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Rh there was little wonder that when we came upon a huge mass of rock as big as a house, which had fallen from the flanks of Pelvoux, a regular cube that offered no shelter whatever, Moore cried out in ecstasy, "Oh, how delightful! the very thing I have been longing for. Let us have a perfectly extemporaneous bivouac." This, it should be said, was when the night threatened thunder and lightning, rain, and all other delights.

The pleasures of a perfectly extemporaneous bivouac under these circumstances not being novelties to Croz and myself, we thought we would try for the miseries of a roof, but Walker and Almer, with their usual good nature, declared it was the very thing that they, too, were longing for; so the trio resolved to stop. We generously left them all the provisions (a dozen cubic inches or thereabouts of bacon fat, and half a candle), and pushed on for the chalets of Aléfroide, or at least we thought we did, but could not be certain. In the course of half-an-hour we got uncommonly close to the main torrent, and Croz all at once disappeared. I stepped cautiously forward to peer down into the place where I thought he was, and quietly tumbled head over heels into a big rhododendron bush. Extricating myself with some trouble, I fell backwards over some rocks, and got wedged in a cleft so close to the torrent that it splashed all over me.

The colloquy which then ensued amid the thundering of the stream was as follows:—

"Hullo, Croz!" "Eh, Monsieur." "Where are you?" "Here, Monsieur." "Where is here?" "I don't know; where are you?" "Here, Croz;" and so on.

The fact was, from the intense darkness, and the noise of the torrent, we had no idea of each other's situation; in the course of ten minutes, however, we joined together again, agreed we had quite enough of that kind of thing, and adjourned to a most eligible rock at 10.15.

How well I remember the night at that rock, and the jolly way in which Croz came out! We were both very wet about the legs,


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 of Wallace (bk. xi. 1. 1423). Andrew Wyntoun alludes to many books on Wallace having been written before his time, all now unfortunately lost, and Blair's was doubtless one of them. Bishop Sinclair of Dunkeld, called ‘Bruce's bishop,’ obtained John Blair's Latin book, according to Blind Harry, with a view of sending it to the pope, and confirmed the truth of its contents (bk. xi. 1. 1417).

The poet apologises for departing on one point from Blair (bk. xi. 1. 1446), and the reader is sensible throughout that the poet is translating rather than producing original matter. While he modestly styles his work a ‘Rural Dyt’ (i.e. poem) and himself a ‘Burel man,’ or countryman, he was far from illiterate. Besides a knowledge of Latin he shows an acquaintance with the historical romances of Troy, Alexander the Great and Arthur, and with the astronomy of his time. He also has a very precise knowledge of Scottish topography. He probably had been educated in the school of some monastery. Even apart from his blindness, which makes his poem a wonderful effort of memory, it is impossible to accept Mr. Tytler's description of him as ‘an ignorant man, who was yet in possession of authentic and valuable materials’ (Scottish Worthies, iii. 299). No doubt he added imaginary incidents to the authentic materials he possessed. But the tradition of nearly two centuries must have already expanded Blair's narrative. The tale that the English queen fell in love with Wallace and of his conflict with a lion in France are examples of such additions. The historical accuracy of the poem has been impugned by Lord Hailes and others, yet on some points it has been corroborated by records or histories discovered or published since it was written, as in the account of the treachery of, earl of March [q. v.], at the siege of Berwick, the narrative of the taking of Dunbar, and the visit of Wallace to France. On the other hand the chronology is often impossible. Historical knowledge of Wallace, apart from Blind Harry, is limited to the period from the spring of 1297, when he slew Hazelrigg, sheriff of Ayr, to the battle of Falkirk on 22 July 1298, with a few incidents of the guerilla [sic] war he carried on after his return from France, his betrayal by Menteith, and his execution at London in 1305. But Blind Harry crowds the early life of his hero with deeds of daring otherwise unknown, though it is impossible to say that they are all unauthentic. He inserts, however, a battle at Biggar, where Wallace is made to defeat Edward before the battle of Stirling. Of this there is no trace in history, and Edward was not at that time in Scotland. Possibly it is a confusion with the battle of Roslin in 1303, but there is no proof that Wallace was present at that battle.

About the poetic merits of the poem opinions have widely differed, some critics placing it above Barbour's ‘Bruce,’ and others treating it as chiefly valuable for the ardent love of liberty it displays. If Blind Harry had not high poetical gifts he had a modest and simple style, and a natural eloquence more telling because never overstrained. Like Barbour, whom in this he probably followed, his poem is an early example of rhymed heroic metre, and is singularly free from alliteration. The effect of its popularity can scarcely be over-estimated. Next to the deeds of their heroes the poems of Barbour and Blind Harry created Scottish nationality, and spread through all classes the spirit of independence.

The printed editions of the poem on Wallace are more numerous than of any other old Scottish book. Mr. D. Laing mentions in his preface to ‘Gologras and Gawain’ having seen fragments of one printed by Chepman & Myllar, but these are not known to exist. The earliest extant edition is that printed by Lekprevik at the expense of Henry Charteris in 1570. Charteris himself reprinted it in 1594 and 1601, and Andro Hart in 1611 and 1620. Thomas Findlayson, on the assumption that they had been long out of print, got an exclusive privilege for twenty years to print ‘The Wallace,’ along with ‘The Book of King Robert the Bruce’ and ‘The Book of the Seven Sages’ (Acts of Privy Council, 1610–12). A printer in Aberdeen issued an edition in 1630, and the local presses of Perth and Ayr published it in the following century. Later editions are numerous. The modern Scottish version of 1722, by of Gilbertfield [q. v.], though described by Irving as an ‘injudicious and a useless work,’ was reprinted thirteen times, and became more familiar than the original. Of this edition and a chap-book ‘Life of Hannibal’ Burns says ‘they were the first books I ever read in private, and gave me more pleasure than any two books I have read since.’ The best edition of the original was till recently that of Dr. Jamieson, 1820, but a more accurate text has been published for the Scottish Text Society by Mr. Moir of Aberdeen, 1885–6.

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Rh took it at the best, perhaps the only possible, time of the year. The great slope on which we spent so much time was, from being denuded by the avalanche of which I have spoken, deprived of its greatest danger. Had it had the snow still resting upon it, and had we persevered with the expedition, we should almost without doubt have ended with calamity instead of success. The ice of that slope is always below, its angle is severe, and the rocks do not project sufficiently to afford the support that snow requires, to be stable, when at a great angle. So far am I from desiring to tempt any one to repeat the expedition, that I put it on record as my belief, however sad and however miserable a man may have been, if he is found on the summit of the Pointe des Ecrins after a fall of new snow, he is likely to experience misery far deeper than anything with which he has hitherto been acquainted.


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220 and both uncommonly hungry, but the time passed pleasantly enough round our fire of juniper, and until long past midnight we sat up recounting, over our pipes, wonderful stories of the most incredible description, in which, I must admit, my companion beat me hollow. Then, throwing ourselves on our beds of rhododendron, we slept an untroubled sleep, and rose on a bright Sunday morning as fresh as might be, intending to enjoy a day's rest and luxury with our friends at La Ville de Val Louise. I have failed to give the impression I wish if it has not been made evident that the ascent of the Pointe des Ecrins was not an ordinary piece of work. There is an increasing disposition now-a-days amongst those who write on the Alps, to underrate the difficulties and dangers which are met with, and this disposition is, I think, not less mischievous than the old-fashioned style of making everything terrible. Difficult as we found the peak, I believe we


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 HENRY (fl. 1150), was a Cistercian monk at Saltrey or Sawtrey in Huntingdonshire. From Gilbert of Louth [q. v.] he learnt the story of the alleged descent of the knight Owen to purgatory which he committed to writing in a narrative styled ‘Purgatorium Sancti Patricii,’ and addressed the treatise to Henry, ‘Abbas de Sartis’ (i.e. of Wardon in Bedfordshire). It became extremely popular, and numerous manuscripts exist; it was embodied by Matthew Paris in his ‘Chronica Majora’ (Rolls Ser.), ii. 192–203. Three early metrical translations into French are extant; the first, made by Marie de France early in the thirteenth century, is printed among her poems (ed. Roquefort, vol. ii.); the other two are nearly a century later, and are extant in manuscript (Cott. MS. Domit. A. iv. f. 258, and Harley MS. 273, f. 191 b). In English there are two versions, under the name of ‘Owayne Miles:’ (1) in the Auchinleck MS. at Edinburgh, which is probably a translation of one of the French versions, and was edited by Turnbull and Laing in their collection of early religious poems in 1837; (2) Cott. MS. Cal. A. II. f. 89, a fifteenth-century version, from which extracts are printed in Wright's ‘St. Patrick's Purgatory,’ pp. 64–78. The Latin original is printed in Massingham's ‘Florilegium insulæ Sanctorum Hiberniæ,’ Paris, 1624, pp. 84, 100; in Colgan's ‘Trias Thaumaturga’ (the second volume of his ‘Acta Sanctorum,’ Louvain, 1647), App. vi. ad acta S. Patricii; and in Migne's ‘Patrologia,’ clxxx. 974 sqq. A French version was printed without date or name of place in 4to, but probably at Paris by Jean Trepperel; a second edition which appeared at Paris, n.d., 8vo, was perhaps printed by Jean Trepperel the second or Alan Lotrian; later editions appeared at Paris 1548, and at Rheims 1842. Two manuscripts at Rome (Vatican MS. Barberini 270, ff. 1–25) and Basle (, App. A. to Report on Fœdera, p. 23) ascribe the authorship of the ‘Purgatorium’ to Gilbert of Louth. The statement of Bale and Pits that Henry also wrote a book, ‘De pœnis purgatorii,’ is erroneous, as the alleged opening words show.

