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 , 30 Sept. 1831, Mary, eldest daughter of John Stuart, sheriff of Johnstown district, Upper Canada (she died in 1845). MacNab had four daughters, two by each wife. The elder daughter by his second wife is now Countess of Albemarle.

MACNAB, HENRY GRAY or GREY (1761–1823), publicist, was of Scottish extraction, but was born in England in 1761. He seems to have been connected with the Glasgow University, though he held no professorship, and was the friend and disciple of [q. v.] Visiting France on the conclusion of the treaty of Amiens, he was detained on the resumption of hostilities, and settled at Montpellier to continue his medical studies. On the restoration of peace he remained in France, but interested himself in education in England, adopting some of Robert Owen's ideas, and he corresponded with the Duke of Kent, at whose solicitation he prepared an educational scheme which he intended to put in practice by opening a school in London; but before his arrangements were matured he died in Paris, 3 Feb. 1823, leaving an only child, a daughter. He was buried at Pere la Chaise.

MacNab published:
 * 1) 'A Plan of Reform in English Schools,' Glasgow, 1786.
 * 2) 'Letters on the Coal Duty and Coal Supply,' London, 1793 and 1801.
 * 3) 'Analysis and Analogy in Education,' Paris, 1818.
 * 4) 'New Views of Mr. Owen impartially examined,' London, 1819.
 * 5) 'Observations on the State of the World,' London, 1820. He left incomplete a pamphlet on premature burial.

McNAB, WILLIAM RAMSAY, M.D. (1844–1889), botanist, born in 1844, was the only son of James McNab (1810–1878), who from 1849 to the time of his death was curator of the Royal Botanic Garden, Edinburgh, a post which his father (William McNab) had previously held since 1810. McNab, after acting as assistant to Professor [q. v.] at Edinburgh, and studying in Germany, graduated M.D. at Edinburgh in 1866. He began medical practice in 1867, but was appointed in 1870 to the professorship of natural history in the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester, and in the following year he was the first to introduce to British students the facts and methods of Sachs. In March 1872 he was appointed to the chair of botany in the Royal College of Science, Dublin, which he held till his death from heart disease, on 3 Dec. 1889. Besides other appointments Dr. McNab was scientific superintendent of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Glasnevin, Dublin, and at the time of his death was Swiney lecturer on geology at the British Museum. His style as a lecturer was precise, lucid, and simple. He was the author of numerous communications to various societies on all branches of botany. His more important papers were on ‘Experiments on the Movement of Water in Plants’ (‘Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy,’ vol. xxxv.); ‘On the Development of the Flowers of Welwitschia mirabilis’ (‘Transactions of the Linnean Society,’ vol. xxviii.); ‘Revision of the Species of Abies’ (‘Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy,’ ii. 11). He was also the author of two botanical class-books, ‘Outlines of Morphology and Physiology,’ and ‘Outlines of Classification’ (Longman's ‘London Science Series,’ 1878).

 or MACNAUGHTON, JOHN (d. 1761), criminal, was son of a gentleman seated at Benvarden, near Ballymoney, co. Antrim. The father died when his son was about six, leaving him an estate worth 500l. a year. He was educated at Dublin University, but does not appear to have graduated. At college his handsome figure and insinuating address attracted the notice of Sir Clotworthy Skeffington, fourth viscount Massereene, who introduced him to the best society. His passion for gaming soon involved him in debt, but he retrieved his fortune by marrying the sister of Lord Massereene's second wife, a daughter of Henry Eyre of Rowtor, Derbyshire, whose friends made him take an oath that he would play no more. About two years later, however, he returned to the gaming-table with more disastrous results than before. An attempt to arrest him for debt so alarmed his wife, who was lying-in, that she died soon afterwards. Reduced to distress, he obtained through Massereene's good offices the place of collector of the king's duty in Coleraine, co. Londonderry, worth about 200l. a year. He gambled away more than 800l. of the king's money, and in consequence lost his collectorship, and his estate was sequestered.

At this crisis Andrew Knox of Prehen, Londonderry, M.P. for Donegal, who had known Macnaughton from a child, invited him to his house, and he at once paid his ad-


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Braune, Theodor Wilhelm

BRAUNE, (1850—). A German philologist, born in Grossthiemig, Saxony. He graduated at the University of Leipzig, and afterwards served as professor of the German language and literature at the universities of Leipzig, Giessen, and Heidelberg. His published works include: Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Litteratur (1874-91); Neudrucke deutscher Litteraturwerke des 16ten und 17ten Jahrhunderts (1876); Althochdeutsches Lesebuch (1888).

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/McNab, William Ramsay


text: Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/The King's Son who feared Nothing


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 a diocese in which, by his own account, discipline had been unknown for full forty years, and not a single existing incumbent had his title registered. With great activity he threw himself into the work of visitation, introducing reforms with firm but kindly hand. In 1821, during George IV's visit to Dublin, he preached before the king, and was at once made dean of the vice-regal chapel. In the spring of 1822 the archbishopric of Cashel fell vacant, and was offered to Magee, but he declined it. Immediately afterwards the primate of Armagh died in London; the king suggested Magee as his successor, but Beresford was translated to Armagh, and Magee (1822) became archbishop of Dublin.

One of his first acts as archbishop was his inhibition of [q. v.] of the ‘Diegesis’ from preaching at Rathfarnham. In his primary charge (1822) Magee clearly indicated his view of the duty of the Irish establishment to make converts from Rome. He encouraged public theological discussions and polemical preaching, and succeeded in rousing great attention to the points of protestant controversy. In 1825, in examination before the select committee of the House of Lords on the state of Ireland, he claimed that the protestant propaganda was ‘in most active operation,’ and that ‘in Ireland the reformation may, strictly speaking, be truly said only now to have begun.’ Apart from his aggressive policy Magee rendered considerable services to the Irish church. He raised the standard of examination for orders, and encouraged the religious fervour of his clergy. From the Bible Society he held aloof on grounds of churchmanship, though he was by no means exclusive in his intercourse with dissenters. Of the ‘new reformation society’ he was a strong promoter. In 1827 he headed a deputation which presented to George IV a petition from the Irish bishops against the Emancipation Bill. Before returning to Dublin he visited [q. v.] at Barley Wood, near Bristol.

His health was broken, and in October 1829 a renewed attack of blood to the head seriously impaired his powers. It was falsely reported that his mind had given way. He visited North Wales in search of health, but his strength declined, and he died of paralysis on 18 Aug. 1831 at Stillorgan, near Dublin. He married in 1793 Elizabeth Moulson (d. 27 Sept. 1825), and had sixteen children, of whom three sons and nine daughters survived him. John (d. 1837), his eldest son, was vicar of St. Peter's, Drogheda, and was father of [q. v.] His fifth daughter married [q. v.], afterwards dean of Ripon.

Personally he was a man of fine temper and ready benevolence, charming in his domestic relations, unselfish and strictly impartial in the distribution of his patronage. Out of his archiepiscopal income of 7,000l., he devoted 2,000l. a year to charitable and diocesan uses, including the supply of curates to poor incumbents. His eloquence was not confined to the pulpit; [q. v.] compared his remarkable conversational powers to those of Pitt.

Besides sermons and charges he published:
 * 1) ‘Discourses on the Scriptural Doctrines of Atonement and Sacrifice,’ &c., 1801, 8vo, 2 vols.; 2nd edit., with title ‘Discourses and Dissertations,’ &c., Dublin, 1809, 8vo; 3rd edit. 1812, 8vo; 4th edit. 1816, 8vo, 3 vols.; also 1832, 1848, 1856.
 * 2) ‘Biographical Memoirs of … Thomas Percival, M.D.,’ &c., Manchester, 1804, 4to (reprinted from the ‘Monthly Magazine,’ 1804; while stating that Percival ‘steadily retained the principles of rational dissent,’ he describes him as ‘a Christian without guile,’ and with ‘scarcely one distinguishable failing’).

His ‘Works,’ 1842, 8vo, 2 vols., include only the ‘Discourses,’ sermons and charges, with ‘Memoir’ by [q. v.] A charge, in which he dealt with unitarians, called forth a remarkable letter (25 Sept. 1823) from, LL.D. [q. v.] Among his unpublished writings (described in ) were the Donnellan lectures and a work on Daniel, which he left for publication, after revision by, D.D. [q. v.]

MAGEE, WILLIAM CONNOR (1821–1891), successively bishop of Peterborough and archbishop of York, was eldest son of John Magee, librarian of the Cork Cathedral library and curate of the parish, afterwards vicar of Drogheda, prebendary of Raphoe (1825–9), and treasurer of St. Patrick's, Dublin (1831–7). His mother, Marianne, daughter of the Rev. John Ker, was of Scottish family. [q. v.], archbishop of Dublin, was his grandfather. He was born in the apartments adjoining the library of Cork Cathedral on 17 Dec. 1821. From childhood he received from his parents religious teaching of the old evangelical type. In 1832 he was sent to the classical school of Kilkenny, and in 1835, when only thirteen, he entered Trinity College, Dublin. He won a classical scholar-


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 ship there in 1838, and graduated B.A. in 1842, M.A. and B.D. in 1854. His father died in 1837, and he was left to follow his own tastes and pursuits. Although he won Archbishop King's divinity prize in 1841, and showed in the examination an exceptional knowledge of theology, he chiefly devoted himself to desultory reading, but a retentive memory enabled him to benefit to the full by any information he acquired. To his contemporaries he was best known as a ready debater. He successfully agitated for the re-establishment of the old ‘Historical Society’—an institution analogous to the Oxford Union—in Trinity College, and, becoming the first president, delivered an opening address, which gave abundant promise of his future eminence as an orator. At one period he thought of entering the medical profession, and actually walked the wards of a hospital, but he always intended to join the ministry. He accordingly received deacon's orders in Advent 1844 from the Bishop of Chester, and priest's orders from the Bishop of Tuam in the following year.

After two years' hard work (1844–6) as curate of St. Thomas's, a populous Dublin parish, he was attacked by an ailment of the throat, which compelled him to give up work and winter in the south of Spain. He spent two winters (1846–7) at Malaga, and the intervening summer at Ronda. Seville and Granada were visited, and he studied the Spanish language and literature.

