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372 of decipheriiijj: a laiioiia,i»*e in which the chnraeters are sometimes used as phonetic syllal)les and sometimes as ideograplis. In eacli case it was necessary first to determine in which sense it o(*curred, and, if in the latter, the pronunciation could only be ascertained when it was found spelt out phonetically in some known word. For example, the pronunciation of the ideogram for 'm)d' was fixed by findinu* that it formed t\ieil-u in ' Bab-ilu/ When the pronunciation of the ideogram was known, it afforded, as has been said, in the majority of cases no clue whatever to the svHabic value of the sign, and the transliterator was lial)le to fall into the error of reading a word ideographically histead of phonetically, just as fre([uently as to mistake ideograms for phonetics. Conn)ound id(M)grams were also not infrequent, where two or more were used to express an idea, but without reference to the soinid. For example, the word for ' palace ' is composed of two ideograms, hit and rah, meaning respectively Miouse' and 'great' ; but llincks warned the reader that he might fall into a serious error if he were to supj^ose that they are employed in conjunction phonetically, and that 'bitral)' is the pronunciation of the Assyrian word for used as simple determinative suliixes to words which are phonetically com})lete without tliem. The deter- minatives prol)ably all originally re{)resented words, and many of them preserved their phonetic values.^'
 * palace.' ^ lie shows that several ideographs may be

' TransactioiiSj xxii. 25. In this ca.Ms however, it is so. llincks after- wards instanced an, which, followed by oc, he reads, not * anac/ but
 * nabu.' A thenmim. Sejjt. lM, 1 850.

showed that the sign fora// is us»'d (1 ) as a simj»Ie ])honograph in some words, as in *zarangu '; (2) elsewhere it occurs alone as an indei>eudent ideograph for *god,' and forms the plural * gods' by the mere addition of the plural sign. (3) Again, it is found before the proper names of gods, as before Aurmuzd. Here the name iS ]>honetic'ally complete without it, and it i*
 * lie explained this matter with groat clearness in 1S50, when he


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Rh This inquiry into the nature and use of ideograms was the first that had been made, and it formed an important contribution to the knowledge of the language* His attempted transliterations are not of equal value. He rejected the reading of 'Sargon' given by Lihvenstern, and he does not seem to have heard of the solution of the difficulty proposed the year before by Longp^rier.^ He recognised indeed that the sign for ' king ' with which the word begins forms an integral portion of the name, ]3Ut he did not i)erceive, like Longperier, that its (counterpart is the Heljiew ' sar ' ; and he was led by other comparisons to assign the value of 'kin-nil' to the ideogi'am. He knew also that the sign Lowenstern had broken up into two and thought signified r, s foniied in fact a single sign, which he pronounced ri or //, These efforts resulted in ' kin-nil-li-n'a,' which might seem even less manageable than the r, 5, k of Lowenstern. But Hincks was quite equal to the occa- sion, and, with the custcmiary imaginative faculty of the philologist, he found no difficulty in connecting this person with the Chinzirus of Ptolemy, who, it appears, was a contemporaiy of Porus. He had already detected that the names of the son and grandson of this prince were Semiacherib and Esarhaddon, the builders of Kouyunjik and the Soutli-West Palace of Nimrud. The first w^e find he transliterated ' Sanki' or 'Sankhi,' with the possible addition of 'rav' or 'ram' — 'Sankin- rav ' : the other came out as ' Adar-ka-dan.' He also explains how he an-ived at ' Nabiccudurrayuchur ' for

therefore simply a non-phonetic determinative. (4) Elsewhere it forms part of a compound ideograph, and may entirely change its phonetic value ; and (5) it may be used idfOgraphicaUy for *god * in Semitic proper names, where its value is not an but iluy or sometimes A^sur. — Transactions j ib. pp. 27-30; Athencetwi, ib.

Athenceunif Sept. 21, 1800).
 * lie admits in Sept. IHoO that he had not yet seen Longi)^rier's paper

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374 Nebuchadnezzar, and how he fancied he had found 'Jeru- salem '; but these instances only serve to illustrate the great obstacles that had still to be overcome. We have alreadv mentioned the suijo'estions that were made first

V Co

by Longperier and afterwards l)y liottawith the view of reducing the number of homophones. Hincks confesses he had not seen the essav of the former, and we have not observed that he has acknowledged his obligations to Botta, though he was evidently ac:quainted with his work, as we see from an unpleasant reference to ' a mechanical comparison of ins(*riptions.' It was, however, upon the principle these writers suggested that Huicks was now about to solve one of the greatest difficulties of the lan- guage. The solutionis ccmtained in an Appendix to the essay just reviewed, and was sent to press on January 19, 1850, the vSanie day that Major liawlinson read his first paper to the Asiatic Society. Hincks now explains that there are four distinct vowel sounds in Assvrian, <?, (/, i and u; but the diflerence between the first two was not maintained when they preceded a consonant.^ lie laid down that every sign represented a consonant either preceded or followed by one of these vowels. Therefore, each coiisonant was represented ])y seven signs, thus: m, ca, n\ ca; at\ u*, ul\ lie thought there were at least fifteen consonants, and that the syUal)ary was of Indo-Euroi)ean origin, and need not therefore, as he had at first supi)osed, ])e adjusted to the llel)rew alphabet. The principle thus amiounced has been acce[)ted with some modifications. The difference between the long and short a has not been maintained in this connection, and consequently the

epsilon (^Transactionsy\^.\0). In his list the consonants followed by a are really those followed by a, and those followed by a correspond to the consonants followed by i. His view of the four vowels dates from the paper on \'an, Dec. 1847 (./. IL A. S. 1848, vol. ix.).
 * He explained, however, that his short a corresponds to the Greek


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Executive Order 10369-A

This Executive Order was not received for Federal Register publication. It is a confidential order

Harry S. Truman The White House, July 1, 1952. [Filed 7–??–52; 8:45 am]

title: Executive Order 10369-A


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Rh syllabic representation of eadi consonant is reduced from seven to six. His statement that the difference between surd and sonant is maintained at the beginninef l)ut not at the end of the syllable has also been admitted. We have thus separate signs for 6a, bi^ bu and pa^ pi, pit ; but the signs for ap, ip and up answer for both. Ilincks's (consonants have been accepted with- out material change. Ilis y has been omitted and h added; z has been substituted for^. Two signs for k to represent Caph and Koph, and two for t to represent Teth and Tau have been added, where Hincks only had one for each, so that the number of consonants is now raised to seventeen. Not onlv did Ilincks arrive at a correct theory of the simple syllables, l)ut he identified correctly a very large number of the signs correspond- ing to them. Of the seventy-one he gives in his Table at least fifty-seven are accurate, and possibly even more. lie closed the essay with a brief specimen of a translation from the Khorsabad ins(*ription.

This Essay of Hincks exercised a decisive influence upon the future study of Assyrian. It demonstrated that, although the language was Semitic, the mode of writing was not Semitic ; and for a time it divided scholars into two opposing camps. Those wlio fohowed Hincks maintained tiiat the language was syllabic, and that each sign expressed a consonant associated with an inherent and invariable vowel. Those, on the contrarv, who souoht to assimilate it to the Hebrew system were of opinion that the signs represent simple consonants that might be preceded or followed by any vowel. We have noted the gradual recognition of the syllabic nature of the Assyrian writing. The earliest opinion was that the signs were both syllabic and alphabetical, and we have seen that Grotefend in his transliteration treated them in this manner. Ilincks


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376 in his first Essay followed the same method, but he found the vast majority of the signs were syllabic, and his Tal)le shows only four that are purely alphabetical. Then came the discovery that the language itself was Semitic, and the inference naturally followed that the writing was so likewise. Under the influence of this conviction, Hincks drew up liis Second Table, showing only the consonantal value of the signs, and leavhig them to be asso(*iated indifferently with the vowel sounds. But he remained in this opinion for a com- paratively short time, and in the end of the same year he had reverted to his original view. The effect of the present essay was to establish the absolute syllabism of the language ; and in a paper read shortly afterwards before the British Association ' On the Lanauane and Mode of Writhig of Assyria' (August 1850), he 'main- tained, in opposition to all other writers, that the characters had all definite s}'llabi(* values, there being no consonants, and (*onsequently no necessity or liberty of sui)plying vowels.' In this opinion he then stood alone. Eawlinson, in reply, exi)ressed his belief that the sii^ns had a svlhibic origin, but that they were 'subsequently used to express a mere portion of a syllable.' ' He could,' he says, ' adduce numerous instances where the cuneiform sii>*ns were used as bo7ia Jide letters.' '

In France, the o])inion Hincks expounded in his second essaA^ took immediate root. The lomcal instincts of the Fi-ench mind clung with des])erate tenacity to the conviction that a Semitic lnne could (mlv be ex])ressed by a Semitic mode of writing. Lowenstem at first (1845) thought that the signs represented some sort of mechanical union of consonant and vowel: that is to say, that there was a fixed i)ortion of the sign to

J Atkmccumy Aug. 24, 1850, p. 908.


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Rh represent the consonaiital sound, and a variable portion to indicate the conjunction of the vowel. 'The signs,' he said, 'reproduce in part the same forms differently combined, which suggests a syllabic union in many of the signs,' but he subsequently became the most thorough-going' champion of the alphabetical theory. Botta only just found it 'possible to conceive that the language was syllabic,' yet he followed Longpérier in the luminous suggestion already described. Even De Saulev was haunted by dim fears that, after all, Assyrian might turn out to be syllabic, and the consistency with which he adhered to the opposite or Semitic mode of writing rendered his subsequent studies almost valueless. Rawlinson, as we shall soon see, yielded in time, and his transliteration of the Behistun inscription shows small traces of his early heresy, which he was still ready to defend in August 1850.

