face, the weak mouth and chin, the low forehead, half hidden by the hair, all betoken mild-mannered vacuity rather than


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138 manliness, while the eyes, so far from flashing, seem, in the phrase of Duruy, to "stare without seeing." It is the figure neither of a Roman nor of a ruler of men, but just that possessed by the family to which he belonged, though cast in an effete and much-used mould; it is the face of a half-caste Phoenician, such as he chanced to be. Alexander was an absolutely perfect tool for the purposes of his grandmother's scheme, and, in consequence, Lampridius records the series of omens portending his royal nativity. The entire menagerie of Egypt seemed to proclaim him king. Surely, argued Maesa, such evidences of suitability would convince the truly religious Antonine; and so, primed with her proofs, the lady repaired to carry out her scheme. But, as we have said, the Emperor was used to her wiles; she had tried cajoling him before and had failed; this time it was on the score of religion, on the necessity that he should devote his full energies to the furthering of his great and all-embracing scheme, that she attacked him. It is a pitiful sight for us, who know the results, to watch the guile of the serpent prostituting innocence for its own gain. Maesa must at this time have been close on fifty years of age, and we are assured on all hands that she was in close alliance with her daughter Mamaea, who had long since conceived a holy horror, not only of the sins of her nephew, but also for the person of the sinner. So strongly was she convinced of her righteousness, that she had already thought it her bounden duty, as well as her special privilege, to attempt the corruption of the guards, and to support


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 the plots, all and sundry, which disaffected functionaries might attempt against the person of the; Emperor.

Now, venality is a vice not confined to the modern world ; then, as now, it was possible to find men who considered that their usefulness was underestimated, and that their position inadequately represented their merits. The record of at least three such personages and their attempts has come down to us : the first was that instituted by Pomponius Bassus and his colleague Silius Messala, who had adopted Mamaea's line of argument as to the inadvisability of allowing Antonine's mistaken religious policy to continue ; the second, that of Seius Carus, who in 221 attempted the corruption of the Alban Legion in either his own or Alexianus' interest — and in both of these plots we are led to infer that Julia Mamaea had a considerable finger.

The question of Seius Carus is one of considerable interest from this point of view. The gentleman was wealthy and of the patrician order, which facts did not prevent him, according to Dion, from spending his money freely amongst the soldiery, obviously with an ulterior motive. Unfortunately for him, he hit upon the wrong legion, the body which was now quartered near Rome and had joined Antonine so readily at Apamea in 218. In the year 220 this legion had set up an inscription to Antonine's Victoria Aeterna, which monument had expressed the greatest possible devotion to the reigning Emperor, and gave the lie direct to


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 those stones of Dion and Lamprldius, which assert that, as early as the winter of 218, the soldiers cordially hated Antonine, and placed all their hopes on Alexianus. Lampridius gives a very poor reason for this — because, forsooth, they could not stand the thought that he was as ready as they themselves were to receive pleasure through all the cavities of his body. Dion relates Seius' trial, but ignoring the fact of the plot, which he had just mentioned, he informs us that the gentleman suffered for a crime which was absolutely unknown to the imperial, as indeed to any other legal system, unless it be the ecclesiastical — "on account of his worth and abilities." Unfortunately, Dion does not point out why the millions of other men in the Empire, equally worthy and equally able, were allowed a greater longevity, though it is certainly a point which might be considered with some show of interest. But to return to the imperial ladies. As we have said, they were spending much time searching out disaffected subjects, and repeating stories not conducive either to peace or tranquillity; further, they were making use of Antonine's most foolish resolve to cut down military expenditure at the price of a possible unpopularity, by giving a decided preference to the civil element in the population, a proceeding which, as we have remarked on more than one occasion, was not only foolish but under the circumstances criminally wrong. Despite the manifold and splendid qualities which soldiers possessed, it must be confessed that they were as eager for gain as the average Hebrew grocer, and


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28 Ill fared his feud, and far was he driven, for the slaughter’s sake, from sight of men. Of Cain awoke all that woful breed, Etins and elves and evil-spirits, as well as the giants that warred with God weary while: but their wage was paid them!

  Went he forth to find at fall of night that haughty house, and heed wherever the Ring-Danes, outrevelled, to rest had gone. Found within it the atheling band asleep after feasting and fearless of sorrow, of human hardship. Unhallowed wight, grim and greedy, he grasped betimes, wrathful, reckless, from resting-places, thirty of the thanes, and thence he rushed fain of his fell spoil, faring homeward, laden with slaughter, his lair to seek. Then at the dawning, as day was breaking, the might of Grendel to men was known; then after wassail was wail uplifted, loud moan in the morn. The mighty chief,


text: United States Statutes at Large/Volume 6/4th Congress/2nd Session/Chapter 4


text: United States Statutes at Large/Volume 1/4th Congress/2nd Session/Chapter 5


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 Before the horse ran, O'Kelly acquired a share in him for the sum of 650 guineas, a vast price in those days for an untried horse. It was on the occasion of Eclipse's first race, the Queen's Plate at Winchester, that, over the second heat, O'Kelly made his famous bet of placing the horses in order, which he won by running Eclipse first and the rest nowhere. In heat races a flag was dropped when the winner passed the post, and all horses that were not within 240 yards of the post were ignored by the judge and were ineligible to start in another heat. Not long after O'Kelly became the sole owner of Eclipse for a further sum of eleven hundred guineas. In those days all the valuable sweepstakes at Newmarket were confined to members of the Jockey Club, and Eclipse's reputation made it impossible to match him for money. Consequently O'Kelly's profits from him must have been derived more from his value as a sire than from his winnings. In July 1774 he bought Scaramouch (by Snap) at the sale of the Duke of Kingston's stud. In 1788 the Prince of Wales won a Jockey Club plate with Gunpowder, which he had bought of O'Kelly. O'Kelly improved his social position by obtaining a commission in the Middlesex militia, in which he was successively captain, major, and colonel. He bought a country house, Clay Hill, at Epsom, and subsequently the famous estate of Cannons, near Edgware, previously the property of the Duke of Chandos.