On his return home in 1818 he accepted the curacy of St. Saviour's, Bath, and in 1850 became joint minister, and soon sole incumbent, of the Octagon, a proprietary chapel in Bath. In 1859 he was made an honorary canon of Wells. At Bath his reputation for eloquence and common sense had grown steadily. In May 1860 he was appointed perpetual curate of Quebec Chapel in London. He preached his first sermon there 7 Oct. A month later he was instituted to the Trinity College living of Enniskillen. His association with Quebec Chapel ended in March 1861. The large and populous parish of Enniskillen involved Magee in controversies, and he experienced the difficulties of parochial work.

Meanwhile Magee's sermons had attracted general attention in London. In 1860 he preached at Whitehall Chapel an ordination sermon, which was published as ‘The Gospel and the Age,’ and when in 1861 he issued a lecture on ‘The Voluntary System and the Established Church’ (three editions), he was widely acknowledged as a singularly able champion of the establishment. In 1860 his university conferred on him the degree of D.D. unsolicited and without fees. The Earl of Carlisle, while lord-lieutenant of Ireland, after two ineffectual attempts to induce the prime minister to give Magee a bishopric in Ireland, promoted him in 1864 to the deanery of Cork, which had been held by his grandfather forty years before. At Cork he took up his residence close to the house in which he had been born. In 1865 he was elected Donnellan lecturer at Trinity College. A year later (1866) he was also appointed dean of the Chapel Royal, Dublin, and he divided his time between the two deaneries of Cork and Dublin. The Church Congress was held in Dublin in 1868, and Magee's opening sermon in St. Patrick's Cathedral, on the ‘Breaking Net,’ was one of his greatest successes in the pulpit. In the same year he preached before the British Association at Norwich on ‘The Christian Theory of the Origin of the Christian Life,’ and a few months later he was promoted, on the recommendation of Mr. Disraeli, then prime minister, to the see of Peterborough. He was consecrated at Whitehall on 15 Nov. 1868.

On 15 June 1869 Magee made a celebrated speech in the House of Lords in opposition to the second reading of the bill for the disestablishment of the Irish church. He condemned the bill as unjust, impolitic, and against the verdict of the nation. The effort, which was loudly applauded, placed his fame as a parliamentary orator quite as high as his reputation as a preacher. Lord Salisbury stated publicly that he had heard from the greatest authorities that they considered it the finest speech ever delivered by any living man in either house of parliament. Although Magee was an active member of convocation, he intervened only at intervals in parliamentary debates, and then always with effect. When in 1876 Lord Shaftesbury was appealing to the bench of bishops for aid in procuring legislation for the absolute prohibition of the practice of vivisection, Magee, with characteristic readiness and freedom from fanaticism, explained his inability to lend his support in an unpremeditated speech of forty minutes' duration, in which he made effective use of his early study of medicine. He completely carried his hearers with him, although he offended the fanatical opponents of vivisection. Two measures which he introduced into the House of Lords he was not destined to see become law. One was for the regulation of ‘church patronage;’ the other was for protecting infant life by regulating ‘infant insurance,’ which he introduced a few months before his death.

Magee ruled the diocese of Peterborough wisely and vigorously, and although his strong hand occasionally provoked opposition and jealousy, his efficiency was appreciated by


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 both clergy and laity. He still preached with all his former spirit, and from 1880 to 1882 was select preacher in the university of Oxford. He received the honorary degree of D.C.L. at Oxford in 1870, and presided over the Church Congress at Leicester in 1880. A serious illness in 1883 evoked the widest sympathy not only in his diocese, but throughout the kingdom.

In January 1891 he was selected, with every sign of enthusiastic approval, to succeed Dr. [q. v.] as archbishop of York. He was enthroned in York Minster on 17 March, but he died while on a visit to London to attend a committee of the House of Lords on his Infant Insurance Bill, on 5 May following. He was buried on 9 May in the burial-ground of Peterborough Cathedral. Magee married, in August 1851, Ann Nisbitt, second daughter of Charles Smith, rector of Arklow. She, with three sons and three daughters, survived him. Two elder children died young.

Magee was one of the greatest orators and most brilliant controversialists of his day. In his oratory, which Lord Beaconsfield described as persuasive, clearness and terseness of expression were accompanied by withering power of sarcasm, much logical reasoning and humorous illustration, and his full-toned voice was capable of sounding every gradation of feeling. In private society his faculty of witty retort was exercised without restraint, and easily placed him in the first rank of conversationalists. Although his religious views were always of an evangelical tone, they broadened considerably in later years. He viewed with disfavour ritualistic prosecutions; but all fanatical excesses in religion were abhorrent to him. His faith was too robust to tolerate artificial aids to Christian virtue or belief. Yet his sincerity attracted the two extremes of thinkers, the unquestioning believer and the honest intellectual sceptic. He had little sympathy with the eccentricities of teetotal fanatics and other social reformers, and some remarks in his latest speeches that he would rather see England free than sober, and that under certain circumstances betting was not wholly sinful, led to much misconception, but were fully consistent with his masculine hatred of exaggeration and misapplied enthusiasm.

Magee was the author of many speeches and addresses, separately issued. His chief published collections of sermons were: He also issued in a series called ‘Helps to Belief,’ 1887, a volume on ‘The Atonement,’ 1887; and two further selections from his sermons, edited by C. S. Magee, called respectively ‘Christ the Light of all Scripture,’ 1892, and ‘Growth in Grace,’ 1891, with a volume of ‘Addresses and Speeches,’ 1892, appeared posthumously.
 * 1) ‘Sermons at St. Saviour's, Bath,’ 1852.
 * 2) ‘Sermons at the Octagon Chapel, Bath,’ 1852.
 * 3) ‘The Gospel and the Age,’ 1884.

MAGELLAN or MAGALHAENS, JEAN HYACINTHE (1723–1790), scientific investigator, was lineal descendant of the great Portuguese navigator, Ferdinando Magalhaens, who discovered in 1520 the passage to the Pacific Ocean through the straits bearing his name. He is said, indeed, to have been the navigator's great-grandson, but this is quite impossible (cf. Gent. Mag. 1790, pt. i. p. 184). He is also claimed as a near relative of Gabriel Magalhaens and of Antonio Magalhaens. The former, a well-known jesuit missionary, travelled over China from 1640 to 1648, till he was carried to the court of Pekin, where he resided till his death in 1677. The latter, Antonio Magalhaens, accompanied the papal legate, Mezzabarba, from China to Rome in 1721–6. De Magellan signed his letters ‘Jean Hyacinthe de Magellan,’ but his proper name was João Jacinto de Magalhães (see Biog. Universelle, xxvi. 113). Although Lisbon was his reputed birthplace, there is reason for supposing that he was born at Talavera in 1723. On the title-page of his translation of Cronstedt's ‘System of Mineralogy,’ 1788, he assumed the appellation ‘Talabrico-Lusitanus’ (ib. p. 120). He seems to have been brought up at Lisbon, where he became a monk of the order of St. Augustine, and was pursuing his studies in the Portuguese capital when the city was destroyed by the great earthquake of 1755, an event which he could never recollect without shuddering (Monthly Review, lix. 140). Magellan obtained a wide reputation as a student of chemistry and mineralogy and other branches of natural science. When forty years old he abandoned the monastic life in order to devote himself to wider philosophical research. About 1764 he appears to have reached England and was in communication with Da Costa of the Royal Society in 1766 (see, Illustrations of Literature, 1831, vi. 498), but for some time he acted as tutor to various young foreigners of distinction on continental tours, an occupation for which his powers as a linguist, in Latin and almost all modern European languages, specially


text:
Author:Robert Gaston Herbert

Works

 * The Air Service Boys over the Rhine. (1919)

title: Author:Robert Gaston Herbert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Magee, William Connor


text: Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/The Two Voices


text: Talk:Poems (Tennyson, 1843)/Volume 2/The Two Voices


text: Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/Donkey Cabbages


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Macdonell estate was resold successively to the Earl of Dudley (Lord Ward) in 1840 for 91,000l., and to Mr. Ellice of Glenquoich in 1860 for 120,000l.

 MACDONELL, JAMES (d. 1857), general, third son of Duncan Macdonnell, chief of Glengarry, and his wife, Marjory Grant, and brother of Colonel Alexander Ranaldson Macdonell of Glengarry [q. v.], entered the army as ensign in an independent company in 1793. He became lieutenant in the 78th Ross-shire buffs on its formation in 1794, captain-lieutenant in the old 101st (Colonel Fullarton's) the same year, and captain in the 17th light dragoons (now lancers) on 1 Dec. 1795, in which regiment he commanded a troop for nine years. In 1804 a new second battalion was formed for the 78th Ross-shire buffs at Fort George, of which Macdonell was appointed one of the majors. He was with the battalion under Sir John Moore at Hythe, and served with it in Naples and Sicily, including the descent on Calabria in 1806 and the battle of Maida (gold medal), and in the disastrous expedition to Egypt in 1807, where he distinguished himself by surprising a Turkish battery near Alexandria (, ii. 292-822). He became lieutenant-colonel in the 78th on 7 Sept. 1809, and was appointed to the Portuguese staff, but was recalled (, Wellington Desp. iii. 560). On 21 Feb. 1811 he was made lieutenant-colonel of 2nd garrison battalion, and on 8 Aug. of the same year he exchanged, as captain and lieutenant-colonel, into the Coldstream guards. He served with the 1st battalion Coldstream guards in the Peninsula from May 1812 to the end of January 1814, including the battles of Salamanca, Vittoria, Nivelle, and Nive (medal), and commanded the 2nd battalion of the regiment in North Holland from May to September 1814. He was made C.B. on 4 June 1815.

The night before the battle of Waterloo Macdonell was sent with some companies of his regiment and the 3rd (Scots) guards to occupy the chateau of Hougoumont, the garden and orchard of which were defended by other companies under Lord Saltoun [see, sixteenth ]. Macdonell received the Duke of Wellington's warm approbation for the determination with which he held that post—the key of the duke's position—during the overwhelming attacks of the French in the early part of the battle. On one occasion, when the French were forcing their way into the courtyard, Macdonell, with the help of some soldiers, closed the gates on them by sneer physical strength [see under Graham, James (1791-1845) (DNB00)]. For these services he was made K.C.B., and received the war medal.