Such was the progress already made in decipherment when Rawlinson at length gave to the world some of the results of his labours in the same field. It will be remembered that in the autumn of 1847 he succeeded in taking a copy of the third column of the Behistun inscription. Whatever leisure he could command during the year 1848 and the early part of 1840 he devoted to its study; and when he returned to England in the autumn of that year, he brought the translation home with him. The work of publication was one of great difficulty, in consequence of the multitude of strange characters in many languages that had to be reproduced and corrected; and although Rawlinson remained in England till 1851, he was obliged to leave before it was accomplished. Some Continental writers chose to make this delay a matter of complaint against


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378 Rawlinson, whom they accused of deliberately with- holding his copies for personal and selfish motives. It would be difficult, however, to mention anyone who was at that time at all likely to profit l)y their posses- sion. The special qualificatioiis of a decnpherer are by no means common, and M. de Saulcy at least gave decisive proof that he did not possess them. M. Oppert, on the other hand, was still absorbed in the Persian and Median versions. Hut these gentlemen, and those who then shared their feelhigs, write as though Major Eaw- linson had appropriated the rock of Behistun as well as the copy of the inscription that covered it.* They seem to forget that if they were prepared to undergo the same sacrifice and overcome the same difficulties, they could in a few weeks procure copies for themselves. What would have been more natural than to give the connnission to M. Flandin, whose enterprise in such nuitters had alreadv Ijeen so cons])icuUslv illustrated? Notlung, however, could be farther from their inten- tions. They had no iiotion of forewin^ the luxury of feelinir at>i>rieved with theEni>lish soldier whose ener<rv% like his genius, so far out-soared their own. Ilawlinson was, we submit, fully justified in the course he adopted. He had obtained liis co^a' at great personal sacrifice ; no one in Europe was so qualified to accomplisli the task of deciplierment as himself, and the eighteen months he devoted to the task was not excessive. The sub- sequent delay in pul)lication was incident to the nature of the work itself, for which he was not responsible.

lie, however, lost no time in placing the general results at which he had arrived before the public. On

^ Thus LiAvenstern, writing in 1847, before the third column was taken, says : * Kawlinson a, durant nombre d'annees, interdit au public savant la vue des tresors dont il s etait reserve de faire un usage si utile i\ sa gloire.' — EdpnSi'j p. 10.


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Rh January 19 and February 10, 1850, he read papers before the Asiatic Society ^Ou the Inscriptions of Assyria and Hal)ylon,' and these, with a few additional notes, were })uljhslied in March of that year.

He tells us he had found more than ei<i:hty proper names in the trilinf»'ual insci'iptions, includinj^ those in the Behistun ; and 'by a careful compaiison of the duplicate forms of writing' them in the Persian and Babylonian colunuis he had been able, by means of the former, which were known, to determine the values of about a hundred Hal)vlnian characters. The next step was by a collation of the inscriptions to ascertain 'the homophones of each known alphabetical power.' By this means he " added nearly fifty char- acters to those previously known through the Persian key.' He confessed that his knowledge of the Baby- lonian characters was at present limited to these one hundred and fifty characters.* From the direction of his studies we may infer that these signs were chiefly taken from the trilingual inscriptions ; and in that case they would l)e practically exhaustive ; but they would amount to less than one half of those in general use in the Assyrian text.- The same process of com})arisou with the Persian translation enabled him to draw up 'a list of about two hundred Babylonian words of which we know the sound approximately and the meaning certainly.' i^ut in addition to these, he was able, by ' an extensive comparison of similar or cognate phrases, to add about two hundred meanings certainly, and a hundred more, probably, to the vocabulary already ol)tained through the Babylonian translation/ He was

' J. R,A. S. xii. 404.

• Mr. King has given a list of 329 signs {First Steps in Asttyrian, p. cxxxii.). Conder reckons about 550 in all (* On llittite Writing,' J. li.A. *S'. 1893, p. 829).


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380 thus acquainted with the lueaiiini^ of al)ut five hundred out of a vocaljularv which lie estimated as coiitainhiijf five thousand words. ^ These words, he explains, ' are ahnost all found eitlier in their full integrity or subjected to some slight modification in Assyriau '; and they enabled him 'to arrive at a pretty correct notion of the general purport of the phrases in which they occur/ Althout»'h his voca])ularv was still limited to one-tenth of the vocabulary, it embraced ' all the most important terms in the lanuuaLie ': and he found it sufficient for the interpretation of the historical inscriptions.

The present IMcmoir was intended simply, as intro- ductory to the subject, and he did not give a list of the one hundred and fiftv simis with their values attached. We cannot, therefore, institute a comparison as yet with the Syllalxirium already drawn up by Ilincks. It is sufficiently clear, however, that he had not, at the time of writing the MtMUoii-, realised the essentially syllabic* character of the lani2ua<re. There are, he savs, 'cases where a single alphal)etical power appertains to the siun/ and, he adds, ' it cannot certainlv be mahitained that the phonetic poi'tion of the alphabet is altogether sylla])i(*/ •• There is,' he observes, ' an extensive svllabarium: but at the same time manv of the characters can only be explained as single cimsonants.' There is no indication that he had as yet apprehended the princii)le that governs the c(mibinatiou of consonant and vowel, as recently expounded by Ilincks, and which is interwoven with the whole structure of the language. Indeed he says distinctly: 'I have lunther adopted, nor do I conceive it possible to adopt, any svstem with regard to the emplovment of the vowels in Assyrian and Babylonian.' In some other respects also he was still behind the ureat Ii'ish scholai*. Hincks, for

^ Menant, in 1S4, reports ,(X)U words, Ectiturcs^ x>. 25C.


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Rh example, had laid down that the distinction between the consonantal sonnds is uniformly maintained; and the truth of this statement has been since confirmed. Rawlinson Avas, however, still of ophiion that 'the i^utturals and sibilants everywhere interchan<xe/ * There is the greatest possible difficulty in distinf^uishing between /*, d^ and t. L and v inten^hange.' It is evident also that he had still much to learn from his rival on the subject of the ideograms. It may be doubted indeed how far he had as yet apprehended the im})ortant place they occnpy. ' The names of the gods/ he says, 'are represented l)y signs which appear in scmie cases to be arbitrary monograms, but which are more uenerallv either the dominant sound of the name or its initial phonetic power.' He thought, for example, that the monogram for Bel was simply the letter ' H,' an idea that is wholly unfounded. lie is of course aware that there are many other ideom-ams besides those used for the gods, but he gives them no sort of prominence. lie, however, attributes an ideo- graphic origin to the syllables. ' Wlien a sign represents a syllable,' meaning ai)parently a compound syllable, 'I conjecture that the syllable in questi<m may have been the specific name of the objectt which the- sign was supposed to depict ; whilst in cases where a single alphabetical power appertains to the sign it would seem as if that power had been the dominant sound in the name of the object.' But this is a pui'ely academical question. The important point lay in pre- cisely the opposite direction, and attention had been already called to it by Ilincks. The peculiarity most necessary to em[)hasise is that in a vast majority of cases the pronunciation of the ideogram has no relation whatever to the name of the object it represents, nor, when it has a syllabic power, to the phonetic value of


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382 the syllable. Itawlinsoii, liowever, did good service in the present Memoir by layinu* down the first rndiments of the grannnar, a l)raneh of the subject that Hincks subsequently did much to elucidate ; and he was also the first to l)riug into prominence the polyphonic character of the lamjuaue. Hincks had indeed re- marked that ' inanv charaders admit of two or more kindred values'; but Eawlinson ftirther shows that ' certain chai'acters represent two entirely dissimilar sounds — sounds so dissimihir that they cannot be broucfht into relation with each other.' He <^ives as an example the sign for the vowel a, which also conveys the sound of ' bar.'

But the i]freat distinction of Kawlinson lav in his unequalled j)ower of translation. Large numbers of Assyrian inscriptions were now before the world. The 'Monument de Klun-sabad' luul appeared in 1848; Layard's collection followed in 1849, and hichided the inscri])tion on the Black l)elisk found in 1846. So far onlv a few words had l)een made (mt with more or less of accuracy; but nothinof had vet been done in the way of a connected ti*ans]ation. The few lines of the Kliorsabad inscription which Hincks attempted in the Addenda to liis pa])er (Feb. 20, 1850) had not as yet appeared.^ llawhnson, howexei", ol)scrved that many of the connnon expressions used at Behistun were adopted ahuost verbatim from the Assyrian annals ; and it was the discovery of these known passages in the Assyrian inscriptions that first encouraged him to undertake their translation. He disclaimed all pre- tensions to be ' a com})lete master of the Assyrian lanufuaiie ' ; and he still si)eaks of it as to a «rreat extent unintelliofible. 'The first outwork,' he says, 'has been carried hi a hitherto impregnable i)Osition, and that is

' Tran^s. H. L Acad. xxii. 70.


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Rh all.' Indeed he is so discoura<]:ed by the difficultv of the task that he is sometimes disposed ' to abandon the study altogether in utter despair of arriving at any satisfactory result.' In consequence of the ])rfusin of ideograms in proper names, he finds that their ' pro- nunciation is a matter of exceeding difliculty, nay, as I think, of absolute impssil)ility ' ; and it was in this department that he achieved the least success. He, however, passes in review many of the principal inscrip- tions that were tlien known, and analvses the contents of each. ^ lie l)egins with the earliest in date, the one taken fnmi the Xorth West Pahic^e at Xineveh, which he ascribes to King Assui-adan-pal — i*eally Assur- natsir-pal. Tie passes on to the insci-iption of his successor, whom he calls Temenbar II. (really Sal- maneserll.), which (covers the Black Obelisk, and it is to it that he devotes the lariifest share of attention.- His aiialysis, partly a verbal translation and partly a summary, fills no less than seventeen pages, and the achievement camiot fail to elicit unqualified admiration. The unfortunate failure to identify a large, proportion of the proper names gives to it an unreal appearance that no doubt strikes the modern student unfiivourablv and mav at first lead him to exao'irerate its deficiencies. If, however, he is careful to remember that it is the first attempt of the kind ever made, his feelings will S(m turn to astonishment that so nuich should have been correctlv made cmt of what had hitherto been absolutelv unintelligible, lie mav nrofitablv compare a few passages with a modern version. For examj)le, Temenbar begins : ' At the commencement of my reign

lUrch.
 * He rtfers to the liritish Museum series recently edited byLayardand

'^ J. li. A. S. \u. 430 ft'. The gnater ])art, if not the whole of the Obelisk inscription was translated bo fore the publication of Lay ardV book in 1849. Layard, Nineifh audits licinains (1849), ii. 192, note,.


