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20 covers an area of 1,298,000 square miles, the empire is now swelled by the annexation of Chinese Tartary, a thinly peopled, but outstretched region, extending from the sea of Ochotsk, on the east; to Bukaria, on the west; and from the Altay and Nershink mountains, on the north, to the great wall, on the south.

The power of China is strengthened, by having Thibet on the one hand, and Corea and Loo-Choo on the other, almost entirely subject to its influence; while its importance, in the eyes of eastern nations, is augmented by claiming to include Cochin-China, Camboja, Burmah, and Siam, among its tributary kingdoms. What an enormous and overgrown dominion is thus presented before us, extending over thirty-five degrees of latitude and seventy of longitude, and covering an area of upwards of 3,000,000 square miles.

The Chinese empire occupies no inconsiderable space in our map of the earth's surface, and fills up nearly the whole of their own; no wonder, then, that the Chinese should consider their country as the middle kingdom, including all within the four seas; and that, with them, the world and their empire should be synonymous terms. It is true, that a great part of these territories are uninhabitable deserts, and Chinese Tartary may have only four inhabitants to a square mile; yet the government of that country extends an influence over nearly as much of the earth's surface, and more of its population, than either England or Russia, and makes its orders heard and obeyed from Peking to E-le, and from the capital to Canton, amongst several hundred millions of people. By its new accessions of territory


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 China has come into the neighbourhood of the British possessions; and, though originally so distant from us, seems to shake hands across the Himlaya mountains,—and invite western nations to publish amongst them, the glad tidings of great joy, which shall be to all people.

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169 upon the unhidden fæces as a miser would upon a treasure. After he has secured his savoury find, he lubricates a piece of opossum skin with the kidney fat of some of his victims, and carefully wraps it round his treasure, after which yards of twine are wound round and round, each wind being what sailors term a half hitch, thus independent of the preceding one or the one which follows; if bones are found they are treated in a similar manner.

At night, when all in the camp are quiet, the Bangal carefully takes his prize from the Mocre Mocre (bag) beginning a low monotonous chant, whilst he thrusts one end of the prepared roll into the fire (the fire is small by design); during the process of gradual combustion the chant is continued, sometimes low as a weak child's wail heard a considerable distance off, and again swelling up into the sonorous tones of a strong man's agony, yet never losing its weird monotony. The chant consists of sound principally, with an occasional interjected request (always in the same tone) to Konikatnie. Should it be his wish to kill the Bukeen outright, in one night, he keeps up the chant, and pushes the burning roll forward into the glowing embers as it consumes, and when the last vestige of it has dispersed in unsavoury smoke, the life of the Bangal's victim has ceased.

Should the Bangal, however, wish to prolong the dying agonies of his foe, he merely burns a small portion of the roll nightly, chanting his incantation during the process, and should months pass before the roll is totally consumed, so long will the torture of his victim continue.

All aboriginal deaths (unless those caused by violence


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170 alone), and indeed every ailment by which they are attacked from time to time, as well, are attributed to the magical power possessed by the Bangals, and all the arguments and ridicule in creation will not cause them to alter their belief one iota.

When discussing the matter with them, and to prove the imposture of their Bangals, we have offered ourselves as subjects to be practised upon by any Bangal they might choose, telling them that it would not be necessary to complete the process, the mere fact of our being made slightly unwell would be proof to us, perfectly conclusive, that their Bangah were all they claimed them to be.

Our fair offer to them seemed so absurd they merely laughed at us, saying, "Bumbuma Wirrumpoola Ngenic (stupid ears you) too much you white fellow. Not that one Bangal belonging to you. What for you Bumbuma poorp?" (stupid head.)

 CHAPTER XXI.

PHILOLOGY.

According to various philologists the structural basis of most primitive tongues is to be found in sounds and sights in nature, and in natural feelings. Thus the sounds noticed most frequently as arising from the wind blowing through some medium is likely to be adopted as its (the wind's) nomenclature; the same rule holds good with regard to the naming of animals, they being usually designated by their respective calls.


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171 Heat and cold are named according to the ejaculations induced by each.

Tree, grass, water, fire and earth, are called after some plainly seen natural peculiarity.

In this manner or method it is quite possible for a language to originate, and to become, after many centuries of practice, quite copious enough for all common purposes, in life's everyday intercourse.

This first accepted principle, however, is altogether lacking in the dialects of these aborigines; natural objects, feelings, and appearances have never seemingly been called in to aid in their construction ; had they been, the numerous aboriginal dialects would have been much less meagre, and more similar than inquirers have found them. The lack of similarity is somewhat wonderful, considering how closely the territory of many of these tribes approximates; that it is so, however is an incontrovertable fact to which anyone can speak who has had the opportunity of familiar intercourse with the various tribes. Every tribe speaks a perfectly distinct tongue which is altogether unintelligible to aborigines out of its own pale; and when we tell the reader that about every fifty miles square of the mountainous or well-watered portion of Australia possesses a separate tribe having a dialect of its own, he can well imagine the


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172 diversity of tongues, with which the philologist who undertakes the task of reducing the language of the Australian aborigines to rule has to deal; in fact, he will see at once that such a project is not in the remotest feature feasible.

Were the terms meaning the same things in the various tribes traceable to common roots, then, of course, the difficulty would be surmounted easily enough; but as this is not the case in any instance, the enquirer is at a loss to know from whence the words proceed, which go to the formation of the numerous dialects, or in what manner they were originally constructed.

To show how very dissimilar the dialects are, we give below a few examples taken from two of the Murray River tribes, which join, the territory of neither having a longer frontage to that river than forty miles.

For the information of the reader we hear state that in all cases the negative of the dialect spoken is the name of the tribe which speaks it; or, in other words, the name of the tribe is the negative of the dialect, repeated twice.

These examples, though few, are (we imagine) ample enough to show how very unlike these dialects are; and the same dissimilarity holds good throughout the dialects of the whole race. Thus, therefore, one glance will suffice to show that it would be both fallacious and absurd in the extreme


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173 to endeavour to compile a work on these diverse tougues [sic], with the view of its having general application. An endemic production of the kind would be practicable enough, as can be seen by the vocabulary at the end; but then the value thereof would be absolutely nil outside the limits of the tribe from whose language it might be compiled.

It would scarcely be according to the notions of anyone outside a lunatic asylum either, to have a vocabulary of each dialect in this country collated. It would be infinitely better to have the aboriginal principle carried out in all its entirety (i.e., their persistent endeavour to forget) as regards their own tongues, and have the English language taught instead.

The Nyallow Wattows (postmen), it is true, are linguists sufficient to be able to converse with the various tribes all round their own, even to the distance of a hundred miles, or more. Had these travelled men still been extant, their extended tribal knowledge would have been of incalculable service to the enquirer in all matters pertaining to the multifarious dialects of the aborigines; as, however, the occupations of theso men vanished as settlement and civilisation advanced, the task to the philologist now-a-days is both wearisome and unsatisfactory.

The paucity of words which go to the formation of any one of these dialects precludes the remotest possibility of anything like a readable translation of even the commonest conversation, as the same word is frequently applied in many different ways; and it is only by the inflections, prolongations, etc., thereof that what it means to imply can be understood; therefore, unless to the initiated, a sentence


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174 translated into English verbatim, would be all but unintelligible.

Of course there are many common, simple phrases, such as those given at the end of the vocabulary, which anyone however obtuse, might readily understand; but to obtain anything approaching to a general knowledge of the dialects, so as to be enabled to apply it with any hopes of Success, a life's experience, together with continual intercourse, supplemented by unflagging observation, is absolutely necessary.

It would be utterly impossible to teach these dialects by rule without first forming a code of signs (which, of course, would be foreign to them), whereby to denote the various Accentuations, inflections, prolongations, and applications.

These dialects are quite innocent of everything in the shape of grammar, grammatical relations being denoted by prolongations, accentuations, or position; each, or either of which, changes the meaning of different words entirely. Thus pronouns are the same, whether relating to places or things, masculine or feminine gender. Thus Wanthy, for instance, signifies he, she, it, him, that, them; other pronouns are used in a similar mariner.

Adjectives are applied much the same as in English; for example, Talko (good) is always used alone, the noun being understood; the other adjectives are used in a like manner,

Their verbs are particularly imperfect; for example:— Callo yetty wirwy, I went. Callo mitha yetty wirwy, I went a long time ago. Yetty wirwy, I go, or am going. Darty yetty wirwy, I will go. Berha yetty wirwy, I will go


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175. Urgin berha yetty wirwy, I will go the day after to-morrow.