Macdonell served in the Coldstream guards, of which he became regimental lieutenant-colonel and colonel in 1825, until he was promoted to major-general in 1830. He commanded the Armagh district from 1831 to 1838, and on leaving was presented by the inhabitants with a piece of plate. He commanded the brigade of guards sent out to Canada when Lord Durham [see Lambton, John George (DNB00)] was appointed governor-general there during the troubles of 1838. Macdonell succeeded to the command of the troops in Canada, which he held until promoted to lieutenant-general's rank in 1841. He became a full general in 1864, and was made G.C.B. in 1855. He was a K.C.H., had the decorations of Maria Theresa of Austria and St. Vladimir in Russia, and was colonel in succession of the 79th Cameron highlanders and 71st highland light infantry. Macdonell died in London on 16 May 1857.  MACDONELL, JAMES (1841–1879), journalist, born in 1841 at Dyce in Aberdeenshire, was eldest son of James Macdonell by his wife, Rachel Allardyce of Dyce. The father was of a Roman catholic family, which came originally from Glengarry in Inverness-shire. James, who showed intellectual gifts and predilections at an early age, was educated at Bell's school, Inverness, and at the parish schools of Dufftown and Rhynie. Owing to the death of his father (1858) he entered a mercantile office as clerk at the age of sixteen, but soon obtained other employment as a writer of leading articles in the ‘Aberdeen Free Press.’ In 1862 he went to Edinburgh on the staff of the ‘Daily Review.’ The brilliancy of his literary style attracted attention, and he was shortly afterwards invited to Newcastle to become, in spite of what he himself called his ‘extreme youthfulness,’ editor of the ‘Northern Daily Express.’ The newspaper rose rapidly under his guidance, and at twenty-two he found his services sought by two powerful editors—one of the ‘Scotsman,’ the other of the ‘Daily Telegraph.’ He joined


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Macdonlevy the latter, and for ten years (1865–75) he was member of its staff, and was sent to act as special correspondent to France in 1870 and in 1871.

In 1875 he joined the staff of the ‘Times’ as a leader writer. One of his colleagues spoke of his leaders as ‘complete and finished essays, perfectly polished literary gems.’ Another says: ‘His style was at once fluent and incisive. He had keen, analytical perception. His meaning was never obscure, and his information was peculiarly accurate. Not a constitutional problem could be mooted on either side of the Atlantic of which he did not seem to have made an especial study. Of French politics, in particular, he had a real mastery.’ Macdonell died suddenly, at his house in London, 2 March 1879, at the early age of thirty-seven.

He married in 1870 Annie Harrison, a niece of Mary Howitt, and there were three sons of the marriage. Their house became a meeting-place of the best representatives of liberal journalism. As a conversationalist Macdonell was both brilliant and instructive.

Between 1865 and 1875 Macdonell wrote frequently for ‘Fraser's Magazine,’ ‘North British Review,’ and ‘Macmillan's.’ An article in the ‘North British Review’ (December 1867) on the ‘Natural History of Morals,’ designed to refute Buckle's theory as to the stationary nature of morals, excited unusual attention. His last work, edited by his wife and published after his death (1880), ‘France since the First Empire,’ is only a brilliant fragment; but it remains one of the most accurate and discriminating works on modern French politics.

 MACDONLEVY, CORMAC (fl. 1459), physician, called in Irish MacDuinntshleibhe, was descended from the royal family of Ulidia, who were driven from their kingdom by John de Courcy [q. v.], and settled in Kilmacrenan, co. Donegal, about 1200, where they became hereditary physicians to the O'Donnells. Muiris MacDonlevy (d. 1395), son of Paul, who is called ' ollamh leighis chenel conaill,' professor of physic of the tribe of Conaill, i.e. of O'Donnell and his neighbours, is the first physician of the family mentioned in the chronicles. Cormac calls himself ' baisiller a fisighecht,' bachelor of medicine (Arundel MS. 883, fol. 113 b, in British Museum), and was a physician of the Arabian school. He travelled through Ireland in 1459, wrote at Cloyne, co. Cork (Sari. MS. 546, fol. 11), a translation into Irish of Gualterus on the doses of medicine, of which the original holograph copy is in the British Museum Library, 546 in the Harleian collection. He also translated into Irish a treatise on the organs of animals from Isaac's ' De Dietis,' a well-known mediaeval treatise. His original manuscript is in the British Museum, Arundel 333. He writes a clear, rather square Irish hand, using numerous contractions. He had read Gadaesden, Gordonius the Arabian, and Galen.

Subsequent members of the family mentioned in the ' Irish Annals ' are :

Donnchadh MacDonlevy, M.D. (d. 1526), physician, son of Eoghan, famous for his general learning and wealth. He died 30 Sept. 1526.

Eoghan MacDonlevy, M.D. (d. 1586), physician, son of Donnchadh, was believed to be the best physician of his time in Ireland, and was also famous for his general learning.

As the family originally came from Ulidia, the lesser Uladh, or Ulster, the members of it are often called in Irish writings, instead of MacDonlevy, Ultach, that is, Ulsterman, and from this the name of MacNulty, Mac an Ultaigh, son of the Ulsterman, is derived.

 MACDONNELL, ALEXANDER or ALASTER (d. 1647), major-general. [See .]

MACDONNELL, ALEXANDER (1798–1835), chess-player, the son of Alexander Macdonnell (d. 21 April 1843), a Belfast physician, born at Belfast in 1798, was bred to a mercantile life, and carried on an extensive business at Demerara between 1820 and 1830. He wrote several able pamphlets on economic questions, and was soon after 1830 appointed secretary to the West India Committee of Merchants, his duties being to watch the progress of bills connected with the West Indies through parliament. He was trained as a chess-player by William Lewis (1787-1870) [q. v.], but, having got over the odds of 'pawn and move,' Lewis refused to meet him on equal terms, and from the foundation of the Westminster Chess Club in 1833 Macdonnell was tacitly admitted to be the best English player. In June 1834 Louis Charles Mahe de Labourdonnais, secretary of the Paris Chess Club, and a pupil of the old French champion, Des Chapelles,


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Macdonell, James (1841-1879)


text: Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/The Old Woman in the Wood


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Braunsberg

BRAUNSBERG, brouns'bĕrK (earlier Brunsberg). A town of East Prussia, in the administrative district of Königsberg, about 35 miles southwest of the city of that name (Map: Prussia, J 1). It is situated on the Passarge, five miles from its junction with the Frische Haff. It contains a Catholic seminary and gymnasium, and the Lyceum Hosianum founded by Bishop Hosius in 1568. It has a large number of manufactories, the principal articles being soap, leather, and feltware. It has also a trade in grain and flax. It has regular steamship communication with Pillau and Königsberg. The town was founded about 1251 by the Teutonic Knights. It has belonged to Prussia since 1772. Population, in 1890, 10,851; in 1900, 12,497.


text:
Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/The Three Brothers

Die drei Brüder (1857) Elektitaj fabeloj de la Fratoj Grimm/Tri fratoj Contos de Grimm/Os três irmãos Три брата (Гримм/Полевой)


text:
Author:Charles James Apperley

Works

 * The Chase, the Road and the Turf (1837)

title: Author:Charles James Apperley


text: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 7

title: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 7


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Rh for two or three ships to be in company at sea, each striving to outsail the others. As we have seen, the Flying Fish won the race this year, and from one of the finest fleets of clippers that ever sailed from New York. The match between her and the John Gilpin was exceedingly close, and taken altogether was one of the best ever sailed upon this famous ocean course, the Derby of the sea. It was Samuel Hall against Donald McKay, Justin Doane against Edward Nickels, and all against the fleet.

The John Gilpin sailed out past Sandy Hook, October 29, 1852, followed by the Flying Fish on November 1st, and before the green Highlands of Neversink had disappeared below the horizon both ships were under a cloud of canvas. The Flying Fish fanned along through the doldrums and crossed the equator 21 days from Sandy Hook, leading the John Gilpin by one day. From the line to 50° S., the John Gilpin made the run in 23 days, passing the Flying Fish and getting a clear lead of two days. The Flying Fish did some fine sailing here; dashing through the Straits of Le Maire, she came up alongside the John Gilpin just off the Horn, and Nickels, ever famous for his jovial good-cheer, invited Doane to come aboard and dine with him, "which invitation," the John Gilpin's log-book ruefully records, "I was reluctantly obliged to decline." This is perhaps the only instance of an invitation to dine out being received off Cape Horn. Few men have had the opportunity to extend such unique hospitality and certainly none could do so more heartily and gracefully than the famous

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226 of the Flying Fish. His vessel made the run from 50° S. in the Atlantic to 50° S. in the Pacific in 7 days, leading her rival by two days. From this point to the equator, the Flying Fish was 19 and the John Gilpin 20 days. From here the John Gilpin showed remarkable speed, making the run to San Francisco in 15 days, a total of 93 days, closely followed by the Flying Fish, 92 days from Sandy Hook. Their abstract logs are as follows:

When we reflect that this match was sailed over a course of some 15,000 miles, and that the difference of time was only twenty-four hours, one is impressed with the perfection to which the models of the vessels had been brought, as well as the exactness of the data relating to the winds and currents that had been gathered and reduced to a system by Maury, and with the skill of their captains, who were guided by his charts and sailing directions. The average difference of sailing between these two ships was less than six seconds per mile over the entire distance. Few races over thirty-mile courses have been sailed by yachts more evenly matched.

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HE world has seldom witnessed so gigantic a migration of human beings, by land and sea, from every quarter of the globe, as that which poured into California in 1848 and the years following. San Francisco, from a drowsy Mexican trading station, composed of a cluster of some fifty mud huts, adobe dwellings, and hide houses, situated upon a magnificent bay with lofty mountains in the distance, occasionally enlivened by the visit of a New Bedford or Nantucket whale ship in need of wood and water, or a Boston hide droger which took away tallow, hides, and horns, suddenly became one of the great seaports of the world.

From April 1, 1847, to the same date in 1848, two ships, one barque and one brig arrived at San Francisco from Atlantic ports, and in the course of this year nine American whalers called in there. In 1849, 775 vessels cleared from Atlantic ports for San Francisco; 242 ships, 218 barques, 170 brigs, 132 schooners, and 12 steamers. New York sent 214 vessels, Boston 151, New Bedford 42, Baltimore 38, New Orleans 32, Philadelphia 31, Salem 23, Bath 19, Bangor 18, New London 17, Providence 11, Eastport 10, and Nantucket 8. Almost every

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Rh seaport along the Atlantic coast, sent one or more vessels, and they all carried passengers. The schooner Eureka sailed from Cleveland, Ohio, for San Francisco via the River St. Lawrence, September 28, 1849, and carried fifty-three passengers, among whom were two families from Cleveland. Many of these vessels never reached California; some of them put into ports of refuge disabled and in distress; while others were never heard from. Most of the ships that did arrive at San Francisco made long, weary voyages, their passengers and crews suffering sore hardships and privations.

