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 nicum), and a little later a monastery at Sabhall-Patrick, now Saul, in the same county. Carrying out his policy of having the Roman rule recognised all over Ireland, he undertook a mission to Rome in order to obtain the pallium for the archbishoprics of Armagh and Cashel, visiting on his way the abbey of Clairvaux, where he made the acquaintance of Bernard, his future biographer, who tells us that seeing him and listening to his words he was delighted and refreshed ‘as in all manner of riches.’ A warm friendship between the two was the result, and they kept up a regular correspondence until Malachy's death. So pleased was the latter with Clairvaux that on reaching Rome he earnestly entreated Innocent II to permit him to take up his permanent residence there. The request was refused, and after a month's stay in Rome he returned to Ireland as papal legate, with instructions to summon a council by which the palls for the two archbishoprics might be asked for in due form. On his way back he left four of his followers at Clairvaux to be trained in the Cistercian discipline, and before Bernard's death five branches of the parent house at Clairvaux had been established in Ireland. In accordance with the pope's directions a council was summoned at Inis-Patrick, an island on the east coast of Ireland, and the request for the palls being formally preferred, Malachy set out again in 1148 to convey it to Rome. Reaching Clairvaux in October he was seized with fever, and after about a fortnight's illness died on 2 Nov. in Bernard's arms. He was buried at Clairvaux, but portions of his relics are said to have been taken to Ireland and distributed in various monasteries (, transl. Harris, i. 57). Those which remained at Clairvaux were dispersed at the revolution. Bernard pronounced two funeral orations over his friend, who in 1190 was canonised by Clement III, his day being made not 2 Nov., the date on which he died, but 3 Nov., the former being All Souls' day, which, it was thought, might prevent that special honour being paid to the memory and merits of Malachy which they deserved.

Many epitaphs on him are preserved, some in verse attributed to Bernard, one in prose taken from the ‘Book of Sepultures’ at Clairvaux (Menolog. Cist., 5 Nov.—Maurique). The chronology of his life is rather tangled.

Malachy was the most eminent Irish bishop of his day. He endeared himself to the people not only by his abundant labours, but by his humility and unselfishness. He went about the country on foot, and was content to live in poverty, possessing neither house, nor property, nor servants, nor income of his own. ‘A brilliant lamp,’ the ‘Annals of the Four Masters’ call him, ‘which illuminated territories and churches by preaching and good works.’

Several works are attributed to him, viz.: 1. ‘Constitutionum Communium lib. i.’ 2. ‘De Legibus Cælibatus lib. i.’ 3. ‘De Traditionibus.’ 4. ‘Vita S. Cuthberti.’ 5. ‘De Peccatis et Remediis lib. i.’ 6. ‘Conciones Plures lib. i.’ (, Descriptio Hiberniæ, cap. vii.;, Writers of Ireland, bk. i. cap. 9). 7. ‘Prophetia de futuris Pontificibus Romanis’ (cf. treatise in regard to this last, translated into Latin by Francis Porter, an Irish Franciscan friar, and published at Rome, 1698). 8. ‘An Irish Poem’ (cf., Life, p. 185). The evidence in regard to all these is doubtful. The biographers have in some cases confused our Malachy with another of the same name who flourished at Oxford circa 1310 (cf., Writers of Ireland, bk. i. p. 81).

An interesting account of Malachy's relics by Ph. Guignard, keeper of the archives of the Department of L'Aube, was first published in 1845–6 in a series of letters addressed to le Comte de Montalembert, and is now to be found in ‘Patrologiæ Cursus Completus,’ edited by Abbé Migne (tom. clxxxv.; Opera S. Bernardi, iv. 1661–1798).

 MALARD, MICHAEL (fl. 1727), French protestant divine, son of François Malard of Vaurenard, near Mâcon, was born at Vaurenard in 1676. His parents were Roman catholics, and he was bred for the priesthood, but after serving for some years as pasteur at Belleville, he came over to England about 1700, and embraced the protestant religion ‘in the French Church of the Great Savoy in London,’ 15 April 1705. Shortly after his conversion differences with the French protestants, whom he offended by becoming an episcopalian, drove him to Holland. He returned to England after a short absence, and


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112  of these places, and consequently for all the sufferings and deaths which occurred therein.

The reports and correspondence relative to the exchange and treatment of prisoners fill four of the large volnmes of the "Rebellion Records," and whilst we have striven to tell the full story, or rather, to omit nothing essential to the truth, it is simply impossible, within the limits of this report, to do more than call attention to some of the more important and salient features of the correspondence, etc., and only to an extent necessary to disclose the real conditions at the several dates referred to. This is all that we have attempted to do, but we have tried to do this faithfully.

To show the declared purpose and policy of the Confederate Government towards prisoners of war from the beginning:

As early as May 21st, 1861, two months before the first battle of Manassas, the Confederate Congress passed an act providing that—

"All prisoners of war taken, whether on land or at sea, during the pending hostilities with the United States, shall be transferred by the captors from time to time, and as often as convenient, to the Department of War; and it shall be the duty of the Secretary of War, with the approval of the President, to issue such instructions to the Quartermaster-General, and his subordinates, as shall provide for the safe custody and sustenance of prisoners of war; and that rations furnished prisoners of umr shall he the same in quantity and quality as those furnished to enlisted men in the Army of the Confederacy."

By an Act of February, 1864, the Quartermaster-General was relieved of this duty, and the Commissary-General of Subsistence was ordered to provide for the sustenance of prisoners of war, and according to General Orders No. 159, Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, it was provided that "Hospitals for prisoners of war are placed on the same footing as other Confederate States' Hospitals in all respects, and will he managed accordingly."

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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 Rh

General Lee, in his testimony before the Reconstruction Committee of Congress, says of the treatment of prisoners on the field:

"The orders always were, that the whole field should be treated alike. Parties were sent out to take the Federal wounded, as well as the Confederate, and the surgeons were told to treat the one as they did the other. These orders given by me were respected on every field."