The adverb stage is still a long distance off.

In illustration of the extreme meagreness of these tongues, we give the few following examples:—

Kayanie, water. Tolkine kayanie, thirsty, Mirnen kayanie, tears. Cooroomboo kayanie, milk. Birra, dead. Birra wotchowoo, hungry. Bocoin wootchowoo, stuffed with food.

Their dialects do not possess any synonym for size, the adjective Corongondoo standing for large in the matter of bulk, and for a great many in numbers; whilst Panmaroo takes the place of small in size, or few in number.

The only conjunction they possess is Nga (and), and according to the position thereof, so is its prolongation, or the contrary, the prolongations being formed by dwelling on the final a. As for prepositions or articles, their tongues are altogether devoid of these necessary parts of speech.

Their numerals merely consist of two, viz.:—Polite, two; and kyup, one. kyup murnangin signifies five, or one hand; and polite murnangin means ten, or two hands.

For a number such as thirty, or even a hundred, they say co co, and for any larger number than that, such as a flock of sheep, or an immense flight of ducks, they ejaculate corongandoo.

Thus it can easily be seen that the dialects of these people are about as meagre in quality and quantity as they well can be; if they were but ever so little more so, it would be most difficult, if not altogether impossible, for the


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176 aborigines to convey their thoughts or make their requirements known to each other.

From the Middle Darling River, in New South Wales, right through, to far beyond Cooper's Greek, and stretching thence to Lake Hope in South Australia, the natives all speak the same tongue, or nearly the same. At all events, over that portion of Central Australia the natives can readily understand each other without the intervention of Ngallow Wattows. We attribute this circumstance to the fact of that region being a very arid and dry one, having but few permanent waters in seasons of drought; so that all the native tribes of that inhospitable country are compelled during such seasons to assemble round these waters, there to dwell together, oftentimes for many months at a time; and doubtless, on occasions of excessive drought, for a year, or perhaps even longer than that. At such periods a general amity must perforce prevail amongst the tribes so assembled, otherwise total extermination would quickly ensue.

The fact of the tribes inhabiting so extensive an area of country, all speaking one tongue, induces us to imagine that the aboriginal inhabitants of Australia originally spread over the country from the neighbourhood of the Gulf of Carpentaria, breaking up into small sections such as families, so that food might be found for all, such breaking up taking place after getting well south to the country of rivers and creeks; then each section or family diverging to the right or left, as the fancy inclined them, thus forming the nuclei of the various tribes as found by the colonists.


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177 The dissimilarity of the various dialects to what we deem the parent one—that is, the one spoken by the inhabitants of Central Australia—is fully accounted for by the persistent endeavour to forget, which we have before shown, to be one of the leading characteristics of the aborigines.

Should our theory of the course followed by the earliest of this race be correct, it would not be altogether beyond the pale of possibility to trace these people back even to pre-historic man, whose remains have frequently been found in Europe side by side, with the "kitchen-midden," stone axe, and spear barb, all of which latter pertain in exact similitude at this day to the aborigines of Australia.

Personal nomenclature is, in almost every instance, due to individual characteristics, or peculiarities perceivable in physique or manner, as the few following examples will clearly enough show.

 * Mirmile mirnen—squint-eyed.
 * Kyup tnirmen—one-eyed.
 * Mirmile tchantchew —crooked nose.
 * Cowendurn—the creeper.
 * Walpa chinangin—burnt foot.
 * Boceroin—the breaker.
 * Waikeroo weorinen—ugly mouth.


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178 There are numerous other names which doubtless arose from equally perceptible features, but being rather objectionable, we do not care to quote them.

Names of places arise generally from local features, or from some occurrence vivid enough to be worthy of note. Below are a few examples by way of illustration:—

 * Chittoo beal—termination of the gum timber.
 * Workin doloo—the black stump.
 * Nanowie—the sun.
 * Bocoin tcheric—broken reed.
 * Mirmile maroong—crooked pine.
 * Tye bulile—box forest infested by gerboas or kangaroo mice.
 * Tyrilie—The sky; this name is one given to an immense salt lake in the northern portion of Victoria.

In the aboriginal alphabet there are neither F nor X, P being substituted for the former and K for the latter.


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179


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any thing has been the subject of so much controversy, and at the same time of so much interest, relative to China, as the number of its population. The philosopher, the politician, the merchant, and the Christian are alike concerned to know, how many individuals are congregated together in that immense empire, and what is the rate of increase of its inhabitants. The population of China has formed the basis of numerous hypotheses among those who treat of the wealth or poverty of nations, and its exceeding populousness has been assumed or denied, according as different writers have sought to establish various propositions relative to the rapid or slow growth of the human family; and in proportion to the amount of their fears lest the increase of population should entrench upon the means of subsistence and produce an extensive and insupportable


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Rh famine. The Malthusites have caught at the fact, that China, already over-peopled, is yet increasing in population and is doubling the number of its inhabitants every twenty-five years; which, connected with the circumstance of the scarcity and misery which already prevail, have led them to form the most gloomy apprehensions for the future, and to discourage marriage and encourage wars, lest the world should, like China, become overstocked, and universal want and misery envelope and engulph the whole family of man. The anti-Malthusites, on the other hand, shocked at this dreadful picture, and still more alarming prospect, have greedily embraced the suggestion thrown out by some writers, that the population of China has been exaggerated; and finding different returns given by various authors, have argued that the subject is questionable and undecided; then taking the lowest census they can find, they have come boldly forward and declared that China is one of the most thinly peopled countries of the globe, that her soil is not one-tenth part cultivated, and that her peasantry and mechanics are enjoying an ease and luxury, devoid of all appearance of want or penury, unknown and unequalled in any other part of the world. These extreme differences of opinion, established as they both appear to be by irrefragable arguments, tend to perplex the enquirer; but we must remember that the advocates of opposing systems generally go to extremes in defence of their favourite propositions; and that the truth usually lies between the two, to be elicited only by a dispassionate research, and an unprejudiced mind; determined to judge according to the evidence adduced, independent of previously existing opinions.


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 The politician is not less interested in the question of China's population; for, if it be true that that empire contains its hundreds of millions, it will become an important enquiry how she is to be dealt with; and what precautions are necessary to prevent her enterprizing, though not warlike people, from pressing with their teeming myriads upon the neighbouring populous and fertile states. If they be so numerous, and if they threaten to become doubly so, not only will the restrictive policy of the Chinese, which would prevent its inhabitants from emigrating, be broken down, but the welfare, if not the peace of surrounding nations be disturbed by the influx of a mass of shrewd and hungry intruders; who, if they cannot obtain a livelihood by honest competition, will first by petty thefts, and then by more daring robberies, become dangerous to the colonies where they reside; and in time present such annoyances as can only be checked by their exclusion from the scene of their chosen residence.

There are already two colonies in the eastern Archipelago, one under the Dutch and the other under English authority, where the annual influx of Chinese colonists has, whether right or wrong, been the occasion of much alarm; and in one district in particular the revolt, or supposed revolt, of the Chinese has ended in the utter extermination of the suspected tribe: while in Borneo the Chinese have settled themselves down in the interior—have made head against the European authorities—and carried on the war for a considerable time; concluding with an honourable peace, by which they have retained full possession of a rich province,—abounding in the precious metals,—and secured the mouth of a river, affording a favourable outlet for


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Deutsche Bank, The

DEUTSCHE BANK, The. The Deutsche Bank (Deutsche Bank in Berlin) was founded in 1870 with a capital of 15,000,000 marks. Its object, as stated in its charter, was “the transaction of all sorts of banking business, particularly the fostering and facilitating of commercial relations between Germany, the other European countries and over-seas markets.” Previous to its founding, German importers and exporters were dependent upon English and French banking institutions in the world markets — a serious handicap in that German bills were almost unknown in international commerce, generally disliked and subject to a higher rate of discount than English or French bills. The wisdom of its establishment is evident. Following certain difficulties and criticisms during its early years, the Deutsche Bank in time established branches and connections that have given it an international standing. In 1873, after one failure and another partially successful attempt, a branch was opened in London — a prime necessity for the establishment of credit in the world's money centre for the German trade. In addition, to keep in touch with the great promising export and import centres, branches were opened at Bremen (1871), Hamburg (1872), Frankfort-on-the-Main (1886), Munich (1889), Leipzig and Dresden (1900), Nüremburg (1905), and Constantinople (1909). In addition, it has two silent partnerships, known as “commandites,” and 77 deposit offices. Subsidiary offices have been founded in whole or part by the Deutsche Bank in the United States, Asia, South America (seven countries),