HENRY, JAMES (1798–1876), classical scholar and physician, born in Dublin on 13 Dec. 1798, was the eldest son of Robert Henry, woollendraper, College Green, Dublin, by his wife Katherine Olivia, whose maiden name was Elder. He was educated by Mr. Hutton, a unitarian, and by Mr. George Downes, and proceeded to Trinity College, Dublin, where he became scholar, 1817; classical gold medallist, 1818; B.A. 1819; M.A. and M.B. 1822; M.D. November 1832. His tutor at college was Dr. Mooney. Entering the medical profession, Henry obtained a large practice as a physician in Dublin, in spite of his unconventional ways and religious scepticism. He was often engaged in professional controversies. He said no doctor's opinion was worth a guinea, and only charged a five-shilling fee, which had to be paid in silver, as he would not carry about change for gold. He made no charge for medicines, and kept an apothecary at 100l. a year to prepare them. He gave up his profession in 1845, having acquired some fortune in addition to a large legacy. Henry began the serious study of Virgil's ‘Æneid’ about 1841. When a boy of eleven he had bought a Virgil for half-a-crown, and this copy he long after carried about in his left-hand breast pocket. From 1841 the study of Virgil became the absorbing object of his life. About 1846 he began to walk through Europe with his wife and his daughter, Katherine Olivia, making Virgilian researches. His wife died at Arco, Tyrol, but he continued to travel with his daughter, who had tastes like her father, and who assisted him with devotion in collating and other literary labours. They wandered on foot through all parts of Europe, hunting for manuscripts and rare editions of Virgil. They visited the libraries of Dresden, Florence, Heidelberg, Leghorn, &c., and crossed the Alps seventeen times, sometimes in snow. In November 1865 Henry and his daughter left Italy for Dresden, having made their last collation of the Vatican and Laurentian MSS. The daughter (born 20 Nov. 1830) died suddenly on 7 Dec. 1872, to the great grief of her father, who spent the last few years of his life in Dublin, chiefly working at Virgil in the library of Trinity College. Henry died at the residence of his brother, Dalkey Lodge, Dalkey, near Dublin, on 14 July 1876. His health was unimpaired till he had a stroke of paralysis three months before his death. In his coffin were deposited the ashes of his wife, whose body he had been compelled, against his wish, to cremate in the Tyrol.

There is an engraved portrait of Henry in his ‘Poems, chiefly philosophical’ (Dresden,


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218 partly by luck he had hit the crevasse at its easiest point, and we had only to make a downward jump of eight or ten feet.

It is now 4.45 ; we had been more than eight hours and a half accomplishing the ascent of the final peak, which, according to an observation by Mr. Bonney in 1862, is only 525 feet high. During this period we had not stopped for more than half-an-hour, and our nerves and muscles had been kept at the highest degree of tension the whole time. It may be imagined that we accepted the ordinary conditions of glacier travelling as an agreeable relief, and that that which at another time might have seemed formidable we treated as the veriest bagatelle. Late in the day as it was, and soft as was the snow, we put on such pace that we reached the Col des Ecrins in less than forty minutes. We lost no time in arranging our baggage, for we had still to traverse a long glacier, and to get clear of two ice-falls before it was dark; so, at 5.35 we resumed the march, adjourning eating and drinking, and put on a spurt which took us clear of the Glacier Blanc by 7.45 We got clear of the moraine of the Glacier Noir at 8.45, just as the last remnant of daylight vanished. Croz and myself were a trifle in advance of the others, and fortunately so for us; for as they were about to commence the descent of the snout of the glacier, the whole of the moraine that rested on its face peeled off, and came down with a tremendous roar.

We had now the pleasure of walking over a plain that is known by the name of the Pré de Madame Carle, covered with pebbles of all sizes, and intersected by numerous small streams or torrents. Every hole looked like a stone, every stone like a hole, and we tumbled about from side to side until our limbs and our tempers became thoroughly jaded. My companions, being both short-sighted, found the travelling especially disagreeable; so


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 1856). His ‘long white locks and his somewhat fantastic dress … were combined with great beauty and vivacity of countenance, and a rare geniality and vigour of discourse. There was a curious combination of rudeness and kindness … of severity and softness in him.’ Henry married, about 1826, Anne Jane Patton, daughter of John Patton, co. Donegal. They had two daughters who died in infancy. Katherine Olivia was the third.

As a Virgilian commentator Henry was acute, original, and profoundly laborious. Conington (Vergil, ii. p. xiii, 4th edit.), among other scholars, praises him highly, and frequently quotes his notes. Henry examined every Virgilian manuscript of any importance, and came to believe in the good preservation of the text, objecting to emendations. He printed privately at Dresden in 1853, 8vo, ‘Notes of a Twelve Years' Voyage of Discovery in the first six books of the Eneis,’ and in 1873, vol. i. (pt. i.), London, of his ‘Æneidea’ (critical, exegetical, and æsthetical remarks on the ‘Æneid,’ with a collation of all the principal editions, &c.). Vol. i. (continued), Dublin, 1877, and vol. ii. Dublin, 1878 and 1879, were published by his literary executor, Professor J. F. Davies. Henry had left his remarkable commentary complete in manuscript, and the remaining portion was issued (1889–1892) by Arthur Palmer [q. v.] and L. C. Purser, fellows of Trinity College, Dublin. Nearly all Henry's writings were privately printed. He composed much verse—some of it distinctly original—and was the author of various vigorously written pamphlets, of which the most brilliant is ‘Strictures on the Autobiography of Dr. Cheyne’ [see ], in which he assails the ‘fashionable physicians’ of his day. Among his other writings may be mentioned: ‘The Eneis, books i. and ii., rendered into English blank Iambic,’ 1845, 8vo; ‘Miliaria accuratius descripta’ [Dublin, 1832], 8vo; ‘Poems, chiefly philosophical, in continuation of my Book [1853] and A Half-year's Poems’ [1854], Dresden, 1856, 8vo; ‘Thalia Petasata, a foot journey from Carlsruhe to Bassano’ (verse), Dresden, 1859, 8vo; ‘Unripe Windfalls’ (prose and verse), Dublin, 1851, 8vo. (See also the list of his works in the Academy, 12 Aug. 1876, p. 163, and Brit. Mus. Cat.)

HENRY, MATTHEW (1662–1714), nonconformist divine and commentator, second son of Philip Henry [q. v.], was born prematurely on 18 Oct. 1662 at Broad Oak, in the chapelry of Iscoyd, Flintshire. As a child he was sickly, but somewhat precocious in learning. His first tutor was William Turner; but he owed most of his early education to his father. On 21 July 1680 he entered the academy of Thomas Doolittle [q. v.], then at Islington, and remained there till 1682. On 30 Oct. 1683, shortly after his coming of age, he entered on the estate of Bronington, Flintshire, inherited from Daniel Matthews, his maternal grandfather. On the advice of Rowland Hunt of Boreatton, Shropshire, he began to study law, and was admitted at Gray's Inn on 6 May 1685. In June 1686 he began to preach in his father's neighbourhood. Business took him to Chester in January 1687. While there he preached in private houses, and was asked to settle as a minister. He gave a conditional assent, and returned to Gray's Inn. On 9 May 1687 he was privately ordained in London by six ministers at the house of Richard Steel. Henry began his ministry at Chester on 2 June 1687. In a few years his communicants numbered 250. In September 1687 James II visited Chester, when the nonconformists presented an address of thanks ‘for the ease and liberty they then enjoyed under his protection.’ A new charter was granted to the city (the old one having been surrendered in 1684), giving power to the crown to displace and appoint magistrates. About August 1688 Henry was applied to by the king's messenger to nominate magistrates. He declined to do so. The new charter was cancelled by another, in which the names of all the prominent nonconformists were placed upon the corporation. They refused to serve, and demanded the restoration of the original charter, which was at length obtained.

A meeting-house was erected for Henry in Crook Lane (now called Crook Street). It was begun in September 1699, and opened on 8 Aug. 1700. In 1706 a gallery was erected for the accommodation of another congregation which united with Henry's. The communicants now rose to 350. In addition to his congregational work (including a weekly lecture) he held monthly services at five neighbouring villages, and regularly preached to the prisoners in the castle. He was an energetic member of the Cheshire meeting of united ministers, founded at Macclesfield in March 1691, on the basis of the London ‘happy union.’ He found time also for his labours as a commentator, which originated in his system of expository preaching. His study was a two-storeyed summer-house, still standing, to the rear of his residence in Bolland Court, White Friars,


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216 We could stay on the summit but a short time, and at a quarter to two prepared for the descent. Now, as we looked down, and thought of what we had passed over in coming up, we one and all hesitated about returning the same way. Moore said, no. Walker said the same, and I too; the guides were both of the same mind: this, be it remarked, although we had considered that there was no chance whatever of getting up any other way. But those 'last rocks' were not to be forgotten. Had they but protruded to a moderate extent, or had they been merely glazed, we should doubtless still have tried: but they were not reasonable rocks,—they would neither allow us to hold, nor would do it themselves. So we turned to the western arête, trusting to luck that we should find a way down to the schrund, and some means of getting over it afterwards. Our faces were a tolerable index to our thoughts, and apparently the thoughts of the party were not happy ones. Had any one then said to me, "You are a great fool for coming here," I should have answered with humility, "It is too true." And had my monitor gone on to say, "Swear you will never ascend another mountain if you get down safely," I am inclined to think I should have taken the oath. In fact, the game here was not worth the risk. The guides felt it as well as ourselves, and as Almer led off, he remarked, with more piety than logic, "The good God has brought us up, and he will take us down in safety," which showed pretty well what he was thinking about.