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384 after that I was established on the throne I assembled the (•hief> of iiiv people and came down into the plains of Esmes, where I took the ritv of Haridu, the chief city ])elonf£inif to Xakharmi/ A recent translation of the same passa^'c I'uns : ' At the Ijegimiinnf of my reiirn

when on the throne of the kinodom I had seated myself

• *.

in state, my chariots and, my] armies I assembled. Into the depths of the land of Siinesi I penetrated ; Aridu the strontr city of Xinni I captured/ Again liawlins(^n translates: 'I went out from the city of Nineyeh and crossinir the Eupln^ates I attacked and defeated Aliuni, the son of Ilateni, in the city of Sitrat, which was situated upon the Iui])hrates, and which Ahuni had made one of his capitals. Ahuni, the son of Hateni, with his gods and liis chief priests, his horses, his sons and his daughters and all liis men of war, I brought away to my country of Assyria/ The modern yersion says: 'I de[)arted from Nineyeh; the Euphrates I cross(Hl at its flood: 1 marched against Akhuni, the scm of Adiiii. The country of Shitamrat, a mountain peak on the banks of the Euphrates, he made his stronghold. The peak of the mountain I captured; Akhuni, with his gods, liis chariots, liis horses, his sons, his daughters and his ai-my, I carried away and to my city of Assur I l)rUi^ht ' ; ^ and so on through the eyents of thirty-one years of the reian of the ixreat kini>'. On the other hand, it would be too much to say that eyen the sense is always })reseryed. There are, in fact, many and serious diyeraencies from the correct translation as it now stands, after more than forty years' continuous study. It is impossil)le that it could haye been other-

' Of. J. IL A. S. xii. 432-8; liecords of the Past, ^.S. 1890, iv. 30-40. The translator is Father Scheil, who has not thought it worth while to mention the name of his great predecessor. From what he says the reader might suppose the inscription was first translated by Oppert (p. 37).


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Rh wise with the means then at hand. The wonder is that so much could have l)eeu a(!CompHshed with one hundred and fifty imperfectly understood cliaracters ; and with oidy live hundred words arrived at conjec- turallv out of some six thousand. Kawlinson himself warned the reader that here and there 'little depend- ence can Ije placed on the translation ' ; and he conft^sses that sometimes he could not ' conjecture even the meanin;L>' of several passages.' Notwithstanding his difficulty with the pri)er names, a host of new ones were now for the first time identified: Amanus ; the Tlittites; Chaldaeans ; the rivers Tigris, Euphrates, Relikh ; the cities of Borsippa, Tyre, Sidon, Gabal, Caleh. On the other hand, the Akkadians now make their first appearance hi modern history as ' Ilekdi,' ' which mav be connected with the Armenian "Haik.'" Hazael of Damascus is still concealed as ' Khazakan of Atesh ' and 'Jehu the son of Onui' ap])ears as 'Yahua the son of Ilubiri,' ' a prince,' says the translator, ' of whose native country I am imorant.' He called attention to the name of Yehuda hi a Khorsabad inscription in connection with that of Ilamath ; but he hesitated to identify it with Judah. Indeed at this period he could not bring himself to believe that the son of the Khorsabad king was Sennacherib and his grandson Esarhaddon, as Ilincks ventured to assert.^ The sisxiis for Sarwn he transliterated ' Arko-tsin,' and those for Sennacherib, ' Bel Adonim-sha ' ; but Esar- haddon came out almost (correct as ' Assar-Adan.' He concludes his paper by an analysis of the inscriptions found at Khorsabad, containing the annals of ' Arko- tsin.'

It was not till the following year, and till after Eawlin-

the later dynasty of Khorsabad from B.C. 1100-1000. J. R, A, S. xii. 471.
 * He thought the dynasty of Nimrud flourished B.C. 1300-1200, and

C C


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386 son's return to Persia, that the publicatiou of the third coluuui of the Behistuu iuscu'iptiou was completed. It nils the fourteeutli volume of the ' Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic Society,' and the greater part of it was laid on the table l)efore May 18-jl.^ A poiticm of the expense was defra^Td Idv a Government ijrant, made at the suiz- gestion of I^ord John Iiussell: and the volume consists of seventeen lar^e plates ccmtaininuthe cuneiform text with transliteration and a T>atin translation. Then comes an * Indiscriminate List of liabvlonian and Assyrian (,'haracters,' with their phonetics jiowers, and also such ideographic values as had l)een ascertained. The list includes two Inmdred and forty-six princijial signs, many of which are followed l)v others varvinu' in form; and wnerally rei)resentinix the dillerent methods of writing' found at Persepolis, Babylon and Xineveh. An analysis of the text, extending over a hundred pages, follows, but it has not l)een carried farther than t(^ the end of the first eolunui. The ' Memoir on the liabvlonian and Assyi'ian Inscriptions ' is even more incom2)lete. It covers onlv sixteen naiics. and Ijreaks off in the middle of a sentence, before the analvsis of the second si^'u was concluded. Xo explaruition is given of this abrupt termination.

The discovery of a separate sign for each combina- tion of vowel and consonant, explained Ijy Dr. Ilincks in his Appendix of January 18-")0, no doubt exercised i-onsiderable influence on liawlinson,- and we are now in a ])sition to recognise the full efl'ect it produced in the progr(^ss of the study. Ilow far Pawlinson independently

1 i

The cuneiform text accompanied by a transcrijtt in Uoman cliaracters

and an interlineary Latin translation wa?- ])rlnted ' before May; see lleport,

May 18ol, J. 11. A. S. xiii. p. vi. The comjtb'te volinne appeared in Jaunarv

18.')2 ( //y. p. 19'.)). Uawlinson returned to Baj^dad in the autumn of 1851

{Me?noh\ p. 171).

Trans, li. I. Acad. xxii. o6.

• > r i T


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Rh divined the existence of some such principle is by no means clear, but we have no doul)t that when he read his first paper to the Society he was still of opinion that the alphabetical system entered largely into the Assyrian language. ' Many of the characters,' he then said, ' can only Ije explained as single consonants.' ' In accordance with this view, when he had occasion to refer to the Assyi'ian characters, he uniforndy gives them purely al[)ha])etical values, although in many cases their correct syllal)ic values had been already definitely fixed in ilincks's Essay. - Hincks himself pointed this out in one notal)le case. In I80O, Rawlinson said that the suffix of the third })erson plural is a simple n; but soon afterwards Hincks sliowed that the consonantal termination is fol- lowed by ff. This o])inion Eawlinson adopted in 1851, and remark(Ml of the word ' Yatipsu,' * the termination in (r marks, of eU]-se, the plural nund)er like the Hebrew.' ^ 'When,' says Hincks, ' the connnentary was ])ublislie(l [u\ 1850^ no u could be discovered. The siixn he now reads su was a simple s.' ^ These facts are not suffi- cientlv accountcnl for 1)V the exi)lanatin liawlinsoii

' TliH rej)ort of his lecture, given iu the Athcmcfiun, leaves no doubt on this point. It says: * Major liawliuson could not admit that the phonetic .sy*^teiu was entirely syllabic, as had been sometimes stated. There was no doubt an extensive syllabarium, and the literal characters, moreover, required a vowel-sound either to precede or follow the consonant: hut a^uch vowel jioioifl wa^ rarely imiform. lie preferred, thenfore, distinguishing the literal signs as sonant and complement al, (md leariny the rotrels to he sujiplied (levordint/ to the rcf/uiremeyits <>f the lanrjunge' {Athenreum, March:?, 1850). And in August of the .same year he vindicated the use o^ bona Jide letters, in o]>positin to Hincks, wdio nuiintained that * th»' characters had all definite syllabic values' (Athenffum, Aug. 24, I80O).

' For e\am])le, he describes the signs for ut and ti as t; for hu and bil as b; for la and li as /; ^v/ as «, and ha as k (J. li. A. S. xii. 40o, 4(Hj, 4:24, 43o). Hincks already knew that the signs indicated tijbu, la, li and ka.

^ Cf. J. It. A. S. xii. 413, xiv. p. xi.

