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The Civil Service and the Patronage/Chapter 10

fundamental errors had characterized all important plans devised in the United States for the reform of the civil service prior to 1860: first, they aimed rather to hinder removals than to control appointments; and, secondly, they tended to shift the power from the shoulders of the president to the Senate, and by dividing the burden to do away with all sense of personal responsibility. There had been, to be sure, some suggestions that did not share these errors, — Noah Webster, for example, had suggested to Jefferson that he make local appointments according to the advice of the judges and selectmen of the neighborhood, and pass-examinations were introduced in 1853; but Webster's scheme was not adopted, and pass-examinations proved but the merest palliative, so that the history of effective reform begins after the Civil War.

In taking up this history, moreover, we have to break the continuous course of development, the steady progress from cause to effect, which we have been studying; for the first practicable plan of improvement was not the result of internal evolution, but was an instance of what Professor Lamprecht would call “reception.” A really comprehensive story of the civil service reform movement should be, not national, but international; it was not so much a local peculiarity as a manifestation of a stage of national growth. England was ready for the

change before the United States, and attacked and solved the problem, while we profited by her experience. A good illustration of the non-American origin of the system finally adopted is the fact that its expansion has been from the national government to the states, and not, as is the case of nearly all native reforms, from state experiment to national application. Yet, though the progress of reform was accelerated and its form in part determined by the English movement, it would not have obtained so sudden and so substantial a victory in America if conditions had not been ripe for its success.

The bloated civil list, and the unusual irregularities produced by the Civil War, for the first time attracted serious attention to the problems of administration; and though the majority of congressmen still held to the plans of 1826 and 1836, and multiplied restrictions upon the power of the president, some men of influence began to cast about for new remedies. It was natural at this time, when foreign travel had so greatly increased, and so many Americans were acquainted with the excellences of the public service in many countries of Europe, that the systems which had succeeded there should be investigated for our behoof; and in 1863 Secretary of State Seward requested John Bigelow, consul-general at Paris, to report on French methods of collecting the customs. Mr. Bigelow's reply described and warmly recommended a system of appointment by competitive examinations; but it led to no immediate result, unless it be that it stirred Charles Sumner to introduce, in 1864, his bill, “to provide for the greater efficiency of the civil service.” It is more probable, however, that Sumner's action was taken independently, and was based upon knowledge of English conditions and correspondence with his many English friends. His bill provided for a board of examiners, appointment by competitive examination, promotion by seniority, and removal for good cause only; it received some favorable comment from the press, but was dropped without action.

The first man to grapple with the question of administrative reform in a thoroughly practical manner, and to give to it the continued and single-minded devotion that so complex and vital a

problem demanded, was Thomas Allen Jenckes of Rhode Island. A lawyer of marked ability, a man of wealth and belonging to a family of much local consideration, he assumed a position of importance from his first entrance into the House of Representatives in 1863. His attention seems to have been at once attracted to the conditions of the civil service; and finally, as member of the retrenchment committee, he made the subject peculiarly his own. He spared no effort in making a thorough study of the problem, and entered into correspondence with Sir Charles E. Trevelyan and Sir Stafford H. Northcote, who had played an important part in the English reform movement. On December 20, 1865, he introduced his first bill. It shared the fate of Sumner's; its novelty was too great to allow of speedy acceptance, and many other things demanded attention.

The matter was not dropped, however; and in July, 1866, a concurrent resolution charged the joint select committee on retrenchment to examine into the “expediency of so amending the laws under which appointments to the public service are now made as to provide for the selection of subordinate officers after due examination by proper boards; their continuance in office during specified terms, unless dismissed upon charges preferred and sustained before tribunals designated for that purpose; and for withdrawing the public service from being used as an instrument of political or party patronage.” The committee was enlarged in 1867; and on May 25, 1868, Mr. Jenckes, for the subcommittee on civil service, presented an elaborate report, which may be considered as the effective starting-point of reform in this country. It contained a thorough discussion of the existing service, careful summaries of the systems employed in China, Prussia, France, and especially England, and to it there was appended a bill intended to adapt the best points in these systems to American conditions.

In general, Jenckes's suggestions were not very different from those of Sumner, but the plan was more elaborately worked out.

The most strikingly novel feature was the proposal to furnish employment for the vice-president by making him the head of a new department — that of the civil service. More pertinent suggestions were that there be periods of probation and regular promotions, and that the commissioners be authorized to hold examinations, not only for the inferior officers, but even for those of the presidential class if so requested by the Senate. Mr. Jenckes urged that his bill would throw the service open to every citizen, and that it was needed to relieve the president and heads of departments from pressure for office. It received some attention from Congress and some from the public; but it must be acknowledged that its novelty and the sweeping nature of the change suggested made defeat inevitable. It is rather surprising that the leading vote on the subject was as close as 72 to 66.