Spain, Italy, East Africa, Central America and Mexico; the whole representing a large capitalization. In addition communities of interest have been established with 13 important banks throughout Germany, these last having 94 branches. Through its ramifications there is hardly a financial organization in any community in the German Empire in which the Deutsche Bank has not some proprietary connection; and no commercial country in which it has not an active or silent financial connection. In addition to its purely banking functions, it has representatives on the boards of German and foreign manufacturing and trading organizations, many of which are pre-eminent internationally in their respective lines. This representation in 1910 concerned 116 such institutions. The capital of the Deutsche Bank (1915) was 250,000,000 marks; surplus, 180,000,000 marks; and dividend 12½ per cent. The capital power of the Deutsche Bank group (1908) was 786,858,095 marks, of which 588,900,800 marks constituted capital, and 197,957,295 marks surplus. Consult Riesser, J., ‘Die deutsche Grossbanken und ihre Konzentration’ (1909); ‘Germany's Economic Forces’ (1913); ‘Report on Cooperation in American Export Trade’ (Washington 1916).


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 ANNALS (Annales, from annus, a year), a concise historical record in which events are arranged chronologically, year by year. The chief sources of information in regard to the annals of ancient Rome are two passages in Cicero (De Oratore, ii. 12. 52) and in Servius (ad Aen. i. 373) which have been the subject of much discussion. Cicero states that from the earliest period down to the pontificate of Publius Mucius Scaevola (c. 131 ), it was usual for the pontifex maximus to record on a white tablet (album), which was exhibited in an open place at his house, so that the people might read it, first, the name of the consuls and other magistrates, and then the noteworthy events that had occurred during the year (per singulos dies, as Servius says). These records were called in Cicero’s time the Annales Maximi. After the pontificate of Publius, the practice of compiling annals was carried on by various unofficial writers, of whom Cicero names Cato, Pictor and Piso. The Annales have been generally regarded as the same with the Commentarii Pontificum cited by Livy, but there seems reason to believe that the two were distinct, the Commentarii being fuller and more circumstantial. The nature of the distinction between annals and history is a subject that has received more attention from critics than its intrinsic importance deserves. The basis of discussion is furnished chiefly by the above-quoted passage from Cicero, and by the common division of the work of Tacitus into Annales and Historiae. Aulus Gellius, in the Noctes Atticae (v. 18), quotes the grammarian Verrius Flaccus, to the effect that history, according to its etymology (, inspicere, to inquire in person), is a record of events that have come under the author’s own observation, while annals are a record of the events of earlier times arranged according to years. This view of the distinction seems to be borne out by the division of the work of Tacitus into the Historiae, relating the events of his own time, and the Annales, containing the history of earlier periods. It is more than questionable, however, whether Tacitus himself divided his work under these titles. The probability is, either that he called the whole Annales, or that he used neither designation. (See .)

In the middle ages, when the order of the liturgical feasts was partly determined by the date of Easter, the custom was early established in the Western Church of drawing up tables to indicate that date for a certain number of years or even centuries. These Paschal tables were thin books in which each annual date was separated from the next by a more or less considerable blank space. In these spaces certain monks briefly noted the important events of the year. It was at the end of the 7th century and among the Anglo-Saxons that the compiling of these Annals was first begun. Introduced by missionaries on the continent, they were re-copied, augmented and continued, especially in the kingdom of Austrasia. In the 9th century, during the great movement termed the Carolingian Renaissance, these Annals became the usual form of contemporary history; it suffices to mention the Annales Einhardi, the Annales Laureshamenses (or “of Lorsch”), and the Annales S. Bertini, officially compiled in order to preserve the memory of the more interesting acts of Charlemagne, his ancestors and his successors. Arrived at this stage of development, the Annals now began to lose their primitive character, and henceforward became more and more indistinguishable from the Chronicles.

In modern literature the title annals has been given to a large number of standard works which adhere more or less strictly to the order of years. The best known are the Annales Ecclesiastici, written by Cardinal Baronius as a rejoinder to and refutation of the Historia ecclesiastica or “Centuries” of the Protestant theologians of Magdeburg (12 vols., published at Rome from 1788 to 1793; Baronius’s work stops at the year 1197). In the 19th century the annalistic form was once more employed, either to preserve year by year the memory of passing events (Annual Register, Annuaire de la Revue des deux mondes, &c.) or in writing the history of obscure medieval periods (Jahrbücher der deutschen Geschichte, Jahrbücher des deutschen Reiches, Richter’s Reichsannalen, &c.).

ANNAM, or, a country of south-eastern Asia, now forming a French protectorate, part of the peninsula of Indo-China. (See ). It is bounded N. by Tongking, E. and S.E. by the China Sea, S.W. by Cochin-China, and W. by Cambodia and Laos. It comprises a sinuous strip of territory measuring between 750 and 800 m. in length, with an approximate area of 52,000 sq. m. The population is estimated at about 6,124,000.

The country consists chiefly of a range of plateaus and wooded mountains, running north and south and declining on the coast to a narrow band of plain varying between 12 and 50 m. in breadth. The mountains are cut transversely by short narrow valleys, through which run rivers, most of which are dry in summer and torrential in winter. The Song-Ma and the Song-Ca in the north, and the Song-Ba, Don-Nai and Se-Bang-Khan in the south, are alone of any size. The chief harbour is that afforded by the bay of Tourane at the centre of the coast-line. South of this point the coast curves outwards and is broken by peninsulas and indentations; to the north it is concave and bordered in many places by dunes and lagoons.

Climate.—In Annam the rainy season begins during September and lasts for three or four months, corresponding with the north-east monsoon and also with a period of typhoons. During the rains the temperature varies from 59° or even lower to 75° F. June, July and August are the hottest months, the thermometer often reaching 85° or 90°, though the heat of the day is to some degree compensated by the freshness of the nights. The south-west monsoon which brings rain in Cochin-China coincides with the dry season in Annam, the reason probably being that the mountains and lofty plateaus separating the two countries retain the precipitation.

Ethnography.—The Annamese, or, to use the native term, the Giao-chi, are the predominant people not only in Annam but in the lowland and cultivated parts of Tongking and in Cochin-China and southern Cambodia. According to their own annals and traditions they once inhabited southern China, a theory which is confirmed by many of their habits and physical characteristics; the race has, however, been modified by crossings with the Chams and other of the previous inhabitants of Indo-China.

The Annamese is the worst-built and ugliest of all the Indo-Chinese who belong to the Mongolian race. He is scarcely of middle height and is shorter and less vigorous than his neighbours. His complexion is tawny, darker than that of the Chinese, but clearer than that of the Cambodian; his hair is black, coarse and long; his skin is thick; his forehead low; his skull slightly depressed at the top, but well developed at the sides. His face is flat, with highly protruding cheek-bones, and is lozenge-shaped or eurygnathous to a degree that is nowhere exceeded. His nose is not only the flattest, but also the smallest among the Indo-Chinese; his eyes are rarely oblique; his mouth is large and his lips thick; his teeth are blackened and his gums destroyed by the constant use of the betel-nut, the areca-nut and lime. His neck is short, his shoulders slope greatly, his body is thick-set and wanting in suppleness. Another peculiarity is a separation of the big toe from the rest, greater than is found in any other people, and sufficiently general and well marked to serve as an ethnographic test. The Annamese of Cochin-China are weaker and smaller than those of Tongking, probably as a result of living amid marshy rice-fields. The Annamese of both sexes wear wide trousers, a long, usually black tunic with narrow sleeves and a dark-coloured turban, or in the case of the lower classes, a wide straw hat; they either go bare-foot or wear sandals or Chinese boots. The typical Annamese dwelling is open to the gaze of the passer-by during the day; at night a sort of partition of bamboo is let down. The roof is supported on wooden pillars and walls are provided only at the sides. The house consists principally of one large room opening on the front verandah and containing the altar of the family’s ancestors, a table in the centre and couches placed against the wall. The chief elements of the native diet are rice, fish and poultry; vegetables and pork are also eaten. The family is the base of the social system in Annam and is ruled by its head, who is also priest and judge.