And there is nothing in all the records, so far as we can find, which indicates that any Department of the Confederate Government, or any representative of any such Department, failed to carry out these provisions of the law, and these orders, as far as they were able to do so. Of course, there were times when, by reason of insufficient transportation, and insufficient supplies of food and clothing of all kinds, it was simply impossible to get proper supplies and in sufficient quantities to prevent great suffering among the prisoners in Southern prisons. But this was equally true as to the Confederate soldiers in the field, and the assertion on page 68 of the before-referred-to publication by the Northern Sanitary Commission, headed by Dr. Valentine Mott, shows its partisanry and worthlessness as history, when it charges the Confederate authorities with "deliberately withholding necessary food from their prisoners of war, and furnishing them with what was indigestible and loathsome, when their own army was abundantly supplied with good and wholesome food:" * * * "of depriving their prisoners of their own clothing, and also of withholding the issue of sufficient to keep them warm when the soldiers of their own army were well equipped and well protected from exposure to wet and cold." The world now knows, that at the very time when these false charges were being formulated, the Confederate soldiers in the field were almost naked and starving, and that nearly ninety per cent, of the rest of their equipment had been captured from their enemy in battle.


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114

From the very beginning, the Confederate authorities were anxious to make an arrangement for the exchange of prisoners, and, indeed, that the war should be conducted in all of its features on the highest and most humane plane known to civilized nations. To that end Mr. Davis wrote Mr. Lincoln on July 6th, 1861, as follows:

"It is the desire of this Government so to conduct the war now existing, as to mitigate its horrors as far as may be possible; and with this intent, its treatment of the prisoners captured by its forces has been marked by the greatest humanity and leniency consistent with public obligation. Some have been permitted to return home on parole, others to remain at large under similar conditions, within this Confederacy, and all have been furnished with rations for their subsistence, such as are allowed to our own troops."

This letter was sent to Washington by a special messenger (Col. Taylor); but he was refused an audience with Mr. Lincoln, and was forced to content himself with a verbal reply from General Scott to the effect that the letter had been delivered to Mr. Lincoln, and that he would reply to it in writing as soon as possible. But no answer ever came.

For nearly a year after the war began, although many prisoners were captured and released on parole, on both sides, the Federal authorities refused to enter into any arrangement for the exchange of prisoners, taking the absurd position that they would not treat with "rebels" in any way which would recognize them as belligerents. The English government had already recognized us as "belligerents" as early as May, 1861. As the Earl of Derby tersely said in the House of Lords:

"The Northern States could not claim the rights of belligerents for themselves, and, on the other hand, deal with other parties, not as belligerents, but as rebels."

After a while the pressure on the Federal authorities by friends of the prisoners was so great that they were induced to agree to


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Rh a cartel for the exchange of prisoners on the very basis offered by the Confederates in the beginning. These negotiations were commenced on the 14th of February, 1862, Gen. John E. Wool representing the Federals and Gen. Howell Cobb the Confederates the only unsettled point at that time being that General Wool was unwillmg that each party should agree to pay the expenses of transporting their prisoners to the frontier; and this question he promised to refer to his Government. At a second interview on March 1st, 1862, General Wool informed General Cobb that his Government would not consent to pay these expenses, and thereupon General Cobb promptly receded from this demand and agreed to accept the terms offered by General Wool. General Wool had stated m the beginning that he alone was clothed with full power to effect this arrangement, but lie now stated that his Government "had changed his instnictions." And so these negotiations were broken off, and matters left as before they were begun.

The real reason for this change was that in the meantime the capture of Forts Henry and Donaldson had given the Federals a preponderance in the number of prisoners. Soon, however, Jackson's Valley campaign, the battles around Richmond, and other Confederate successes, gave the Confederates the preponderance, and this change of conditions induced the Federals to consent to terms, to which the Confederates had always been ready to accede.

And so on July 22nd, 1862, Gen. John A. Dix, representing the Federals, and Gen. D. H. Hill, the Confederates, at Haxall's Landing, on James river, in Charles City county, entered into the cartel which thereafter formed the basis for the exchange of prisoners during the rest of the war whenever it was allowed by the Federals to be in operation. Article four of this cartel provided as follows:

"All prisoners of war, to be discharged on parole, in ten days after their capture, and the prisoners now held and those hereafter taken, to be transferred to the points mutually agreed upon, at the expense of the capturing party."

Article six provided that—

"The stipulations and provisions above mentioned are to be


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116 of binding obligation during the continuance of the war, it matters not which party may have the surplus of prisoners." * * * "That all prisoners, of whatever arm of the service, are to be exchanged or paroled in ten days from the time of their capture, if it be practicable to transfer them to their own lines, in that time; if not, as soon thereafter as practicable."

Article nine provided that—

"In case any misunderstanding shall arise in regard to any clause or stipulation in the foregoing articles, it is mutually agreed that such misunderstanding shall not interrupt the release of prisoners on parole, as herein provided; but shall be made the subject of friendly explanation, in order that the object of this agreement may neither be defeated nor postponed."

It is readily seen that both General Dix and General Hill acted with the utmost good faith in the formation of this cartel, with a common purpose in view, to the carrying out of which each pledged the good faith of his Government; and in Article nine they made ample provision to prevent any cessation in the work of exchanging promptly all prisoners captured during the war. And we now propose to show that this would have been the case but for the bad faith and bad conduct of the representatives of the Federal Government.