The ridge down which we now endeavoured to make our way was not inferior in difficulty to the other. Both were serrated to an extent that made it impossible to keep strictly to them, and obliged us to descend occasionally for some distance on the northern face and then mount again. Both were so rotten that the most experienced of our party, as well as the least, continually upset blocks large and small. Both aretes were so narrow, so thin, that it was often a matter for speculation on which side an unstable block would fall. Page 260 - Scrambles amongst the Alps - Whymper.jpg DESCENDING THE WESTERN ARÊTE OF THE POINTE DES ÉCRINS. At one point it seemed that we should be obliged to return to


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214 summit, even had it been possible, which it was not. We decided to go up to the ridge again by means of the rocks; but had we not had a certain confidence in each other, it unquestionably would not have been done; for this, it must be understood, was a situation where not only might a slip have been fatal to every one, but it would have been so beyond doubt: nothing, moreover, was easier than to make one. It was a place where all had to work in unison, where there must be no slackening of the rope, and no unnecessary tension. For another hour we were in this trying situation, and at 12.30 we gained the arête again, but at a much higher point, close to the summit. Our men were, I am afraid, well-nigh worn out; cutting up a couloir 1000 feet high was not the right sort of preparation for work of this kind. Be it so or not, we were all glad to rest for a short time, for we had not sat down a minute since leaving the col six hours before. Almer, however, was restless, knowing that midday was past, and that much remained to be accomplished, and untied himself, and commenced working towards the summit. Connecting the teeth of rock were beds of snow, and Almer, but a few feet from me, was crossing the top of one of these, when suddenly, without a moment's warning, it broke away under him, and plunged down on to the glacier. As he staggered for a second, one foot in the act of stepping, and the other on the falling mass, I thought him lost; but he happily fell on to the right side and stopped himself. Had he taken the step with his right instead of the left foot, he would, in all probability, have fallen several hundred feet without touching anything, and would not have been arrested before reaching the glacier, a vertical distance of at least 3000 feet.

Small, ridiculously small, as the distance was to the summit, we were occupied nearly another hour before it was gained. Almer was a few feet in front, and he, with characteristic modesty, hesitated to step on the highest point, and drew back to allow us to pass. A cry was raised for Croz, who had done the chief part of the work, but he declined the honour, and we marched on to the


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212 valleys in the glacier (levelling one and filling the other), completely down to the col, where it lay in huge jammed masses, powerless to harm us; and had made a broad track, almost a road, over which, for part of the way at least, we might advance with rapidity.

We took in all this in a few minutes, and seeing there was no time to be lost, despatched a hasty meal, left knapsacks, provisions,and all incumbrances by the col, started again at half-past six, and made direct for the left side of the schrund, for it was there alone that a passage was practicable. We crossed it at 8.10. Our route can now be followed upon the annexed outline. The arrow marked  points out the direction of the Glacier de la Bonne Pierre. The ridge in front, that extends right across, is the ridge that is partially shown on the top of the map at, leading from Roche Faurio towards the W.N.W. We arrived upon the plateau of the Glacier de l'Encula, behind this ridge, from the direction of , and then made a nearly straight track to the left hand of the bergschrund at.

Thus far there was no trouble, but the nature of the work changed immediately. If we regard the upper 700 feet alone of the final peak of the Ecrins, it may be described as a three-sided pyramid. One face is towards the Glacier Noir, and forms one of the sheerest precipices in the Alps. Another is towards the Glacier du Vallon, and is less steep, and less uniform in angle than the first. The third is towards the Glacier de l'Encula, and it was by this one we approached the summit. Imagine a triangular plane, 700 or 800 feet high, set at an angle exceeding 50°; let it be smooth, glassy; let the uppermost edges be cut into spikes and teeth, and let them be bent, some one way, some another. Let the glassy face be covered with minute fragments of rock, scarcely attached, but varnished with ice; imagine tins, and then


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210 superfluous energy. Guides and travellers alike, on each occasion, were exceptional men, experienced mountaineers, who had proved their skill and courage on numerous antecedent occasions, and who were not accustomed to turn away from a thing merely because it was difficult to do. On each occasion the attempts were abandoned because the state of the snow on and below the final peak was such that avalanches were anticipated; and, according to the judgment of those who were concerned, there was such an amount of positive danger from this condition of things, that it was unjustifiable to persevere.

We learnt privately, from Messrs. Mathews, Bonney, and Tuckett, that unless the snow was in a good state upon the final peak (that is to say, coherent and stable), we should probably be of the same opinion as themselves; and that although the face of the mountain fronting the Glacier de l'Encula was much less steep than its other faces, and was apparently the only side upon which an attempt was at all likely to be successful, it was, nevertheless, so steep, that for several days, at least, after a fall of snow upon it, the chances in favour of avalanches would be considerable.

The reader need scarcely be told, after all that has been said about the variableness of weather in the High Alps, the chance was small indeed that we should find upon the 25th of June, or any other set day, the precise condition of affairs that was deemed indispensable for success. We had such confidence in the judgment of our friends, that it was understood amongst us the ascent should be abandoned, unless the conditions were manifestly favourable. By five minutes to six we were at the top of the gully (a first-rate couloir, about 1000 feet high), and within sight of our work. Hard, thin, and wedge-like as the Ecrins had looked from afar, it had never looked so hard and so thin as it did when we emerged from the top of the couloir through the gap in the ridge; no tender shadows spoke of broad and rounded ridges, but sharp and shadowless its serrated edges stood out against the clear


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208 still achieve something of interest and importance by discovering a new col, they both heartily assented, and in a few minutes Perrn was over the edge, and cutting his way down the rather formidable couloir," etc. etc.

This was the couloir at the foot of which we found ourselves at daybreak on the 25th of June 1864; but before commencing the relation of our doings upon that eventful day, I must recount the experiences of Messrs. Mathews and Bonney in 1862.

These gentlemen, with the two Croz's, attempted the ascent of the Ecrins a few weeks after Mr. Tuckett had inspected the mountain. On August 26, says Mr. Bonney, "we pushed on, and our hopes each moment rose higher and higher; even the cautious Michel committed himself so far as to cry, 'Ah, malheureux Ecrins, vous serez bientôt morts,' as we addressed ourselves to the last slope leading up to the foot of the final cone. The old proverb about 'many a slip' was, however, to prove true on this occasion. Arrived at the top of this slope, we found that we were cut off from the peak by a formidable bergschrund, crossed by the rottenest of snow-bridges. We looked to the right and to the left, to see whether it would be possible to get on either arête at its extremity; but instead of rising directly from the snow as they appeared to do from below, they were terminated by a wall of rock some forty feet high. There was but one place where the bergschrund was narrow enough to admit of crossing, and there a cliff of ice had to be climbed, and then a path to be cut up a steep slope of snow, before the arête could be reached. At last, after searching in vain for some time, Michel bade us wait a little, and started off to explore the gap separating the highest peak from the snow-dome on the right, and see if it were possible to ascend the rocky wall. Presently he appeared, evidently climbing with difficulty, and at last stood on the arête itself. Again we thought the victory was won, and started off to follow him. Suddenly he called to us to halt, and turned to descend. In a few minutes he


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 peaks, but it is so shut in by the other mountains, that it is seldom seen except from a distance, and then is usually confounded with the neighbouring summits. Its name has been accidentally omitted on the map, but its situation is represented by the large patch of rocks, nearly surrounded by glaciers, that is seen between the words Ailefroide and Mt. Pelvoux.

The lowest depression on the main ridge to the south of the Aléfroide is the Col du Selé, and this, according to Mr. Tuckett, is 10,834 feet. The ridge soon rises again, and, a little farther to the south, joins another ridge running nearly east and west. To a mountain at the junction of these two ridges the Frenchmen have given the singular name Crête des Bœufs Rouges! The highest point hereabouts is 11,332 feet; but a little to the west there is another peak (Mont Bans) of 11,979 feet. The main ridge runs from this last-named point, in a north-westerly direction, to the Cols de Says, both of which exceed 10,000 feet.

It will thus be seen that the general elevation of this main ridge is almost equal to that of the range of Mont Blanc, or of the central Pennine Alps; and if we were to follow it out more completely, or to follow the other ridges surrounding or radiating from it, we should find that there is a remarkable absence, throughout the entire district, of low gaps and depressions, and that there are an extraordinary number of peaks of medium elevation. The difficulty which explorers have experienced in Dauphine in identifying peaks, has very much arisen from the elevation of the ridges generally being more uniform than is commonly found in the Alps, and the consequent facile concealment of one point by another. The difficulty has been enhanced by the narrowness and erratic courses of the valleys.

The possession of the 'advanced copy' of sheet 189 of the French map, enabled Mr. Tuckett to grasp most of what I have just


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204 seen any one touch it. In fact it was clear that there was no explanation of the phenomenon, but in the dryness of the air. Still it is remarkable that the dryness of the air (or the evaporation of wine) is always greatest when a stranger is in one's party—the dryness caused by the presence of even a single Chamounix porter is sometimes so great, that not four-fifths but the entire quantity disappears. For a time I found difficulty in combating this phenomenon, but at last discovered that if I used the wine-flask as a pillow during the night, the evaporation was completely stopped.

At 4 we moved off across the glacier in single file towards the foot of a great gully, which led from the upper slopes of the glacier de la Bonne Pierre, to the lowest point in the ridge that runs from the Ecrins to the mountain called Roche Faurio,—cheered by Rodier, who now returned with his wraps to La Bérarde. This gully (or couloir) was discovered and descended by Mr. Tuckett, and we will now return for a minute to the explorations of that accomplished mountaineer.