./. 11. A. S. xii. 40r».
 * Hincks, Trans. II. I. Aead. 1852, xxii. 306, note. Cf, Rawlinson,

c c 2


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388 gives in his present Moinoir. ' In the articuhition kat^ for example, which is composed of two cliaracters, ka and at^ eitlier one or other of these sio-ns must repre- sent a simi)le lettei* ratlier than a syllal)le ; and as this peculiarity of ex])ression pei'vades the whole Assyrian alphabet, I think I am justified in still adhering- to the statement which I announced last vear, that the phonetic si^ns were in some cases syllal)ic and in others literal.' ^ However this may be, he now finally abandons the description of the signs as letters, and no simi)le al})habetical values are to be found in his ' Indiscriminate List.' There can be little doubt that the alteration in the method of writhij,^ is to l)e best explained by a corresponding change of opinion.^' However m-eat mav have l)een liis l)liL>'ation toHincks, he soon made the discoverv his own. He corrects the errors and supplies the deficiencies of his predecessor. He siii)presses the twofold signs for a, and limits the regular syllal)ic coml)inations to the three vowels tij i and a., which thus vielded six instead of seven values for each of the consonants. Following Hincks, he accepts only fifteen distinct consonantal values, but he prefers to use z and kh in place of the ^ and // of Hincks, now written z and h. With these he has given one hundred and seven simple syllabic combuiations, a nuicli larger number than reallv exists ; but he has no less than seventy-eight correct, out of a possible number that sliglitly exceeds eiglity.^ He, however, took no account of the signs that indicated the exceptional combinations with the vowel e^ which amount to about a dozen. This defect was soon afterwards noticed

1 J. It. A. S. xiv. 4.

Geschichtey p. 91).
 * Dr. Ilommel Las, however, come to a somewhat difi'erent conclusion^

^ Menant estimates ' the necessary simple syllables ' at eighty-two,, though this number is slightly moditied in practice {Manuel^'p. 6). ;


text: The Australian Emigrant

title: The Australian Emigrant


text:
Page:Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions.djvu/418

Rh by Hincks, who, however, signally failed in his attempt to identify them. On the other hand, we are now introduced for the first time to the compound syllables that foini so lai'ue a ijortion of the Babvloniau simis. Th(^se, unlike the simple syUal^les so successfully treated l)y Hhicks, c(jnsist of two consonants separated l)y a vowel. It is true that a. few made their appearance in Ilincks's sliort translation from the Khorsabad inscription (February ISoO), such as \sib/ ' kun/ 'bul' and 'gur/ alnt»* with three others that are incorrect.' We also learn from a later ])ublication that before the appear- ance of Itawlinson's ISvllabarium Hincks knew the values of upwards of twenty other compound syllal)ic siiius.- Hut they do not seem to have been made known to the world, and they all, with the exception of live, a!e now met in the Syllabarium for the first time. Kawlinson uives sixtv-eiuht of these svllables, and no less than (iftv are correct. He has Ijeen unable to Ljive anv ])lionetic value to sixtvout of his two hundred and forty-six ])]-iiicipal siirns, l)ut in several cases he has determined their ide;>'raphi(* meaning. The distri- bution of the signs, as exi)lained by llincks, considerably diminished the numl)er of sup])osed homophones, and the compound syllables now enumerated tended in the same direction. But Kawlinson dwells with increasinir bitterness on the extreme confusion introduced into the language by polyphones. He complains that 'after vears of laborious research he has overcome the difficulty to but a limited extent.' ' The meaning of a word,' he says, ' may be ascertained from the trilingual inscriptions, or from its occurring in a variety of passages with only one possi])le signification ; but

^ Trans, li. I. Acad. xxii. 70.

- See those marked 11 1849 or 1850 in *As8yrio-Baby Ionian Phonetic Characters ' {Trans. li. I. Acad. 1H52, xxii. 293, flf).


text:
Page:Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions.djvu/419

390 unless its coiTespoiuleiit can l)e recognised in some Semitic tongue it is often impossiljle, owing to the employment in it of a polyphone character to fix its orthography ; and this uncertainty presses on the student with almost crushing seyerity.' ^ In addition to this, he had to contend with the dilliculty that besets all early decipherers — the inal)ility to distinguish between his own correct and incorrect yalues, where the latter often cause more confusion than if the sound were still regarded as doubtful. Notwithstanding all these obstacles, his transliteration was sufficient to aflbrd a considerable knowledge of the nature of the language ; and to enable the student to recognise the connection of the words that resulted with their Semitic relatives. In the forty years that elapsed l)etween the version we are now considering, and that given by Dr. Bezold, a whole army of scholars has been cease- lesslv at work upon the Babylonian and Assyrian inscrip- tions, and the point they have reached is naturally ftir hi ad\^ance of that in which it was placed l)y the first Essay of llawlinson. The comparison of a few passages, taken almost at random, will enable the reader to appreciate the position the study had reached in 1851.- The first lines of the inscription are rendered thus by Eawlinson, De Saulcv and liezold.

I*AKA GRAPH T.

liaw. X Ila Kba ma ui s a melek ^

Dc >S'. A Kh ni n s ah sar (!^)

liez. "' a lia ma ni is ' sarru

' J, It. A. S. xiv. .'^.

- For llawliiison sec »/. 11. A. .V. \n]. \iv. Clutc 1 ; for Do Saiilcy, Journal ^[aifrliffuo, I8r)4, ill.!).■) ; for J>fZ'»id, ])i(' Achiimc/ndi^ninarhnftcH, \). '2A.

The sign for 'king' was written 'melik,' after the Hebrew, till it was seen that the Assyrians prnounced it 'sarru' (Menant, Manuel, p. 265). In Rawlinson's analysis he points out that one of the terms for 'king' was certainly 'sarru,' as in the Window inscription of Darius at Persepolis and


text: The Australian Emigrant/Preface

title: The Australian Emigrant/Preface


text:
Page:Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions.djvu/420

Rh Raw. ( — ) X Par sa i molek

l)e S. sar i I" F(ar) s i sar

liez. par -sa -a- a sarru

Raw. X Par sii X Da ri va sar nielek

De S. 't F(ar) 8 D r ia s sar

Rez. par su "^ da ri i'a mus sami

Ixfiw. ki ha m i gab bi at t ii a ab u a

l)e S. ram i t b at t ou a at ou a

J>ez. Ki a am i gab bi at tii u a abu u a

Haw. X \'as ta s' pi abi sa X Vas ta s pi De .V. Is t « p at s Is t s p

Itez. "' us ta az pi abu sa "* us ta az pi

Paraorvph II,

Raw.

X Ar va

ra m n

a

abi sa

De S.

ar ia

r ni 11

ah

at s

liez.

'" ar i'a

-ra am mi'

abu sa

Raw.

X ar va

•

ra m n

a

X Si 8

pi s

De is.

ar ia

r m n

ah

Ch s

p s

lii'Z.

•* ar i'a

ra am na

>

'"si i

pi is

Raw.

abi sa

X si s

pi s

X Ila

kha ma ni s

a

De -S.

at s

Ch s

p 8

A

kh m n s

a

Rez.

abu sa

"* ^\ is

pi IS

m 1^

l)a ma ni is

}

Raw.

X Da ri

va sar

melek

ki ha

m i gab

bi

Df s.

I) r

ia s

sar

r a

m i ts

b

liez.

 * " (la ri

i'a mus

Sarru

ki a

am i gab

bi

Raw.

a n

♦•bC-^) bi

ha g

a

De .v.

a n

k m

a (1

a

Rez.

a iia

lib bi

a Si

\ a

PVKAGUAPH III.

Raw. ha ga ni ul tu abu t

De *S'. a (I n s t at t Nin

liez. a ni ni ul tu abu u (!") zeru

also at Khor-jabad. 'This discovery,' he adds, *of course tends to discredit tliH readiufj of" melik," and to suggest the uniform adoption of " sarru" ' (.I.R.^i.S. xiv. p. iii, Jiote). The discovery was made by Long])erier in 1847, and lie gives the Hebrew e(juivalent (Rcrae Archeolot/irpie^ 184H, Long- ]>erier to Liiwrnstorn, Sept. 1S47. ]>. oO.S). p])ert assigns the credit to De Saulcy {Joarnal Asiatv/ue^ lN")7, ix. 14i^), who mentions it in 1840. Hincks 8e»'ms to have been the first to sugg(\st ' melik ' or * malek ' (1840). H)n Khorsabad,' Trail'*. R. I. Acad. xxii. 39.


text: The Australian Emigrant/Chapter 1

title: The Australian Emigrant/Chapter 1


text:
Page:Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions.djvu/421

392 Ji((W. u ni Mt'lik iv r su n l)e S.

oil n 8J1 ir i ou n liez. u ni sarru(>/.) su nu

U(nr.

X Da ri va

sar mek'k

ki ha

m

Bt S, 1) r iu s >ar

r a

m lU'Z.

"^ (la ri i'a

mils saiTU ki a am Haw. i gab bi VI 1 1 as eb (r) (— ) ya I)e S. i ts b VIII B k (kim) Nil! ia Jiez. i gab bi vm

ina libbu zeru i'a Haw. at t u a as pa na t u a

melik lit Do S. at t oil a B F n t oil a .sar t liez. at il u a ina pa na tu u a saiTu tu Haw, i t ip su

1 I)e S. i t kh oil (

Ihz. i t ip su

The pnssnire is^ tlius translated by the three ^cliolars :

Rair. ' l^iio Darius, rex inaiiiui.s, rex reuunullystaspis liliiis Arsamis iie])si Acliaemeiiis rex Li'eiitium Persi- cariim ; rex IVrsidis, Darius rex ! j dicit : milii

pater uieus llystaspes: pater qui Ilystaspis OVrsames : pater (|ui Arsaniisj Ariaranuies: pater (pii Ariaramiiis Teispes : pater (jui Teispis Achaeiuenes. Darius rex ] dicit : ol) haiie [ratiouem iios Achaemeiises appeUamur al) antiquo oriuudi (?)" sunius : ab aiitiquo stirps noster reges i'uei'e(?) Darius rex ^ 'dicit:

octo e u'eiiere uieo ante uie reu'uuni euei'e/

J)(' S. ^[h/cfn/e"\ Akheuu'iies I'oi (h.^s rois, homme perse, roi du l>ays de IVrse, Darius roi gi'aiid, dit : Mes peres, Ilystaspe; le pere de llystaspe \_/<fctuh'^ Ariarain- ues ; le ])ere de Ariaranuiah Cliispis : le ])ere de Chispis, Akheineues Darius, roi i»raiid dit: Pour raisoii eette UaciDiC au temps de uos peres nous avons reirne, au tf-'uqjs des ])eres notre race [i'urentr; leurs rois, Darius roi liTand dit : lluit dans I'etat de nia race, mes peres (hins nion visaue ^avant moi] la royaute out pris elle (?)


text: The Australian Emigrant/Chapter 2

title: The Australian Emigrant/Chapter 2


text:
Page:Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions.djvu/422

Rh Bez. ' [Iclu Darius, der grosse Krhiig, der Kiiiiig der Kiiniire, der Kiiig der Liiuder (?)] der Acliiinieuide: KcHiig der Scliar (?) der Menscheii, eiii Terser, Kuiiiu* voii Persien. ►^o spriclit Darius der Kiniio-: Mein Vater [ist^ U.^tazpi; der ^'ater des Ustazpi [war Arsliauia, der A'uter des Arshama] Ariarainna, der

V V

Vater des Ariaraniua Sispis. der Vater des t^ispis, [warl Aliainaiiis. ►'^o spriclit Darius der Iv<niiu": Darum [werdeii wir Acliiimeuiden genaunt; von Alters her siiid wir ei-})rol)t], von Alters lier (?) waren unsere Sprossen Kcniige. So sprielit Darius der Kiinig: Aclit in mitten nieiner Faniilie libten vor niir die Konigs- lieri'scliaft aus.'