As was contemplated by the cartel, each of the two Governments appointed its Commissioners of Exchange to carry it into execution. On the part of the Federals, Major General E. A. Hitchcock was appointed, with two assistants, Col. Wm. H. Ludlow, and Captain (afterward Brigadier-General) John E. Mulford, as assistants. On the part of the Confederates, the late Judge Robert Ould, of the Eichmond (Va.) Bar, was the sole representative. The writer had the privilege of knowing both General Mulford and Judge Ould well, and, in his opinion, no better selections could have been made by their respective Governments. Judge Ould was a man of splendid judicial bearing, singular honesty of purpose and kindness of heart, with capacity both in speaking and in writing, to represent his Government with unsurpassed ability. General Mulford was a man of fair abilities, and of great


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166 charming face appeared at the door with the announcement, "On l'a trouvée, mademoiselle" (It is found!), and he reiterated, with a just burgher pride, "rarely is anything lost at Wiesbaden." The bag, he says, was found by a "writer" and left with the police, and Leisring, the writer, and the police, all decline compensation or reward. If this abstemiousness had occurred in our country, we might, perhaps, have thought it peculiar to it

last evening with the girls to a ball given every week to such as choose to attend it; I went, notwithstanding Mr. ——'s assurance (with a horror not quite fitting an American) that we should meet "Tom, Dick, and Harry there." One of the girls replied that "Tom, Dick, and Harry were such very well-behaved people here, that there was no objection to meeting them;" and so, fortified by the approbation of our English friends Miss —— and Miss ——, who are sufficiently fastidious, we went. The company assembled in the grand saloon of the Kur-Saal at the indefinite hour at which our evening lectures are appointed, "early candle-lighting," and it was rather miscellaneous, some in full, some in half dress. The girls had been told it was customary to dance, when asked, without waiting for the formality of an introduction, and they were only too happy to obtain their favourite exercise by a courteous conformity to the customs of the country. They had partners, and very nice ones, in plenty. I


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Rh was struck with the solemn justice of one youth, who, dispensing his favour with an equal hand, engaged the three at the same time, one for a quadrille, one for a gallopade, and one for a waltz. We had no acquaintance in the room, no onerous dignity to maintain; the girls had respectful partners, plenty of dancing, and no fagging, as we were at home and in bed by eleven.

seems to me that Sir F. Head, in his humorous account of the German dinner, has done some injustice to the German cuisine. After you have learned to thread its mazes to the last act of its intricate plot, you may, passing by its various greasy messes, find the substantial solace of roast fowls, hare, and delicious venison, that have been pushed back in the course of precedence by the puddings and sweet sauces. These puddings and sauces are lighter and more wholesome than I have seen elsewhere. Indeed, the drama, after the prologue of the soup, opens with a tempting boiled beef, at which I am sure a "Grosvenor-street cat," if not as pampered as my lord's butler, would not, in spite of Sir Francis' assertion, turn up his whisker.

We dine at the Quatre Saisons, the hotel nearest to us, and as we are told, the best table d'hôte in the place. There is a one o'clock, and in deference to the English, a five o'clock dinner. The universal German dinner-hour is one. The price at one is a florin—about forty-two cents; at five, a Prussian


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Howe, Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Huchown


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Hudson, John (1833-1893)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Hughes, David Edward


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Hughes, Thomas (1822-1896)


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Rh

7. C 11.

8. G 17. White attacks the other black stone.

9. E 16.

10. F 15.

11. C 16. The old book move was E 15, but this gave "Tenuki" to White.

12. E 15.

Even game.

1. C 4. "Komoku."

2. E 3.

3. J 3. "Sangen basami." This move attacks the white stone but not so directly as the preceding variation. It is the invention of Honinbo Dosaku.

4. R 4. White takes advantage of his opportunity and plays in another corner.

5. D 3.

6. E 4.

7. B 6.

8. J 5.

9. M 3. It will be seen in this variation that the stones are played farther apart than in the preceding "Joseki."

10. H 3.

11. H 2.

12. H 4.

13. D 8. This is an important move for Black.

14. O 3.

15. M 5.

16. L 4. "Nozoku." It threatens Black's connection on lines M and 3.

17. L 3. If Black defends at M 4, White replies at K 2.

18. G 2.

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162

19. J 2.

20. L 5.

21. M 4.

22. P 5.

This "Joseki" really deals with two corners.

1. D 3. "Komoku."

2. C 5.

3. C 9. "Sangen basami."

4. C 3.

5. C 2.

6. D 4.

7. E 3.

8. B 3.

9. E 4. Preparatory to 11 at C 15; generally No. 9 is played at H 3.

10. D 6. A good move. E 5 would be bad, because Black would reply at D 6 with a better game.

11. C 15. (Not in diagram.)

We will now insert ten examples of openings, as distinguished from "Joseki." As already stated, these are by Murase Shuho. In these examples Black is supposed to make the best possible moves, and therefore White always finds himself at a disadvantage.

Black has a handicap of four stones.

1. R 14.

2. Q 14.

3. Q 13.

4. P 14.

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nop
I don't understand the nop-template at the beginning of the page, but I copied it from other places. (e.g. p. 87/8). - Dick Bos (talk) 10:43, 3 April 2012 (UTC)


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Rh

ðǣm tō hām forgeafHrēþel Gēata āngan dohtor;is his eafora nū heard hēr cumen,sōhte holdne wine. Ðonne sægdon þæetsǣ-līþende, þā ðe gif-sceattasGēata fyredon þyder tō þance,þæt hē þrit*tiges manna mægen-cræfton his mund-gripe heaþo-rōf hæbbe.Hine hālig God for ār-stafumūs onsende, tō West-Denum,þæs ic wēn hæbbe, wið Grendles gryre;ic þǣm gōdan sceal for his mōd-þræcemādmas bēodan. Bēo ðū on ofeste,hāt in gān sēon sibbe-gedrihtsamod ætgædere; gesaga him ēac wordum,þæt hīe sint wil-cuman Deniga lēodum.”[Þā wið duru healle Wulfgār ēode,] word inne ābēad; “Ēow hēt secgansige-drihten mīn, aldor Ēast-Dena,þæt hē ēower æþelu can,

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Carmichælia.]