In the year 1862 he had the good fortune to obtain from the Dépôt de la Guerre at Paris, a MS. copy of the then unpublished sheet 189 of the map of France, and with it in hand, he swept backwards and forwards across the central Dauphiné Alps, untroubled by the doubts as to the identity of peaks, which had perplexed Mr. Macdonald and myself in 1861; and, enlightened by it, he was able to point out (which he did in the fairest manner) that we had confounded the Ecrins with another mountain—the Pic Sans Nom. We made this blunder through imperfect knowledge of the district and inaccurate reports of the natives;—but it was not an extraordinary one (the two mountains are not unlike each other), considering the difficulty that there is in obtaining from any except the very highest summits a complete view of this intricate group. The situations of the principal summits can be perceived at a glance on the accompanying map, which is a reproduction of a portion of sheet 189. The main ridge of the chain runs, at this part, nearly north and south. Roche Faurio, at the northern extreme, is


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202 when he was insensible, and of finding them gone when he revived! "Ah! Monsieur Pic, we see what it is, you have smoked them yourself!" "Gentlemen, I never smoke, never!" Whereupon we inquired secretly if he was known to smoke, and found that he was. However, he said that he had never spoken truer words, and perhaps he had not, for he is reported to be the greatest liar in Dauphiné! We were now able to start, and set out at 1.15 to bivouac  upon the Glacier de la Bonne Pierre, accompanied by Rodier, who staggered under a load of blankets. Many slopes had to be mounted, and many torrents to be crossed, all of which has been described by Mr. Tuckett. We, however, avoided the difficulties he experienced with the latter by crossing them high up, where they were subdivided. But when we got on to the moraine on the right bank of the glacier (or, properly speaking, on to one of the moraines, for there are several), mists descended, to our great hindrance; and


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 with the view of studying for the church. On completing his studies he became master of the grammar school at Annan. He was licensed to preach on 27 March 1746, and in November 1748 was ordained minister of a congregation of presbyterian dissenters at Carlisle. In November 1760 he became pastor of the ‘High Meeting-house,’ Berwick-on-Tweed. He had commenced his ‘ History of England on a New Plan’ in 1763, but found residence in Berwick an almost insuperable obstacle to the proper accomplishment of such a work. His difficulties were, however, removed by his being appointed in November 1768 minister of New Grey Friars Church, Edinburgh, through the influence of Lord-provost Lawrie of Edinburgh, who had married his sister. In 1771 he received the degree of D.D. from the university of Edinburgh, and in 1774 was chosen moderator of the general assembly. He was transferred in 1776 to the collegiate charge of Old Grey Friars Church, where he remained till his death, 24 Nov. 1790. He was buried in the churchyard at Polmont, where a monument was erected.

The first volume of Henry's ‘History of England’ appeared in 1771, the second in 1774, the third in 1777, the fourth in 1781, the fifth in 1785, and the sixth, edited by Laing, posthumously in 1793. The work embraces the period from the invasion of the Romans till the death of Henry VIII, and is divided into periods, the history of which is treated under seven separate headings—civil and military history, history of religion, history of the constitution, government, and laws and courts of justice, history of learning, history of arts, history of commerce, and history of manners. An extraordinary attempt was made by Dr. [q. v.], apparently from mere motives of jealousy, to damage the reputation of the book and stop its sale, by confessedly unscrupulous criticism. Besides penning a scandalously unfair review in the ‘Edinburgh Magazine,’ he endeavoured to secure unfavourable notices of it in as many of the London periodicals as possible (see letters in, Calamities of Authors). The disreputable effort practically failed, Henry having before his death drawn as much as 3,300l. from the sale of the work. As a popular and comprehensive history it has much merit, but it lacks original research, while its style and method detract from its literary value. In recognition of his labours Henry, on the recommendation of the Earl of Mansfield, received from George III, on 28 May 1781, a pension of 100l. His history was translated into French in 1789–96, and passed also into several English editions. His books were bequeathed to the magistrates of Linlithgow, to form the nucleus of a public library.

HENRY, THOMAS (1734–1816), chemist, was born at Wrexham on 26 Oct. 1734, and educated at the grammar school there. His father had come to Wales from Antrim, and kept a boarding-school at Wrexham. On leaving school Thomas was apprenticed at Wrexham to an apothecary, on whose death he completed his term at Knutsford, Cheshire. When his apprenticeship terminated he became assistant to an apothecary named Malbon at Oxford. While there he attended anatomical lectures. Returning to Knutsford in 1759, he began business on his own account, and soon afterwards married Mary Kinsey of that town. He removed five years later to Manchester, and succeeded to the business of a surgeon-apothecary in St. Anne's Square.

He had already manifested a taste for chemistry, and now energetically devoted himself to that study. In 1771 he communicated to the Royal College of Physicians ‘An Improved Method of Preparing Magnesia Alba,’ which was published in their ‘Transactions’ (vol. ii.), and afterwards reprinted in 1773 with other essays, entitled ‘Experiments and Observations,’ &c. His process of preparing calcined magnesia was communicated to the Royal College of Physicians without any reservation; but at the suggestion of the president of the college and other leading medical men he took out a patent and prepared it for sale. It became a lucrative property.

He was admitted a fellow of the Royal Society in 1775, on the recommendation of Sir John Pringle and Dr. Priestley. Some years later he was elected a member of the American Philosophical Society at the instance of Dr. Franklin. About the same time he published a paper ‘On the Action of Lime and Marl as Manures,’ which was reprinted in Hunter's ‘Georgical Essays,’ 1803, ii. 47. In 1776 he translated some of Lavoisier's works (‘Essays, Physical and Chemical’), and in 1783 a further selection of the same writer's ‘Chemical Essays.’ He first observed that a certain amount of carbonic acid in the air is favourable to the growth of


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WEIR, Robert Walter, American artist: b. New Rochelle. N. Y., 18 June 1803; d. New York, 1 May 1889. After studying under Jarvis he began portrait painting in 1821 and then studied in Florence under Benvenuti, 1821-28. In 1829 he became a National Academician and was professor of drawing at West Point 1837-79. He was of especial prominence as a historical painter and among his works are the ‘Embarkation of the Pilgrims’ (1845) in the rotunda of the Capitol at Washington; the ‘Church of the Holy Innocents’ (1847), Corcoran Art Gallery, Washington; and ‘Peace and War,’ painted for the chapel at West Point


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 plants. In 1781 he issued ‘An Account of a Method of Preserving Water at Sea,’ in which he proposed the use of lime to prevent putrefaction.

On the organisation of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society in 1781 he was appointed one of its secretaries. He became its president in 1807, and retained the position during the rest of his life. Many papers were read by him before the society, and some are printed in its ‘Memoirs.’ These comprise essays on the ‘Advantages of Literature and Philosophy,’ ‘Ferments and Fermentation,’ ‘Observations on the Bills of Mortality of Manchester and Salford,’ ‘The Nature of Wool, Silk, and Cotton as objects of the Art of Dyeing,’ and a ‘Memoir of Dr. Charles White.’ In 1783 he published ‘Memoirs of Albert de Haller,’ and helped to establish in Manchester a College of Arts and Sciences, in connection with which he delivered several courses of lectures on chemistry. In these lectures he was assisted by his son, Thomas Henry, jun., a youth of promise, who died young. He also lectured on bleaching, dyeing, and calico-printing. Henry was clear-headed, ready, and practical. Although his special study was pursued amid the anxieties of business, he occasionally contributed to medical journals, and interested himself in the literature and politics of the day. He was an early member of one of the first societies for the abolition of the African slave trade. About middle life he left the church of England and joined the unitarians.

He died on 18 June 1816, aged 81, and was buried at the Cross Street Unitarian Chapel, Manchester. His son William is separately noticed. His portrait, by Joseph Allen, belongs to the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society.

HENRY, THOMAS (1807–1876), police magistrate, eldest son of David Henry of St. Stephen's Green, Dublin, head of the firm of Henry, Mullins, & MacMahon, government contractors, was born in Dublin in 1807. He was educated at Von Feinagle's school in that city and at Trinity College, where he graduated B.A. 1824, and M.A. 1827. On 23 Jan. 1829 he was called to the bar at the Middle Temple, went the northern circuit, and attended the West Riding of Yorkshire sessions. He was magistrate at the Lambeth Street police-court, Whitechapel, from April 1840 till 1846, when he was transferred to Bow Street, became chief magistrate there 6 July 1864, and was knighted on 30 Nov. He discharged his duties with general approval. To him is very largely due the existing law of extradition; the Extradition Act and the various treaties connected therewith between England and foreign powers were in each case drawn by him. He was for many years the chief adviser of the government on all questions of administrative and correctional police, and his opinion was acted upon in the various licensing bills, the betting acts, Sunday trading legislation, and similar measures. He gave evidence before the committee on theatrical licenses, and pointed out with great precision the position of music-halls and casinos as places of amusement, and the degree of police supervision to which it is desirable that they should be subjected (Report on Theatrical Licenses, 1866, pp. 30–8). He died at his residence, 23 Hanover Square, London, 16 June 1876, and was buried in the ground of St. Thomas's Roman catholic church, Fulham, on 21 June.