Li the August of this year (IS-')!) .liawHnson was able to announce that he had met with an inscription that satisfactorily fixed the date of the Lower Assyrian dvnastv. We have said that this was in reahtv done loni^' l)efore by LoniiiH'rier wheii he identified the Khorsabad king with the Sargon of Tsaiali (1847); and by llincks, who was satisfied that the builders of the hiter palaces were Sennacherib and Esarhaddon (1841)). iiut we liave seen that llawlinson loniz' refused to recounise these identifications as satisfactorilv established. At length, however, he found in a tablet from Khorsabad (PI. 70 Jtotta) an account which he acknowh^dged referred to the capture of Samaria l)y Sargon in the first year of his rei<>n; and he also succeeded in identifvinu' ' Omri.' ^ lie thought that Sargon, whose identilicationhe acknow- ledged in his Analysis of the JJehistuu insciiption,- was the same pei'sonage as Shahnaneser, who figures in the

^ Hingiilarly t'lioup^h, Ilincks hud just inclejM'iidently deciphered in the <.)belisk inscription the names of 31enahem and .lehii the son of Omri. Prof. Wilson, Jan. ISo^, J. Ji. A. »S. \iii. IDS. See also George Smith, ^is!ii/ria/i Discor.vrU'Hy 18S.'}, p. 10. Hincks did not at first recognise Kawlin- .son's identification of Samaria (see Al/w/iaiofi, Sept. 1«3, 1S">1).

- J. ii. A. *S. ISol, xiv. p. iii.


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394 same inscription as tin* conqueror of Aslidod ; and he made out the names of other cities that fell before the arms of that kin^' : ' llamath, Beroea, Damascus, Banibyce. Carchemish;

Ikit the inscription to which he now more particularly drew attention was recently found l)y Mr. Lavard on a colossal bull at the ", l)Ut they n^count the subiui>-ation of Babylon in the beiiinninii' of his reiu'u, and the defeat of Ilezekiah and the capture of J(*rusalem in his third year. The narratiye agrees with what was already known from the I lebrew writinLjs and froiu Polyhistor. The discovery, in a cuneiform inscri])tion, of the three* names Hezekiah, Jerusalem and Judah, and an account of eyents related in I lie Book of K'm<i*s, naturally sthnulated the interest of a wider pul)lic than is o'enerally occupied with arclueology.^ From this pei'iod dates the great popularity these studies enjoyed for a time, a popularity that culminated more than twenty-fiye years later by the desi)atch of Georc^e Smith on amission to the East l)y the 'Daily Telegraph.'

A year after the publication of the third colunm of the Behistun inscri])tion, llincks read a i)aper 'On the Assyrio-liabylonian Phonetic Characters' (1852), which may be reizarded as havhiLj' closed the early stau'e of in- (piiry into th(* subject.- Tu this essay he contributes no less than a hundred and ei^'htc^en new yalues, of which sixty-eight c(M'tainly, and possibly more, are correct. Wlien these are addcul to the Syllal)arium of Pawlinson, ii})wards of two hundred correct signs, in addition to ihose for tht^ xowels and dii)lithoiigs, were now at the

' Afhenoirn,, Aug. 1>.'J, IS.')!, p. {){)•>. - rra7i.<. L\ I. A;5 m^.


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Rh disposal of the decipherer. It had also been proved conchisively that ' the characters all represent syllables and were originally intended to represent a non- Semitic language.' In opposition to the system that still found an advocate in De Saulcy, it was shown that ' instead of the vowels being unrepresented, or only represented by points, as in all Semitic writing that was first applied to a Semitic language, we have in the cuneatic inscriptions every vowel definitely ex- pressed.' This new Syllabarium demonstrates for the first time how extensively polyphony prevailed. Indeed one of its chief merits consists in the eimmeration of the different values expressed by the same sign. This had been done to a slight extent l)y Uawlinson, who puts the i)olypliones hi an aj)h)getic manner in a S(^parate column, under the lieading ' riionetic Powers arising from Ideographic; Values/ This excited the contemptuous criticism of I)e Saulcy, who was still so far from appreciating the true nature of the language tliat he declared: 'Either this'language was for th(» Assyrian an inextrical)le (jdr/iis, or one or other of tli(\se values nuist be chosen." ^ The present Memoir of llincks, which must soon after have fallen into his hands, ought to have convinced him that the former alternative is the onlv one available. Indeed the nunil)er of polyphones is so great that the two hundred and fiftv-four characters which llincks now deals with express no less tlian tliree hundred and forty-four difl'erent values. In the Appendix to the Khoi'sabad inscription (January 11), 18-jO) it will be recollected that he gave seventy-one simple syllabic values, of which we found fifty-seven correct. In a lithographed paper, presented to a mec^ting of the British Association in the course of the same vear, ]w added to their

> Jirrue Orif-ntale, ISo^, ii. lOJ.


text:
Author:Richard Dadd

Works

 * Elimination of a Picture & its Subject—called The Fellers' Master Stroke (1865)

title: Author:Richard Dadd


text:
Page:Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions.djvu/425

396 number, so that, with the vowels, his contribution amounted to a hundred. These apparently include the twenty-live (correct) compound syUables already men- tioned. In the present Memoir he added a hundred and eighteen new values (sixty-eight correct), so that he claims to have discovered by his own unassisted ingenuity no less than two hundred and eighteen values. He acknowledges that he is indebted to llawlinson for seventv-seven in addition to these, and he states that they were substantially aii'reed as to the siu'nilication of one hundred and seventv-seven simis.^ They disaLjTee as to forty-nine ; but the disau'reement, generally speakhig, does not extend to the consonantal value ; it arises from the doubt as to whether the sign conveys the value of e or (>, as Ilincks thoutjfht, or of z' or u. as KawUnson maintained. Hhicks fi"ankly con- fesses he received seventy-seven values from Rawlinson after ISOO ; Init liawlinson has not told us how many values lie borrowed from Ilincks durini>* that year. The i)rbability is they were extremely few, if any : the transliteration and translation of the inscriptions taken at Behistun and from the Black Obelisk were made l^efore the Appendix was sent to press, and neither could have l)een accomplished unless liawlin- son had j)reviously drawn up a. very comprehen- sive list for his own use. Xo doubt he took full advantage of Hincks's paper to introduce occasional corrections and emendations, and it is to be regretted that he has not li'ratified our curiosity as to the extent of his obliu'ations.

^ These fifrures may he arrantxed thus :

100 si;^ais valued by Hincks up to 1S50. i In these Ilincks and

77 signs taken from liawlinson. I Rawlinson agree.

49 signs, decipherer not mentioned ; values disputed, lis signs newly valued. o44 discussed in present paper.


text:
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Rh In the present Memoir Iliiu-ks modified in some resi)ects his original mode of writing. Following Rawlinson's exami)le, he has discarded the use of c in favour of X: for the Koph series; and he adopts s to express the thi-ee Hebrew sounds of 5, s and | (,s, te, and s/t). Ih* also follows llawlinson in substituthig z^ fovj, and /A for 7. All these modifications have been accepted except the last, which is now written A. On one other point, however, he was less ccmciliatory. In defei'ence to Eawlinson, he drops his two sounds for a : his h)ng a l)ee(nnes now simply a ; but he insists on the distinct recognition of the union of the consonant with e or o. 'We must,' lie savs, 'consider the seven forms which miulit beln<»" to each.' These forms, therefore, are now a^ e or o^ i and a ; and one of the chief points of disai>*reement with Rawlinson is that the latter ignores the sounds of ^ or and substitutes either i or a. Ilincks was quite right in mauitainhig that Rawlinson unduly neglected the vowel e\ for his ' Indiscriminate List ' only contains one syllable formed with e., viz. ep. Ilincks was, however, wrong in supposing that there is any regular sylhibic combina- tions so framed. The regular svllabic combinations are six, not seven, and they are formed with a, i and u 01 dv — as Itawlinson rifditlv saw. The combinations with e are exceptions to the rule, and have been ascribed to local or dialectic changes.^ They amount to about twelve and, strange to say, only one was Crre(*tly identified by Ilincks {te). The sound seems to be practically unknown.