O'Kelly was additionally famous in his day as the owner of a talking parrot, which whistled the 104th Psalm, and was among parrots what Eclipse was among racehorses. O'Kelly is described by a contemporary as ‘a short, thick-set, dark, harsh-visaged, and ruffian-looking fellow,’ yet with ‘the ease, the agremens, the manners of a gentleman, and the attractive quaintness of a humourist.’ He evidently showed no wish to turn his back on his poor relations, and it is to his credit that, although a professional gamester, he would never allow play at his own table. But he is said to have held post-obits to the amount of 20,000l. from Lord Belfast. He died at his house in Piccadilly on 28 Dec. 1787.

Eclipse, his colt Dungannon, and a number of mares, were left to O'Kelly's brother to be carried on as a breeding stud. The rest of the property went to a nephew, who became a member of the Jockey Club, and ran Cardock for a Jockey Club plate in 1793. O'Kelly was determined that his property should not go as it had come; and, acting on the same principle as another noted gamester, Lord Chesterfield, he inserted a clause in his will that his heir should forfeit 400l. for every wager that he made.

 O'KELLY, JOSEPH (1832–1883), geologist, born in Dublin on 31 Oct. 1832, was the second son of Matthias Joseph O'Kelly, who had married Margaret Shannon. His father was noted for a love of natural history, especially of conchology, and yet more for his activity in the cause of catholic emancipation Joseph O'Kelly entered Trinity College, Dublin, in 1848, proceeded B.A. in 1852, and M,A. in 1860. He also obtained a diploma in engineering. After working for a few years under Sir Richard John Griffith [q. v.] he was appointed to a post on the Geologic Survey of Ireland in 1854. In this capacity he was chiefly occupied in the field with the district around Cork, the igneous rocks of Limerick, and the coal fields of Queen's County and Tipperary, investigating the last named, with the aid of colleagues, in great detail. But the work involved real hardships, such as exposure to stormy weather and accommodation worse than humble. By these O'Kelly's health was seriously impaired, so that, after working for a time in Galway, he was transferred, in October 1665, to the post of secretary to the Survey. In his new office his services were of great value, not only for his extensive knowledge of Irish geology, but also from his straightforward honesty and genial disposition, which enabled him to diminish friction and to promote cordial co-operation in official circles.

His health proved to be permanently injured, and he died of acute bronchitis on 13 April 1883. His contributions to the literature of geology, practically restricted to the memoirs published by the Survey, indicate his powers and his thoroughness as a geological observer. He was elected a member of the Royal Irish Academy early in 1866, and married in 1870 Miss Dorothea Smyth, by whom he had a family of five sons and four daughters; these all survived him.

 O'KELLY, PATRICK (1754–1835?), eccentric poet, known as the 'Bard O'Kelly,' was born at Loughrea, co. Galway, in 1754. He seems to have obtained a local reputation as a poet before he published his first volume, 'Killarney: a Poem,' in 1791. His fame rapidly spread, and subsequent volumes were issued by subscription. When George IV


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6

Ne gefeah hē þǣere fǣhðe,ac hē hine feor forwræc, Metod for þȳ māne,man-cynue fram. Ðanon untȳdrasealle onwōcon, eotenas ond ylfeond orcneas, swylce gī*gantas,þā wið Gode wunnon lange þrāge;hē him ðæs lēan forgeald.

Gewāt ðā nēosian,syþðan niht becōm, hēan hūses,hū hit Hring-Dene æfter bēor-þegegebūn hæfdon. Fand þā ðǣr inneæþelinga gedriht swefan æfter symble;sorge ne cūðon, wonsceaft wera. Wiht unhǣlo, grim ond grǣdig,gearo sōna wæs, rēoc ond rēþe,ond on raeste genam þrītig þegna;þanon eft gewāt hūðe hrēmigtō hām faran, mid þǣre wæl-fyllewica nēosan. Ða wæs on ūhtanmid ǣr-dæge Grendles guð-cræftgumum undyrne; þā wæs æfter wistewōp ūp āhafen, micel morgen-swēg.Mǣre þēoden, æþeling ǣr-gōd,unblīðe sæt, þolode ðrȳð-swȳðy,þegn-sorge drēah, syðþan hīe þæs lāðanlāst scēawedon, wergan gāstes;wæs þæt gewin tō strang, lāð ond longsum.Næs hit lengra *fyrst,

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text: Beowulf (Wyatt)/Beowulf 01

title: Beowulf (Wyatt)/Beowulf 01


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 was in Ireland, O'Kelly was presented to him in Dublin. His majesty, when Prince of Wales, had subscribed for fifty copies of his second volume of poems. He travelled over the south and west of Ireland selling his books. In July 1808 he wrote the well-known 'Doneraile Litany,' which is his best production. It is a string of curses on the town and people of Doneraile, co. Cork, where he had been robbed of his watch and chain in the locality. On Lady Doneraile replacing his property, he wrote 'The Palinode,' revoking all the former curses. He met Sir Walter Scott at Limerick in the summer of 1825 (, Life of Walter Scott, 1 vol. Edinburgh, 1845, p. 602). O'Kelly died about 1835.