HENRY, WILLIAM, D.D. (d. 1768), dean of Killaloe, was probably a native of Gloucestershire, and was educated at the university of Dublin. His entrance and date of his B.A. degree are not recorded, but he proceeded M.A. vernis 1748, and B.D. and D.D. vernis 1750. Henry was the friend and chaplain to Dr. Josiah Hort [q. v.], who was consecrated to the see of Ferns in 1721, and was translated to Kilmore in 1727, and to Tuam in 1741. By this prelate he was collated to the benefice of Killesher, diocese of Kilmore, co. Fermanagh, 1 Oct. 1731. Henry became rector of Urney, diocese of Derry, co. Tyrone, in 1734, and dean of Killaloe 29 Nov. 1761. He died in Dublin on 13 Feb. 1768, and was interred at St. Anne's in that city. His wife survived him, and remarrying with Surgeon Doyle of Dublin (whom she also survived), died in February or March 1793. Henry was a popular preacher, a keen observer of natural history and phenomena, and an earnest advocate both for temperance and for civil and religious liberty. He was elected F.R.S. of London 20 Feb. 1755. At least twelve of his single sermons were printed, and three


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 of his papers, read before the Royal Society, appear in the ‘Philosophical Transactions.’ One of these papers, read in 1753, treated of ‘The Copper Springs in County Wicklow.’ ‘A Description of Lough Erne in Ireland,’ from his pen, was first edited by Sir Charles King, bart. (Dublin, 1892), from the British Museum, Add. MS. 4436. Letters from Henry to the Duke of Newcastle between 1761 and 1768 are in Add. MSS. 32930, &c.

HENRY, WILLIAM (1774–1836), chemist, son of, F.R.S. [q. v.], born at Manchester on 12 Dec. 1774, was educated at the Manchester academy under the Rev. [q. v.] After five years spent with Dr. Thomas Percival he removed, in the winter of 1795–6, to the university of Edinburgh, where he attended, among other lectures, those of Dr. Black on chemistry. He afterwards assisted his father in general medical practice at Manchester, but returned to Edinburgh in 1805, and took the degree of M.D. in 1807, the title of his inaugural dissertation being ‘De Acido Urico et Morbis a nimia ejus secretione ortis.’ Meanwhile he had communicated to the Royal Society a paper on carbonated hydrogenous gas (1797), another on muriatic acid (1800), and the results of important experiments he had carried on with regard to the quantity of gases absorbed by water at different temperatures and under different pressures (1803). Other contributions on the results of investigations into the chemistry of aeriform bodies were subsequently made to the same society up to 1824, as well as to the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society. In 1799 he delivered a course of lectures on chemistry at Manchester, and published ‘A General View of the Nature and Objects of Chemistry, and of its application to Arts and Manufactures.’ In 1801 he issued ‘An Epitome of Chemistry’ (4th edit. 1806, 8vo, pp. 525). This was afterwards much expanded, and the title changed to ‘The Elements of Experimental Chemistry.’ It went through eleven editions, the last published in 1829, in two large volumes octavo. To medical science he contributed several papers on calculi, diabetes, &c., as well as observations on cases which fell under his notice as physician to the Manchester Infirmary. An elaborate report on cholera from his pen appeared in the report of the British Association for 1834. He was admitted a fellow of the Geological Society of London soon after its formation. In 1808 he was elected F.R.S., and was awarded the Copley gold medal. He wrote several literary essays, including one called ‘Cursory Remarks on Music’ (‘Edinburgh Monthly Magazine’), besides able and graceful biographical notices of Davy, Wollaston, and others. His estimate of Priestley was read at the first meeting of the British Association at York in 1831. He collected materials for a history of chemical discovery, but did not live to carry out the project.

A severe accident in boyhood stopped his growth. In later years ill-health caused him to relinquish the medical profession, and to devote himself partly to science and partly to his father's lucrative chemical business. Refined in manner and eloquent in speech, his society was much courted. ‘He was an accomplished and original man; one who advanced science, and took a prominent place among the chemists of the age’.

He died on 2 Sept. 1836, and was buried at the Cross Street Unitarian Chapel, Manchester. He married, on 27 June 1803, Mary, daughter of Thomas Bayley of Manchester. She died in 1837. The Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society possesses a bust of Henry by Chantrey and a portrait by James Lonsdale. The latter was engraved by Henry Cousins in 1838.

HENRYSON, EDWARD (1510?–1590?), Scottish judge, was born about 1510. He studied Roman law at the university of Bourges, where he graduated. His professor was Equinar Baron, a well-known jurist, to whom he became much attached, and by whom he was introduced to Ulric Fugger of Kirchberg and Weissenhome in the Tyrol, an ardent collector of books and ancient manuscripts, who gave him a pension, and in whose house he found a home and a congenial occupation in collecting and translating classical texts. He there translated into Latin the commentary of Plutarch on the stoic philosophy, which was published at Leyden in 1555. It is a small duodecimo volume with an appendix containing emendations of doubtful readings in the original Greek text. He is also said to have translated the ‘Enchiridion’ of Epictetus and the ‘Commentaries’ of Arrian,


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THE ASCENT OF THE POINTE DES ECRINS.

5 o'clock on the afternoon of June 23, we were trotting down the steep path that leads into La Bérarde. We put up, of course, with the chasseur-guide Rodier (who, as usual, was smooth and smiling), and, after congratulations were over, we returned to the exterior to watch for the arrival of one Alexander Pic, who had been sent overnight with our baggage viâ Freney and Venos. But when the night fell, and no Pic appeared, we saw that our plans must be modified; for he was necessary to our very existence—he carried our food, our tobacco, our all. So, after some discussion, it was agreed that a portion of our programme should be abandoned, that the night of the 24th should be passed at the head of the Glacier de la Bonne Pierre, and that, on the 25th, a push should be made for the summit of the Ecrins. We then went to straw.

Our porter Pic strolled in next morning with his usual jaunty air, and we seized upon our tooth-brushes; but, upon looking for the cigars, we found starvation staring us in the face. "Hullo! Monsieur Pic, where are our cigars?" "Gentlemen," he began, "I am desolated!" and then, quite pat, he told a long rigmarole about a fit on the road, of brigands, thieves, of their ransacking the


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 Carruthers wiped his forehead. It was entirely possible that he was wrong. After all, he wasn't infallible. He tried to remember errors in calculations he had made in the past. But they were surprisingly few and were errors of haste rather than method. And there was no consolation in them.

Tiredness was upon him. He allowed his body to slump forward until his damp forehead rested in the crook of his arm. But he couldn't thrust the horror of the future from his mind. And while he tried to forget momentarily what he, alone in all the world knew, time kept ticking off its inexorable seconds and minutes. There was no stopping its remorseless march onward.

The year of time was 2007 as reckoned by the earth's new calendar, and was still the same world with its familiar continents and oceans as recorded by the historians of the twentieth century.

There had been wars, pestilence, famines and destruction undreamed of in the red decades following the rise of the dictator nations. Empires had spread their tentacles over most of the earth's surface—enslaving humans with their mephitic, bestial ideologies.

Then the people, as if inspired and guided by some soul-inspiring force outside their enslaved bodies, had risen in rebellion all over the world, thrown off their shackles, and annihilated their masters.

Scientifically and mechanically, the world had never stood still. There seemed to be no end to the inventive genius of mankind. But man, himself, had not changed—only the structures that housed him, and the mechanical marvels that surrounded him. He was still subject to greed, poverty and fear of the unknown.

In the world's largest city, New York, the month of Venus brought intolerable heat that drove people deep underground to ventilated caverns constructed when Venus had been known as the month of July. Those who were not in the caverns, or not working at daily tasks, were garnered before the Continental Television News panels where they watched rather than heard world news. Aside from the seasonal heat, there was nothing to mar the serenity of their daily lives.

Around them, as they stood watching the news flash across the panel from all parts of the globe, towered massive buildings. The tallest of these was the one where Aaron Carruthers' connecting laboratories covered the top floor of a hundred-story structure.

Looking from the quartz glass windows of these laboratories, one could see the steel control towers of New York's majestic transportation system—the four-speed sidewalk bands that extended north, south, east and west.

Subway and elevated trains no longer existed. Taxis and privately owned vehicles had been banished to the great open spaces known as the outlands.

This efficient transportation system, of escalator type, was high above the city streets, and extended north to Peekskill and west across the Hudson River into a teeming industrial center that had once been known as New Jersey.

The first band from the station platform moved quite slowly. The second, somewhat faster. By stepping from the slower to the faster-moving bands, passengers could easily control the speed they wished to travel.

There was little or no noise in this sprawling metropolitan area except the droning reverberations of turbines deep underground—turbines which supplied light, power and heat to all businesses, all families, rich and poor alike.

Even to this lonely, serious-faced young scientist there came moments of reflection when he marveled at the changes that had taken place during his own lifetime. But


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 he wasn't thinking about them now. They had been crowded from his mind by gloomy forebodings of an insecure future. This precious, yet terrible knowledge weighed heavily, on his shoulders. He clenched his jaw and straightened to an upright position.

The red eyes of a golden Buddha on his desk glowed warningly. Someone was coming down the corridor to the entrance of his private laboratory.

Soundlessly the door opened. Through the opening came his friend and laboratory assistant, Karl Danzig. "Vignot's here," he stated, "and crusty as usual."

ARRUTHERS nodded. He liked George Vignot in spite of the bearded chemist's sarcastic, blustering ways. "Show him into the west laboratory where our Time Projector—No. Wait a minute. Vignot's not yet ready for that experiment. Show him instead into the Thermo-cell laboratory. We'll work on our problem there."

The eyes of Karl Danzig held worried glints.

He hesitated a moment then said: "You—you aren't going to test out the new Time Projector Machine—?"

"It all depends," shrugged Carruthers, "on whether certain computations I have made are correct in assumption and ultimate result. Vignot's undoubtedly the foremost mathematician in the east. And I want him to re-check my calculations for possible error. If he arrives at the same answer as I have, we'll make the experiment—provided he is willing and not afraid."

Still, Danzig did not leave the room. "In some ways," he went on, "I wish you'd abandon the experiment, Aaron. It's not that I'm disloyal, but it seems to me that you're going to get entangled into something that—that the universal creator doesn't want mankind to know. Somehow, it doesn't seem right for man to probe into the mystery of what has not yet happened."