In the passages we selected to illustrate Eawlinson's transliteration of the Hehistun inscription, we placed that uiven by De Saulcv two vears later side by side with it, not on account of its intrinsic merit, but

«

 * See Menant, Manuel^ p. 10.


text:
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398 because of the claims put forward on his behalf by some of his countrymen. It seems to be generally admitted that the honour attached to the first deecipherment of the Babylonian inscriptions cannot be justly claimed by more than three scholars—Hincks, Rawlinson and De Sauley. We have endeavoured to lay before the reader the contributions made by the first two. There can be no doubt that Hincks displayed remarkable insight into the formation of the language, and that his ingenuity in detecting the value of the sings, and in recognising their relation to one another was very great. Whether he would have been able to go farther and acquire equal distinction as a translator is another question. His genius seems to have been more adapted to elucidate matters of grammar and philosophy. Rawlinson had a rare ability of assimilating the suggestions of other scholars so quickly as to be almost oblivious that they were not original, and of carrying them rapidly to a perfection that, was all his own. Thus Hincks's elementary Syllabarium of 1850 appears in Rawlinson's Memoir of 1851 so vastly improved as to be practically an independent work. But the translation of the inscriptions was entirely his own, and in this department Hincks never entered into competition with him. Here, according to M. Menant, his rival was De Sauley. It is unfortunate that De Sauley's early contributions should have become almost inaccessible, and we have not found any detailed account of their contents. They date from 1847, but his earliest efforts, even according to M. Menant, only deserve mention because the author himself was disposed to treat them too


text:
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Rh severely. On June 20, 1847, in a letter to Burnouf. he attempted to identify some of the kings mentioned in a genealogical fragment found at Van. Ten days later he endeavoured to solve the riddle of the second name in the Khorsabad inscription. In the following July he suggested that the name on the Michaux stone should be read 'Saosdoukin'; and in December he imagined that he had found the sense of the Van inscriptions. He, however, honestly confesses that in the light of subsequent knowledge all these efforts were vain. 'He has,' he says, 'passed the sponge over all he has hitherto done, and has recommenced the study of Assyrian ab ovo.'

In 1849, however, he contributed two pamphlets which it is admitted were of greater importance. In the first, which appeared on September 14, he undertook a transcription of the Babylonian column of the Elvend inscription with translation and analysis. He succeeded, we are told, in separating the Babylonian signs correctly, so that each group could be compared word for word with the Persian. In his analysis he is said to have justified the values he attributed to each sign, and the meaning he attached to each word. He regarded the signs as purely consonantal, and sought to bring them all into relation with the twenty-two Hebrew letters. He seems to have thought that some of the signs are capable of division: one portion fixed, representing the consonant, and the other a variable appendix indicating the vowel. In the second pamphlet, dated November 27, he treated the Persepolitan inscriptions in the same manner, but with a growing suspicion that the Assyrian letters might after


text:
User talk:Linguisticeyes

— billinghurst  sDrewth  12:54, 10 June 2012 (UTC)

An example
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title: User talk:Linguisticeyes


text:
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400 all turn out to be <\llal)i<'.^ Bv thi- iiieau^ he arrived

ft ft

at the roii^onaiital ^ound of a liiiiidnHl and twelltv >iLriis wliir-li M. ^reliant  Syllabarhiin, in 18-31 (two vears hiter) I)e Saulcv o];-e!'ved that >ixtv-eii>lit of the^e OIK.' liundrcd and twentv si^'ii^ received the same vahies. Xot >ati^ricd with tliis success, lie >eeni< aetuallv to have tlKHiijht that Kawdinson had l.)ni-rowed them with- out aeknowledLHiient from him: •J'avais done lu et ])ul)lie avant ^I. liawlinsr)]! soixantcdiuit des valeurs exactes publiees pai- lui ; il eut etc de boii gout, peut- ctre, de prendre, lu^ fut-ce qu'une seide fois. La ])eine de (•iter mon nom."- It is, of course, quite impossible to admit the chiim< made r)n his Ijehalf. We have not ])een al)le to see the siii'iis to which reference is made, h)Ut it is quite certain that, in September 1849, there were not sixty-eii>ht sio-ns in the Persepolitau inscrip- tion still remaininii' unknown either to Hincks or liawliuM)]!. It nuist be recollected that De Saulcv's pamphlets appeared more than two years after Hincks had already accomplished a somewhat similar classifica- tion with a consideral)le measure of success ; and there- fore after the consonantal values of a lariii^ number of signs had long been correctly ascertained. On the other hand, the earlier papers of Hincks were quite accessible to De Saulcv, and we learn from Mold that they were well known in France a year before the appearance of his two i)ami)hlets.^ ' What,' asks M. Menant, ' did Eawlinson owe to De Saulcy's labours on the Assyrian text? It is impossible to say,' he answers, ' for Kawlinson has not given an account of his pre- liminary studies.'** Th'e answer is, however, much simpler than this. Eawlinson owes nothing to De

^ Menant, op. cif. pp. 141-5. ^ lievue Orientale^ loo. cit. p. 167,

^ Mohl, op. cit. Report, Aug. 1848. ^ Menant, op. cit, p. 149.


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Rh of a boy of nearly four years, each year counting almost double our three hundred and eighty-five days.

Winter twice as long as an earth winter, and more than twice as severe on a planet that receives only four-ninths as much heat and light as our own. No wonder that Charlie's mother and father are busy storing up food in the larder and getting out and airing the soft, warm winter clothing and out-door wraps. It is a busy time, but no one seems unhappy or anxious. All work cheerfully, as preparing for a season that brings its own pleasures.

Speaking of this approaching winter Jacob says:—"I can remember last winter quite well. The weather was very cold, and I was not allowed to be out of doors much. During part of it I was attending Hildreth's class. I remember that I used to slide on rough ice that had grass underneath it, and that we tumbled about and made merry. Our house was always warm, and so was the class-room, but the out-door life was very cold. If we were not running about and sliding we had to hurry indoors.

This winter I am going to have skates, and father has taken the flying fish back to the depôt, and got a sleigh in its place. I asked father who was going to draw the sleigh, and he pointed out a machine, underneath which he said would do that very easily and for any distance. In my waking hours I cannot understand these machines. They seem natural enough to my dreamlife. There must be some great force in the air-boat to move it at the speed at which it travels, carrying all of us and now the sleigh. It is not steam. It moves in silence, and never shows a trace of smoke or heat. I have never seen a coal or a piece of firewood; nothing is burnt. Mother touches a knob and we have a warm fire glowing in the stove, another and the room is beautifully lit, although there is no flame and no brilliant point of light visible. Many things appear more perfect in my dreamworld than in my waking one.

Hard frost has set in, snow has fallen. Early this morning my father told me we would try my new skates this afternoon if the weather did not get too cold. I hurried home from school, and we all had dinner, after which we got into the sleigh and all slid along over the white snow. We were not long in reaching the very lake into which I had almost dropped last summer. How different the scene, and yet how exhilarating. All is life and graceful motion. Thousands of skaters, of both sexes and all ages, are gliding rapidly and easily about, while a band discourses sweet and lively music on the shore. They all look happy, and all seem to enter into their enjoyments heartily, as if they were entirely free from suffering and care. The elder people, and there are many here, are just as bright and happy looking at the younger ones. Even those who sit in their sleighs and watch, and those who prefer walking to gliding have all the same happy look, a look that tells of content and happiness, of something more than the mere pleasure of the day.

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32 As for the music that attends everything. We are a very musical people, so much so that our lives may be said to be set to music. It is as if we were constantly expressing our joy in thankful song.

My father has got his skates and mine firmly fixed and away we go on the ice, he holding me up when my feet fly apart or run before me or behind me, leaving me to tumble but for his firm hand. At last we come to a comparatively quiet corner, and father, taking a seat on the bank, bids me strike out for myself. This I do, again and again coming to grief most times, but falling lightly and not hurting myself much. After another run behind father, who gives me the end of a scarf to hold on by, we go to mother and the sleigh and away home.

Our home life seems easy and happy as compared with that of my earlier childhood. Lights and fires give no work. Mother has only one meal to cook. There are no dusty streets, smoke, dirt and dust are almost unknown things. Labor-saving appliances of all kinds are freely used in household work, so that taken altogether the wife and mother has no need to work much longer than the husband and father. The winter evenings we spent very pleasantly. Sometimes we had visitors, at others we visited our friends. We had merry games—games of chance and skill, reading, impersonations, dramatic and musical performances, dancing, calisthenics. All the people had plenty of time and opportunity for self improvement, and most of them took care to excel in some accomplishment. First-class teachers of all the arts gave lessons to those who wished without any charge upon their labor. That is, all tuition of every kind is absolutely free.

All other things are free to all appearance in some sense. At the depôts we get all we want for asking. Only there is this difference: an account is kept with each responsible person or each head of a family, and his production balanced with his consumption. All consumed by an individual or family is practically paid for by the labor or production of the individual or family, and generally the account is much in favor of the worker, for there are no profits. The State is the only middleman, and the costs of carriage and storage and distribution are the only additions made to prime cost. The difference between lessons and personal necessaries is this, the former are not entered against his account, the latter are.

Teachers, lecturers, doctors, writers, actors, musicians, preachers— in short, all who work for the amusement, instruction and healing of humanity are provided for by the State, and when past labor are still surrounded by such comforts and luxuries as they have been accustomed to. In all this world such a thing as poverty is unknown. Nor can anyone become rich. No matter how much a man or woman may spare the State account he or she can hoard nothing, nor even draw upon the depôt for articles that must ran to waste. Nor can anyone own a foot of land. No one can make a will. At death, or prior to that event, purely personal belongings may be

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Rh promised or given to various members of a family, but there can be no bickering over the distribution of wealth. The State is the heir of each generation, and as the lives of all our men and women are honorable and profitable, as we have no criminals and no paupers, and as all work who are permitted to do so, the State gains much by each generation, and can easily afford to sustain teachers and the like, maintain schools and places of amusement in each centre of population, and provide for the wants of worn out workers.

And our workers do not wear out soon. The conditions of life are easy and they are free from worry and almost free from temptation. Our day is twenty-five hours, and they only work five at a trade. The majority work a little in the afternoons in their fruit and flower gardens, or for their own amusement; but there is no such thing as bustle, strain, anxiety as to money or any other worrying matter. The general happiness and the zest manifested by comparatively aged people doubtless has its source in the conditions of life.