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Rh foreign trade. Hence European colonies in the east have begun to forbid the introduction of Chinese emigrants, some levying a heavy fine on all new comers, which amounts to an actual prohibition, and others sending whole cargoes away, bidding them seek another home.

To the merchant and manufacturer, this subject is not devoid of interest; particularly at a period when by the invention of machinery, goods are manufactured more than doubly sufficient for all the civilized tribes of Europe and America; when even our East Indian possessions are overstocked with the productions of art; and when a new market for our manufactures becomes a matter of serious concern to those who have already exceeded the necessities of neighbouring nations, and who are compelled to look out for purchasers in new and untried fields of commerce. But if China really contain so large a population as is assigned to it, in a climate where warm clothing is annually required, how large a field is thus opened to the speculations of capitalists and the energies of operatives, which for years and ages they would not be able fully to exhaust. Say not, the Chinese are poor and cannot pay for our goods; they already pay four millions of pounds sterling for our opium, which only injures and destroys them; and how is it that they cannot afford to purchase useful and necessary commodities, the wearing of which will as much promote their interests, as the sale will ours. It is true, their system is exclusive, and commerce with them is carried on under numerous restrictions; yet if such a vast mass of people exist and must be clothed; and if our merchants and manufacturers can furnish them with the


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Deutschland, The

DEUTSCHLAND, The, a German submarine merchant vessel, the first of its class to cross the Atlantic Ocean. Commanded by Capt. Paul Koenig and a crew of 28 men, the boat sailed from Bremen 14 June 1916, stopped at Helgoland for nine days and then set out for Baltimore, Md., arriving 10 July 1916. The whole distance of about 3,800 miles, with the exception of about 90 miles when it was necessary to submerge, was traversed above water. The speed of the vessel was about 14 knots an hour. While the vessel could submerge to a depth of 300 feet, it did not go deeper than 150 feet. With a total gross tonnage of 711 tons, net 447 tons, and scuff iron for ballast. The Deutschland brought 3,042 cases of scarce and valuable dyestuffs of 157 tons gross, 125 tons net. The daring voyage attracted great admiration and praise. While both British and German submersible boats on warlike errands had sailed as far, The Deutschland was the first to achieve a noteworthy victory of a peaceful utilitarian commercial character during her hazardous voyage through enemy waters, without armed escort, eluding pursuers and accomplishing her mission safely. The vessel left Baltimore at 8:30 P.M. 2 August on her return journey, carrying a cargo of rubber, crude nickel and a consignment of gold, and arrived at Bremen 23 August. A sister ship, The Bremen, left port shortly after and never arrived at its destination. The Deutschland accomplished a second voyage across the Atlantic in 17 days and arrived in New London, Conn., 1 Nov. 1916, bringing a cargo of chemicals, gems and securities valued at $10,000,000. She departed 17 November, but within an hour was compelled to return to port for repairs, having rammed and sunk an escort tug, drowning five of the crew.


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 ground to be capable of sustaining one individual. (though some say each acre will support five,) then we have cultivable ground in China sufficient for the support of 415,000,000 of persons. Thus by a very moderate calculation, we see that it is by no means impossible for China to contain the full population which the highest census assigns to it.

Again, if we compare China with other countries of the globe, and calculate the population of each square mile, we shall find that that empire is not more thickly peopled than some other countries; and if it be possible for other regions to sustain their population, then is it also possible for China to do the same. In Holland, for instance, we have 210 inhabitants to the square mile; in England, including the army and navy, 244; in Ireland, 256; and in Belgium, 333. While in China, if we take the population at the highest census, given in 1812, namely, 361,279,897, we shall find that its population is about 278 individuals to the square mile, being somewhat more than the population of Ireland, but by no means equal to that of Belgium. Now as the people of Ireland can live, and those of Belgium can afford to maintain a separate and expensive government, and keep a large army on foot,—there is nothing extravagant in the supposition that China contains and is able to sustain the population assigned to it.

We next come to consider the probability of such a supposition; and in so doing we shall find that it is not unlikely that China contains a large amount of population from the fertility of its soil, combined with the great quantity of land under cultivation; the encouragement that is given to agriculture; and the industry and skill of the inhabitants, contrasted with the


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Deutzia

DEUTZIA, doit'sĭ-ạ, or dūt'sĭ-ạ (so named in honor of the Dutch botanist Deutz), a genus of plants of the family Hydrangeaceæ, containing 50 species, all of which are interesting for the beauty of their flowers. Some of the species are cultivated in America as hothouse flowers

or ornamental shrubs. The nearest relatives growing wild in the United States are the syringas (Philadelphus). The deutzias are small shrubs indigenous to Asia, one species occurring in Mexico. They are covered with stiff stellar hairs, on which account one species (D. scabra) is used by joiners in Japan to polish wood. The flowers are arranged in thyrsi like the lilac.


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26 necessary articles cheaper and better than they can supply themselves, the trade must extend, and our manufactures gain admission.

But the Christian philanthropist is still more interested in this important question. When each individual possesses a never dying spirit, and each sinner is exposed to endless wrath, the greater the number of persons involved in the calamity, the more serious the evil; and the more must the contemplation of it oppress the mind of the thoughtful Christian. As this view of the subject, however, will be more fully enlarged upon in the sequel, it will be sufficient now, to discuss the question of China's population; and endeavour to ascertain the real state of the case, leaving the deduction of inferences to the close.

To clear the way to this important subject, it will be necessary, first, to show the possibility and probability of China's containing the assumed population; and then, the reality of its existence.

That it is a possible case that China contains as many inhabitants as even the largest census would give, few who have paid any attention to the subject will be disposed to deny. Though there have not been wanting those who strenuously affirm that the soil is incapable of sustaining so vast a population; yet, by a comparison of that land with others, calculating the number of occupants and the area of their territory, we find that such a priori reasonings are not founded in fact, nor entitled to our regard. China Proper is said to contain 1,297,999 square miles, or 830,719,300 English acres of ground. If then we allow only one-half of the land to be capable of cultivation, (though some would allow two-thirds,) and each acre of


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Dresdner Bank, The

DRESDNER BANK, The. The Dresdner Bank was founded in Dresden in 1872 with a capital of 9,600,000 marks, and in 1881, by the establishment of a branch, transferred its centre of activity to Berlin. Its first success was in its deposit business, in which it is to-day one of Germany's leading institutions. It is particularly strong in southern Germany through the number of banking institutions absorbed or

established there. In many respects it has pursued a policy parallel to that of the Deutsche Bank, both in domestic finance and overseas business, the latter being initiated in 1892 by the absorbtion of a branch in Hamburg, followed in 1895 by a branch in Bremen and in 1901 in London. In all, the Dresdner Bank had (beginning of 1909) 27 branches, all, with the exception of the one in London, being located in Germany. In addition it has one Commandite and 57 deposit offices, 23 being in Berlin. Its foreign business is carried on through subsidiaries in China, Japan, Italy, Switzerland, Turkey, Greece, Egypt, Morocco, Argentina, Mexico and Canada, and in 1905 a close alliance was formed with the banking house of J. P. Morgan & Co., New York, for joint action in international finance and issue operations, particularly the absorption of American securities by German investors. Operations in the Orient and South America have been carried on jointly in co-operation with the A. Schaaffhausen'scher Bankverein. Between 1872 and 1909-10, important German banks and banking firms having numerous branches throughout Germany were absorbed by the Dresdner Bank. Important among these was the Deutsche Genossenschaftbank (Bank for Co-operative Credit Societies), Sörgel, Parrisius & Co., of Berlin and Frankfort-on-the-Main, closely identified with German industrial and agricultural co-operative societies. A special department of the Dresdner Bank is also concerned with the fostering of these interests. In addition, in 1904, jointly with the A. Schaaffhausen'scher Bankverein, the banking house of Von Erlanger & Söhne of Frankfort-on-the-Main was absorbed, this latter having 8 branches and 97 agencies, besides community-of-interest connections with 2 banks having 52 agencies. In addition, through board supervision or stock control, 12 other important banks with numerous branches and agencies are included within the Dresdner Bank group. The relations of the Dresdner Bank to the industrial life of Germany are indicated by the fact that at the beginning of 1909 representation was had on the boards of 87 other important industrial and financial organizations. In 1908 the capital was 180,000,000 marks (increased in 1910 to 200,000,000 marks), surplus 51,500,000 marks and dividend 7½ per cent. The total capital power of the Dresdner Bank group in the same year amounted to 283,942,419 marks, of which 227,680,000 constituted the capital and 56,262,419 marks the surplus. Consult Riesser, Dr. J., ‘Die Deutsche Grossbanken und ihre Konzentration’ (1909); ‘Germany's Economic Forces’ (1913); ‘Report on Cooperation in American Export Trade’ (Washington 1916).