1. C. Enysii, ''T. Kirk in Trans. N.Z. Inst.'' xvi. (1884) 379, t. 30.—A much-dwarfed depressed excessively branched glabrous plant, forming dense patches 1–2 in. high; stems and lower branches thick and woody, matted. Branchlets small, ⅓–¾ in. long, $1⁄6$–$1⁄10$ in. broad, erect or suberect, compressed, thin, striate. Leaves of young plants orbicular, emarginate. Flowers minute, $1⁄8$–$1⁄25$ in. long, solitary or in 3–6-flowered fascicles or racemes; pedicels slender, usually silky. Calyx carapanulate; teeth short, acute. Standard with a narrow claw; wings as long as the keel. Pod $1⁄10$–$1⁄6$ in. long, compressed, ovate-orbicular, often oblique, sometimes obliquely deltoid; replum incomplete; beak stout, broad at the base, recurved. Seed usually 1, rarely 2–3.—Students' Fl. 108.

2. C. uniflora, ''T. Kirk in Gard. Chron.'' (1884) i. 512.—A much-dwarfed slender matted plant, forming large patches; stems often subterranean, putting out slender branches 1–2 in. high. Branchlets very narrow, $1⁄4$–$1⁄5$ in., thin, compressed, glabrous, sometimes almost herbaceous. Leaves not seen. Flowers solitary, ⅓ in. long, purplish-red; peduncles very long and slender, almost capillary, glabrous or puberulous, bracteolate about the middle. Calyx campanulate, glabrous or silky; teeth short, broad, acute. Standard broad, with a short broad claw; wings shorter than the keel. Pod ⅓–½ in. long, linear-oblong; valves slightly wrinkled; beak straight or oblique. Seeds 2–6.—''Kirk in Trans. N.Z. Inst. xvi. (1884) 379; Buch. l.c.'' 394. C. Suteri, ''Col. in Trans. N.Z. Inst.'' xxiii. (1891) 383.

83 [sic]. C. nana, ''Col. ex Hook. f. Handb. N.Z. Fl.'' 49.—A dwarf rigid glabrous plant, forming broad matted patches. Branchlets 2–4 in. long, $1⁄3$–$1⁄6$ in. broad, thin, much flattened, strict, erect,


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Rh to the lord of the Danes; nor deem I right that aught be hidden. We hear—thou knowest if sooth it is—the saying of men, that amid the Scyldings a scathing monster, dark ill-doer, in dusky nights shows terrific his rage unmatched, hatred and murder. To Hrothgar I in greatness of soul would succor bring, so the Wise-and-Brave may worst his foes.— if ever the end of ills is fated, of cruel contest, if cure shall follow, and the boiling care-waves cooler grow; else ever afterward anguish-days he shall suffer in sorrow while stands in place high on its hill that house unpeered!” Astride his steed, the strand-ward answered, clansman unquailing: ”The keen-souled thane must be skilled to sever and sunder duly words and works, if he well intends. I gather, this band is graciously bent to the Scyldings’ master. March, then, bearing weapons and weeds the way I show you. I will bid my men your boat meanwhile to guard for fear lest foemen come,— your new-tarred ship by shore of ocean faithfully watching till once again it waft o’er the waters those well-loved thanes, —winding-neck’d wood,—to Weders’ bounds, heroes such as the hest of fate


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Carmichælia.] shorter than the keel. Pod 1–1¼ in. long, on stout erect pedicels, oblong, turgid; beak long, straight or oblique. Seeds 9–12, red mottled with black.—Students' Fl. 110.

6. C. australis, ''R. Br. in Bot. Reg.'' xi. (1825) t. 912.—An erect much-branched glabrous usually leafless shrub 3–12 ft. high. Branchlets straight, often much elongated, $1⁄10$–$1⁄3$ in. broad, thin and flat, finely and closely striate; notches alternate, close or rather distant. Leaves seldom seen except on young plants, ¾–2 in. long, 1-foliolate or 3–5-foliolate; leaflets obcordate or obovate-cuneate, membranous, sessile. Racemes variable in length, 3–12-flowered, solitary or fascicled; pedicels puberulous or glabrous. Flowers crowded, small, $1⁄8$–$1⁄6$ in. long, pale-purplish. Calyx campanulate, teeth minute. Standard much broader than long, retuse, claw very short; keel equal in length or slightly shorter; wings oblong, almost as long as the keel. Pod oblong, compressed, ⅓–½ in. long, suddenly narrowed into a short acute beak; valves slightly convex; replum stout, persistent long after the valves have fallen. Seeds 1–4, red, usually spotted with black.—''A. Cunn. Precur. n. 574; Hook. f. Fl. Nov. Zel. i. 50; Handb. N.Z. Fl. 50; Kirk, Students' Fl.'' 110. C. Cunninghamii, Raoul, Choix, t. 28. Boissiæa scolopendrina, ''A. Rich. Fl. Nouv. Zel.'' 346.

7. C. Petriei, T. Kirk, Students' Fl. 111.—A stout sparingly branched shrub 1–6 ft. high, with rigid terete or subterete branches. Branchlets stout, $1⁄4$–$3⁄8$ in. diam., compressed at the tips, plano-convex or terete below, grooved or striate. Leaves not seen. Racemes laxly 3–8-flowered, solitary or many together, often forming dense fascicles; pedicels slender, and with the rachis silky-pubescent or almost villous. Flowers rather small, $1⁄12$ in. long. Calyx campanulate, silky; teeth short, broad, acute. Standard broader than long, exceeding the keel and wings. Ovary occasionally pubescent. Pods ¼–⅓ in. long, broadly oblong, turgid, oblique at the tip; valves thick, reticulated; beak short, stout. Seeds 1–4, usually 2–3.—C. violacea, Kirk, l.c. 112.