Carruthers placed a hand on his friend's shoulder. "I'm not questioning your loyalty, Karl, when you oppose the experiment I've got to go through with. But I know you'll stand by till the end. Perhaps I'm asking for death in trying to do somethink that transcends the physical impossibility of tampering with the element of time.

"Still, being the way I am, there seems no other course open—for me at least. So don't have any doubts. We've been mixed up in strange and fantastic experiences before, and have somehow survived. Let's keep the thought in mind that we'll survive this one."

Danzig nodded. "I understand all that, Aaron. But you've never gone through anything like the experiment you've planned with the Time Projector Machine. You still don't know what effect it will have on your physical body."

"I've tried it on mice and they came back alive."

"Mice aren't human beings. It scares me, Aaron. Things that have happened in the past are history, and they're static in most ways. Things that are happening in the present are understandable and real. They are things you and I can get a grip on. I can touch my skin, my hair and fingernails, and feel them. They are the result of growth that extends into the past, they are also the result of growth that is taking place this very second."

"That's quite true, Karl. The sum of our knowledge is based on what is happening now, and what has taken place in the past. That being true, would not our knowledge be astoundingly increased in the revealing awareness of what is going to happen in—say a year from now, or a decade of years for that matter? Could we not arrange to meet misfortune and


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 better if we knew what was to take place in the future?"

"You're getting into the realm of pre-destination, Aaron. And that is dangerous ground for man to invade. Suppose fate has willed that I am to die at eleven o'clock at night a year from today from coming in contact with fifty-thousand volts of electricity in this laboratory. Could you, by your foreknowledge of events that are yet to happen, cheat fate by having the current turned off so that I couldn't possibly be electrocuted?"

"I don't know, Karl, any more than you do." The shadow of some inner disturbance crossed his serious young face. When he spoke again his voice was low and vibrant. "But the scientific urge to find the answer to your question and others of my own propounding is greater than my emotional will to resist that urge. I've got to find out, Karl. My mind won't rest, nor my body either, until the answer to the riddle comes to me out of the impalpable element of a time period that has not yet taken place. Go get Vignot now, and bring him to the Thermo-cell laboratory. And I'll want you with us, Karl, for reasons you'll discover for yourself."

Without another word he turned and walked down a tile corridor to a white, gleaming laboratory. A few minutes later Danzig, with George Vignot close behind him, entered the room.

EORGE VIGNOT spread his feet wide and puffed out both checks. "So!" His voice had the booming quality of a deep organ note. "It isn't enough that I should be plagued by inconsequential classroom experiments I have performed a thousand—yes, a million times. No. I must fritter away my precious moments with arithmetic, with figures which you seemed to have forgotten—"

"Wait a minute, Vignot—"

"Ha. Wait? Always I'm waiting. Where is this Time Proj'ector? Speak up, for I have no time to waste on trivialities. Certainly it isn't in this room. It wouldn't be. You'd keep it hidden. I don't want to see it. I don't want anything to do with it. The last experience I had with your Neutronium exploration apparatus nearly drove me insane. I damned near starved to death, too. No. Count me out of any future experiments dealing with the unknown. I'll stick to my moronic classroom lectures—"

"I suppose," Carruthers broke in, "that I could easily persuade the noted bio-chemist, Haley, to assist me, or Professor Grange the metallurgist whose experiments and findings have lately startled the world. Not being concerned with petty classroom sessions, they'd undoubtedly—"

"Bah! Haley's a doddering fool. And Grange is afraid of his own shadow. Petty classroom sessions, eh? You brought that up, Aaron, just to goad me on into doing something I don't want—"

Carruthers shook his head. "I wouldn't urge you to do anything you don't want to do, or have your heart set on doing. Go back to your classroom. I'll find someone else."

Vignot's big body shook with gusty laughter. "Oh ho! I should go now after I'm already here. You should get rid of me like I'm an incompetent scullion who keeps dropping beakers and test tubes. I'm not so good as Haley or Grange. So now. What is that problem in arithmetic?"

"The arithmetic will come in a few minutes." He pointed to a marble-topped table. "First, I want you to check the readings on the tape from the Thermo-cell unit recordings."

"Hummm!" grunted Vignot, crossing the room to the table and bending over the intricate machine which indicated and traced the pattern of any electrical or metallic disturbances in the outer reaches of the sky.


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Uniformity in the chemical composition of the various classes of cosmical bodies was to a certain extent implied in the extended form of the nebular hypothesis formulated by Kant and Laplace, but there was no direct evidence of any relation between terrestrial and extra-terrestrial matter — other than that afforded by meteorites — until 1859. In that year the celebrated researches of Kirchhoff and Bunsen furnished the key to the interpretation of the spectra of celestial bodies, and gave birth to the new science of Astrophysics, in which we have witnessed such remarkable developments in recent years.

One of the first fruits of the union of Astronomy and Physics Avas the discovery that some of our familiar chemical elements exist also in the atmosphere of the sun, and in due course it was discovered that the same was true of the stars and other cosmical bodies. It was further found that the stars having spectra of different types could be arranged in a sequence which strongly suggested that the differences, for the most part, were not due to original differences of composition, but to the different stages which they had reached in an orderly development from masses of identical composition. The probability that nebulae were the parent masses out of which stars have been condensed — foreshadowed by Herschel’s observations on the apparent continuity of nebular and stellar forms — was also greatly strengthened when the spectroscope of Huggins revealed that the chief radiation from many of these bodies was emitted by luminous gases. Hence, the Vol. X

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242 that the matter distributed throughout the visible universe is fundamentally of the same composition as that of the earth was forced upon the majority of those who considered the subject in its various aspects. Although little can be advanced in the shape of new arguments, it will perhaps be of interest to reconsider the chemical unity of the cosmos in the light of some of the new facts with which the science of astrophysics has been enriched.

It is scarcely necessary to explain that the presence of a substance in a luminous source, whether this source be on a laboratory table or in a remote part of the universe, is indicated by the coincidence of spectral lines. In some of the cosmical sources, the spectral lines are produced by the direct emission of luminous gases and appear bright ; in others, the lines appear dark on a background of continuous spectrum, the reversal depending upon the property possessed by a vapour of absorbing precisely those radiations of which its emission spectrum consists at the same temperature. In either case the mode of identification is the same.

In this connection, it is a fortunate circumstance that the spectra of the various elements consist of more than one line, ranging from about a dozen in the case of lithium to some thousands in iron, uranium, and certain other elements. Hence, the identification of an element in a celestial source is in general independent of the establishment of absolute coincidences in the positions of the lines with those produced terrestrially, and rests rather upon the apparent agreement in position of a succession of lines having the same relative intensities in the celestial and terrestrial sources.

There are indeed several disturbing causes which combine to make it in most cases impossible to prove absolute identity of wave-length in the two sources. If a star be under observation, its spectral lines will be displaced by an amount depending upon its velocity in the line-of-sight (« radial velocity ») relatively to the earth; to the red if the earth and star be receding from each other, and to the violet if they be approaching. The displacement due to the earth's orbital motion can easily be calculated, and appropriate allowance made for it, but that caused by the motion of the star itself will always remain. It is only by assuming that the true wave-lengths of the stellar lines are identical with those of

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Rh their terrestrial counterparts that the radial velocities of the stars can be ascertained.

In the case of the sun, the delicacy of these comparative observations may be greatly increased in consequence of the great intensity of the light which is available for spectroscopic dissection. The attainable accuracy of observation is in this case such that even the effect of the ellipticity of the earth's orbit, shown by the consequent slightly variable component velocity of the earth in the direction of the sun, can be determined by the changing positions of the spectral lines. Under these conditions, displacements produced by internal motions also become perceptible, such as may arise from rotation of the sun as a whole, from radial convection currents in the absorbing vapours which produce the dark (Fraunhofer) lines, and possibly also from currents more or less parallel to the sun's surface. Then again, the periods of the vibrating particles which produce the lines — and therefore also the positions of the lines in the spectrum — depend to a small extent upon the pressure to which the gases and vapours are subjected.

Hence, it is only by the most careful selection of the point of observation in the sun that there can be any hope of establishing an absolute agreement in wave-lengths between solar lines and those given by the corresponding terrestrial sources. Dr. St. John, of the Mount Wilson Solar Observatory, has found such a region in the higher strata of the chromosphere, in the neighbourhood of the sun's poles. Rotation and radial convection currents are here ineffective, and the disturbing effect of a difference of pressure or density is practically eliminated by taking the luminous gas at a high elevation; other careful observations have also indicated that there are no systematic surface currents which could materially displace the emission lines of the upper chromosphere. Under these favourable circumstances, in the case of the H and K lines of calcium, Dr. St. John has obtained the first direct proof of the agreement of the solar or cosmic wave-length of a substance with its wave-length in a terrestrial source, to the degree of accuracy attainable with the most powerful modern appliances. In other words, under such widely different conditions, and in regions greatly separated in space, calcium preserves its most characteristic and fundamental property, whereby its molecules show the same set of vibration periods.

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244

What has been shown to be true for calcium vapour in this special case is doubtless equally true for all the elements which have been spectroscopically identified in the sun and other cosmical bodies by the usual methods. The mode of identification of the chemical elements in the celestial bodies thus rests on a sure foundation.

Investigations of the spectra of the heavenly bodies long ago revealed the wide diffusion in space of some of our chemical elements, but complete uniformity has even yet not been established. Several of the known chemical elements have not been traced in any celestial source, and some of the lines which are found in the spectra of the heavenly bodies have not yet been identified with known chemical elements, nevertheless, as observational and experimental work has progressed, there has been a gradual removal of this inequality. The number of elements recognised in celestial bodies has steadily increased, and the number of « unknown lines » in celestial spectra is constantly being diminished, as the outcome of continued research. We may well look forward with confidence to the time when all celestial spectra will come within the scope of laboratory reproduction, either by the further production of new lines in the spectra of known substances under altered conditions, or by the discovery of new elements. An interesting example of one of these processes is the writer's discovery that carbonic oxide at extremely low pressures changes its more familiar spectrum to one which is identical with that of the tails of comets; and an instance of the other process is the recent detection by Ross of the comparatively new element Dysprosium in the sun's chromosphere.