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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive But Ho's explanation notwithstanding, the Viet Minh was irrefutably nationalist, popular, and patriotic. It was also the most prominent and successful vehicle of Viet nationalism in the 1940's. To a degree it was always non-communist. Available evidence indicates, however, that from its inception, Ho Chi Minh and his lieutenants of the Indochinese Communist Party conceived its strategy, directed its operations, and channeled its energies consistent with their own goals—as they subsequently claimed. Whether the non-communist elements of the Viet Minh might have become dominant in different circumstances must be relegated to speculation. It seems clear that, as matters developed, all of the non-communist nationalist movements—reformist, theocratic, or revolutionary—were too localized, too disunited, or too tainted with Japanese or Nationalist Chinese associations to have competed successfully with the ICP for control of the Viet Minh. And none could compete effectively with the Viet Minh in gaining a following among Vietnam's peasants. Rh

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 economy observed; notwithstanding which the people in many provinces are reduced to the most abject state of want and misery, many dying of actual starvation, and thousands emigrating every year, in order to procure a precarious subsistence abroad.

It is true that China is in some parts hilly, and in others marshy; that wild men and wild beasts occupy the higher regions, and reeds and rushes the lower; in such situations we do not of course expect to find fertility; yet the vallies and the level plains, which are by no means circumscribed, are proverbially productive, and in some favoured spots, the fertility is amazing. Barrow says, "that an acre of land, in China, with proper culture, will afford a supply of rice for ten persons, for a whole year, in the southern provinces; and sufficient for the consumption of five in the northern; allowing each person two pounds a day." This estimate may be considered high; but on minute enquiry of the natives, who are acquainted with the cultivation of the interior, it appears, that an acre of land in China, well cultivated, will produce 3600 pounds of rice, in two crops, per year; which is equal at two pounds a day, to the sustenance of five individuals. But the Chinese peasantry generally cannot calculate on two pounds of rice a day, or scarcely one, and are obliged to make up the deficiency by sweet potatoes, pulse, or any thing else that will satisfy hunger. The observation of travellers, who have visited the country, tends to shew, that the borders of the grand canal, and the two gigantic streams—the Yellow River, and the Yang-tsze-keang—are extraordinarily productive, yielding two crops in the year, without needing to lie fallow


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Rh a single season. The provinces of Keang-soo and Gan-hwuy, Shan-tung and Shan-se, Chĕ-keang and Ho-nan, are those which yield the greatest revenue to the emperor, and consequently those which are most productive to the people; while the thick set stalks of waving corn in the vicinity of those places fully substantiate the character given of them by foreign travellers and native documents, as being the granary of the land.

To the fertility of the soil, we may add the consideration that it is very extensively cultivated. China contains, as has been before observed, 830,719,360 English acres; and if we allow one third of this area for hills, rivers, marshes, and waste lands, we shall have 553,812,906 acres for cultivable ground. In ascertaining this, however, we are not left to conjecture; as there exists a report made to the emperor Këen-lung, in the year 1745, of the amount of land then under cultivation, according to which it appears, that reckoning the land belonging to individuals, with that in the possession of the Tartar standards, the military, the priests, and the literary there were, at that time, 595,598,221 English acres under cultivation; since which period, a new estimate has given 640,579,381 English acres, as the total extent of occupied land in China. Thus it appears, that more that three-fourths of the surface are owned and tilled by man, allowing, according to the highest census, nearly one acre and three-quarters to each individual. The greatest part of this area is laid out exclusively in arable land, and devoted to the production of food for man alone. In China, the natives make no use of butter or cheese, and very seldom of milk; the principal animal food is pork, which is


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30 home-fed; they have few horses for travelling, pomp, or war; and the only cattle they keep are such as are needed in husbandry: hence, there are no grazing farms, no meadows, and very little pasture; while every acre of ground, capable of cultivation, is turned up by the spade or the plough, in order to afford sustenance for the teeming inhabitants. The few beasts of burden, or of draught, which they keep, are either tethered to a string, by the side of the road, or turned out to graze on the hills; while they are supplied, by night, with a little straw or bean stalks, which is also their principal food during the winter. A common is quite unusual throughout the eastern half of China; while parks and pleasure grounds are proportionably scarce, as the anxiety to satisfy the appetite prevails over the desire of amusement. Wheel carriages being rare, particularly in the south, the roads are comparatively few and narrow; generally consisting of raised pathways through the rice fields, or of winding lanes over the mountains. The statement of Barrow, that "the imperial roads are triple," with the declaration of Le Compte, that "they are fourscore feet broad, or near it," does not interfere with the general assertion, that the roads of China are narrow; for the two writers just quoted, are speaking of the public roads in the vicinity of he capital, and of the royal way from Peking to the imperial residence in Chinese Tartary. Broad ways may comport with a high state of civilization, but where the people are little accustomed to luxury and self-indulgence, they will be content with narrow paths; particularly when every particle of improvable soil is needed to sustain the population. What an immense quantity of land is


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Rh in England, in order to indulge the locomotive propensity of the inhabitants, and to enable them to move, with ease and expedition, from one place to another. This expenditure of the energies of the soil, in feeding millions of horses, and this laying out of good ground, in constructing several thousand miles of road, is almost entirely spared in China, where the public are content to walk, or to carry each other about, if they may but get enough to eat and to wear.

It has been objected to the statement regarding the occupancy of a great proportion of the land in tillage, that the cemeteries of the Chinese are both numerous and extensive; and much of the soil being consecrated to the service of the dead, there must of necessity be a smaller quantity left for the support of the living. The force of this objection seems to be heightened by the consideration, that the Chinese never allow old graves to be disturbed; and, generally speaking, dig a new pit for each individual. But, an acquaintance with the fact, obviates the supposed difficulty; for, the Chinese seldom select, for burial places, situations capable of agricultural use and improvement; and inter their deceased friends on the hill side, or under the craggy precipice, where little else could be made of the soil. During the various excursions, which the writer has made into the interior, along the shores of three or four maritime provinces, he was particularly struck with the extreme paucity of graves. In one part of the province of Shan-tung, a cemetery was discovered in a sequestered glen; and, here and there, a white monument presented itself by the road side; but by no means equal to the hosts of living inhabitants everywhere


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Copley, Anthony


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Copley, Godfrey


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Copley, John Singleton (1737-1815)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Copley, John Singleton (1772-1863)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Copley, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Coppe, Abiezer


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Coppin, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Coppinger, Edmund


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Coppock, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Coppock, Thomas


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Education, Compulsory

EDUCATION, Compulsory. The doctrine of the democracy of Calvinism from the beginning of its teachings contained the fundamental principle that each person should be able to read. Under that doctrine religious matters were held to be of vital concern to every person as well as to the nation and each individual was held to be personally accountable for his own conduct. The Bible contained the rules of conduct which should regulate the lives of all people. Each person was, therefore, expected to be able to read that book and not to be dependent upon others for a knowledge of its teachings and of the personal obligations which such teachings imposed. In the countries, therefore, which were under the control of the Calvinists, the basic principles of compulsory education laws, so general in all the progressive countries of the world at the present time, were first established. The general feeling of the people in the Netherlands in relation to education was such that for more than 150 years before the Dutch began to make settlements in America public schools had been maintained in that country. The education of the masses through these schools which were public schools had been the bulwark of the

liberties of the people and the national freedom of the country. The country was prosperous and happiness prevailed among its people. When the Calvinists settled in America they brought with them the spirit and life of the social institutions of their native country and wherever the Dutch settled in America they established schools which were of the type of the schools in the fatherland. These schools were administered on the same general plan on which the schools of Holland had been operated. All children were required to receive instruction. This instruction was provided by members of the family at the home in many cases, often at private schools but generally in the schools established by the authorities of the company who were responsible for the regulation of the affairs of the settlement. The West India Company which made settlements at Manhattan and at Albany adopted an ordinance in 1629 providing that all colonists “shall endeavor to find out ways and means whereby they may supply a minister and a schoolmaster.” Under this ordinance, schools were maintained and children were required to attend them. The Dutch, therefore, during their period of control in the colonies planted the germ of the foundation on which compulsory attendance laws are based.