Var. robusta.—Pods longer, ⅓–½ in., elliptic-oblong. Seeds 3–6. Other character much as in the type.—C. robusta. Kirk, l.c.


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116 into a long stout subulate beak; valves flat or very slightly convex. Seeds 2, rarely more.—''Handb. N.Z. Fl. 50; Kirk, Students' Fl.'' 113.

13. C. angustata, T. Kirk, Students' Fl. 114.—An erect glabrous shrub 1–3 ft. high, leafy in spring and summer; branches spreading, terete. Branchlets $1⁄20$–$1⁄12$ in. broad, slender, filiform, sometimes compressed at the tips. Leaves glabrous, ¾–1½ in. long, pinnately 3–5-foliolate; leaflets obcordate-cuneate, glaucous beneath. Flowers not seen. Fruiting racemes numerous, spreading or erect, slender, 1–1½ in. long. Pods 20–40, obliquely oblong, compressed, abruptly narrowed into a stout subulate beak. Seeds usually 2.

14. C. flagelliformis, Col. ex Hook. f. Fl. Nov. Zel. i. 51.—A much-branched shrub 3–8 ft. high, very variable in habit; branches erect or spreading. Branchlets numerous, very slender, $1⁄20$–$1⁄10$ in. broad, erect and fastigiate or spreading, sometimes drooping, compressed or plano-convex, grooved. Leaves of young plants 1–1½ in. long, pinnately 3–5-foliolate; leaflets oblong-cuneate, notched at the tip; of mature plants smaller, usually 3-foliolate. Racemes 1 or 2–3 together, laxly 3–7-flowered, often reduced to fascicles; pedicels usually pubescent. Flowers minute, $1⁄10$–$1⁄8$ in. long. Calyx campanulate; teeth small, acute, ciliolate. Standard very broad, retuse, about equalling the wings and longer than the keel. Pods solitary or several together, ¼–⅓ in. long, erect, compressed, obliquely oblong or ovate, sometimes nearly orbicular; beak long, stout, subulate. Seeds 1–4, usually 2.—''Handb. N.Z. Fl. 50; Kirk, Students' Fl.'' 114. C. australis, Raoul, Choix, t. 28


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Carmichælia.] Pods very small, $1⁄6$–$1⁄5$ in. long, obliquely oblong, slightly narrowed at the base; valves slightly convex; beak short, stout, subulate.—Kirk, Students' Fl. 112.

11. C. grandiflora, ''Hook. f. Handb. N.Z. Fl.'' 49.—An erect or spreading much-branched glabrous shrub 2–6 ft. high, usually leafy in spring and summer. Branchlets spreading or rarely fastigiate, $1⁄12$–$1⁄8$ in. broad, compressed, deeply grooved. Leaves numerous, pinnately 3–5-foliolate; leaflets narrowly or broadly obcordate-cuneate, glabrous. Racemes ⅓–1 in. long, pedunculate, laxly 5–12-flowered; pedicels shorter than the calyx. Flowers white or pale-purple, ¼ in. long. Calyx large, campanulate; teeth acute, ciliolate or glabrous. Standard broader than long, exceeding the keel; wings as long as the keel. Pods oblong, $1⁄4$–$3⁄8$ in. long, gradually narrowed into a rather long subulate beak; valves slightly convex. Seeds 2–4.—Kirk, Students' Fl. 110. C. australis var. grandiflora, ''Benth. in Hook. f. Fl. Nov. Zel.'' i. 50.

12. C. odorata, Col. ex Hook. f. Fl. Nov. Zel. i. 50.—A much-branched shrub 3–10 ft. high, leafy in spring and early summer. Branchlets $1⁄20$–$1⁄8$ in. broad, distichous, slender, pendulous, compressed or plano-convex, grooved, pubescent towards the tips. Leaves very numerous, small, ¼–¾ in. long, silky-pubescent, pinnately 3–7-foliolate; leaflets oblong-obcuneate or narrow-obovate, notched at the apex. Racemes slender, strict, erect (apparently drooping in herbarium specimens on account of the branches being pendulous), 10–20-flowered, pubescent, especially when young. Flowers small, $1⁄8$–$1⁄6$ in. long. Calyx-teeth short, acute, ciliolate. Standard broader than long, about equalling the wings and keel. Ovary glabrous. Pod $1⁄6$–$1⁄4$ in. long, obliquely ovate, abruptly


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36 shall succor and save from the shock of war.” They bent them to march,—the boat lay still, fettered by cable and fast at anchor, broad-bosomed ship.—Then shone the boars over the cheek-guard; chased with gold, keen and gleaming, guard it kept o’er the man of war, as marched along heroes in haste, till the hall they saw, broad of gable and bright with gold: that was the fairest, ’mid folk of earth, of houses ’neath heaven, where Hrothgar lived, and the gleam of it lightened o’er lands afar. The sturdy shieldsman showed that bright burg-of-the-boldest; bade them go straightway thither; his steed then turned, hardy hero, and hailed them thus:— “ ’Tis time that I fare from you. Father Almighty in grace and mercy guard you well, safe in your seekings. Seaward I go, ’gainst hostile warriors hold my watch.”


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Carmichælia.] (non R. Br.). C. multicaulis, ''Col. in Trans. N.Z. Inst.'' xxv. (1893) 329. C. micrantha, Col. l.c. xxvi. (1894) 313. Lotus arboreus, ''Forst. Prodr.'' n. 258.

15. C. gracilis, ''Armstr. in Trans. N.Z. Inst.'' xiii. (1880) 336.—A slender shrub 3–6 ft. high; stems weak, flexuous, terete, sparingly branched, often interlaced or scrambling over other bushes, more or less leafy, especially when growing in sheltered places. Branchlets almost filiform, grooved, silky or pilose. Leaves ½–1 in. long, pinnately 3–5-foliolate; petioles silky; leaflets $1⁄6$–$1⁄4$ in., broadly obcordate, glabrous. Racemes loosely 2–6-flowered; pedicels slender, silky. Flowers rather large, ⅓–½ in. Calyx campanulate; teeth long and narrow, acute, silky within. Standard broad, 2-lobed, slightly longer than the keel. Pods ½ in. long, elliptic, turgid; replum thick; beak very long, straight, stout, subulate. Seeds 2.—C. Kirkii, ''Hook. f. in Ic. Plant. t. 1332; Kirk, Students' Fl.'' 113.