Our intercourse with one another is very easy. We are not expected to provide foods and drinks for our afternoon or evening guests. Those who wish to eat together go to the caravansary, where wholesome and varied meats are supplied early in the afternoon to all comers, the only formality being that each name is sent to the depôt for the district. You pay for your friend's dinner if you wish by repeating your own name. This, however, is rarely allowed, for your friend is your equal, and stands as well in the register as you do.

Another reason for the freedom of our intercourse is freedom from titles. We have no 'Miss' nor 'Mistress,' no 'Sir' nor 'Esquire.' Each man or woman goes by name. The profession is allowed to be used as an affix, as 'Classmother,' 'Doctor,' 'Teacher;' but even these confer no rank.

I did not gather up all the above information while out skating with father. I got most of it at various times from Gaston, who spends half-an-hour every fourth day in telling us of things pertaining to our everyday lives. I am getting on well with my studies. It is very easy to learn, every study is made so interesting. We were prepared for Gaston's class while going through Hildreth's, and the present teacher seems to know just what we want to learn next. We do not appear to have much to learn in ordinary arithmetic, and we are busy measuring surfaces and solids of various forms every morning. When we have proved by our arithmetic that a certain surface contains a certain number of feet, we have to measure it up in single feet and show them. For this we have a large ground space that will bear chalking, and a smooth, black wall in the playground. Sometimes several pupils join in working out a problem in full size. The other day I and two class-mates had to find the centre of a polygon—an irregular one. We worked at it for two hours, making triangles and measuring their area and

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 finding the centres, first of one then of two, until at last we got the centre of all the centres.

The next day we had to work it out again on a small scale on thin cardboard. When this was done the figure was cut out and balanced on a point, and in two cases out of three the centre had been so correctly found that the balancing point coincided with the centres we had discovered. The third was very nearly correct. All our lessons were made interesting in this way, and when we had learned them we could not forget them.

In order to learn geography we had to find the cardinal points by the sun, and to draw plans of the school, the playfields, paths, and environs. Then we were led on to draw more extended plans on a smaller scale, including the positions of scores of houses, and in each case showing the way to the pupil's own abode.

Until we were well versed in topography we were taught nothing of geography. The former science was merged into the latter one. We were well advanced in the study of geography before we knew that we had begun it. Gaston teaches us what is called the 'Ancient' system, & division that was in vogue many thousands of years ago, when we had many nations and different languages and political systems. This system gives us historic names, and has something of poetry and suggestiveness in it, especially for the people who rejoice in having descended from the grander of the old nations. The new system of districts and sections, bounded only by the invisible lines of latitude and longitude, and distinguished mostly by numbers, may be more practical and handier for telegraphic and other modes of communication, but it has none of the charms of association with a past out of which we have gradually emerged.

There is no political geography to study, for we have only one government, which Gaston calls an Executive. It has to watch the whole planet for the benefit of all the people, to prevent excesses and deficiencies of manufacture and production, to store up surpluses and send supplies to any district that is likely to suffer from scarcity. It regulates the great streams of what at one time would have been called commerce.

In teaching geography Gaston uses a great globe so mounted that we can all see it. Our world has two great oceans, and several smaller seas surrounded by land. The water surface is about one-third, the land surface two-thirds of the whole. Gaston tells us of thousands of miles of canals connecting these oceans, and of thousands of ships that are need in carrying heavy and bulky articles from place to place by these oceans, seas and canals. He says that on some planets there is a much larger area covered with water. Our nearest neighbour, and nearer to the sun, a larger planet than ours, having mostly two great masses of land surrounded by water, and being about two-thirds covered with water. This planet is much studied and constantly watched with most powerful telescopes, for it is known to be

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 inhabited by rational beings. Proofs of this are given by some of the giant telescopes, and there are other sources of information.

Gaston teaches us how to draw globes and maps, and to put in the proper lines of longitude and latitude; but his course does not include astronomical geography. Not that we are left in entire ignorance even of that branch, for Gaston made the room dark on several fourth days, and spent his half hour in showing by globes of light and the big globe how days and nights came, and how we got winter and summer, and why some parts of the world were hotter than others, and how by going in one direction or another we lost sight of certain stars and stood at different angles to the sunlight.

He taught us a good deal regarding our two moons, the near one that flies round the world more than three times a day, and the other that takes more than a day to get through its changes. These moons are of very little use as givers of light, but the nearer one keeps the air in motion in equatorial regions, and by causing a small, swift-moving tide does the same thing for the central seas. Exact details of these subjects he did not give: what he told us just sharpened up our appetites for more knowledge.

"I have learned to skate easily without tumbling, and I find that mother can skate just as well as any of us, if not better. She and father sometimes leave me to take care of Emma, who is too little yet, and away they go gliding as merrily as the rest. Mother is the merriest and prettiest woman of them all.

Our time in Gaston's class is nearly over. It is and has been a happy time for all concerned. There has been no inattention, and there is not a boy in the class, nor a girl either, who has fallen short of the expectations of the teacher. We have not a single dunce. We have all had our education carried far enough to enable us to travel to any part of the world and engage in any ordinary industrial pursuit. When I leave I have to help mother at home for about half a year and learn how to perform domestic duties, and then to go to the school of mechanics and learn to make electrical machinery like father does."

This chapter contains a condensed statement of all that our diarist has written during nearly two years. He has evidently got to seeing more clearly and knowing more in his dream life. His mental growth is apparently rapid, but not more so than that of his peers. Evidently the children with whom he is associated are clever, intelligent and morally better than the average whom he would meet in any school on earth. Possibly the civilisation of the planet upon which he lives much of his time, the planet Mars, is much older and much higher than that of the earth. The people appear to have nothing to worry them, no monetary difficulties, no strife nor unhealthy competition, no contending nationalities, no wars, no crimes. Naturally, being introduced, to such people we want to know more of them, their modes of life, their history, how their lives came to be so fully perfected.

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 Fortunately our diarist has much to tell upon these points, and his teachers, finding out that he is living a dual life, give him several standards of comparison that enable him to compare measurements and enable us to understand martial humanity.

CHAPTER VII.

OR four days, the working week in all our world, we have been going to Bertrand's school, not to take any lessons, but to see it all and get acquainted with its many wonders. There are about twenty classroom workshops, each adapted to the requirements of one hundred pupils. There are fifty working benches, one for each pair of co-workers. All the tools required for each kind of work are placed in racks within easy reach of the hands using them, and they are all the best of their kind. Wherever running machinery is used power is supplied from a great central engine driven by electricity. The first floor over the workshops contains thousands of models of the best machines in existence for the performance of the various kinds of work that have to be done. Each model is complete in all parts, and can actually do on a small scale the work for which it is intended. These models are not merely intended to stand in cases, but to be freely used by teachers and pupils in the prosecution of their studies. On the first floor there is also a lecture hall, where all the pupils are assembled once a week (four days) to receive instruction from one of the masters or from some travelling specialist. The second floor contains classrooms corresponding with the lower ones. These are used by the pupils for the prosecution of their theoretical studies, drawing of plans, mathematics, etc. On the great, flat roof there were models of all the kinds of machinery driven by wind, and instruments for meteorological purposes.

For four days the great school was open to all who chose to visit it, and the more advanced pupils explained the uses of instruments and machines, and worked hundreds of the models for the benefit of the new pupils and the instruction of people whose studies and labors had been, expended in other directions. At the end of the time there was not a machine out of place, not an article damaged or missing. There are no locks on the school doors; in fact, when I come to think of it, I cannot remember having seen a lock or bar anywhere.

On the following first day the school was opened for a new annual session, to consist of five hundred working days of five hours each.

The morning was spent in placing the new pupils and preliminary work, and for the last hour we were assembled in the main hall to hear the inaugural address of Headmaster Bertrand.

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text: Melbourne and Mars/Chapter 6

title: Melbourne and Mars/Chapter 6


text:
Author:Joseph Fraser

Works

 * Hydropathy in the Household
 * Physiognomy Made Easy
 * How to Read Men as Open Books
 * Husbands: How to Select Them, How to Manage Them, How to Keep Them
 * Husbands: How to Select Them, How to Manage Them, How to Keep Them

title: Author:Joseph Fraser


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Page:Melbourne and Mars.djvu/39

 He chose for his subject electricity.

Nothing could have pleased me better, for Gaston had made the subject interesting, and father had taught me that to this power we were indebted for the motion of our air boat and sleigh, for our fire and light.

To give more than a brief account of Bertrand's address is impossible; to illustrate and explain his experiments alone would require a volume. He made his spoken words into raised signs on sheets of metal, so that a blind man knowing our electrical signs might have read them by touch. He caused us to hear laughter, speech and song that were produced a thousand miles away, and he let us hear the living voices of great men and women who had been dead to us for a thousand years. He concentrated heat so that he could melt steel in a few minutes; he caused his dynamos to give off a gentle warmth that would keep a room at a certain temperature, or that would just simmer some article of food without making it boil. He concentrated light and diffused it, threw heat rays to a distance, and lit inflamable substances. He put an electric wire round a log of wood eighteen inches in diameter, and cut through it in a few seconds. He allowed us surgical instruments that could be made to perform operations with incredible speed. He decomposed water and made water from the air around us. He performed feats in chemistry with the aid of what appeared to be a plaything in his hands. At a signal from the lecturer the room was instantly darkened, and now commenced a series of wonderful displays. The Aurora Borealis, the rainbow, the primary colors, the lines telling of what substances were being consumed or heated behind the lights given forth, the polarisation and depolarisation of light, photography. All these came and went with amazing swiftness. It took me many months to understand a tithe of what he did with electricity, and yet I found that he had not mentioned a tithe of the uses to which it is put upon our planet.

Bertrand claimed for electricity something more than a first place amongst the forces of nature. Said he:—'We have not to regard wind as one force, water as another, heat and light as two more forces. We have rather to regard electricity as the one great force, and all the rest of the so called forces of nature as various manifestations of and modifications of that one force.