The General Court of the Massachusetts colony issued a decree in 1642 which has also exercised an important bearing upon the development of compulsory attendance statutes. The decree of the Massachusetts court and the preamble upon which it is predicated were as follows:

This law did not specify where the children were to be instructed and such law was amended in 1647 by specifically providing that in each township containing 50 families an instructor should be employed to teach all children to read and to write, and the law further provided that in a township containing 100 families, a grammar school should be maintained and masters employed who were able to fit young people for entrance to a university.

Thus, there were in the very beginning of the establishment of organized society in this country two great forces, one Dutch, and the other, English, in different sections of the country, which enacted decrees or statutes which are the basis upon which compulsory education laws of the several States have been established

When the Republic was founded, no provision was made for a national system of education. Education, therefore, became a subject which was controlled and administered by the several States. It took a long period of time for the development of public opinion which required the establishment and maintenance of public schools. When school systems were established in a State under general laws, and when independent schools were organized under

special acts in various communities, provisions were not generally incorporated in such laws or acts which made attendance upon school compulsory. The parent of a child generally assumed that the education of such child was a matter entirely personal with such parent. During the early years of the nation there was a common feeling which was repugnant to all mandatory statutes. The opposition to the enactment of such laws must not he regarded as a lack of interest in public education. The leaders of the nation had an appreciation of the value of education and the national necessity for its promotion and development.

The economic and industrial conditions of the country were passing through a stage of development which influenced the whole social organization of the state. The cities were increasing in population. The number of cities and large villages were also increasing. The industrial and commercial affairs of the country were expanding and developing. Children were being employed in the industries. The increase in immigration was bringing large numbers of foreigners into the country. Young children under the apprentice system were bound out to labor which deprived them of school privileges. These conditions prevailed quite generally in the New England and Middle States. Great evils grew out of these conditions. Hardships were imposed upon children of tender ages. These conditions could be remedied through legislation only. The first effort along this line appears to have been in Connecticut in 1813 when a law was enacted providing that all children employed in factories should be taught reading, writing and arithmetic. In 1836 Massachusetts enacted a law prohibiting the employment of children under the age of 15 in manufacturing establishments unless they should have attended a public or private school for at least three of the 12 months during the year preceding such employment. The law did not place adequate responsibility upon parents, the period of instruction was too short and the penalty of a fine of $50 imposed upon owners, agents or superintendents of factories was ineffective, as no provision was incorporated in the statute defining who should prosecute violations of the law.

The statutes of Connecticut and Massachusetts were undoubtedly modeled somewhat after the English factory laws. Laws regulating the employing of children in factories and providing for the education of children thus employed were enacted in England in 1802 and in 1833. Under the first act all apprentices in the cotton and woollen mills were required to be taught reading, writing and arithmetic “or either of them” during the first four years of their apprenticeship upon every working day and during the hours of work. The employer was required to provide the teacher. In the provision of this act is the germ of the modern continuation school. The act of 1833 greatly strengthened this law. It provided for factory inspectors to enforce the provisions of the act. The employment of children under nine years of age was prohibited. Children between 9 and 13 years of age were required to attend school two hours each day for six days each week. The parent possessed the right to select the school. If the parent failed to make such

the factory inspector made it. Parents who violated the law were subject to a fine of 20 shillings. Employers who violated such law were subject to a fine as high as £20. In this legislation of Connecticut and Massachusetts the right of the State to require a child to attend school, to compel the employer of a child to provide educational facilities for such child and to penalize a parent or the employer of a child for failing to provide a child with educational facilities is first asserted in this country. These laws were not general compulsory educat i on statutes but they were a step in that direction.

The next important legislation in this country bearing upon compulsory education were the truancy laws of Massachusetts enacted in 1850 and 1852 and of New York in 1853. The Massachusetts Act of 1850 conferred power upon the cities and towns of the State to prescribe ordinances to provide for the education of children who were habitual truants or who were not attending school and who were not employed in regular or lawful occupation. The law applied to children between the ages of 6 and 15. The statute was indefinite and cumbersome. The general purpose was to compel children who were not receiving instruction and who were not employed in accordance with the provisions of the factory laws to attend school. The ineffectiveness of the law was recognized and in 1852 a broader and more effective law was enacted. Under the provision of the act of 1852 certain definite provisions were made mandatory. Parents were made responsible for the education of their children. All children between the ages of 8 and 14 were required to attend some public school in the town for at least 12 weeks and 6 of these must be consecutive. A penalty of $20 was prescribed for violation of the law. The statute, however, contained one clause which expressed conditions under which a person who had not complied with the law should not be regarded as having violated it. Children who were “otherwise furnished with the means of education for a like period of time” were regarded as having complied with the terms of the law. Attendance upon private or parochial schools for the required period of time was held to be a compliance with the law. It was not required that the instruction should be the equivalent and as thorough as that given in the public schools. The burden of enforcing the penalty for violating the law was placed upon town treasurers, and these officers generally refrained from making prosecutions. The New York Act of 1853 followed somewhat the lines of the Massachusetts law. It provided that “if any child between the ages of 5 and 14 years, having sufficient bodily health and mental capacity to attend a public school, shall be found wandering in the streets or lanes of any city or incorporated village, idle and truant, without any lawful occupation,” such child and its parents were required to be brought before a magistrate for examination. The court possessed the power to put a parent under written obligation to cause such child to be sent to school for four months. Provision was also made in the Massachusetts and the New York law for the commitment of truants in suitable institutions. These laws were written upon the theory that children who were not truants did attend school and that it

was necessary to enact laws relating to the attendance of those children only who were truants. The experience of the States which first enacted truancy laws was that it was difficult to enforce such statutes because of defective machinery provided for their administration. These defects were gradually remedied and the laws gradually strengthened. The experience of the country also showed that laws aimed solely at truancy could not be effectively enforced. This experience further showed that a statute on this subject to be made effective must be a clean-cut law requiring every child within certain ages to attend upon instruction for a definite period of time.

The only American States which enacted a compulsory education law previous to the Civil War were Massachusetts and New York. In 1874 New York substituted an entirely new act for the act of 1853. This law was not denominated a law relating to school attendance or to truancy but it was given the following significant title, “An act to secure to children the benefits of elementary education.” It was mandatory in its terms. It required every parent and every guardian of a child between 8 and 14 years of age to require such child to attend school or receive instruction at home for 14 weeks each year and 8 weeks of this attendance must be consecutive. The law specified spelling, reading, writing, English grammar, geography and arithmetic as the subjects in which the children should receive instruction. Children were exempt from the provisions of the law for physical or mental unfitness. The law contained the required restrictions with penalties to prevent the employment of children in labor who had not received the instruction required thereunder. The act contained all the necessary provisions to make it effective except one and this one defective feature resulted in the act not being enforced; That one defect was the conferment of duties in the collection of fines for the enforcement of the law upon city treasurers and supervisors of towns. These officers were elected annually by the people and they were unwilling to incur the displeasure of their constituents and neighbors by the performance of a disagreeable duty in no way logically associated with the functions of the offices to which they had been elected.

The general trend of the development of public education in the United States, the settled policy in America that public education is a State function and that public policy requires the maintenance of public schools, the extension of public school work so as to include modern high school courses, and the further action of the several States in making these educational facilities free to every child in the land, inevitably meant that the authority of the State would be exercised to compel all children to attend school. If the welfare of society and the State depends upon an educated citizenship and if the State possesses the legal authority to tax the properly of all its citizens for the accomplishment of this result, then the State must also possess and must exercise the authority to compel the children who are to become its future citizens and upon whom its welfare in the future depends to attend upon the instruction provided for them.