16. C. compacta, ''Petrie in Trans. N.Z. Inst.'' xvii. (1885) 272.—An erect much and closely branched shrub 2–4 ft. high. Branchlets numerous, strict, erect, $3⁄8$–$1⁄10$ in. diam., terete or nearly so, striate. Leaves not seen. Racemes ½–¾ in. long, numerous, lax, pedunculate, 3–8-flowered; pedicels slender, glabrous, usually longer than the flowers. Flowers $1⁄6$ in. long, pinkish-white,


text: The Oldest English Epic/Chapter 1/Beowulf 04


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Clianthus.] the length of the keel; keel large, falcate, acuminate. Pods 2–3 in. long, turgid, many-seeded.— ''Lindl. in Bot. Reg. t. 1775; A. Cunn. Precur. 572; Raoul, Choix, 49; Hook. f. Fl. Nov. Zel. i. 49; Handb. N.Z. Fl. 52; Kirk, Students' Fl.'' 118. Donia punicea, ''Don. Syst.'' ii. 468.

Herbs or undershrubs. Stems erect or prostrate, sometimes climbing. Leaves unequally pinnate; leaflets usually numerous. Flowers in axillary racemes. Calyx campanulate, 5-toothed; teeth nearly equal. Standard orbicular or reniform, spreading or reflexed, shortly clawed; wings oblong, falcate or slightly twisted; keel broad, incurved, obtuse or produced into a twisted beak. Upper stamen free; remainder connate into a sheath. Ovary sessile or stalked; ovules numerous; style slender, incurved, bearded along the inner edge. Pod ovoid or oblong, turgid or inflated, membranous or coriaceous, 2-valved or almost indehiscent. Seeds several, small, usually reniform.

1. S. novae-zealandiae, ''Hook. f. Handb. N.Z. Fl.'' 51.—A small herbaceous perennial 2–4 in. high, more or less clothed with silky pubescence. Rhizome creeping, slender. Stems numerous, erect or spreading, branched above. Leaves 1–2 in. long; leaflets 6–8 pairs, ¼ in. long, opposite, oblong or narrow-obovate, obtuse or retuse, sessile. Stipules broadly ovate, obtuse. Racemes 3–8-flowered, on stout peduncles longer or shorter than the leaves; pedicels not equalling the calyx, bracteolate at the base. Flowers purplish, ⅓ in. long. Calyx silky-hairy, with linear teeth as long as the tube, 2-bracteolate at the base. Pod large, inflated, 1 in. long, acute at both ends; valves thin, coriaceous. Seeds 5–10, small.—Kirk, Students' Fl. 118.


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Rh Hrothgar answered, helmet of Scyldings:— “I knew him of yore in his youthful days; his agéd father was Ecgtheow named, to whom, at home, gave Hrethel the Geat his only daughter. Their offspring bold fares hither to seek the steadfast friend. And seamen, too, have said me this,— who carried my gifts to the Geatish court, thither for thanks,—he has thirty men’s heft of grasp in the gripe of his hand, the bold-in-battle. Blesséd God out of his mercy this man hath sent to Danes of the West, as I ween indeed, against horror of Grendel. I hope to give the good youth gold for his gallant thought. Be thou in haste, and bid them hither, clan of kinsmen, to come before me; and add this word,—they are welcome guests to folk of the Danes.” [To the door of the hall Wulfgar went] and the word declared:— “To you this message my master sends, East-Danes’ king, that your kin he knows,


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Rh

Stone-bright the street: it showed the way to the crowd of clansmen. Corselets glistened hand-forged, hard; on their harness bright the steel ring sang, as they strode along in mail of battle, and marched to the hall. There, weary of ocean, the wall along they set their bucklers, their broad shields, down, and bowed them to bench: the breastplates clanged, war-gear of men; their weapons stacked, spears of the seafarers stood together, gray-tipped ash: that iron band was worthily weaponed!—A warrior proud asked of the heroes their home and kin. “Whence, now, bear ye burnished shields, harness gray and helmets grim, spears in multitude ? Messenger, I, Hrothgar’s herald! Heroes so many ne’er met I as strangers of mood so strong, ’Tis plain that for prowess, not plunged into exile, for high-hearted valor, Hrothgar ye seek!” Him the sturdy-in-war bespake with words, proud earl of the Weders answer made, hardy ’neath helmet:—“Hygelac’s, we,


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38 fellows at board; I am Beowulf named. I am seeking to say to the son of Healfdene this mission of mine, to thy master-lord, the doughty prince, if he deign at all grace that we greet him, the good one, now.” Wulfgar spake, the Wendles’ chieftain, whose might of mind to many was known, his courage and counsel: “The king of Danes, the Scyldings’ friend, I fain will tell, the Breaker-of-Rings, as the boon thou askest, the famed prince, of thy faring hither, and, swiftly after, such answer bring as the doughty monarch may deign to give.” Hied then in haste to where Hrothgar sat white-haired and old, his earls about him, till the stout thane stood at the shoulder there of the Danish king: good courtier he! Wulfgar spake to his winsome lord:— “Hither have fared to thee far-come men o’er the paths of ocean, people of Geatland; and the stateliest there by his sturdy band is Beowulf named. This boon they seek, that they, my master, may with thee have speech at will: nor spurn their prayer to give them hearing, gracious Hrothgar! In weeds of the warrior worthy they, methinks, of our liking; their leader most surely, a hero that hither his henchmen has led.”