In the year 1849, 91,405 passengers landed at San Francisco from various ports of the world, of almost every nationality under the sun and representing some of the best and some of the worst types of men and women. The officers and crews, with hardly an exception, hurried to the mines, leaving their ships to take care of themselves; in some instances the crews did not even wait long enough to stow the sails and be paid off, so keen were they to join the wild race for gold. Many of these vessels never left the harbor; over one hundred were turned into store ships, while others were converted into hotels, hospitals, and prisons, or gradually perished by decay.

The first vessel, and one of the few of the California fleet of 1849, which escaped from San Francisco, was the ship South Carolina. This vessel sailed from New York, January 24, 1849, and returned via Valparaiso with a cargo of copper to Boston, where she arrived February 20, 1850, after a voyage out and home of some thirteen months.

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Rh On board the R. B. Forbes the safety valve was lifting, with steam at thirty pounds pressure murmuring in protest to the breeze. There was great joy on board the Witch of the Wave, with clapping of hands and waving of handkerchiefs, while the band struck up "A Life on the Ocean Wave." The log was hove, and she took nine and one half knots off the reel. The topsail yards were then lowered on the caps, and the reef tackles hauled out, yet with only this small canvas, the R. B. Forbes did not have much towing to do.

After rounding Thacher's Island, a banquet was served on tables in the between-decks, which were decorated with the ensigns of all nations, and at the close of the entertainment speeches were made by E. H. Derby, a grandson of Salem's great merchant of that name, Charles H. Parker, Henry N. Hooper, and the Hon. Charles W. Upham; then the following resolution was adopted with hearty cheers:

"Ship Witch of the Wave, "Off Salem Light, May 2, 1851.

"At a meeting of invited guests, held this afternoon, it was unanimously

"Resolved—That the ladies and gentlemen here assembled gratefully acknowledge the courtesy, kindness, and generous hospitality of Captain John Bertram and the other owners of the Witch of the Wave, on this festive day, and tender their best wishes for the success of this noble vessel.

"E. H. D, Chairman.

", Secretary."

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102 A letter from San Francisco to the New York Herald, dated February 28, 1850, states that wages for seamen were then from $125 to $200 per month. There used to be a humorous yarn spun among seamen to the effect that during the "flush times," as those glorious days of the gold fever were called, sailors required a captain to produce a recommendation from his last crew before they would ship with him or sign articles. However this may be, it is a fact that as late as 1854, it was so difficult to induce crews to leave San Francisco that captains were frequently obliged to ship men out of jail, whether they were sailors or not, in order to get their ships to sea.

The gold mines exerted an irresistible attraction, and for a time the town was almost deserted, except for those passing through on their way to and from the mines. By degrees, however, it became apparent to some that more gold-dust was to be collected at San Francisco in business than by digging among the mountains, and with admirable energy they set about transforming this lawless camp into a prosperous trading city.

Prior to 1848, California had been for all practical purposes almost uninhabited, and now was utterly unable to provide for the needs of her vastly increased population. The newcomers produced plenty of gold, but nothing else, and they frequently found themselves on the brink of starvation. They were too busy with pick and shovel to contribute anything in the form of manufactures or supplies, so that the most ordinary articles of every-day use, to say nothing of comforts and luxuries, had to be

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172

The guests were landed in boats at Phillips's wharf, in time to reach their homes by the early evening trains, and on the following day the R. B. Forbes towed the Witch of the Wave to Boston, where she loaded in Glidden & Williams's Line for San Francisco, under the command of Captain J. Hardy Millett.

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Rh brought from places thousands of miles distant. This precarious means of supply, together with the enormous and reckless purchasing power developed by the rapid production of gold from the mines, naturally created a speculative and artificial standard of values, and goods of every description sold for fabulous amounts: Beef, pork, and flour brought from $40 to $60 per barrel; tea, coffee, and sugar, $4 a pound; spirits, $10 to $40 a quart; playing-cards, $5 a pack; cowhide boots, $45 a pair; picks and shovels from $5 to $15 each; wooden and tin bowls from $2.50 to $7.50 each; laudanum, $1 a drop, and so on. These were by no means high prices for stevedores and laborers receiving from $20 to $30 a day, and miners who were making anywhere from $100 to $1000 a day washing dirt at the mines.

An idea of the amount of gold produced may be gained from the fact that the Pacific Mail Company, whose first steamship, the California, arrived at San Francisco via the Straits of Magellan, February 28, 1849, had by the end of 1852 shipped gold from that city to the value of $121,766,425.

The speculators and shippers of merchandise in the Eastern States were as deeply interested in the output of the mines of California as the gold diggers themselves. No one could predict how long this state of affairs would continue; with them speed meant everything; a week or even a day's delay might result in heavy losses, or what was to them the same thing, failure to reap large profits. They could not send their goods across the continent, and the Pacific Mail Company had all that it could

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Mary II, i. 137 n.) After a tempestuous journey they arrived at Ter-Heyde, whence they immediately repaired to Honslardyke, the favourite country seat of the Princes of Orange (, p. 12). Their formal entry at the Hague was delayed till 14 Dec.

Mary was accompanied to Holland by two of the daughters of Lady Frances Villiers, Elizabeth and Anne, and by her favourite, Anne Trelawney, afterwards dismissed from her service by "William. Another of her maids of honour was Jane Wroth, whom Zulestein first seduced and then married. Surrounded by these giddy girls, and at times, as appears from her correspondence, herself not disinclined to take part in their merriment, Mary appears from the first to have maintained perfect sobriety of conduct in her new home. Dr. Hooper (derisively called 'Papa' or 'Pater' Hooper, subsequently bishop of Bath and Wells), who succeeded Dr. Lloyd (afterwards bishop of Worcester) as one of her chaplains, left a detailed account of her way of life, in which he avers that during the eighteen months of his attendance upon her he never saw her do, or heard her say, a thing that he could have wished she would not. The solitary rumour to her discredit which reached the anxious ears of Dr. Lake in England was that she had resumed a habit, from which he had formerly advised her to desist, of sometimes playing cards on Sundays. He was hardly less perturbed, however, on learning that she occasionally worshipped at the English nonconformist church maintained by the States-General at the Hague (, Diary, pp. 22, 26; cf., i. ' 146).

Her usual residence was the well-known 'House in the Wood,' near the Hasrue. In the capital itself, wtiere her uncle Clarendon resided for a short time as English ambassador, she only took up her residence on state occasions. The palace at the Loo, near Apeldoorn, of which she laid the foundation-stone, was not erected till 1680. The loneliness of the earlier years of her married life is illustrated by the statement that she felt at liberty to fit up her chapel in her dining-room, as her husband never dined with her (ib. i. 141 ). Doubtless her character was only gradually forming, and she had not as yet found in religion a panacea for her troubles. The Prince of Orange, though he received her stepmother and sister with much courtesy on their visit to the Hague in the autumn of 1678, continued to show his wife the utmost coldness. The marriage remained childless, Mary's expectations having been disappointed early in 1678, and again in 1670; in the latter year the Dutch climate subjected her to an attack of the ague, and she was sent, under the care of the younger Dr. Drelincourt, to Aix-la-Chapelle (Clarendon Correspondence, i. 42 ; cf., p. 109). Her ailment may have contributed to William's indifference, to which he gave publicity by establishing Elizabeth Villiers as his mistress. The prince was preoccupied by politics, for which Mary confessed she had no taste. By no fault of her own, moreover, she was much pinched for money ; of her marriage portion of 40,000l. only half seems to have been paid to her, and her father neither made her an allowance nor gave her the customary presents of jewellery (, iii. 1 33). thus her whole annual income amounted to less than 4,000l'., a tithe of the sum afterwards allowed by James II to the Princess Anne (, pp. 107-8; Clarendon Correspondence, i. 20; cf., ii. 408. In 1686 an annual income of 25,000l. seems to have been settled upon Mary by the States-General in return for a loan from William III ; see Ellis Correspondence, i. 188).

The Duke of York early in 1679 paid a visit to his daughter at the Hague, and after a sojourn in Aix-la-Chapelle she received visits from Monmouth (27 Sept.) and from the Duke and Duchess of York with Princess Anne (6 Oct.) It was Mary's last meeting with her father. With her stepmother she seems to have been on terms of playful familiarity (the duchess addressed her as her 'dear Lemon;' see, x. 298). Princess Anne was on this occasion accompanied by Lady Churchill, between whom and Mary it is possible that the seeds of an enduring antipathy were now sown (ib. p. 301).

In March and April 1680 Mary suffered from a severe illness, and was at one time thought unlikely to recover (, ii. 3). Ken, who was now her chaplain, and who, notwithstanding her latitudinarian tendencies, took a warm interest in her, was so much grieved by her husband's unkindness to her that he resolved at any risk to remonstrate with him on the subject. Both Ken and Sir Gabriel Sylvius would have liked her to pay a visit to England (ib. pp. 19-20, 26-7, 53; cf., i. 125, 146, 150). D'Avaux, too, who was French ambassador at the Hague about 1682-4, has left a minute account of the dreary way in which she ordinarily spent her days (, x. 323-6). But in the midst of these trials the noblest elements in her nature were beginning to assert themselves ; and by her cheerful submissiveness, the product of a natural sweetness of disposition and of a sense of duty matured by the habit of


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104 attend to in conveying passengers and the mails across the Isthmus; so that the only means of transportation from the Atlantic States to San Francisco was round Cape Horn. Under these circumstances one can easily understand how the rates of freight advanced to extravagant figures, and created a demand under which the California clippers came into existence.

In these days of thrifty transportation by sea, when coal shovels have superseded watch-tackles, and ship-owners are expected to look cheerful with steamship rates at $14.00 a ton from New York to San Francisco, and $12.00 a ton from New York to Melbourne or Hong-kong, the rates of freight that the clipper ships earned from. New York to San Francisco seem almost incredible. In 1850 the Samuel Russell received $1.50 per cubic foot, or $60 per ton of 40 cubic feet. She registered 940 tons, and being a very sharp ship would probably carry not more than 1200 tons of California cargo. But even so, her freight would amount to $72,000, or a little more than her first cost ready for sea. The other clippers at first received the same rate, but by degrees, as they increased in tonnage and in number, the rates of freight declined to $50 per ton, and then to $40 where they remained for a considerable time.