Following the Civil War, which had

a liberal influence upon the country, there was a general development of educational systems in the several States on the principles above outlined. In this same period there was a great increase in the immigration of foreigners and there was a large development in manufacturing and industrial affairs. The use of the unskilled labor of children had grown to an alarming extent. These conditions created social and economic problems of vital importance. There was a general demand for more stringent laws regulating the employment of children and providing for their education. Labor unions which were honestly endeavoring to improve social conditions and to give to labor the protection and dignity to which it is entitled gave cordial support to measures intended to correct the evils growing out of these conditions. State and National conferences under the direction of labor commissioners and factory inspectors dealt courageously and effectively with the problem. The enforcement of child labor laws and truancy acts in certain States had the effect of driving families from these States to the States where such laws had not been enacted. The social and economic living standards were being lowered and this condition gradually became understood by the public generally. This fact became an effective agency which enabled society to cope with the ignorant and unscrupulous parent willing to impose improper burdens and even hardships upon his children for financial profit and with the greedy employer who was anxious to avail himself of the cheap labor obtainable through the employment of children. Thus we find that immigration, labor and the industries have been important factors in procuring the enactment of compulsory education laws.

The ordinance of the West India Company in New York in 1629, the decree of the General Court of Massachusetts in 1642, the enactment of the truancy laws of Massachusetts in 1850 and 1852 and the enactment of a similar law in New York in 1853, the amendments to the Massachusetts law in 1867 and 1873 and the new act in New York in 1874 show that these two States assumed the leadership in the attempt to enforce school attendance in America. The statutes of these States have been the models upon which attendance laws in the other States of the Union have been constructed.

There is now an effective compulsory attendance law upon the statute books of every State in the Union except Mississippi, and in Mississippi a compulsory attendance law, permissive in character, was enacted in 1918. The law confers upon the school authorities of any county in that State power to enforce compulsory attendance. The large number of illiterates in the country and the social and economic conditions existing because of the lack of these laws and of proper child labor laws aroused the public conscience and enabled the leaders of the nation who espoused social reforms to obtain the enactment of these laws. It was not, however, until within the last quarter of a century that these laws were made effective or were properly enforced. The official action of Governor Pattison of Pennsylvania in 1891 and in 1893 illustrates to some

extent the public feeling toward laws of this type. In those years he vetoed compulsory attendance measures upon the ground that they were un-American in principle and interfered with the personal liberties of the parent. The effect of the enactment of compulsory education laws in the American States has been to reduce rapidly and materially the number of illiterates in these States.

Compulsory attendance laws have generally been enacted in most of the Latin states of North America and in Central America but they have not been enforced. Such laws are practically dead letters in those countries.

England, Ireland, Scotland, France, Switzerland and the Netherlands have effective compulsory attendance laws, and they are generally well enforced in these countries. The compulsory ages are from five or six years of age to 13 or 14 years of age. Japan is the only country in Asia which has a compulsory education statute and such law applies to children between the ages of 6 and 12. While Italy has a compulsory education law its provisions are not enforced. This is also true of Turkey.

The Balkan states have each declared elementary education compulsory and some progress had been made previous to the outbreak of the War in their enforcement.

The number of illiterates in a country indicates to some degree the effectiveness of its compulsory education laws. In the countries having a military system requiring service from all men there will be found few illiterates. In these countries, however, an illiterate is given special instruction before he enters upon his military service. The mandatory features of the military training laws therefore are in effect compulsory education provisions.

The latest available statistics of certain European countries enforcing compulsory school attendance show the percentage of illiterates in the population of these countries to be as follows: German Empire, .03; Denmark, .2; Sweden, .3; Switzerland, .5; Netherlands, 1.4; Great Britain, 1.5; France, 2.97. On the other hand, the latest statistics available also show that in those countries not enforcing compulsory school attendance there are large percentages of the population who are illiterate. The percentage of illiterates of the whole population in such countries is as follows: Russia, 70; Spain, 59; Italy, 48; Hungary, 40; Austria, 26. The percentage of the population of certain European countries which are enrolled in the elementary schools is as follows: Russia, 2.5; France, 14.24; Great Britain, 16; Germany, 16.87. The general result in the European countries and in the American States has been that the adoption of an effective compulsory education law has greatly increased school attendance and rapidly reduced the number of illiterates.

Compulsory attendance laws have been in operation in Prussia for more than two centuries. Such laws and child labor laws have been more effectively enforced in all parts of the German Empire than in any other country in the world. Frederick the Great's general law of 1763 clearly asserts the principle of compulsory education. The law of 1794 reduces the terms of such statute to two very

simple provisions: First, “Every inhabitant who cannot or who will not provide the necessary instruction for his children in his own household is required to send them to school after completion of the fifth year.” Second, “The school instruction must be continued until a child in the discretion of his spiritual guide, has obtained the knowledge necessary for an intelligent person of his station in life.” The authority to determine the amount of instruction which a child shall receive was transferred in 1872 from the “spiritual guide” to the “school inspector.” In some of the German states the attendance of children upon school is controlled by regulation and not statute enactment. The Prussian Act of 1891 and the acts and regulations of the other German states, in relation to compulsory education and to child labor, are stringent measures and are rigidly enforced. There are practically no illiterates in Germany, and in many of the leading cities of that country the number of persons who do not complete the eight-year-elementary course of instruction is less than one-half of 1 per cent. The largest percentage of the population of the people in any country in the world which is in attendance upon school is in Germany.

There are two modern movements in connection with compulsory education statutes. These are for enforced attendance upon continuation schools and enforced attendance of adult illiterates upon evening or other schools. The forces most active in support of these schools are the mercantile and factory associations and organised labor. In many cases the large industrial and mercantile establishments have maintained continuation schools at their own expense for the education of their employees. In many of the German states and of the cantons of Switzerland, attendance upon continuation schools is compulsory for boys between the ages of 14 and 18, and for girls between the ages of 14 and 15.

The English education bill before Parliament seeks to establish compulsory attendance for all young persons under the age of 18. It provides for an increase in the number of secondary schools and for the establishment of part-time secondary schools. It provides that children between the ages of 14 and 18 shall not be employed in the industries unless they have attended a full-time secondary school until they become 17 years of age, or unless they attend a part-time secondary school for not less than nine hours per week.

There has been such a large increase in the number of adult illiterates in this country and the total number of such illiterates has assumed such proportions that there has been much public agitation for the enactment of a compulsory education law which will apply to these illiterates. There are more than 3,000,000 adult white illiterates in the country. Of course, the Congressional act of 1917 which prohibits illiterate immigrants from coming to this country has modified this proposition somewhat. The problem now is to educate the 3,000,000 adult illiterates which are in the country. Massachusetts has a law which compels all illiterate minors to attend upon instruction if they have not a knowledge of English sufficient to admit them to the fifth grade of a

public school. New Jersey also has taken advanced action on this subject. The most recent action, however, is the mandatory statutes enacted by the legislature of New York in 1918. Under this law, all illiterate minors are compelled to attend upon instruction. Penalties run against minors' parents and employers who do not conform to the provisions of the law.

The experience of America as well as the experience of the European countries shows that a compulsory attendance law to be effective and accomplish the results sought must contain the following provisions:

1. The law must be supervised by the State educational authorities. These authorities must be given broad powers in the disciplining of local officers who fail to perform their duties.

2. Each local administrative school unit must be charged with the responsibility of enforcing the law and with the authority to appoint and remove attendance officers. The local administration must be under the general direction of the school authorities and not the municipal authorities.

3. There must be a registration of all children above four years of age. The addresses of these children must also be recorded. School authorities must know the number of children becoming of school age each year, so as to make provision for their entrance in school. This registration must be constantly revised so that there shall be at all times an accurate record of the names, ages, addresses and parents of children within compulsory ages.

4. The attendance of children within the prescribed ages must be rigidly insisted upon. A child must be compelled to account for a single day's absence. Physical disability or some other reason equally satisfactory should be the only excuse for an absent pupil.

5. Attendance should be required from the time the child becomes of school age until the child has completed in a satisfactory manner the prescribed elementary school course.

6. Provision should be made for attendance upon co-operative continuation schools for a period of at least two years beyond the completion of the elementary course.

7. Provision should be made for the imposition of fines upon parents or guardians who fail to respect the law.

8. A city, town or school district which fails to enforce the law satisfactorily should be refused grants of State funds until said law is properly enforced.

9. Attendance laws should be operative during the entire period in which a public school is in session in a city or other local administrative unit.

10. These laws must contain restrictive provisions in relation to employment of children within compulsory ages in mercantile, manufacturing and other occupations.

11. In America, instruction in English in the entire curriculum for the compulsory attendance period should be mandatory, and the subjects in which instruction is required should be specified.

12. When instruction is given a child within compulsory ages at home or in a private or parochial school, such instruction must be substantially the equivalent of that given in the public school and by qualified teachers.