text: The Oldest English Epic/Chapter 1/Beowulf 05


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18

ond gē him syndonofer sǣ-wylmas, heard-hicgende,hider wil-cuman. Nū gē mōton ganganin ēowrum gūð-geatawum, under here-grīman,Hrōðgār gesēon; lǣtað hilde-bordhēr onbīdan, wudu, wæl-sceaftas,worda geþinges.” Ārās þā se rīca,ymb hine rinc manig, þrȳðlīc þegna hēap;sume þǣr bidon, heaðo-rēaf hēoldon,swā him se *hearda bebēad. Snyredon ætsomne,þā secg wīsode, under Heorotes hrōf;[hyge-rōf ēode,] heard under helme,þæt hē on hēoðe gestōd. Bēowulf maðelode(on him byrne scān, searo-net sēowedsmiþes or-þancum): “Wæs þū, Hrōðgār, hāl!Ic eom Higelāces mǣg ond mago-ðegn;hæbbe ic mǣrða fela ongunnen on geogoþe.Mē wearð Grendles þing on mīnre ēþel-tyrfundyrne cūð; secgað sǣ-līðend,þæt þes sele stande, reced sēlesta,rinca gehwylcum īdel ond unnyt,siððan ǣfen-lēoht under heofenes hador beholen weorþeð. Þā mē þæt gelǣrdonlēode mīne, }}

title: Page:Beowulf (Wyatt).djvu/42


text:
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Rh (1126), son of Folcwalda (1089); his queen is Hildeburh. The somewhat obscure Finn episode in “Beowulf” (ll. 1068—1159) is evidently part of a Finn saga, of which only the merest fragment, called the Fight at Finnsburg (see Appendix), is extant. Various attempts have been made to reconstruct the saga from these materials, the chief point wherein they differ being as to the relative places of the “Fight” and the Finn episode in the restored connected story. Bugge, in accordance with his interpretation of ll. 1142—4 (see note), follows Grein in arguing that the night attack described in the “Fight” took place when Hnæf was killed, before the events described in the “Beowulf” episode, i.e. before l. 1068. Möller, on the other hand, contends that the proper place of the “Fight” is between lines 1144 and 1145. His outline of the story is briefly as follows:

Finn, king of the Frisians, had carried off Hildeburh, daughter of Hoc (1076), probably with her consent. Her father Hoc seems to have pursued the fugitives, and to have been slain in the tight which ensued on his overtaking them. After the lapse of some twenty years Hoc’s sons, Hnæf and Hengest, were old enough to undertake the duty of avenging their father’s death. They make an inroad into Finn’s country and a battle takes place in which many warriors, among them Hnæf and a son of Finn (1074, 1079, 1115), are killed. Peace is therefore solemnly concluded, and the slain warriors are burnt (1068—1124).

As the year is too far advanced for Hengest to return home (ll. 1130 ff.), he and those of his men who survive remain for the winter in the Frisian country with Finn. But Hengest’s thoughts dwell constantly on the death of his brother Hnæf, and he would gladly welcome any excuse to break the peace which had been sworn by both parties. His ill concealed desire for revenge is noticed by the Frisians, who anticipate it by themselves taking the initiative and attacking Hengest and his men whilst they are sleeping in the hall. This is the night attack described in the “Fight.” It would seem that after a brave and desperate resistance Hengest himself falls in this fight at the hands of Hunlafing (1143), but two of his retainers, Guthlaf and Oslaf, succeed in cutting their way through their enemies and in escaping to their own land. They return with fresh troops, attack and slay Finn, and carry his queen Hildeburh off with them (1125—1159).

title: Page:Beowulf (Wyatt).djvu/169


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Rogers, John Warrington


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Rogers, John William Foster


text: User talk:Ὁ οἶστρος

title: User talk:Ὁ οἶστρος


text: User:Ὁ οἶστρος

title: User:Ὁ οἶστρος


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Rogers, G. H.


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(　xvii　) The miserable story cannot be better told than in the unbiassed, sympathetic words of Robert Chambers:—

"'Unluckily, Burns's collection of these facetiæ (including his own essays in the same walk) fell, after his death, into the hands of one of those publishers who would sacrifice the highest interests of humanity to put an additional penny into their own purses ; and, to the lasting grief of all the friends of our Poet, they were allowed the honours of the press. The mean-looking volume which resulted should be a warning to all honourable men of letters against the slightest connection with clandestine literature, much more the degradation of contributing to it. It may also serve as a curious study to those who take a delight in estimating the possible varieties of intellectual mood and of moral sensation of which our nature is capable,'"

To this Scott Douglas adds:—

"In Dumfries he carefully kept the book under lock and key; but, some years after his death, it fell into the hands of a person who caused it to be printed in a very coarse style, under the title of ‘The Merry Muses of Caledonia,’ post 8vo, pp. 128. The Poet's name, however, is not on the title page, nor indicated in any way except by the unmistakable power exhibited in some of the pieces."

The MS. appears to have been broken up by the "person" referred to, for what appear to be stray leaves of it still find their way occasionally into the manuscript market.

From the character of the type employed, this “mean-looking volume” must have been published circa 1800, but in the absence of any date on the title page the exact year can only be guessed at. Perfect copies of it are now so rare that, although fragments have repeatedly come under our observation, we have only succeeded, after years of hunting, in obtaining a sight of one complete copy. It does not appear that

title: Page:Merry Muses of Caledonia.djvu/23


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Rolfe, Hon. George


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(　xviii　) this Dumfries volume was ever reprinted, but edition after edition of "Merry Muses" continued to be issued from the disreputable press in all parts of the kingdom, and sold privately for dishonourable gain. These, for the most part, are merely receptacles for the floating obscenity of their periods, and bear the same relation to the Dumfries edition as they do to the other sources which they laid under contribution. We have sifted no fewer than seven of these editions and reprints. On every one of the title pages appears a doggerel stanza, which will be found in situ in the present volume.