His works, which are all in verse of a very pedestrian order, are:
 * 1) 'Killarney: a Descriptive Poem,' 8vo, Dublin, 1791. O'Kelly complained that Michael McCarthy's 'Lacus Delectabilis,' 1816, was almost entirely taken from his poem.
 * 2) 'The Eudoxologist, or an Ethicographical Survey of the Western Parts of Ireland: a Poem,' &c., 8vo, Dublin, 1812 (containing the 'Doneraile Litany').
 * 3) 'The Aonian Kaleidoscope,' 8vo, Cork, 1824.
 * 4) 'The Hippocrene,' 8vo, Dublin, 1831 (with portrait).

There was another Patrick O'Kelly who published, in 1842, a 'General History of the Rebellion of 1798,' and translated works by Abbé McGeoghegan and W. D. O'Kelly on Ireland.

O'KELLY, RALPH (d, 1361), archbishop of Cashel. [See .]

OKELY, FRANCIS (1719?–1794), minister of the Unitas Fratrum, was born at Bedford about 1710. He was educated at the Charterhouse school and at St. John's College, Cambridge, graduating B.A. in 1739. About 1740 he took part with Jacob Rogers, an Anglican clergyman, in an evangelical mission at Bedford. On the advice of [q. v.], this movement was connected in 1742 with the Moravian mission. Okely was ordained deacon by a bishop of the Unitas Fratrum. On seeking priest's orders in the Anglican church, recognition of his deacon's order was refused; the act of parliament recognising the Unitas Fratrum as 'an ancient protestant episcopal church' was not passed till 6 June 1749. Okely adhered to the Unitas Fratrum. In March 1744he was with [q. v.] at the  of the brethren at Herrnhaag. In 1745 a regular congregation was formed at Bedford, and a chapel erected in 1751. Later another chapel was built in the neighbouring village of Riseley. Okely was the first regular minister (1755) of the Moravian chapel at Dukinfield, Cheshire, but left after two years to conduct a mission in Yorkshire. In March 1758 he accompanied John Wesley from Manchester to Bolton and Liverpool. About 1766, having again been settled at Bedford, he removed to Northampton, where a chapel was built for him. Here he ministered to a congregation of the Unitas Fratrum till his death.

Early in life Okely had been greatly influenced by Law's 'Serious Call,' 1728. He made the acquaintance of the author a few months before Law died, 9 April 1761, and this led him to study the works of Jacob Behmen (Boehme), to which he had first been introduced in his earlier acquaintance with [q. v.] In a curious list of sympathisers with mysticism drawn up in November 1775 by [q. v.], it is mentioned that Okely 'professes great love to the mystics.' He devoted his later years to translating works of this type in prose and verse, with commendatory prefaces and notes of some value.

He died, while on a visit at Bedford, on 9 May 1794, leaving a high character for piety and benevolence.

He published:
 * 1) 'Twenty-one Discourses … upon the Augsburgh Confession … the Brethren's Confession of Faith,' &c., 1754, 8vo (translated from the German).
 * 2) 'Psalmorum aliquot Davidis Metaphrasis Græca Joannis Serrani,' &c., 1770, 12mo (with other Greek sacred verse, and a Latin version by Okely).
 * 3) 'The Nature … of the New Creature … by Johanna Eleonora de Merlau,' &c. 1772, 12mo (translated from the German).
 * 4) 'Dawnings of the Everlasting Gospel-Light, glimmering out of a Private Heart's Epistolary Correspondence,' &c., Northampton, 1775, 8vo.
 * 5) 'A Seasonable and Salutary Word,' &c. (collection of mystical pieces; not seen).
 * 6) 'Seasonably Alarming and … Exhilarating Truths,' &c.' 1778, 8vo (metrical version of passages from Law).
 * 7) 'Memoirs of … Jacob Behmen,' &c. 1780, 12mo (translated from several German writers).
 * 8) 'The Divine Visions of John Engelbrocht,' &c. 1781, 8vo, 2 vols.
 * 9) 'A Display of God's Wonders … upon … John Engelbrecht,' 1781, &c.
 * 10) 'A Faithful Narrative of God's … Dealings with Hiel [Henderdrik Jansen],' &c. 1781, 8vo.
 * 11) 'The Indispensable Necessity of Faith,' &c. 1781, 12mo (sermon at Eydon, Northamptonshire).
 * 12) 'The Disjointed Watch … a Similitude … in Metre,' &c.


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 1788, 12mo. He prepared for publication a translation of Boehme’s ‘Way to Christ,’ which was superseded by a reprint of an older version; also translations of Pierre Poiret's ‘Mystic Library,' Gerlac Petersen's ‘Divine Soliloquies,' Joannes Theophilus's ‘Germanic Theology,' Tauler's ‘Conversion,' Hiel's ‘Letters’ and 'Treatises,' and ‘Memoirs of J. G. Gichtel.’ The ‘Gentleman’s Magazine’ speaks of him as ‘a valuable correspondent.'

OKEOVER, OKEVER, or OKER, JOHN (fl. 1619–1634), organist and composer, succeeded Richard Browne as vicar-choral and organist of Wells Cathedral on 16 Feb. 1819. He graduated M.B. from New College, Oxford, on 5 July 1683. On 2 Jun. 1634, when master of the choristers at Wells, he was charged with ‘having given notice to the vicars that there should be no antumne sung in steede of Nunc dimittis or Benedictus, but only according to the forme of common prayer,' without first consulting with the canons resident. He answered that he was commanded by the bishop to give the notice, but the dean pronounced him contumacious, and removed him from his office of vicar for a week. He appears to have married Elizabeth, daughter of John Beaumont, a member of a well-known family in Wells. John Beaumont left in his will, dated 5 March 1634, legacies to his ‘daughter Elizabeth and to her husband John Oker.’