13. Attendance officers and other representatives of the school authorities must be given the right to enter shops, factories and other industrial and commercial places, to ascertain full information in relation to the employment of children, to determine whether or not employers violate the attendance and labor laws.

14. Provision should also be incorporated in such laws requiring all adults who are unable to speak and write the English language to attend evening or other schools until they have acquired such attainments.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Copsi


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Coram, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbaux, Marie Françoise Catherine Doetter


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbeil, William of


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbet, John (1594-1662)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbet, John (1620-1680)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbet, Miles


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbet, Reginald


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbet, Richard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbet, Robert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbet, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbett, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corbett, William


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text: Author:Thomas Edward Finegan

title: Author:Thomas Edward Finegan


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Schelling, Felix Emanuel

SCHELLING, shĕl'lĭng, Felix Emanuel, American educator: b. New Albany, Ind., 3 Sept. 1858. In 1881 he was graduated at the University of Pennsylvania, where he received the degree of LL.B. in 1883 and that of A.M. in 1884, and of Litt.D. in 1903 and LL.D. in 1909. Since 1893 he has been John Welsh Centennial professor of English literature at the University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Schelling is a member of the National Institute of Arts and Letters, of the American Philosophical Society and of the Modern Language Association of America. He has published ‘Literary and Verse Criticism of the Reign of Elizabeth’ (1891); ‘Life and Works of George Gascoigne’ (1893); ‘A Book of Elizabethan Lyrics’ (1896); ‘A Book of 17th Century Lyrics’ (1899); ‘The English Chronicle Play’ (1902); ‘The Queen's Progress and Other Elizabethan Sketches’ (1904); ‘History of Elizabethan Drama’ (1908); ‘English Literature during the Lifetime of Shakespeare’ (1910); ‘The Restoration Drama’ (Cambridge History of Literature, 1912); ‘The English Lyric’ (1913); ‘A History of English Drama’ (1914). He has edited ‘Ben Jonson's Discoveries’ (1892); ‘Eastward Ho and the Alchemist’ (1903); ‘The Merchant of Venice’ (1903); ‘Macbeth’ (1910); ‘Beaumont and Fletcher’ (1912).


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Rh IV

My first newspaper commissions came from the Press and adventure accompanied them—the adventure of business letters in my morning's mail, of proofs, of visits to the office—adventures that far too soon became the commonplaces of my busy days as journalist. But my outlook upon life in Philadelphia had, up till then, been bounded by the brick walls of a Spruce Street house, and the editorial office, that holds no surprise for me now, held nothing save surprise when I was first summoned to it. I was bewildered by the disorder, stunned by the noise—boys coming and going, letters and telegrams pouring in, piles of proofs mounting up on the desk, baskets overflowing with MSS., floors strewn with papers, machinery throbbing close by, a heavy smell of tobacco over everything, and in the midst of the confusion—lounging, working, answering questions, tearing open letters and telegrams, correcting proof, and yet managing to talk with me,—Moses P. Handy, the editor, a red man in my memory of him, red hair, red beard, red cheeks, whose cordiality I could not flatter myself was due to his eagerness for my contributions, so engrossed was he in talking of the Eastern Shore of Maryland from which he came and in which my family had made their prolonged stay on the way from Virginia to Philadelphia. The Eastern Shore may be a good place to come away from, but the native never forgets that he did come from it and he never fails to hail his fellow exile as brother.


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246 My next commission I owed to the Evening Telegraph, for which I made a remarkable journey to Atlantic City: a voyage of discovery, though the report of it did not paralyse the Philadelphia public. I was deeply impressed by my exercise of my faculty of observation thus tested on familiar ground, but I am afraid it left the Editor indifferent, and, as in his case the Eastern Shore was not a friendly link between us, he expressed no desire for a second article or for a second visit. I have regretted it since, the Editor being Clarke Davis, whom not to know was, I believe, not to have arrived so far in Philadelphia journalism as I liked to think I had.

A more remarkable journey followed to New York for I wish I could remember what paper; or perhaps it is just as well I cannot, the adventure adding to the reputation neither of the paper nor of myself. The object was to attend the press view of an important exhibition of paintings, and at that stage of my education I doubt if I could have told a Rembrandt from a Rubens, much less a Kenyon Cox from a Church, a Chase from a Blum, which was more immediately to the point. I had my punishment on the spot, for my hours in the Gallery may be counted the most humiliating of my life. My ignorance would not let me lose sight of it for one little second. J. had gone with me—how I came to know him I mean to tell further on—but he had no press ticket, a stern man at the door refused to admit him without one, and I was alone in my


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Rh to wrestle with it as I could. Had he not returned with me to Philadelphia in the afternoon and devoted the interval in the train to throwing light upon my obscure and agonised notes, my copy could not have been delivered that evening as agreed. I know now that the paper would have come out all the same the next morning, but in my misery it did not seem possible that it could, and besides I was from the first, as through my many years of journalism, scrupulous to be on time with my copy and to keep to my agreements. That was my first experience in art criticism. I have tried to atone for it by years of conscientious work, but few Philadelphia papers can say as much for themselves. In those I see from time to time, the art criticism usually reads as if Philadelphia editors had lost nothing of their old amiability in handing it over to young ladies to get their journalistic training on.

I was given also my chance in two newspaper ventures Philadelphia made in the early Eighteen-Eighties. One was the American, a weekly on the lines of the New York Nation. Mr. Howard Jenkins, the editor, sent me books for review, and not the first baby, not the first baby's first tooth, could be as extraordinary a phenomenon as the first book sent for the purpose from the editorial office. Mine, as I have never forgotten, as I never could forget, was Howard Pyle's Robin Hood, and when Mr. Jenkins wrote me that "Mr. Pyle's folks" were pleased with what I had written, I thought I had got to the very top of the tree


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250 of journalism. That I had got no further than a step from the bottom, and upon that had none too secure a foothold, I was reminded when the second book for review lay open before me.

The other venture was Our Continent, also a weekly, but illustrated, edited by Judge Tourgee. Of my contributions, I remember chiefly an article on Shop Windows, which suggests that I was busy with what I might call a more pretentious kind of reporting. My subjects and my manner of treating them may have been what they were,—of no special value to anybody but myself. But to myself I cannot exaggerate their value. I was learning from them all the time.

It was an education just to learn what a newspaper was. Heretofore I had accepted it as a thing that came of itself, arriving in the morning with the milk and the rolls for breakfast. I knew as little of its origin as the town boy knew of where the milk comes from in the Punch story that I do not doubt was old when Punch was young. Milk he had always seen poured from a can, our newspaper we had always had from the nearest news-agent. It was very simple. A newspaper appeared on the breakfast-table of a well-regulated Philadelphia house just as the water ran when the tap was turned on in the bath-room, or the gas burned when lit by a match. But after one article, after one visit to a newspaper office, after one journey to Atlantic City or New York, the newspaper did not seem so simple. I began to understand that it would not have


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Rh got as far as Spruce Street had it not been for an army of people writing, printing, correcting proof, tearing from one end of the town—of the world—to the other; without colossal machinery throbbing night and day, without an immeasurable consumption of tobacco. I began to understand the organization required to bring the army of people and the colossal machines into such perfect harmony that the daily miracle of the newspaper on the breakfast-table might be worked—to understand too that the miracle-working organization had not been created in a day, that behind the daily paper was not merely the toiling of its staff and its machines but a long history of striving, experiment, development.

I cannot say I went profoundly into the history, I was too engrossed in contributing my delightful share to the newspaper as it was, but to go superficially sufficed to show me in Philadelphia a spirit of enterprise altogether new to me. I had discovered only shortly before Philadelphia as the scene of the first Colonial Congress, and the Declaration of Independence, and the first big International Exposition in America, and now I added to these other discoveries the fact that Philadelphia had been the first American town to publish a daily paper, the last discovery bringing me face to face with Benjamin Franklin who, it appeared, besides flying that tiresome kite and being the ancestor of Mrs. Gillespie, was the first printer and publisher of the paper that set an example for all America. Tranquil the Philadelphian was by repute, but he rolled


text:
A Little Minister

 * Coates, Florence Earle (1903), "A Little Minister" in The Outlook (14 February 1903).
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1904), "A Little Minister" in Mine and Thine (1904).
 * Coates, Florence Earle (1916), "A Little Minister" in Poems I.

title: A Little Minister