As the text of the original Dumfries edition is reproduced in this volume, whatever is necessary in the way of elucidation will be found in the notes appended to the individual compositions.

No. II. curtails the title to "The Merry Muses—a choice Collection of Favourite Songs;" and it bears on the lower part of the title page, "Dublin—Printed for the Booksellers—Price three shillings." There is no date. It measures 8 inches by 4½.

No. III. expands the title to "The Merry Muses—a choice collection of Favourite Songs Gathered From Many Sources—by Robert Burns—to which is added Two of his letters and a poem— hitherto suppressed—and never before printed." At the top of the title page is—"Not for maids, ministers, or striplings;" and at the bottom, "Privately Printed—(Not for sale)—1827." On the reverse appears, "Only 99 copies printed." This edition has also a preface of some length. It measures 6½ inches by 4¾.

No. IV. has the same title as No. II., but bears, "Dublin—Printed for the Booksellers—1832." It measures 5⅛ inches by 3⅜.

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text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 52.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 51.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 50.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 49.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 48.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 47.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 46.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 45.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 44.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 43.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 42.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 41.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 40.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 39.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 38.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 37.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 36.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 35.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 34.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 33.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 32.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 31.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 30.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 29.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 28.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 27.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 26.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 25.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 24.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 23.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 22.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 21.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 20.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 19.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 18.pdf


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(　xix　) No. V. appears to be a reprint of No. IV., and bears, "Dublin—Printed for the Booksellers—Price four shillings." There is no date. It measures 5¾ inches by 3½.

No. VI. is identical with II., IV., and V. It bears, "London—Printed for the Booksellers—1843." It measures 6½ inches by 4.

No. VII. is a reproduction of No. III., including the date, though it is evidently much more modern. It measures 7 inches by 4½.

No. VIII. is another reproduction of No. III., evidently with the date falsified. On the reverse of the title page, however, is the addendum, "Only 90 copies printed," which is omitted in VII.

The copy of No. II., which fell under our observation, was, unfortunately, incomplete, 42 pp. being awanting out of a total of about 100. The new pieces are mostly of English and Irish origin, but the want of a table of contents rendered a correct list of these an impossibility. On the last page we observed a doggerel fragment on "Barm," which will be found in Herd's Collection. The old version of "Dainty Davie" given, is also printed in the same work in fragmentary form. An old Scots piece entitled "The Lang Dow," and a version of "For a' that and a' that," complete the list of interpolations in this edition, so far as we had opportunity of noting them. Burns's name does not appear on any part of the fragment.

No. III. is the most noteworthy edition after the Dumfries, because of its title page, on which Burns's name appears for the first time. In a somewhat lengthy

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text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 17.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 16.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 15.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 14.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 13.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 12.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 11.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 10.pdf


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(　xx　) and hotch-potch preface, most of which is taken from Robert Chambers without acknowledgment, the editor or compiler goes on to say:—

"'This note is therefore written to point out Burns's share in this Collection of Merry Songs—a share which was chiefly that of collector, and not that of author; besides, to request of the limited number of antiquarian admirers, into whose hands the volume will find its way, that they will be careful of it, and keep it out of the way of youth, innocence, and beauty. To gratify the aforesaid antiquaries two letters of the Great Poet are now given for the first time, and also an unpublished poem from the original manuscript in Burns's own writing.'"

An attempt is made to separate the compositions ascribed to Burns from the others, with the result that only twelve pieces, out of a total of eighty-two, are laid to the charge of the illustrious name under cover of which the sordid wretches hoped to drive a roaring "antiquarian" trade in the literary department. The unpublished poem introduced with such a flourish of trumpets is "The Court of Equity," published privately in pamphlet form about 1810, and of which the version given is both inaccurate and incomplete, as we have proved by comparing it with the Egerton MSS. in the British Museum. We have seen another version as an appendix to an Alnwick edition of Burns, published about the same date; a third will be found in the Aldine edition of 1893; while a fourth, for private circulation, was published in Glasgow about half-a-dozen years ago. An edition, "printed for the author," was published in Edinburgh in 1910. The majority of these are either garbled or incomplete. The letters are confidential communications, shamelessly filched from private repositories. One of them addressed to James Johnson, from Mauchline, 25th May, 1788, will be found in Paterson's Scott Douglas (Vol. v., p. 125), and also in

title: Page:Merry Muses of Caledonia.djvu/26


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 09.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 08.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 07.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 06.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 05.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 04.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 03.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 02.pdf


text: Index:Scientific American - Series 1 - Volume 005 - Issue 01.pdf


text:
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(　xxiii　) No. VI. closely follows V., but contains three additional pieces:—

On every page is printed "Burns's Merry Muses," which entitles it to the distinguished honour of being the most villainous edition that has ever appeared.

The other volumes, being reprints pure and simple, need not be dwelt upon. Though our list is probably far from being complete, sufficient data will be found in the foregoing for an estimate of the amount of "trash he never saw," which has been foisted on the name of Burns in the interests of a nefarious trade, which is quite on a level with violating his grave and suspending his bones on the gibbet.

Returning to the Dumfries edition, and deducting double titles, we have in reality 85 individual compositions. Of these, no reprint or subsequent edition which we have examined contains more than forty, a fact which effectually disposes of any pretensions they may have to be placed on the same plane with the volume which is assumed to represent the original manuscript. Proceeding to analyse the table of contents we find, firstly, that fifteen of the compositions appear in one or other of the published editions of the Poet's works; the more rare, in the Kilmarnock edition of Scott Douglas. Though more or less amended in word or phrase, these still retain sufficient of their original character upon which to found a judgment. Upon the remaining seventy it would be rash to give an ex cathedra deliverance till a complete collection of the old works, formerly referred to, supplies whatever recoverable

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Black, Robert