Let us consider how the matter now stands with regard to the sun, which can be most completely studied, partly on account of its relatively small distance, and partly because of the fortunate circumstance that the apparent size of the moon is such as to make possible a total eclipse of the sun's most luminous surface, so that the fainter outlying parts become visible. Of the twenty thousand dark lines in the solar spectrum catalogued by Rowland, the great majority of the stronger lines have already been matched by spectra produced in the laboratory, chiefly from common metals such as iron, manganese, calcium, and so on. The unidentified lines are mostly very attenuated, and it is too early to

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Rh that they represent non-terrestrial matter in the sun, as they may simply be uncatalogued faint lines of the metals; or, with equal probability, they may represent the constituent lines of a banded spectrum, the origin of which has not yet been traced. It has sometimes been supposed that these unidentified lines are the spectra of familiar elements which have been dissociated under the influence of solar temperatures, but the circumstance that the stronger lines can be produced under laboratory conditions renders this very improbable.

In the present state of our knowledge of spectroscopy, it would be very unwise to suppose that any non-terrestrial matter whatever is indicated by the solar dark lines, and the discovery of the terrestrial equivalent of the bright helium lines of the sun's chromosphere encourages the hope that another gas may yet be unearthed which will reproduce for us the bright line spectrum of the corona which is observed during eclipses.

One of the most striking facts relating to this analysis of the sun is the poor display which is made by the non- metallic elements. Silicon and carbon are the sole representatives of the metalloids which have been identified with certainty, while among the gases, helium, hydrogen, and oxygen are all that are directly inscribed, so far as our present knowledge extends. In addition, nitrogen is known to be there in combination with carbon in the form of cyanogen. This seeming absence of most of the non-metals from the sun has been explained, in accordance with experimental work, as a result of their spectroscopic ineffectiveness through admixture with metallic vapours; and, more recently, the Count de Gramont has shown that in the case of tellurium, phosphorus, arsenic, antimony, and boron, the most sensitive lines are situated in the ultra-violet, in that part of the solar spectrum which, is cut off by the absorption of our own atmosphere. The latter explanation also applies in the case of gold, and possibly also to some other metals which do not disclose their presence by Fraunhofer lines. Recent studies of the spectra of sun spots are also very suggestive in this connection. Lithium, for example, fails to show its characteristic lines in the ordinary solar spectrum, but the red line is strongly marked in the spectrum of spots, where the physical conditions are apparently more favourable

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246 for the exhibition of this element. Oxygen also reveals itself in spots in combination with titanium. Other elements may be detected in a similar manner when the investigation is more complete.

Another important consideration must not be lost sight of. The dark lines of the solar spectrum can only show the chemical nature of the gases and vapour which lie above the brightly luminous photospheric surface. What lies below the photosphere we have at present no means of learning, but it is not difficult to believe that some of the heavier metals, which fail to give spectroscopic indications of their existence, may enter into its composition.

There is every indication, therefore, that the present incomplete record of the terrestrial elements in our tables of solar elements does not necessarily represent an actual difference of composition of the sun and the earth, but arises chiefly from the incompleteness of the investigation, and from the restricted parts of the sun and its radiation which are available for spectroscopic analysis. As remarked by Rowland many years ago, if the earth were heated up to the same temperature as the sun, its spectrum would probably resemble that of the sun very closely.

The sun may properly be regarded as a typical specimen of the thousands of stars which present us with spectra which cannot be distinguished from that of the sun itself, when taken as a whole. In the case of stars, however, we can deal only with the integrated light, and the presence of helium, for example, in such stars can only be inferred from analogy with the more favourably situated sun.

Turning to stars which have spectra differing from that of the sun, all modern work accords with the belief that the possibility of arranging them in a practically continuous sequence is indicative of their having arrived at different stages in a process of evolution. The inclusion of solar stars in the evolutionary scheme may therefore be considered to imply similarity of chemical constitution. Independent stellar evidence, however, is not wanting.

As in the case of the sun, the majority of stellar lines have now been identified with terrestrial elements. This important result is largely due to the study of the variations in

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Rh the spectrum of the same substance under different conditions, which was initiated by Sir Norman Lockyer. In many stars which exhibit spectra of earlier type than that of the sun, it has been found that a large proportion of the lines correspond with metallic lines which are specially developed in the electric spark, whereas in the solar stars the lines occurring in the electric arc spectra are the predominant feature. The same element in different types of stars thus shows different spectral lines, and some of the most striking differences in stellar spectra have thus received a completely satisfactory explanation without the aid of hypothetical elements. It is interesting also to note that in some of the earlier types of stars there is a special development of lines produced by the absorption of gases, including nitrogen and oxygen, which are very inadequately exhibited in the spectrum of the sun.

The outcome of the study of the various groups of stellar spectra, from our present point of view, is to show that there are but few indications of stellar elements which do not visibly reveal themselves in the sun also, either by the same or different families of lines. Sulphur, which has been traced by Lockyer in some of the stars, is about the only one which can be pointed to with certainty. There are certainly some stellar lines which await explanation, but they are now relatively few, and one can scarcely escape the conviction that they will eventually yield to experimental reproduction from terrestrial matter, as has so often happened in the past.

Valuable evidence is furnished by binary stars. The probability that these systems have originated in the fission of a single mass of matter necessitates identity of composition of the components. Yet there are many binary stars in which the spectra of the two members are of different types, and this fact greatly strengthens the view that stars having different spectra do not necessarily differ in composition. The generally accepted view that the ancestors of the stars are represented by existing nebulae demands that these bodies should contain all the materials of which stars are known to be composed. And yet the nebulae have a very simple spectrum of bright lines, among which only those belonging to hydrogen and helium have been certainly identified. One possible explanation of this seeming anomaly is that the nebulae may be in so primitive a state that they contain

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248 little more than the germs from which the chemical elements themselves are subsequently evolved by polymerisations during the process of condensation into stars. Another hypothesis, which has been strongly advocated by Sir Norman Lockyer, is that the nebulae consist of swarms of meteoric stones, and that the spectrum presented to us is simply that of the gases driven into the interspaces by collisions, and rendered luminous by heat or electricity. On this supposition, the metallic elements remain unvolatilised and consequently fail to signify their presence in the spectroscopic record.

Independently of these hypotheses, however, the phenomena of New Stars furnish valuable evidence as to the presence in nebulae of materials other than those which are directly indicated by the spectrum. It is well known that although the spectrum of a new star in its earlier stages is a complex one, great changes accompany the decline of the star, so that finally the spectrum becomes like that of a nebula. Now, it has been shown that the earlier spectrum consists chiefly of the spark lines of various known metals, and unless we are prepared to adopt the improbable hypothesis that the metallic elements have been dispersed into the surrounding spaces, it must be admitted that they are still present when the star has faded and only the nebular spectrum is visible. Hence, it is not unreasonable to believe that other nebulae with similar spectra also contain metallic elements, existing under conditions which prohibit their visible display.

A difficulty formerly presented by such bodies as the Great Nebula in Andromeda, which do not give a spectrum of bright lines at all, has been removed by recent spectrum photographs taken at Lick and Mt. Wilson observatories. These photographs have confirmed previous suspicions that the continuous spectra of these objects are crossed by dark lines, like the spectra of most of the stars, and the unavoidable conclusion is that such bodies belong to the order of star clusters. Their composition must consequently be the same as that of the stars in general.

In opposition to the view here advocated as to uniformity in the chemical composition of the various cosmical bodies, it has sometimes been urged that the apparent occurrence of stars of different spectral types in special localities in space is more easily explained by assuming actual

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Rh of constitution. Thus, helium stars are found in special abundance near the Galaxy and it might be supposed that helium exists in greater proportion in that region, while most of the metals are lacking. An able discussion of this matter has been given by Sir Norman Lockyer, in his work on Inorganic Evolution, where it is shown that there is no  localisation of the chemical elements so far as direction in space is concerned, and that although there are indications that particular types of stars do tend to congregate at distances peculiar to themselves, the condensation is by no means absolute. The occurrence of stars of the same type in widely separated parts of space, showing the same lines with similar intensities, is further regarded, with much justification, as evidence that not only do the stars contain the same elements, but contain them in identical proportions.

Spectroscopic investigation of the heavenly bodies has doubtless many wonderful revelations still in store, but it can scarcely be expected to lead to any greater generalisation than that which so clearly points to the chemical identity of the matter which builds up the countless diverse bodies of which the visible universe is composed.

London, Imperial College of Science.