The California clipper period covers the years 1850-1860, during the first four of which nearly all of these famous ships, numbering one hundred and sixty, were built. (See Appendix I.) Most of them were launched at or near New York and Boston, though some were built elsewhere, Richmond,

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text:
Genius Loci

 * "Genius Loci", poem by Richard Aldington
 * "Genius Loci" short story by Clark Ashton Smith (may still be under copyright)

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Rh Baltimore, Mystic, Medford, Newburyport, Portsmouth, Portland, Rockland, Bath, and other ports, contributing to the fleet. These splendid ships—the swiftest sailing vessels that the world has even seen or is likely ever to see—sailed their great ocean matches for the stake of commercial supremacy and the championship of the seas, over courses encircling the globe, and their records, made more than half a century ago, still stand unsurpassed.

After carrying their cargoes to California at the enormous rates we have given, these ships would return round Cape Horn in ballast for another cargo at the same rate, as they could well afford to do, or would cross the Pacific in ballast and load tea for London or New York. Many of them more than cleared their original cost in less than one year, during a voyage round the globe, after deducting all expenses.

The central points about which the great ship-owning interests collected were New York and Boston. Here, too, were the most famous shipyards. All along the harbor front at East Boston and the water-front of the East River from Pike Street to the foot of Tenth Street, New York, were to be seen splendid clipper ships in every stage of construction; and beside the ship-building yards, there were rigging-lofts, sail-lofts, the shops of boat-builders, block and pump-makers, painters, carvers, and gilders, iron, brass, and copper workers, mast and spar-makers, and ship stores of all kinds, where everything required on shipboard, from a palm and needle, a marlinspike or a ball of spun yarn, to

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106 anchors and chains, was to be found. The shipyards were great thriving hives of industry, where hundreds of sledge-hammers, top mauls, and caulking mallets, swung by the arms of skilful American mechanics, rung out a mighty chorus, and the fresh odor of rough-hewn timber, seething Carolina pitch, and Stockholm tar filled the air with healthful fragrance. They were unique and interesting localities, the like of which have never existed elsewhere—now long passed away and all but forgotten.

The principal shipping merchants in New York were William T. Coleman & Co., Wells & Emanuel, Sutton & Co., John I. Earl, and James Smith & Son, all of whom managed San Francisco lines and usually had one or more clippers on the berth, loading night and day for California. The old Piers 8, 9, and 10, along the East River, were scenes of great activity, and throngs of people visited them to see these ships. At all the seaports along the Atlantic coast, almost every one knew something and most persons knew a good deal about ships. They were a matter of great importance to the community, for as late as 1860, nearly all the large fortunes in the United States had been made in shipping.

The captains and officers of the California clippers were as a class men of integrity, energy, and skill, nearly all of them being of the best Pilgrim and Puritan stock of New England, and trained to the sea from boyhood. Many of them were the sons of merchants and professional men, well known and respected in the communities in which they lived. Their ships carried large crews, besides being fitted with every appliance for saving labor: fly-wheel

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Mary II devotional exercises and by the religious influences around her, she was gaining the hearts of the Dutch people. During a visit paid by her with the prince to Amsterdam in February 1681 the enthusiasm excited by her seems to have been extreme (Sir L. Jenkins to Savile, in Saviie Correspondence, ed. W. D. Cooper, Camd. Soc, 1857). The popularity which she thus acquired she never lost, and William afterwards freely confessed that it exceeded his own (, iv. 6). In return she conceived a lasting affection for the Dutch (, iii. 123; Countess Bentinck, pp. 119 et al. ; and see ib. p. 141). She acquired the Dutch language, at all events sufficiently well to be able to write a letter in it (, iii. 87).

The relations between Mary and her father remained apparently unaltered before his accession to the throne, though the marriage in 1683 of her sister Anne to Prince George of Denmark, a state then in alliance with France, was widely looked upon as a counter-stroke to the Dutch match (, ii. 416 seqq.) Even in 1684 the Duke of York, when asking Mary to remonstrate with the prince for his civilities to Monmouth and other ' mortal enemies ' of her father, acknowledges her own abstention from politics (, ii. 1, 70). When, however, Monmouth came to the Hague in January 1685, Mary, sure of her husband's approval, made no secret of the pleasure she took in their visitor's company on the ice and elsewhere (see the well-known description, founded by Macaulay, i. 527, on Birch s Extracts ; cf., x. 327). On James II's accession, which he notified to Mary in very kind terms, Monmouth had to be speedily dismissed. The tension between the two courts created by his fatal expedition was further increased by the indiscretion of Skelton, James's ambassador at the Hague. Dr. Coveil, Ken's successor as chaplain to the princess, informed Skelton that the prince's infidelities were breaking her heart (Clarendon Correspondence, i. 163-6). Macaulay's conjecture (ii. 172-3) that William was already at this date jealous of his wife's position with regard to the English succession, while her political ignorance prevented her from penetrating to the cause of his dissatisfaction, rests on the narrative of Burnet, who, according to his own statement, heroically solved the difficulty. Having arrived in Holland in the summer of 1686, Burnet, though virtually a fugitive, was at once received by the prince and princess, and after gaining her confidence by making known to her a design for the assassination of her husband, was allowed to discuss with her the general situation. The result was that in his presence she promised the prince that he should always bear rule, only exacting a promise of affection in return (Own Time, iii. 131 seqq.) Dartmouth's view (ib. p. 139 note), that before he would engage in the attempt upon England the prince had instructed Burnet to obtain this promise from the princess, has only too much probability. Macaulay (ib. 179) has persuaded himself that henceforth 'entire confidence and friendship' prevailed between William and Mary ; but it must be noted that Elizabeth Villiers's ascendency over the prince continued throughout the life of his wife, who herself alludes to the connection (, p. 42). As for Burnet, when in 1687 James II had twice written to Mary to insist on his being forbidden her court, the demand was obeyed ; nor did she see him again till a few days before William sailed for England (Own Time, iii. 173). To the specious representations of her father's new envoy, D'Albeville, Mary is said by Burnet (ib. pp. 177-8) to have replied with so much fairness that he described her as in these matters more intractable than her husband. Unmoved by the written or spoken eloquence of her father's emissary, Penn, she consistently supported all the remonstrances addressed by William to James through D'Albeville and Dykvelt on the Declaration of Indulgence (1687) (ib. p. 173 ; cf., ii. 232; Mazure, ii. 199). Hitherto James had shown Mary scant tenderness ; he had rejected her intercession on behalf of Bishop Compton when arraigned before the court of high commission (, ii. 408), and had turned a deaf ear to her solicitation that he should use his influence with Louis XIV to prevent the seizure of the principality of Orange — a refusal which seems to have rankled deeply in her mind (, iii. 16o). On 4 Nov. 1687, taking advantage of a question put by Mary to D'Albeville, James addressed to her an elaborate letter on the grounds of his conversion to Rome, which the ambassador delivered to her at Christmas, with a message requesting her free comments. She in reply argued the whole question with ability and candour, ending with a fervent declaration of her conviction as to the truth of the protestant faith, and of her resolution to adhere to it (both letters are printed by Countess Bentinck, pp. 4-17). James retorted by recommending his daughter to read certain controversial books, and to discuss the subject in detail with Father Morgan, an English Jesuit then at the Hague. On 17 Feb. 1688 she answered that while taking the former she declined the latter advice (ib. pp. 18-24);


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Rh pumps, gypsy winches, gun-metal roller bushes in the sheaves of the brace, reef tackle and halliard blocks, geared capstans, and plenty of the best stores and provisions, with spare spars, sails, blocks, and rigging in abundance. The owners fitted out their vessels with rational economy and looked to their captains, whom they rewarded liberally, to see that nothing was wasted and that the ships performed their voyages quickly and well.

There was no allowance of food, as on British ships, on board the American clippers; a barrel of beef, pork, bread, or flour was supposed to last about so many days, according to the ship's company; a little more or less did not matter. The water was in charge of the carpenter, and was usually carried in an iron tank which rested on the keelson abaft the mainmast and came up to the main deck. This tank was in the form of a cylinder, and held from three to four thousand gallons; some of the larger ships carried their water in two of these tanks. Each morning at sea, water equal to one gallon for every person on board was pumped out of the tank and placed in a scuttlebutt on deck; the carpenter then made a report of the number of gallons remaining in the tank to the chief officer, who entered it in the log-book. During the day the crew took the water they needed from the scuttle-butt, the cook and steward what they required for the galley and aft; and while there was no stint, woe to the man who wasted fresh water at sea in those days, for if he managed to escape the just wrath of the officers, his shipmates were pretty sure to take care of him. The salt

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108 beef and pork were kept in a harness cask abaft the mainmast, and when a fresh barrel of provisions was to be opened, the harness cask was scrubbed and scalded out with boiling water, and so was always sweet and clean. The cooks and stewards were almost invariably negroes, and it is to be regretted that there are not more like them at the present time—especially the cooks. "Plenty of work, plenty to eat, and good pay," is what sailor-men used to say of American clippers, the sort of ships on board of which good seamen liked to sail.

The forecastle on board the old type of vessels was in the forepeak, below the main deck, a damp, ill-ventilated hole, but in the California clippers it was in a large house on deck between the fore and main-masts, divided fore and aft amidships by a bulkhead, so that each watch had a separate forecastle, well ventilated and with plenty of light. There was nothing to prevent a crew from being comfortable enough; it depended entirely upon themselves. Indeed, there were no ships afloat at that period where the crews were so well paid and cared for as on board the American clippers. Seamen who knew their duties and were willing to perform them fared far better than on board the ships of any other nationality.

Perhaps, the most marked difference between American merchant ships and those of other nations was in regard to the use of wine and spirits. On board British ships grog was served out regularly to the men before the mast, and the captain and officers were allowed wine money. Nothing of this sort was permitted on American vessels. Robert

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User:Elekhh

Hi, my main userpage is at the English Wikipedia.

title: User:Elekhh


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Rh Minturn, of the firm of Grinnell, Minturn & Co., in his evidence before a parliamentary committee in 1848, stated that teetotalism not only was encouraged by American ship-owners, but actually earned a bonus from underwriters, who offered a return of ten per cent of the insurance premium upon voyages performed without the consumption of spirits. On board the packet ships and other vessels which carried passengers, there was always wine on the captain's table, but the captain and officers rarely made use of it. The sailors were allowed plenty of hot coffee, night or day, in heavy weather, but grog was unknown on board American merchant ships.