Okeover was a writer of ‘fancies.' Five of his pieces, together with a pavan, all in live parts, are in Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 17786, ff. 19–25. Another fantasia by Okeover, in five parts, is in MS. 17792, f. 92.

OKES, RICHARD (1797–1888), provost of King‘s College, Cambridge, was son of Thomas Verney Okes, a surgeon in extensive practice at Cambridge. Of his twenty children, Richard was the nineteenth, and was born at Cambridge on 26 Dec. 1797. Porson was a visitor at the house, and took a kindly interest in young Richard. Educated on the foundation at Eton, where he was contemporary with William Mackworth Praed, Lord Derby (the future premier), Pusey, and Shelley (who was some years his senior), he became in due course a scholar and fellow of King's; was Browne's medallist in 1819 and 1820, was appointed assistant-master at Eton in 1823, and lower master in 1838. During the years of his mastership, and afterwards at Cambridge, he was a conspicuous figure in the school and college world, and innumerable anecdotes grew up round his marked and vivid personality. Many school generations of Etonians carried away a lively recollection of his dry and caustic wit, his shrewd remarks, his slow and deliberate speech, his inimitable Latin quotations, drawn chiefly from familiar sources, such as Horace or the Eton Latin grammar, his curious punctiliousness about minutiæ of school discipline, usages, and phraseology. He was a successful tutor, having at times as many as ninety pupils, and impressed his colleagues, as well as the boys, with a strong sense of his painstaking accuracy. During the latter part of Dr. Keate's headmastership he took much interest in the improvement of geographical studies by the introduction of Arrowsmith's ‘Atlas' and compendium, to which he contributed most of the illustrative notes. On his election to the provostship of King's in 1850, one of his first acts was to abandon the privilege which entitled members of King's College to take the B.A. degree without examination. The wisdom of this reform has been proved by the success of King's men in the tripos lists. His provostship coincided with the introduction of great changes in the university, the result of two successive university commissions, and with the establishment of the new governing body of Eton, of which he became a member. Though conservative in principle and feeling, he took part loyally in the introduction and conduct of reforms, and presided over the college with much dignity and kindliness for thirty-eight years. The year following his appointment as provost he filled the office of vice-chancellor, but after the expiration of his year of office he could never again be induced to serve. He was the editor of a new series of ‘Musæ Etonenses' for 1796–1833, which he enriched with sketches of the authors written in Latin, full of felicitous and witty phrases. The heraldic window in the school museum at Eton was his gift in conjunction with Dr. Hawtrey. He died at Cambridge on 25 Nov. 1888, and was buried in King's College Chapel.


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 of those things to which the effective or the passive is added, should be discrepant with the idea, since ideas appear to those who say that there are ideas, to be impassive and immoveable, and against these such arguments are useful.

Yet further, in things predicated equivocally, (observe) whether a person has assigned one common definition of them all. For those are synonymous, of which there is one definition according to the name, wherefore the assigned definition is of no one of those (contained) under the name, since, indeed, the equivocal similarly suits every thing. The definition given by Dionysius, of life, has this fault, if it be the motion innate and consequent of a nourished genus, for this is not more inherent in animals, than in plants, but life does not seem predicated as to one species, but one kind of life to be inherent in animals, and another in plants. Therefore it is possible on purpose to assign a definition thus, as if all life were synonymous and predicated of one species, yet nothing prevents a man while he sees the equivocation, and wishes to assign the definition of the other, from being ignorant, that he does not assign a proper definition, but one common to both: notwithstanding, he will no less err if he has framed it in either way. Since, indeed, some equivocations escape us, the interrogator ought to use them as synonyms, (as the definition of the one will not be adapted to the other, so that it will appear in a way not to have been defined, as the synonymous ought to suit every thing,) on the other hand, the respondent must distinguish by division. Still since some respondents say, that the synonymous is equivocal, when the assigned definition does not suit every thing, but that the equivocal is synonymous if it suit both; it must be previously acknowledged, or previously inferred of these, that they are equivocal or synonymous, whichever they may be, since they


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 OKEY, JOHN (d. 1662), regicide, was, according to Wood, 'originally a drayman, afterwards a stoker in a brewhouse at Islington near London, and then a poor chandler near Lion-key in Thames Street in London' (Fasti, 19 May 1649). Ludlow states that he was a citizen of London, had been 'first a captain of foot, then captain of horse, and afterwards major in the regiment of Sir Arthur Haslerig' (Memoirs, ed. 1894, ii. 333). He was quartermaster of a troop of horse in Essex's army in 1642, and, as captain of horse, Okey took part in the defence of Lichfield in April 1643 (Valour Crowned, or a True Helatum of the Proceedings of the Parliament Forces in the Close at Lichfield, 4to, 1643 ; Peacock, Army Lists, p. 48). In the new model Okey was colonel of the dragoons, and fought at Naseby, where his regiment was set to line the hedges on the left flank of the parliamentary army (A Letter from Colonel Okey to a Citizen of London, 4to, 1645). On 13 July Burrough Hill fort in Somersetshire surrendered to him, and he led the storming party at Bath on 29 July. On 1 Sept., during the siege of Bristol, he was taken prisoner by a sally of the garrison, but was released when it capitulated, and took part in the siege of Exeter (, Anglia Bediviva, ed. 1854, pp. 75, 84, 104, 173). Okey adhered to the army in its dispute with the parliament in 1647 (, vi. 471). During the second civil war he served in South Wales and took part in the battle of St. Fagan's (8 May 1648 ;, Civil War in Wales, ii. 351), He was appointed one of the king's judges, attended every sitting of that body excepting three, and signed the warrant for the king's execution (, Trial of Charles I).