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry of Scotland


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry (1155-1183)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry of Cornwall


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry of Lancaster (1281?-1345)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry of Lancaster (1299?-1361)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry Frederick (1594-1612)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry (1639-1660)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry Frederick (1745-1790)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry (fl.1150)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry of Abendon


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry of Blois


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry of Eastry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry of Marlborough


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry the Minstrel


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry of Saltrey


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry, Matthew


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry, Robert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry, Thomas (1734-1816)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry, Thomas (1807-1876)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry, William (d.1768)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Henry, William (1774-1836)


text:
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Page:The Irish in Australia.djvu/308

 firmly and prosperously on the soil, who owe their success primarily to his helping hand and sagacious counsel at the critical moment of their arrival in a strange land. He knew well the dangerous propensity of the average Irishman in a new country to linger about cities and towns, to thoughtlessly cultivate chance acquaintanceships, to give too free a rein to his convivial temperament, and possibly to fall into the terrible gulf of drunkenness, which is the bane of his race. Hence, like the true philanthropist that he was, Mr. O'Grady spared no effort to get his countrymen out of the city as speedily as possible, and to establish them on the 640-acre land selections that were awaiting them in the country. The amount of good and abiding work that he thus achieved in a quiet way will never be known, but it is sufficient to entitle the name of Michael O'Grady to the lasting respect of the Irish in Australia. Though he successively represented South Bourke and the counties of Villiers and Heytesbury in the Legislative Assembly of Victoria, and also held office as Commissioner of Public Works in the Ministries of Sir Charles Sladen and Sir Charles Gavan Duffy, he was never a prominent politician, and never pretended to be such. When his faith or his race was assailed in parliament, he was always ready with a vigorous defence; but his true vocation was outside the political arena altogether, the trusted adviser of his countrymen, the peace-maker in their little differences, the reliever in their distresses, and their best friend in all conditions of life. Springing himself from the people—he was the son of a Roscommon farmer—no one knew better their virtues and their failings, and this knowledge he utilised to the very best advantage for his fellow-countrymen in Australia. An Irishman distinguished for the unblemished integrity of his political life, his sound common-sense, his

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By ALONZO DEEN COLE

Was it at the bidding of the "Old Ones" that slime—loathsome, hideously green—rose from the lake's dreadful depths to exact monstrous vengeance...?

OGER BENTON slammed the bungalow door behind him and stamped down the path to the shore. Another month in this wilderness and Bernice would be going about dressed in a blanket and beads, he angrily told himself—for she acted and thought more like a damned Indian every day. He'd been a fool to let her buy this island a stone's throw from the reservation on the advice of these dumb doctors. Her lungs hadn't shown any improvement here; her condition was worse, if anything—and as for the effects of this "Back to Nature" stuff on him—! He cursed aloud, bitterly.

From across the placid lake a monotonous Indian chant beat at his eardrums, and weak tears of self pity welled into his eyes.


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 honest, practical, open-handed charity, his deep attachment to the land of his birth, and loyalty to the faith of his fathers, Michael O'Grady was a typical Celt of the first order, and he died all too early, at the age of fifty-four.

One of the foremost Irish orators of Australia at the present time is the Hon. Nicholas Fitzgerald, the son-in-law of the late Sir John O'Shanassy, whose mantle, it is admitted by colonists of all classes and creeds, has fallen on no unworthy shoulders. For more than twenty years, Mr. Fitzgerald has been an active and leading member of the Legislative Council of Victoria, occupying a place in the front rank of its debaters, and contributing greatly to the promotion of useful legislation by his keen logical insight into the measures devised by successive governments. Gifted with a fine presence and a voice of unusual power and flexibility, he is at his best when addressing a vast gathering of his countrymen and countrywomen on some subject that appeals to their national sympathies. Few will forget it, who witnessed that grand and cheering spectacle on New Year's Day of 1885, when ten thousand Irish-Australian men and women assembled in the heart of the city of Melbourne, to see the first stone laid of a new central Hibernian Hall, and to hear from the eloquent lips of Mr. Fitzgerald such noble sentiments as these: "Yet another object of the Hibernian Society has to be told, and without it our rules, however sound, wise and benevolent, would have their completeness tarnished. I need hardly say I refer to the duty enjoined on our members to cherish the memory of Ireland. We, men of Ireland, claim no monopoly of patriotism, but we do say no country is more loved by its people than our dear old Ireland, whose brave generous children have at all times regarded their country with a loyal love

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Page:Weird Tales volume 36 number 02.djvu/38

 {|
 * }
 * }
 * }

BY CLIFFORD BALL

The men who were waiting for that wolf had silver bullets in their muskets.

WILIGHT had come upon the slopes of the vineyards, and a gentle, caressing breeze drifted through the open casement to stir into further disorder the papers upon the desk where Monsieur Etienne Delacroix was diligently applying himself. He raised his leonine head, the hair of which had in his later years turned to gray, and stared vacantly from beneath bushy brows at the formation of a wind-driven cloud as if he thought that the passive elements of the heavens could, if they so desired, aid him in some momentous decision.

There was a light but firm tap on the door which led to the hall of the château. Monsieur Delacroix blinked as his thoughts were dispersed and, in some haste, gathered various documents together and thrust them into the maw of a large envelope before bidding the knocker to enter.

Pierre, his eldest son, came quietly into the room. The father felt a touch of the pride he could never quite subdue when Pierre approached, for he had a great faith in his son's probity, as well as an admiration for the straight carriage and clear eye he, at his own age, could no longer achieve. Of late he had been resting a great many matters pertaining to the management of the Château Doré and the business of its vineyards, which supported the estate, on the broad shoulders poised before him.

But Etienne Delacroix had been born in a strict household and his habits fashioned in a stern school, and was the lineal descendant of ancestors who had planted their peasant's feet, reverently but independently, deep into the soil of France; so visible emotions were to him a betrayal of weakness. There was no trace of the deep regard he felt for his son evident when he addressed the younger man.

"Where are your brothers? Did I not ask you to return with them?"

"They are here, Father. I entered first, to be certain that you were ready to receive us."

"Bid them enter."

Jacques and François came in to stand with their elder brother and were careful to remain a few inches in his rear; he was the acknowledged spokesman. Their greetings were spoken simultaneously; Jacques' voice breaking off on a high note which caused him obvious embarrassment, for he was adolescent. Together, thought Monsieur Delacroix, they represented three important steps in his life, three payments on account to posterity. He was glad his issue had all been males; since the early death of his wife he had neither cared for any woman nor taken interest in anything feminine.

"I have here, my son, some papers of importance," he announced, addressing Pierre. "As you observe, I am placing them here where you may easily obtain them in the event of my absence." Suiting the action to the word, he removed the bulky envelope to a drawer in the desk and turned its key, allowing the tiny piece of metal to remain in its lock. "I am 36


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 second only to their love of God, and never with greater intensity than at the present time, for assuredly we look forward to a serene and happy future beyond the tearful clouds of this troubled present. We as Australians delighting in the glorious climate of this favoured land, rejoice at, and, with all our energy and all our strength, standing shoulder to shoulder in muscular rivalry with our fellow colonists, assist in every work for the advancement of our adopted country, loyally striving for and proud of its progress, the report of which reads like a chapter of romance. We feel in our hearts that we do not waver in loyal genuine attachment to this our home—the birthplace of our children, the land to which we owe so many and so weighty obligations, when we, as Irishmen, look with eyes of fond loving interest to the land of our birth. To the women of this country—Irishwomen and their descendants—I make a special appeal to nurture and cherish this patriotic sentiment. I ask them to instruct their children never to forget the land that gave their fathers birth, to rejoice in her prosperity and condole in her sorrows, to watch with keen sympathetic eye her struggles, and to pray for her deliverance from her troubles; and her woes."

"The Australian Patriot" is the affectionate title which accompanies the name of William Charles Wentworth along the stream of colonial history. And whoever studies the lengthy career of that remarkable man, and estimates at their right value his persistent and eventually successful struggles to rid Australia of a hateful military system of government, and to replace it by one worthy of the confidence and the allegiance of free-born men, will at once admit that the title bestowed upon Wentworth by a grateful I people was indeed well deserved. The son of Mr. D'Arcy

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 A blinding river of fire spilled out of the sky!

By MINDRET LORD

He was devoted to those pigs—absolutely devoted; perhaps that had something to do with his sudden, fantastic disappearance....

HEN the estate of my uncle, Alfred Fry, is finally settled, I shall give the farm to George Harris. I would not spend another night in the house for all creation. But Harris is a strange, elemental sort of man; he hated Uncle Alfred while he worked for him, and now that my uncle is gone, he hates him, still. I think it actually amuses him—and as a matter of fact, I am almost 44


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By MANLY WADE WELLMAN

Could it have been that Oliver Cromwell, ruthless Puritan dictator of England, used the Black Arts to win his struggle with the Cavaliers?

ES, Jack Wilmot wrote so concerning me, and rallied me, saying these lines he would cut upon my monument; and now he is dead at thirty-three, while I live at fifty, none so merry a monarch as folks deem me. Jack's verse makes me out a coxcomb, but he knew me not in 53


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By HENRY KUTTNER

He was a changeable sort of fellow—and on occasions resembled a piecemeal zombie assembled by someone entirely ignorant of anatomy!

IM VANDERHOF wavered. He stood ten feet from a glass-paneled door, his apprehensive gaze riveted upon it, and swayed back and forth like a willow. Or, perhaps, an aspen. He wasn't sure. Yes, it was an aspen—a quaking aspen. His ears seemed to twitch gently as he listened to the low rumble of voices from the inner office of S. Horton Walker, president of The Svelte Shop, Fifth Avenue's snootiest establishment for supplying exclusive models of dresses, lingerie, and what-not.

Let us examine Mr. Vanderhof. He did not, at the moment, look like a man who, within a very short time, was going to turn into what amounted to something rather like a chameleon. Nevertheless, mentally and spiritually, Tim Vanderhof was a mere mass of quivering protoplasm, and no great wonder, after the interview he had just had. He wasn't bad looking, though 83


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HEN Eric Hanley left his coupé and started toward the house, Susan Blythe stepped out from the vine-covered arbor and called to him.

"Mr. Hanley!"

He turned. "Yes, Miss Blythe?"

"Would you mind?" she asked, motioning toward the arbor. "I want to talk to you about father—"

Hanley hesitated. His eyes went from the girl's face to the castle-like English house. She noted his hesitation and came a step closer.

"Please! I know he summoned you and it's that I want to talk to you about. I'm afraid—" 106