In those days, after a New York clipper had finished loading, it was the custom for her to drop down the East River and anchor off Battery Park, then a fashionable resort, where she would remain for a few hours to take her crew on board and usually to ship from five to ten tons of gunpowder, a part of her cargo that was stowed in the main hatch, to be easily handled in case of fire. Towboats were not as plentiful in New York harbor as at present, and unless the wind was ahead or calm, the clippers seldom made use of them, for with a leading breeze these ships would sail to and from Sandy Hook much faster than they could be towed. One of the clippers getting under way off Battery Park was a beautiful sight, and an event in which a large part of the community was interested.

The people who gathered at Battery Park to see a clipper ship get under way, came partly to hear the sailors sing their sea songs, or chanties, which

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110 were an important part of sea life in those days, giving a zest and cheeriness on shipboard, which nothing else could supply. It used to be said that a good chanty man was worth four men in a watch, and this was true, for when a crew knocked off chantying, there was something wrong—the ship seemed lifeless. These songs originated early in the nineteenth century, with the negro stevedores at Mobile and New Orleans, who sung them while screwing cotton bales into the holds of the American packet ships; this was where the packet sailors learned them. The words had a certain uncouth, fantastic meaning, evidently the product of undeveloped intelligence, but there was a wild, inspiring ring in the melodies, and, after a number of years, they became unconsciously influenced by the pungent, briny odor and surging roar and rhythm of the ocean, and howling gales at sea. Landsmen have tried in vain to imitate them; the result being no more like genuine sea songs than skimmed milk is like Jamaica rum.

There were a great many Whitehall boats kept at the lower end of the Park, and the Battery boatmen were fine oarsmen. Bill Decker, Tom Daw, Steve Roberts, and Andy Fay being famous scullers. There were some smart four and six-oared crews among them which used to swoop down and pick up the valuable prizes offered by the Boston city fathers for competition each Fourth of July on the Charles River, but the convivial life which the gay Battery boatmen led did not improve their rowing, and in 1856 they were defeated by the famous Neptune crew, of St. John, N. B., in a match rowed

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Mary II 'Nobody,' she wrote, 'has ever been railed into conviction,' Furthermore, she sent an account of the whole transaction to Anne and Compton and (through her chaplain, Dr. Stanley) to Sancroft. A few months later, after again taking the sacrament, she read the papers left behind her by her mother on her conversion [see Hyde, Anne], and informed her father of the fact (ib. pp. 57-64 ; Clarendon Correspondence ', ii. 484 seqq. ; cf. Burnet, iii. 195-204).

In the transactions which followed the Princess of Orange completely identified herself with her husband. Pensionary Fagel's letter, printed early in 1688, was intended as a kind of joint manifesto by William and Mary on the English question (, ii. 261-2; cf., iii. 215-17). She was much agitated by the attempted recall of the English regiments from Holland, and wrote on the subject to James, who thereupon angrily broke off his attempts for her conversion (Memoirs ap., p. 65; cf. , ii. bk. v. p. 10). At Honslardyke, whither she had accompanied William after the discovery of a plot against his life (Memoirs, u.s., p. 72), they heard of the imprisonment of the seven bishops (8 June) —a proceeding which specially shocked Mary — and of the birth of the Prince of W r ales (10 June), at which neither the ladies designated by Mary to represent her nor the ambassador of the States-General had been present (, iii. 41). Mary's autobiographical memoirs make it clear that she viewed this event with no feeling of personal disappointment (u.s. p. 73; cf., iii. 260); but it is noticeable that not long before the birth she had felt herself, as she describes it, awaking from a kind of fool's paradise, and coming to perceive how much it behoved her for the sake of the protestant religion to wish that she might attain to the crown (Memoirs, u.s., p. 62). It is also clear that though on the arrival of the news the prince and the princess sent Zulestein to England with their congratulations, while she ordered that the Prince of Wales should be prayed for in her chapel, she at least cherished suspicions from the first (ib. p. 74). She engaged in an active correspondence on the subject with Anne (, i. 364-5; cf. Account of Conduct, pp. 23-4). Anne's excessive vehemence at first failed to convince Mary ; when, however, the spuriousness of the birth was with increasing persistency asserted in England, and much dissatisfaction was there expressed with the offering of prayers at the IIa$rue, William and Mary absented themselves from D'Albeville's fete in honour of the birth, and ordered the prayers to cease. They were onlyresumed (against Mary's wish) when the indignation of James threatened an immediate rupture, and were once more stopped by her orders, so soon as William had started on his expedition (Memoirs ap., pp. 61-76 ; , ii. 259-60 and note ; Life of James II, p. 161 ; , x. 364-o ; , iii. 4 1 , 55 seqq.; , vol. ii. ; , Original Letters, 1st ser. iii. 348-9). Mary's conduct on this occasion was never forgiven by her father, but she was sincerely convinced that fraud had been practised, and thenceforth regarded her father's dethronement by her husband as inevitable (Memoirs, u.s., pp. 75-6).

As the time for William's expedition to England drew near, he and Mary were kept informed of James's secret proceedings by Lord and Lady Sunderland, of whom the latter appears to have corresponded with Mary. A former chamberlain of the princess, a Genevan named Verace, who had resigned his office under rather suspicious circumstances, and had been superseded by a nobleman much disliked by James, Lord Coote, nearly succeeded in bringing these communications to the knowledge of the king through Skelton ; but the revelation was averted by Sunderland (cf. as to Verace, Memoirs ap. pp.65 seqq.) During William's absence at Minden Mary remained at the Loo, able to give more time to devotion, and, according to her wont in the great crises of her life, ' opening her heart to nobody' (ib. pp. 77-8). In September her father was still professing to her his hope that she was ignorant of her husband's designs; but though she was well aware of them, she had not altogether abandoned the hope of a different solution. As late as the beginning of October she suggested to D'Albeville, according to the Danish minister at the Hague, that James should break off his alliance with Louis XIV, and place a large military and naval force at the disposal of the States-General for the purpose of offensive operations against France. The project, which D'Albeville circulated with a lijjrht heart, was of course strangled in the birth (see Mazure, iii. 201-3; cf. Klopp, iv. 147). Burnet, who saw the princess at the Hague a day or two before the sailing of the expedition, describes her as very solemn and serious. She was, he says, praying for the divine blessing on the enterprise, and declared she would spare no efforts to prevent ' any disjointing between her interests and those of her consort' (Chen Time, iii. 311). About the same time Wil-


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Rh on the Charles River for the stake of $5000, and later were quite eclipsed by the even more famous Ward crew of Newburgh.

The time when these men really had to work, was on the sailing day of a California clipper. A busy scene it was, as they put the crew and their dunnage on board, one or two lots at a time, accompanied by a boarding-house runner, the sailormen being in various stages of exalted inebriation. The helpless in body and mind are hauled over the side in bowlines and stowed away in their berths to regain the use of their limbs and senses. These men have been drugged and robbed of their three months' advance wages and most of their clothing. In a few hours they will come to, and find themselves at sea on board of a ship whose name they never heard, with no idea to what part of the globe they are bound. A receipt is given for each man by the mate, who considers himself fortunate if he can muster two thirds of his crew able to stand up and heave on a capstan bar or pull on a rope. The probable condition of the crew is so well known and expected that a gang of longshoremen is on board to lend a hand in getting the ship under way. The more provident of the seamen bring well-stocked sea chests; the less thoughtful find moderate-sized canvas bags quite large enough to hold their possessions; one mariner carries his outfit for the Cape Horn voyage tied up in a nice bandanna handkerchief, the parting gift of a Cherry Street damsel—who keeps the change. Jack is in a jovial, tipsy humor, and appears to be well satisfied with his investment.

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112 This is an anxious day for the mate, for, while he receives his instructions from the captain in a general way, yet every detail of getting the ship to sea is in his hands; and though he seems careless and unconcerned, his nerves are on edge and every sense alert; his eyes are all over the ship. He is sizing up each man in his crew and getting his gauge; when he strikes a chord of sympathy, he strikes hard, and when his keen instinct detects a note of discord, he strikes still harder, lifting his men along with a curse here, a joke there, and ever tightening his firm but not unkindly grasp of authority. The mate is not hunting for trouble—all that he wants is for his men to do their work and show him enough respect so that it will not become his unpleasant duty to hammer them into shape. He knows that this is his day, and that it is the decisive day of the voyage, for before the ship passes out by Sandy Hook his moral victory will be lost or won, with no appeal to Admiralty Boards or Courts of Justice. He knows, too, that a score of other mates and their captains are looking on with keen interest to see how he handles his crew, and their opinion is of far greater value to him than the decrees of Senates; so he intends to lay himself out and give them something worth looking at.

There is a crisp northeasterly breeze, and the blue waters of the bay dance and frolic in the sweet June sunshine. The crew are all on board, with the captain and pilot in consultation on the quarterdeck; it is nearly high water, and the tide will soon run ebb. The mate takes charge of the topgallant forecastle, with the third mate and the boatswain

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Mary II liam himself spoke to her, very tenderly as she says, on the subject of her marrying again should he fall ; ancl she answered him with effusive affection, ' If she lost him she should not care for an angel ' (Memoirs ap. Countess Bentinck, p. 81).

For a month after "William's departure Mary remained in absolute retirement, only emerging to attend the public prayers in addition to those held in the palace. The extra-ordinary sympathy of which she found herself the object inspired her with fears that the devil (as to whose personality she had a strong conviction) was tempting her with vanity. At last she received, though not from William himself, information of his landing, and began to hold receptions, but declined to play cards. Her pleasure when tidings arrived from his own hand was disturbed by the news of a fresh design against his life. On 30 Dec. she heard of her father's flight, receiving at the same time William's orders to hold herself in readiness for departure (ib. pp. 89-92). Before leaving, however, she had to entertain at the Hague the Elector Frederick III of Brandenburg and his wife, her kinswoman, Sophia Charlotte. Then she returned to her previous solitary ways, distracted by reports, deprived of all political counsel, and dependent for comfort upon her pious thoughts and her bible. In these days she resorted to what became a favourite habit with her — the composition of prayers and meditations — and indited a special prayer on behalf of the contention winch was discussing her future at Westminster (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 4-7, 12, 13). Although there can be little doubt that William purposely delayed her arrival in England, lest she should be in one way or another ' set above him ' (see Sheffield, Duke of Buckinghamshire, Some Account of the Revolution, Works, 1723, ii. 97-8; cf. Dalrymple, ii. 283 ; Macaulay, ii. 636, innocently attributes the delay to the perversity of the weather), yet Mary, even at a distance, seconded her husband's wishes. In opposition to the Williamites, headed by Halifax, another party desired to raise Mary to the throne as sole sovereign, and its leader, Danbv, wrote to her in this sense. In reply she indignantly repudiated any attempt to raise her above her husband, to whom she transmitted the correspondence. It was, as Macaulay conjectures, after receiving it that William — whose views had, however, been already made known through Bentinck — openly refused to reign by his wife's courtesy. Burnet at the same time officiously proclaimed Mary's previous assurances to him on the subject. Thus it was settled that William and Mary should become king- and queen-regnant; that he should administer the government in both their names ; and that the crown should descend in the first instance to the heirs of her body. The section of the church party which had advocated her being made queen in her own right accepted the situation. For herself, she afterwards confessed, she would have preferred her husband to become regent under her father (Burnet, iii. 391 seqq. ; Dalrymple, ii.284 ; Macaulay, ii. 633 seqq.; Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 11).