Okey assisted in the suppression of the levellers in May 1649, and was one of the officers created masters of arts at Oxford on 19 May 1649 (, Fasti), He took no part in the Irish campaign, but accompanied Cromwell to Scotlana in July 1650, and was left behind under the command of Monck when Cromwell pursued Charles II into England in August 1651. In August 1651 he captured some Scottish commissioners who were raising forces near Glasgow, and in September took part in the storming of Dundee, of which he has left a graphic account (Old Parliamentary History, xx. 23 ;, Coldstream Guards, i. 43).

Politically, Okey belonged to the extreme party in the army, was one of the presenters of the petition of 12 Aug. 1652, and was eager for the dissolution of the Long parliament (Mercurius Politicus, 12-19 Aug. 1652). Cromwell's expulsion of it, however, aroused his fears and suspicions, and he disapproved of the terms of the instrument of government and of Cromwell's assumption of the protectorate (, ii. 347, 356, 406). In the parliament of 1654 Okey sat as member for Linlithgow and other Scottish boroughs. In November 1654 he and two other colonels circulated a petition, intended to be presented to parliament, setting forth their objections to the new constitution. For this ofience he was arrested, tried by court-martial, and condemned ; but, on submitting himself to the Protector's mercy, was pardoned as to his life, and simply cashiered (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1653-1654, p. 302 ;, iii. 64, 147 ; , Diary, iv. 167 ; , Protectorate of Oliver Cromwell, i. 85, 88). He retired to Bedfordshire, where he had bought a lease of the lordship of Leighton Buzzard and also the honour of Ampthill and Brogboro' Park (Cal, State Papers, Dom. 1660-1, p. 248;, Bedfordshire, pp. 39, 127, 683). Parliament had also settled upon him lands to the value of 300l. a year for his services in Scotland, so that, in spite of the loss of his commission, he was a rich man (Commons' Journals, vol. vii.) In 1657 Okey was concerned in getting up a protest against Cromwell's proposed assumption of the crown, entitled 'The Humble and Serious Testimony of many Hundreds of Godly People in the County of Bedford' (, vi. 228-30). He had been apprehended in July 1656 on suspicion of a share in the plots of the fifth monarchy men, and he appears to have been again arrested in the spring of 1658 (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1656-7, p. 581 ; ib. 1657-1658, p. 340 ; Hist. MSS. Comm. 5th Rep.) In Richard Cromwell's parliament he represented Bedfordshire, but his speeches were few and brief (, Diary, iii. 41, 43, 78, 248). When the Long parliament again took the place of Richard, one of their first acts was to vote Okey the command of a regiment (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1658-9, p. 383). In October 1659 he supported the parliament against the army, but was deserted by his regiment when he sought to 'resist Lambert, and was cashiered by the council of officers (, ii. 134-7 ;, vii. 755, 774 : Commons' Journals, vii. 796). He continued, nevertheless, actively to oppose Lambert's action, planned the surprise of the Tower, and when his scheme was discovered took refuge with Admiral Lawson and the fleet (, ii. 169, 176). When the parliament was restored Okey regained his regiment, and was one of the seven commissioners appointed on 26 Dec. for the temporary government of


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 about any thing arise, we have those also from which (probable) elenchi are formed, since the elenchus is a syllogism of contradiction, so that an elenchus is either one or two syllogisms of contradiction, therefore we have the number of places from which all such originate, and if we have this, we also possess their solutions, for objections of these are solutions. We have, however, the places from which apparent elenchi arise, not apparent to every one, but to certain persons, for the places are infinite, if any one considers from what they appear to the multitude casually. Hence it appears, that it is the province of the dialectician, to be able to assume from what number of particulars, through common (propositions), either a real, or an apparent elenchus, whether dialectic, or apparently dialectic, or peirastic, is produced.

Chapter 10
however is not a difference of arguments which some state, viz. that some arguments belong to the name, but others to the reason, since it is absurd to suppose that some arguments belong to a name, but others, and not the same, pertain to the reason. For what else is it, not to pertain to the reason, than for the arguer not to employ the name, in (the sense in) which, he who is interrogated, would admit it, fancying that the question was (in that sense) made? still this very thing belongs also to name; but to the reason, when it is understood in the sense, in which it was admitted. If indeed any one, when a name signifies many things, fancies that it signifies one thing, both the questionist and the person questioned, (as perhaps being, or one, signifies many things, but the respondent and the questionist (Zeno), thinking it to be one, interrogate, and the argument is that all things are one,) this discussion will belong to the name, or to the reason of the person interrogated. If however a person thinks that it signifies many things, it evidently does not pertain


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This page is tricky on account of it not being text but rather samples of typefaces. Dunno what you all want to do with it. Prosody (talk) 16:30, 26 March 2012 (UTC)


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 OKHAM, JOHN (fl. 1317), judge, was in 1311 appointed to act with the king's escheator beyond Trent in enforcing the royal rights on the death of Antony Bek [q. v.], bishop of Durham. During the next few years he was clerk to the keeper of the wardrobe, Sir Ingelard de Warlee (Rolls of Parliament, ii. 437), and cofferer of the wardrobe (Patent Rolls, p. 74). On 18 June 1317 he was appointed a baron of the exchequer in succession to Richard de Abingdon [q. v.], incapacitated by sickness, and appears acting as judge until 1322, receiving summonses to parliament during that period, the last being a summons to the parliament at York in 1322. He appears as canon of the free chapel of St. Martin, London, in 1345, in which year he received the custody of the deanery of the chapel. He is not to be confused with the 'Sire Johan de Okham' mentioned in a copy of the proposals of the ordainers of 1311 (Annales Londonienses, p. 200). The latter was John de Hotham or Hothun [q. v.], afterwards bishop of Ely.