The sun is the central dynamo of our system. All the positive forms of electricity come from him. The pull and the push of the positive and negative forms cause rotation and orbital movement in the planets. There is no such force as gravitation: the planets are held in their respective relationship to each other and to the central sun, the satellites to their planets, our sun to his neighbours, and the stellar systems to each other by a force that acts instantaneously and simultaneously in all parts: that force is electricity. From a distance great enough what we call the universe

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238 The woman (yago) is evidently the old wife or fag, the relict of some deceased relative. The younger wife is probably more lazy, and will follow by-and-bye.

This old woman carries the indispensable wanna, or yam-stick, the pointed end being rounded on one side and flat on the other, and charred to make it hard. With this she hopes to supply the (koto) bag at her back with the roots of orchids and other tubers. She will also put into it frogs (guyé), opossums (gumal), killed by her husband, and anything else she may desire to carry. Her frightfully attenuated limbs remind one of the hardships she has endured, but it is not to be supposed that they illustrate the limbs of the women generally, some of whom have very good arms and legs. The little boy will of course make his mother carry him all day.

Stature is doubtless much influenced by local circumstances. The average height in Western Australia is, I think, equal to, but in Victoria rather below the European standard. In the former colony, some tall men and women used to be seen about Fremantle, the Murray estuary, and King George's Sound. Indeed the tribes frequenting those places included some very fine specimens of the human figure; a sculptor might select some of either sex as models of human beauty. I remember when on an expedition, in 1851, to the north-east of the Toolbrunup (or Stirling) Range, my party was one day joined by a huge native and his little wife. This brawny savage man was about six feet two or three inches in height, and broad in proportion, with enormous limbs, and was covered all over with hair. His wife, who was carrying a child at her back, did not appear to be more than thirteen or fourteen years old. Then, among the tall women, the old residents of Fremantle will remember one remarkably tall fine old woman, who used occasionally to visit the town from Pinjarra. The limbs of some of these women were as well developed as in the European type, the calves of the legs being as large. This is not, however, generally the case in most parts of Australia. The lower extremities are often very attenuated in those tribes where food is scarce and not easily obtained; yet, with this apparent defect, there is much greater pliability of muscle than in other races.

Dwarfs or cripples are never seen among the natives.

The skin is as soft as the finest velvet. This is probably caused to some extent by the use of wilghee—an unguent composed of red-ochre and grease—with which they anoint themselves. A supply of wilghee is generally carried by the women in their bags for the use of the party when they encamp in the evening. They then rub it over their faces and often over the whole body as they sit round their fires. Once, when travelling with a native guide, he saw that I was much inconvenienced by the great heat and the clouds of mosquitos and flies, and said—"What for white fellow all same fool? use um soap too much, instead of wilghee."

In the warmer parts of Asia travellers carry oil with them, not only for food, but also to anoint their limbs in the evening, which have been scorched during the day by the sun and blistered by the winds. The ancient Hebrews sometimes anointed the whole body, though generally only the head and feet; and Niebuhr states that in Yemen the anointing of the body is believed to strengthen and

title: Page:Aboriginesofvictoria02.djvu/256


text:
User talk:222.124.124.205

Welcome

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Rh protect it from the beat of the sun, by which the inhabitants of that province are so liable to suffer.

The skull of a native is thick and strong; the frontal process consists of compact bone of great thickness overhanging and protecting the eyes. The cranium often exhibits deficiencies in those organs which are regarded as indicative of the moral qualities.

My friend the late Dr. Henry Landor, in one of a series of letters to the Perth Inquirer, dated June 1842, writes as follows:—

"Whilst describing the form of the Australian skull, I shall point out the difference between it and those of some other races without giving a description of skulls in general, which would unnecessarily lengthen my letter.

"Of all the peculiarities in the form of the bony fabric, those of the skull are the most striking and distinguishing. It is in the head that we find the varieties most strongly characteristic of the different races. The characters of the countenance, and the shape of the features, depend chiefly on the conformation of the bones of the head. The Australian skull belongs to that variety called the prognathous, or narrow, elongated variety; yet it is not so striking an example of this variety as the negro skull. If the skull be held in the hand so that the observer looks upon the vertex, the first point he remarks is the extreme narrowness of the frontal bone, and a slight bulging where the parietal and occipital bones unite. He also sees distinctly through the zygomatic arches on both sides, which in the European skull is impossible, as the lateral portions of the frontal bone are more developed. The summit of the head rises in a longitudinal ridge in the direction of the sagittal suture, so that from the sagittal suture to that portion of the cranium where the diameter is greatest the head slopes like the roof of a house. The forehead is generally flat; the upper jaw rather prominent; the frontal sinuses large; the occipital bone is flat, and there is a remarkable receding of the bone from the posterior insertion of the occipito-frontalis muscle to the foramen-magnum.

"It is a peculiar character of the Australian skull to have a very singular depression at the junction of the nasal bones with the nasal processes of the frontal bone. This may be seen in an engraving in Dr. Pritchard's work. I have before described the teeth. I also mentioned in my last letter the remarkable junction of the temporal and parietal bones at the coronal suture, and consequently the complete separation of the sphenoid from the parietal, which in European skulls meet for the space of nearly half an inch. Professor Owen has observed this conformation in six out of seven skulls of young chimpanzees, and Professor Mayo has also noticed it in the skulls he has examined. But although this is a peculiarity found in this race alone, it is not constant. I have a skull in which the sphenoid touches the parietal on one side, whilst on the other they are separated a sixth of an inch ; and in the engraving before referred to the two bones are slightly separated, but by no means to the extent that they are in European skulls. The supra and infra orbital foramina are very large, and the orbits are broad, with the orbital ridge sharp and prominent. All the foramina for the transmission of the sensiferous nerves are large—the auditory particularly so; while the foramen, through which the carotid artery

title: Page:Aboriginesofvictoria02.djvu/257


text:
User talk:198.203.175.175

Welcome

Hello, and welcome to Wikisource! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers:

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In any case, I hope you enjoy donating your time to grow the Wikisource library that is free for everyone to use! In discussions, please sign your comments using four tildes ( ~ ); this will automatically produce your IP address (or username if you're logged in) and the date. If you need help, ask me on my talk page, or ask your question here (click  [ edit] ) and place  before your question. Again, welcome! — billinghurst  sDrewth  14:34, 10 June 2012 (UTC)

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text: Talk:Elimination of a Picture & its Subject—called The Fellers' Master Stroke


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Page:Lindigo.djvu/53

 order to accomplish that object, he thought it proper to cultivate Donald Munro's friendship and companionship through whom he expected to be introduced among Mr. M'Kay's servants, and into his establishment. In gaining thus the confidence of Munro, on whose ignorance, as he thought, he could play by making a tool of him, he would find access to Mary Grant. The wily piper, who was not to be caught with chaff, soon perceived the drift of the flunkey; however, feigning ignorance and simplicity as to his object, Munro manifested great willingness in forwarding Brown's addresses.

One day on meeting each other, among other topics discussed between them, Brown hinted that he heard of a brews, or an illicit whiskey distillery, being carried on among the hills, somewhere near hand.

This was the very thing which Munro wished for, and answered that he himself was among the few who were privy to the situation of the brews, and, as a favour, would conduct Brown (who apparently felt very curious to see it) to the secret retreat; and, to make their visit more acceptable to the smugglers, he would bring his pipes, to which they were very partial. Brown was in ecstaciesecstasies [sic] at the proposition, and the pair started off.

The valet often during the journey secretly wished that he had not undertaken the journey, which was, of course, prosecuted on foot, and which threatened every moment the destruction of his gaudy livery. However, not wishing to show the white feather, or that Donald should have anything discreditable to tell Mary against himself, he strove to follow his agile guide, who sprung from one obstacle to the other, like a native mountain deer.

The travellers at length came in sight of the mysterious retreat, which was situated below them in a dell or chasm between two rocks, which served as a natural wall, over which was erected a roof formed of rough timber, and covered over with turf or scraths. A cascade of running water flowed by the end of the building, from which a long wooden trough conducted a constant supply of water to the worm. Clouds of dark smoke which issued from the building, hung round the

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54 dell, giving it a terrible and forbidding appearance to the eye of the affrighted cockney, who viewed the scene with awe and misgivings, and brought to his mind tales of robbers and banditti, and their wild haunts. Munro read at a glance the state of his companion's feelings, and saw that his courage began to fail him. Seeing that his own plans might miscarry were Brown to beat a retreat, he propped up the latter's pluck with the following encouraging words—"This looks rather a wild and unpromising place to the eye of a stranger, but if you once visit it, and become acquainted with the jolly fellows who inhabit it, you will be much pleased, and also contribute to the many novelties you have met with in the Highlands, which your London acquaintances will, I am sure, be happy to hear when you return."

These words had the desired effect; Brown's courage and love for novelty at once returned, and he intimated his willingness to descend the dell at once. Donald now proposed a plan which would add to their stock of amusement on coming so far, after their toil and trouble. This was that, on nearing the brews, Brown should enter alone, while Donald would hide in some cover convenient, and being a stranger and his singular livery, he would be taken by the smugglers for a, which would cause a panic among them, and a hasty retreat of the smugglers, but which would be explained afterwards by Donald himself who would recall the fugitives.

Brown at once entered into the spirit of the lark, as he termed it, and both commenced the intricate descent.

According to arrangements, Donald ensconsed himself behind a tuft of heather contiguous, and Brown advanced towards the abode with an effort and forced consequence; plucking up his fast sinking courage, he entered and stood horror struck in the entrance.

As Munro predicted, the smugglers had already deserted, for the brews was untenanted by any human being. The valet gazed around the wild and novel habitation. A row of large vats containing some bubbling liquid stood against the rock or natural wall; a large boiler over a fire occupied one end of the building, and another of a different construction

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text: Studies of a Biographer/Matthew Arnold

title: Studies of a Biographer/Matthew Arnold