On 1 Feb. 1689 Admiral Herbert (afterwards Lord Torrington) arrived with a yacht to fetch Mary home. On 10 Feb. she set sail. In the Thames she had foul weather; but in the afternoon of the 12th she landed at Whitehall Stairs. She describes her pleasure in seeing her husband and her sister again, and the conflict between filial and conjugal duty which still oppressed her. She adds that after this meeting she ' was guilty of a great sin. I let myself go on too much, and the devil immediately took his advantage ; the world filled my mind, and left but little room for good thoughts ' (ib. pp. 10-11 ). After the offer of the crown she seems to have exhibited a mirthfulness which it is difficult to reconcile with her account of her real feeling. Her behaviour was certainly deficient in tact, though the narrative of the Duchess of Marlborough may be as exaggerated as her conclusion that Mary ' wanted bowels,' and Evelyn's that she ' took nothing to heart ' (Account of Conduct, p. 25 ; cf. Vindication of Account, p. 19; cf. Burnet, iii. 406-7, and Dartmouth's note ; Evelyn, Diaiy, ii. 69 ; Macaulay, ii. 652-4).

On 13 Feb. (Ash Wednesday), Mary, seated in state by her husband's side in the presence of the two houses in the banqueting-house at Whitehall, assented to the Declaration of Rights, and William in his and her name accepted the crown of England tendered by Halifax (Macaulay, ii. 654 ; cf. Life of James II, p. 308). Both sovereigns were hereupon instantly proclaimed (Dalrymple, i. 309). Their coronation took place on 11 April in Westminster Abbey, Compton, bishop of London, in the place of the absent primate, performing the ceremony, in most, though not all, points of which Mary as queen-regnant was placed on an equality with the king. Burnet, recently appointed bishop of Salisbury (cf. Own Time, iv. 3), preached the sermon. Among the queen's train-bearers was her cousin, Lady Henrietta Hyde, Rochester's daughter, though Mary had at first resented the conduct of both her uncles as to the succession (Clarendon Correspondence,


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Rh to assist him, while the second mate, with the fourth mate and boatswain's mate work the main deck and stand by to look after the chain as it comes in over the windlass.

As the crew muster on the forecastle they appear to be a motley gang, mostly British and Scandinavian, with a sprinkling of Spaniards, Portuguese, and Italians, and one or two Americans. Some wear thick, coarse, red, blue, or gray flannel shirts, others blue dungaree jumpers, or cotton shirts of various colors; their trousers are in a variety of drabs, blues, grays, and browns, supported by leather belts or braces; they wear stiff or soft felt hats or woollen caps of many colors. But no clothes that were ever invented could disguise these men; their bronzed, weather-beaten faces and sun-baked, tattooed arms, with every swing of their bodies, betray them as sailormen, and good ones too, above the average even in those days. They would no more submit to being put into uniforms or to the cut-and-dried discipline of a man-of-war, than they would think of eating their food at a table with knives and forks.

They are all pretty full of alcohol, but the sailor instinct is so strong in them that they do their work as well, some of them perhaps better, than if they were sober. There is no romance about them or about any part of their lives; they are simply common, every-day sailors, and will never be anything else, unless they happen to encounter some inspired writer of fiction; then it is difficult to say what may become of them. Some of them have much good in their natures, others are saturated with evil, and all need to be handled with tact and

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Mary II ii. 263-4; see Macaulay, iii. 117-20). Miss Strickland (xi. 18-28) states that on the morning of the coronation Mary received from her father the news of his landing in Kinsale, and used the heartless language attributed to her in 'Life of James II,' ii. 329 ; but anecdote and date are alike apocryphal. Much comment was aroused by the device of a chariot on the reverse of the coronation medal (Macaulay, iii. 120), and the comparison of Mary to Tullia became a cranibe repetita of the Jacobite wits (Miss Strickland, xi. 45-7). In April followed the proclamation of William and Mary in Scotland, with the settlement of the Claim of Rights, and on 12 May they took the oath of office at Whitehall, in the presence of the Scottish commissioners and all the Scotsmen of distinction then in London (Macaulay, iii. 287-93). Finally, by the new parliament which met in March 1690, and passed the Bill of Rights, they were recognised as rightful and lawful sovereigns.

Of the new ministry, Danby, now lord president, was a statesman whom she had good reason to trust ; to Shrewsbury, who received most of the king's confidence, it was rumoured that she was personally attached ; and the terrible 'Jack' Howe (i.e. John Grubham Howe) [q. v.], her vice-chamberlain, who at one time is said to have fancied her to be in love with himself, told Burnet that had she survived the king she would certainly have married Shrewsbury (Own Time : v. 453 ; Dartmouth's note). The great office of groom of the stole to the queen was be- stowed upon the Countess of Derby, the sister of the Duke of Ormonde; according to the Duchess of Marlborough {Account of Conduct, p. 30) Lady Fitzharding was at the commencement of Mary's reign pre-eminent in her favour.

The queen had no wish to interfere in public business, and accordingly few persons cared to pay court to her, so that she found herself very much neglected except in the way of censure (Memoirs ap. DoEBNER,p. 14 ; cf. Burnet, iv. 3). But William largely depended on her to make up for his own want of popularity. It is even said that about December 1689 he was with difficulty prevented from executing a design which he had kept secret from Maryof retiring to Holland, and leaving her in England to bear the brunt of the conflict (ib. iv. 71 : cf. Macaulay, iii. 530; but see Klopp, v. 87). On account of his state of health the court had very soon moved from Whitehall to Hampton Court, where among the odd novelties introduced was Mary's collection of Chinese porcelain, and where she indulged her tastes for gardening and architecture. But the distance from London proving too great, the king and queen fox some weeks from October 1689 resided at Holland House in Kensington, which they at one time thought of purchasing, and finally on 23 Dec. settled in toe mansion which they had bought from the Earl of Nottingham in the same suburb, and which henceforth became known as Kensington Palace.

In the midst of misrepresentation and scandal Mary strove to put as pleasant as possible a face upon things, but she was painfully affected by the moral laxity which on her arrival she found generally prevalent in England. Xor did sne confine herself to private musings on the subject. By her desire, when things seemed going ill in Scotland and Ireland, a public fast was proclaimed (cf. N. Luttrell, Brief Historical Relation y &c. i. 542), and, in accordance with her puritanising tendency, she abolished the singing of prayers in the Chapel Royal at Whitehall, and introduced Sunday afternoon sermons there (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 12 et al.) These innovations gave great oflence to the Princess Anne, who took her cue from the high church party. Notwithstanding Mary's dislike of Lady Marlborough, she had for some time after her arrival maintained friendly relations with Anne. The queen showed great interest in the birth (24 July) and infant troubles of the Duke of Gloucester, and in the birth of Anne's next child, who was christened Mary (ib. p. 15; Countess Bentinck, p. 123), but a coolness had set hi between the sisters before the latter event. The Duchess of Marlborough (Account of Conduct, pp. 27-8) attributes its origin to Anne's disappointment at being refused some additional apartmentsat Whitehall and Richmond Palace. Mary says that in the latter part of 1689 she discovered that Anne was secretly 'making parties to get a revenue settled upon her,' and that both at the commencement and in the course of the transaction which ensued she had occasion to speak reproachfully to her sister, who only asked pardon of her and the king in order to compass her end (Memoirs a p. Doebner, pp. 1 7-27 ; cf. Account of Conduct, pp. 29-38 ; Dalrymple, ti. iii. 108 sq., iv. 155 sq. ; Macaulay, iii. 559-66). Though Anne obtained her parliamentary settlement of 50.000l. a year, the sore rankled, while further umbrage was given to Anne by William's rude treatment of Prince George in Ireland (1690), and by Mary's refusal, of course under orders, to allow him to serve at sea during the king's absence in Holland (1691) [see Anne, 1665-1714 ; and George op Denmark].

Before William started for Ireland, in June


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114 judgment, for too much severity, or on the other hand any want of firmness, may lead to trouble, which means the free use of knives, belaying pins, and knuckle-dusters.