 OKING, ROBERT (fl.1525–1554), archdeacon of Salisbury, was educated at Cambridge. It may be presumed that he was at Trinity Hall under Gardiner; according to a letter sent to Cromwell in 1538, he was brought up under the Bishop of Winchester. He was bachelor of civil law in 1626, commissary of the university in 1629, and doctor of civil law in 1634. Probably in 1634 he was appointed commissary to Dr. Salcot or Capon, bishop of Bangor. He was also proctor of St. Lazar, and hence allowed to sell indulgences. There had been serious disputes in the chapter in the time of the late bishop, and Oking fell out with Richard Gibbons, the registrar, who in 1636 seized various papers, and accused Oking to Cromwell of reactionary sympathies. Oking suspended Gibbons, who appealed, according to Cooper (Athenæ Cantabr, i. 197), to Sir Richard Bulkeley, chamberlain of North Wales. Bulkeley, however, wrote to Cromwell that he had always heard Oking 'speak for annulling the Bishop of Rome's authority' (Letters and Papers Henry VIII, viii. 644). At Christmas 1630-7 the opposite party seem to have taken the law into their own hands, and Oking was nearly murdered while holding a consistory in Bangor Cathedral (ib. xii. i. 607). The bishop tried to get him preferment in 1638; and when he was translated to Salisbury in he took Oking with him as his commissary and chancellor. He appears to have been a moderate advocate of the Reformation. In 1637 he was one of those appointed to draw up 'the Institution of a Christian Man;' in 1643 he was engaged in trials under the statute of the six articles. His name was also appended to the declaration made of the functions and divine institution of bishops and priests. In the convocation of 1647 he was one appointed to draw up a statute as to the payment of tithes in cities; in the same convocation he was one of the minority opposed to the marriage of priests; and when, in 1647, Thomas Hancock preached in St. Thomas's Church, Salisbury, a sermon directed against superstition, Oking and Dr. Steward, who was Gardiner's chancellor, walked out of the church, and were reproved by the preacher. In spite of these indications of his belonging to the moderate party, he married as soon as it was legal to do so, and was deprived of his archdeaconry under Mary. He is supposed to have died before Elizabeth's accession.

 OLAF (d. 941), leader of the Ostmen, and king of Dublin and Deira, is to be clearly distinguished from his kinsman and contemporary, Olaf Sitricson [q. v.] He was the great-grandson of Ivar Beinlaus, son of Regnar Lodbrok, and therefore of the famous race of the Hy Ivar. His father was the Godfrey, king of Dublin, brother or cousin of Sitric, king of Deira, who vainly attempted to wrest Deira from Æthelstan [q. v.] in 927. The earliest trustworthy mention of Olaf Godfreyson is in 933, when, in alliance with the Danes of Strangford Lough, he plundered Armagh. In the same year he allied himself with the lord of Ulster in the plunder of what is now Monaghan, but was overtaken and defeated by Muircheartach (d. 943) [q. v.], king of Ailech (Ann. Ultonienses, ap., Rer, Hibern. Scriptt. iv. 260; Annals of the Four Masters, ed. O'Donovan, ii. 629). In 934 he succeeded his father in the Norse kingdom of Dublin (Ann. Ult. iv. 261, and Four Masters, ii. 631, where the dates given are two years behind the correct date). Next year he was again in the field, and took Lodore, near Dunshaughlin, in what is now Meath. In 936 or 937 he plundered the abbey of Clonmacnoise in Offaly, and billeted his soldiers for two nights on the monks (ib.) Possibly taking


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 more readily concur who do not foresee the result. Nevertheless, if they cannot agree, but some one should say that the synonymous is equivocal, because the assigned definition does not suit this, observe whether the definition of this, accords also to the rest, as it is evident it will be synonymous with the rest. If not, however, there will be many definitions of the remainder, since two definitions according to the name, accord to them, viz. both the prior and the posterior assigned. Again, if a person having defined any of those multifariously predicated, the definition also not suiting all, should not indeed say that it is equivocal, but should deny that the name suits all, because the definition does not, against such a one we may say that it is necessary to use that appellation which has been delivered and received, and not to disturb such things; nevertheless, some must not be enunciated in a way similar to the multitude.

Chapter 11
the definition of some connected thing should be given, consider, taking away the definition of one of the things connected, whether the remaining (definition) be that of what remains, for if not, neither it is evident will the whole be of the whole. Thus, if some one defined a finite straight line to be the boundary of a superficies having boundaries, of which the middle covers the extremities, if the definition of a finite line is the boundary of a superficies having boundaries, it is necessary that the remainder should be that of a straight line, of which the middle covers the extremities. Yet an infinite has neither middle nor extremities, but is nevertheless straight, so that the remainder is not the definition of the remainder.