Now the flood-tide begins to slacken, and as the ship swings to the wind, the order is passed along from aft to man the windlass and heave short. We hear the mate sing out in a pleasant, cheery voice:

"Now, then, boys, heave away on the windlass breaks; strike a light, it's duller than an old graveyard." And the chantyman, in an advanced stage of hilarious intoxication, gay as a skylark, sails into song:

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Mary II 1690, an act of parliament had been passed empowering Mary during his absence to exercise the government in his name as well as in her own. William had, according to Burnet (iv. 87), repeatedly said to Shrewsbury that, though he could not hit on the right way of pleasing England, the queen would. As she had, with her usual modesty, told him that the real responsibility must after all lie with the privy council (Memoirs, ap. Doebner, pp. 22-3), he was at special pains to furnish her with a suitable confidential committee of that body on which she might rely. To the loyalty of its nine members, who together with Carmarthen (Danby) in- cluded Kussell as chief naval and in the ultimate selection Marlborough as chief military adviser, William made an earnest appeal, but her letters to him show that she entertained no high esteem for most of them (Macaulay, iii. 593, f>98; Burnet, iv. £3; Clarendon Correspondence, ii. 31(5; Klopp, v. 101-2). She had recently recovered from an illness, but she promised Carmarthen 'not to be governed by her own or others' fears, but to follow the advise of those she believed had most courage and judgment ' (Memoirs ap. DoEBNER,p. 31). From her ' Memoirs,' and from her daily outpourings to her husband in the pathetic series of letters, it is abundantly clear that her piety and her affection for her husband enabled her to do her duty. Almost the first occasion on which she felt constrained to speak in her council was to approve of a warrant issuing for the arrest of her uncle Clarendon, who was involved in a plot against William. The French fleet, under Tourville, had entered the Channel, and an insurrection was daily expected. Furthermore, the conduct of Torrington, who was in command of the English fleet, gave rise to the gravest suspicion, but the queen followed the advice of the majority of her council, and, while sending him orders to fight, agreed that Russell and Monmouth should go down to the coast to supervise his proceedings. They were too late to prevent his losing the battle of Beaehy Head (30 June), and the queen, who had moreover just received the news of the disastrous battle of Fleurus. shared the sense of humiliation which filled the nation (Dalrymple, iii. 83-5). Shrewsbury's chivalrous offer of his services may have contributed to encourage her at this crisis(MACAULAT, iii. 613 ; Dalrymple, iii. 88-9), and after being distressed beyond measure by the news of William being wounded (ib, pp. 89-92), she was on 7 July rewarded by the news of his decisive victory of the Boyne, with which the fear of invasion virtually ended (ib. p. 600; cf. Macaulay, iii. 165). In the letter in which she confessed to William the ' confusion of thought ' into which she had been plunged, she begged him for his and her sake to see that no hurt should come to the person of her vanquished father, and characteristically added an entreaty that he would provide without delay for the church in Ireland, which everybody agreed was ' the worst in Christendom' (Dalrymple, iii. €2-6). Torrington, who had hoped for an audience from her, was straightway ordered to the Tower (Klopp, v. 135). The king, after raising the siege of Limerick, returned to Hampton Court 10 Sept. (Dalrymple, iii. 126-9), and she had the satisfaction of finding him ' very much pleased with her behaviour' (Memoirs ap. Doebxer), while both houses of parliament, when they met in October, voted her thanks for the prudence of her government (Macaulay, iii. 716). She at once relinquished all participation in public business (Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 34).

During the king's absence in Holland, from Jan. to 10 April 1C91, she dissembled her anxiety, played every night at comet or basset, and allowed dancing at court on the occasion of her sister's birthday (ib. p. 36). But, with the sole exception of Henry Sidney, who had succeeded Shrewsbury as secretary of state, she was surrounded by enemies or cold friends. On the night before the king's return she was alarmed by a serious fire at Whitehall, from which she is said to have made her escape with difficulty (Miss Strickland, xi. 189-90: Macaulay, iv. 334). In the middle of April 1091 the sees of the deprived eight nonjuring bishops were at length tilled. Since their deprivation the queen had, through Burnet, Rochester, and Trevor, endeavoured to obtain a lenient treatment for thestt prelates (Burnet, iv. 128), more especially for Ken and Frampton ; and to her seems to belong the saying, attributed by Macaulay to William, that however much they wished to be martyrs, care should be taken to disappoint them (Plumptre, u.s., ii. 09-70; cS. Doebner, p. 41 ). In some of the many admirable appointments now and soon afterwards made, especially in the elevation to the primacy of Tillotson, for whom, as more moderate, her faithful Compton was, to his bitter chagrin, passed over, the influence of the queen seems distinctly traceable (cf. Burnet, iv. 137; Macaulay, iv. 34 seqq.; C. J. Abbey, The Em/Hsh Church and its Bishops, 1700-1800 (1887), i. 94). Tillotson henceforth became the regular adviser as to church preferments of Mary, to whom William delegated such matters, but notwithstanding the moderation and conscientious-


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Rh And so on to the end of the century, or till the mate sings out, "Vast heaving," lifts his hand, and reports to the captain: "The anchor's apeak, sir." "Very good, sir, loose sails fore and aft." "Aye, aye, sir." "Aloft there some of you and loose sails. One hand stop in the tops and crosstrees to overhaul the gear." "Aye, aye, sir. Royals and skysails?" "Yes, royals and skysails; leave the staysails fast." "Lay out there, four or five of you, and loose the head sails." "Here, you fellow in the green-spotted shirt, lay down out of that; there's men enough up there now to eat those sails." "Mr. Sampson, take some of your men aft and look after the main and mizzen; put a hand at the wheel; as he goes along let him clear the ensign halliards; while you 're waiting lay that accommodation ladder in on deck; leave the spanker fast." "On the foretopsail yard, there, if you cut that gasket, I 'll split your damned skull; cast it adrift, you lubber." "Boatswain, get your watch tackles along to the topsail sheets." "Aye, aye, sir." "Here, some of you gentlemen's sons in disguise, get that fishdavit out; hook on the pendant; overhaul the tackle down ready for hooking on." "Mainskysail yard there, don't make those gaskets up, my boy; fetch them in along the yard, and make fast to the tye."

By this time the sails are loose and the gaskets made up; courses, topsails, topgallantsails, royals, and skysails flutter in their gear, and the clipper feels the breath of life. "Sheet home the topsails." "Aye, aye, sir." "Boatswain, look out for those clew-lines at the main; ease down handsomely as the sheets come home." "Foretop there, overhaul

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Mary II ness of both queen and primate, they were unable to check the increase of factiousness among the clergy (Burnet, iv. 211).

After William's departure to the continent, on 1 May 1691, Mary was thoroughly alarmed by the intrigues which had for their object the supplanting of the king and herself by Anne, and of which the moving spirit was Marlborough. The emptiness of the exchequer, which seriously affected the progress of the war in Ireland, weighed upon her, as did the necessity of assenting to sentences of death when she could not, as in Preston's case, approve of their commutation (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 40-1). It was about this date that she burnt most of her meditations, putting her journals into a bag tied by her side, to be in readiness if necessary for the same fate. About the same time she removed to Whitehall, where she fancied herself in more security than out of town (ib. pp. 38-9). To her apprehensions for the king's safety were added regrets for the death of Lady Dorset, whose place in her household was filled by the Countess of Nottingham. On the return of William (19 Oct.), this time without laurels, the court went back to Kensington, where, 9 Nov., a fire again caused Mary much inconvenience (ib. p. 43).

Early in 1692 it became impossible for the king and queen any longer to ignore Marlborough's complicity in the conspiracy against them, and after an explanation between the queen and the princess he was deprived of his appointments on 10 Jan. Three weeks later, on Anne's venturing to bring the duchess to court, Mary wrote to her sister a decisive letter (printed in Account of Conduct, pp. 43-47, where an utterly perverted account is given of the transaction). Hereupon Anne, who refused to part from her favourite, removed to Sion House, and the rupture between the sisters was manifest. Although in April the queen visited Anne on the premature birth of another child, in October, when Anne had returned to town, Mary passed her without notice in the park, nor do they seem to have ever met again. It is highly probable that the intrigues now carried on by Anne with her father were known to Mary (Klopp, vi. 55 seqq.) By a curious irony of fate Mary, who deeply regretted the alienation from her sister (see Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 43, and cf. her letters to the Duchess Sophia, ib. pp. 93, 97), incurred the reproach of cruelty, while Anne received the pity due to injured innocence ; nor can it be doubted that the queen's popularity was diminished by the transaction (see, however, Klopp, vi. 32). Rochester, who in the dispute had judiciously taken the queen's side, was not long afterwards sworn of the privy council.

During William's absence on the campaign of 1692 (5 March to 18 Oct.) the burden of the administration once more fell on Mary's shoulders. She was again resident at Whitehall, where in April she was seriously ill (' it was the first time in 12 year I had missed going to Church on the Lord's day,' Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 47). On her recovery she was beset by fears of a French invasion, as well as of conspiracies, directed in part against her own person, which, much against her wont, she appears to have sought to counteract by gaining information through double-dealers with her father's court (Ralph ap. Dalrtmple, i. 564). In April a private letter from her father reached her. through one of the ladies ostentatiously invited to be present at the birth of a royal infant at St. Germains (Klopp, vi. 53-4). Though King William had promised to return, in the event of the actual landing of an invading force (Memoirs ap. Doebner, p. 48), Mary felt obliged to hold back several regiments destined for Flanders (Klopp, vi. 56). In May James was at La Hogue, after issuing a declaration which, as self-condemnatory, Mary had the courage to allow to be circulated in England (Dalrymple, iii. 239; Macattlay, iv. 230). Fears were rife of treason on the part of many officers of the navy, and the queen showed great spirit in addressing to the admiral, Russell, a letter expressive, of her confidence in the loyalty of the service (ib. pp. 234-5 ; Dalrymple, uls. ; Life of James 12 li. 490). ' God alone,' she exclaims (Memoir' ap. Doebner, p. 49), ' delivered us,' by the winds which contributed to the decisive victory of La Hogue (19 May). Though she sanctioned a large gratuity to the sailors, opened St. Thomas's and St. Bartholomew's Hospitals to the wounded from the fleet, and declared her design of establishing a permanent hospital for disabled seamen at Greenwich (Macattlay, iv. 243), Mary delayed a public thanksgiving for the victory, in order to await the news from Flanders. When it came it was disappointing. Namur had fallen, and the defeat of Steinkirk soon followed; a projected naval attempt upon the French coast likewise came to grief, and Mary's troubles were brought to a height by the discovery in Flanders of Grandvaal's design against William's life, in which she found her father to be involved (Memoirs ap. Doebner, pp. 51-4; cf. Burnet, iv. 170-4; Macaulay, iv. 285-6). It is therefore not surprising that the queen and her advisers should have attached credence to Young's revelations of a pretended plot, in conse-


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116 your buntlines, look alive!" "Belay your port maintopsail sheet; clap a watch tackle on the starboard sheet and rouse her home." "Maintop there, lay down on the main-yard and light the foot of that sail over the stay." "That 's well, belay starboard." "Well the mizzentopsail sheets, belay." "Now then, my bullies, lead out your topsail halliards fore and aft and masthead her." "Aye, aye, sir." By this time the mate has put some ginger into the crew and longshoremen, and they walk away with the three topsail halliards:

"Now then, long pulls, my sons." "Here, you chantyman, haul off your boots, jump on that maindeck capstan and strike a light; the best in your locker." "Aye, aye, sir." And the three topsailyards go aloft with a ringing chanty that can be heard up in Beaver Street:

Then up aloft that yard must go,

Whiskey for my Johnny.

Oh, whiskey is the life of man,

Whiskey, Johnny.

I thought I heard the old man say,

Whiskey for my Johnny.

We are bound away this very day,

Whiskey, Johnny.

A dollar a day is a white man's pay,

Whiskey for my Johnny.

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