Moreover (observe), if when what is defined is a composite, the definition is assigned consisting of as many members as the thing defined; now a definition is said to be of an equal number of members, when there are as many nouns and verbs in the definition as there are composites. For it is


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 joined him there, and that it was he who in 940 plundered Kilcullen in Kildare. Meanwhile Æthelstan, shortly after his victory at Brunanhurh, had hiuided over Northumbria to Eric of the Bloody Axe, son of Harold Harfagr of Norway, to hold against the Danes (Hist. Reg. Olavi Tryggvii in Island, Script. Hist. l22). Soon after Æthelstan's death in 940, the Northumhrians threw off their allegiance to his successor, Eadmund, and called 'Olaf of Ireland' to be their king. Olaf Sitricson is porobably meant; but he was soon followea to England by Olaf Godfreyson, with whom he apparently shared the kingship until the latters death in 941. Olaf Sitricson went first to York, then, turning south, besieged Northampton and stormed Tamworth. Eadmund met him, probably near Lincoln, and, though the order of events is variously given, the archbishops Odo and Wulfstan appear at this point to have intervened and effected a compromise. By it all Deira north of Watling Street was ceded to the Danes. In 942 mund won back the five boroughs, Lincoln, Leicester, Stamford, Nottingham, and Derby; and this success has been connected with the death of Olaf Godfreyson shortly before. But in 942 Olaf Sitricson, who now shared the kingship with Reginald Godfreyson, obtained the powerful support of Archbishop Wulfstan of York, with whom he was besieged in Leicester by Eadmund in 943, and forced to flee by night. Again a treaty was made this year, but not, it is to be inferred, so favourable to the Danes. Both Olaf Sitricson and Reginald Godfreyson were received into Eadmund's friendship and into the Christian church.

Such a state of things was clearly abnormal, and in 944, when Eadmund had gone south into Wessex, Olaf and Reginald seized the opportunity to make a raid into the territory nom which they had been cut off. Eadmund returned, drove them from the country, and formally annexed Deira.

In the year of Olaf's expulsion from Northumbria, Dublin, the capital of the Irish dominions of his house, was sacked by the native Irish. Next year Olaf reappeared in Ireland, and either drove out Blacar Godfreyson, who had been left in command, or, entering into alliance with him, restored Dublin and firmly established his rule over the Irish dominions of his family. In the same year he allied himself with the bitter enemy of his race, Congalach, king of Ireland, against the Irish clan of the O'Cananain, and in 946 doubtless led the Dublin Danes in their attack upon the monastery of Clonmacnoise in Omdy. In 947 Olaif, still in alliance apparently with King Congalach, was severely defeated by Ruadhri O'Canannain at Slane in Meath, and lost many of his men. The alliance with King Congalach certainly terminated in this year; for Dublin was again plundered, and Blacar Godfreyson, who was in command on this occasion, was defeated and slain. It is possible that this was an attack made in Olaf's absence; for it was in 949 that he made his last attempt to regain his father's kingdom of Deira. He then succeeded in establishing his power for three years, till the Northumbrians, with their usual faithlessness, rose against him, and he was finally driven from the country in 952. Northumbria submitted to Edred, and after 954 was ruled by his earls.

In 953 Olaf was again in Ireland, and, in alliance with Toole, son of the king of Leinster, made plundering raids into the modern counties of Waterford and Wicklow. Three years later he took in ambush and slew his old enemy, King Congalach. In 962, with the Gaill of Dublin, he pursued, defeated, and drove back to his ships a certain Sitric Cam, possibly a Scottish chieftain, who had landed in Ireland, and penetrated as far as Kildare (Four Masters, ii. 683; but cf . Todd, War of the Qaedhily p. 286). Two years later Olaf met with a reverse at Inistioge in the modern county of Kilkenny, and lost many of his men, but had apparently sufficiently recovered in 970 to join the Leinstermen in the plunder of Kells, in what is now Meath, where he seized many hundred cows. He also gained a victory over one of the Irish clans near Navan in Meath. It was possibly in this same year (970) that he entered into a short-lived alliance with the son of the late King Congalach, and defeated the reigning king, Domhnall O'Neill, at Kilmoon, near Dunshaughlin in Meath. A few years later, probably in 977 or 978, Olaf slew the heir to the throne of Ireland of each of the two contending royal lines, those, namely, of the northern and southern O'Neill, and shortly after probably led the Dublin Danes to his last victory at Belan, near Athy in Kildare.

In 980 was fought the fatal battle of Tara, which broke the power of the Norse kingdom of Dublin. With the Dublin Danes were fighting their kinsmen from the islands. It is uncertain whether Olaf was himself present; but the battle was fiercely contested Dy his sons, 'and it was woe,' says the chronicler, 'to both sides.' The Danes were completely defeated, Olaf's heir, Reginald, and a great number of his chieftains slain. With them Olaf saw the power he had


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 to the reason; for in the first place, what belongs to name and reason, is conversant with such arguments as signify many things; next it is (adapted) to any one, for to pertain to reason does not consist in argument, but in the respondent being disposed in a certain manner to the things granted. Further, all these arguments may possibly pertain to name, for to belong to name is here not to pertain to reason, for unless all these arguments (may be referred hither), there will be certain others pertaining neither to name nor to reason; but they say that all (belong to one of these), and distinguish all to be either belonging to name or to reason, and that there are no others. Still, whatever syllogisms belong to multifarious signification, some of these belong to name, for it is absurdly said, that all which are from diction are from name; nevertheless, there are certain paralogisms which are not produced, from the respondent being disposed in a certain manner towards these, but because the very argument itself contains such an interrogation as signifies many things.

In short, it is absurd to discuss an elenchus, and not prior to it a syllogism, for an elenchus is a syllogism; so that we must discuss a syllogism prior to a false elenchus, for such an elenchus is an apparent syllogism of contradiction. Wherefore, the cause (of deception) will either be in the syllogism, or in the contradiction, (for it is necessary that the contradiction be added,) sometimes indeed in both, if the elenchus be apparent. But it is in the contradiction and not in the syllogism, when a person asserts that he who is silent speaks; but this is in both, viz. that some one may give what he has not got; but that the poetry of Homer is a figure from being a circle,


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Rh each leaf sparkled with its dew-drop. Ere the sleepers awoke the sun's beams fell full upon their faces. A light breeze was blowing up the creek, and as it sighed through the bush, set the pendent leaves in a gentle motion, and shook from each tree and shrub a mimic shower. Birds of every shade of plumage, flitted from spray to spray, and the insect world joined them in their morning orisons. Parrots and paroquets continued a subdued chattering as they flitted overhead; the notes of lyre birds were heard from the distant hills, and nearer, the delightful whistlings of the Australian magpies. Now and then some black swans flew by with outstretched necks, and seeing intruders on their domains, expressed surprise by shrill and varied trumpetings. The incessant chirping of myriads of locusts lost its monotony, and with the ripling of the waves upon the distant shore, blended every sound together so sweetly, that for a time the travellers listened in admiration to the most delightful of all melody—the harmony of nature.

CHAPTER VII.

specimens of the Australian Flora bloomed at heir feet for which they knew no names but only that they were beautiful—

On one hand, several varieties of heath clothed a sandy hillock, whilst in an adjacent gully could be seen tree ferns rearing

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 Alan's son. The Manxmen rose in revolt, and called Olaf to the kinship. Thus, in 1226, the latter obtained his inheritance of Man and the Isles, and reigned in peace two years (ib. p. 90).

That Olaf did, however, possess both the title of king and considerable influence before this date, would seem probable if two extant documents are rightly held to relate to him. The former of these shows him to have been at issue with the monks of Furness in Lancashire with regard to the election of their abbot, [q. v.], to the bishopric of the isles (, Monasticon Anglicanum, viii. 1186). The second, dated 1217, is from Henry III of England to Olaf, king of Man, threatening vengeance should he do further injury to the abbey of Furness (, Monumenta de Insula Manniæ, ii. 42, Manx Soc.)

In 1228 an attempt was made at negotiation for the settlement of the differences between Olaf and Reginald. Letters of safe-conduct to England were granted by Henry III to Olaf for the purpose (, Fœdera, i. 303). The attempt, however, seems to have failed, for about 1229, while Olaf was absent in the isles, King Reginald took the opportunity to attack Man in alliance with Alan, lord of Galloway. Olaf, on his return, drove them out, but during the winter of the same year Reginald made another attempt. Olaf, who appears to have exercised great personal influence over his men, met and defeated him at Dingwall in Orkney. Here Reginald was slain on 14 Feb. 1230 (Annals of England, i. 148; cf. Chron. Manniæ, i. 92; Ann. Regii Islandorum, ap., Scriptt. Rerum Danicarum, iii. 88).

Soon after this event Olaf set out to the court of his suzerain, the king of Norway; for in spite of Reginald's formal surrender of the Kingdom to the pope and king of England in 1219, Olaf had remained faithful to Hakon V of Norway (Annals of England, i. 147; Flateyan MS. ap., Monumenta, i. 43). Before Olaf's arrival in Norway, however, Hakon had appointed a noble of royal race named Ospac to the kingship of the Isles, and in his train Olaf and Godred Don, Reginald's son, were obliged to return. After varied adventures in the western islands of Scotland (ib. i. 43 seq.), Ospac was killed in Bute, and Olaf was chosen as the new leader of the expedition, which was next directed against Man. The Manxmen who had assembled to resist the Norwegians, again, it is said, refused to fight against Olaf, and he and Godred Don divided the kingdom between them. Shortly after Godred was slain in Lewis, and Olaf henceforth ruled alone.

In 1235 Olaf appears to have been in England on a visit to Henry III, who granted him letters of safe-conduct and of security to his dominions during his absence (, Fœdera, i. 303). It was possibly during this visit that Henry committed to him the guardianship of the coasts both of England and Ireland towards the Isle of Man, for which service he was to receive one hundred marks yearly and certain quantities of corn and wine (ib. p. 341). In accepting this duty Olaf apparently renounced his allegiance to Hakon V of Norway, who at this time threatened the coasts, and who, in consequence of Olaf's defection, had to abandon his expedition. In 1236–7 Olaf appears, nevertheless, to have been in Norway on business to the king, and with the consent, moreover, of Henry III, who guaranteed the safety of his dominions during his absence (ib. pp. 363, 371). Shortly after his return he died on 21 May 1238 (Annals of England, i. 150; cf. Chron. Mannicæ, i. 94).

Olaf had several sons: Harold (d. 1249), who succeeded him; Godfrey (d. 1238); Reginald (d. 1249), king of Man; Magnus (d. 1265, king of Man from 1252; and Harold (d. 1256) (, ''Scriptt. Her. Dan.'' ii. 212).

 OLD, JOHN (fl. 1545–1555), translator and religious writer, was educated in all probability at Cambridge, and about 1545 was presented to the vicarage of Cubington, Warwickshire, by the Duchess of Somerset. He was probably the John Old, chaplain to Lord Ferrars, who was accused before the council, on 10 July 1546, of having been a 'man of light disposicion concerning metiers of religion,' but, having confessed his fault and shown signs of repentance, 'was with a good lesson dismissed. In his ' Confession of the most Auncient and True Christen Catholike Olde Belefe,' 1556, he admits that he had been a Roman catholic at one time, and dates his conversion ' some ten or eleven years ago.' He was a commissioner for the dioceses of Peterborough, Oxford, Lincoln, and Lichfield, and also 'Register' in the visitation of 1547, and made allusion to his experiences in the prologue to 'The Epistle to the Ephesians' in one of his translations. It is suggested by Strype that at one time he kept a school, which he must have