Although Congress refused to act on the subject, agitation was persistent, and, while not perhaps very widespread, was powerful in the unselfish devotion of such men as George William Curtis and Carl Schurz. The report of 1868 made a good basis for argument; and occasional words of approval, from the few officials who made the pass-examinations count for something, freshly furnished the arsenal of the reformer. Still victory was afar off, and it would have been long before the proposal received a trial had it not found an advocate in General Grant.

Between November, 1868, and March, 1869, the attitude of the president elect on this, as on other subjects, was eagerly canvassed, and before his inauguration he had expressed himself in favor of the suggested reform. He not only favored it, but in his second annual message pressed upon Congress the advisability of a law which would “govern, not the tenure, but the manner of making all appointments.” Thus adjured, Congress devoted itself assiduously to the civil service; in fact,

from that time on, only the session of 1878-1879 has passed without formal discussion of the question. Suggestions were numerous. Senator Trumbull proposed that any member of Congress or territorial delegate who recommended any one for office without having received a written request from the executive should be fined one thousand dollars, while Senators Wilson and Schurz introduced bills; but the majority seemed disinclined to take action. It was only by a rider, attached at the last moment to the appropriation bill, that provision was made for carrying out the president's wishes.

The effect of this legislation was to leave everything to the president's discretion. He was “to prescribe such rules and regulations for the admission of persons into the civil service of the United States as will best promote the efficiency thereof, and. . . to employ suitable persons to conduct said inquiries”; twenty-five thousand dollars were appropriated to pay for the services required. Grant prepared to make the most of the opportunity: he appointed an advisory board of seven, with George William Curtis as chairman, to report on the measures to be adopted. Its first report, presented December 18, 1871, was based largely on that of Mr. Jenckes; but it omitted the suggestion of employing the vice-president, and made one important advance by advising that no attempt be made to control the president's power of removal, thus completely separating the reform movement from the Senate's struggle for supremacy. On April 16, 1872, the rules thus formulated were applied to the departments at Washington and to the federal offices in New York, and a sincere attempt was made to give the new system a fair trial. President Grant, however, found it impossible to live up to the standard set for him by his new advisers, and an offensive appointment which he made in New York led to the resignation of Curtis.

Congress vacillated in its attitude towards the

new plan. It is probable that the provision for the advisory board owed its passage solely to the fact that it was attached to the general appropriation bill so late in the session that the effort to eliminate it would endanger the whole measure. At any rate, after two years the absolutely essential appropriation was cut off. President Grant continued his efforts, and constantly presented the matter to Congress, at last announcing on December 7, 1874: “If Congress adjourns without positive legislation on the subject of ‘civil service reform’ I will regard such action as a disapproval of the system, and will abandon it, except so far as to require examinations for certain appointees, to determine their fitness. Competitive examinations will be abandoned.” Congress paid no heed to this appeal. Yet in the same year it recognized the rules by placing under them certain clerks in the office of the secretary of war, and the passage of a law prohibiting the assessment of the salaries of government employees for political purposes showed the persistence of a desire to withdraw the service, in some measure at least, from politics.

No one unfamiliar with the Washington atmosphere can realize how difficult it is for the president to administer the civil service with an eye single to merit, or how innocent are some acts which appear blameworthy on the surface; reformers, moreover, are always peculiarly suspicious, and Grant was lamentably unfortunate in appointing some unworthy men to office. It is not surprising, therefore, that many of the most active supporters of civil service reform were found in the ranks of the Liberal Republicans, through whom the principle found its first expression in a national party platform in the following plank: “The civil service of the government has become a mere instrument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an object of selfish greed. It is a scandal and reproach upon free institutions, and breeds a demoralization dangerous

to the perpetuity of republican government. We therefore regard a thorough reform of the civil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the hour; that honesty, capacity, and fidelity constitute the only valid claims to public employment; that the offices of the government cease to be a matter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage and that public station shall become again a post of honor. To this end it is imperatively required that no President shall be a candidate for re-election.” The regular Republican convention of 1872 adopted a somewhat similar plank, but disclaimed any idea of “creating a life-tenure of office.” The merit system may therefore be said to have been formally introduced into practical politics in 1872.

Again, in 1876, the programme of the leading parties included this reform. The Democrats called vaguely for reform in general; the Prohibitionists proposed to effect it by the election “of all civil officers, so far as practicable, by the direct vote of the people”; but the Republican candidate, Hayes, who in his letter of acceptance spoke of it as of “paramount necessity,” was the special favorite of the reformers. So important did William Cullen Bryant regard the issue that he refused the nomination of elector on the Tilden ticket because Tilden had not definitely pledged himself to forego a general sweep should he be elected.

President Hayes devoted two paragraphs of his inaugural to the civil service, and in his first annual message called attention to the fact that the commission appointed by Grant still existed, but was paralyzed because of lack of money. He said that he had already done something in the way of reform, but could accomplish nothing really noteworthy without the active support of Congress. The new Republican administration was therefore fully committed to reform, and the president exerted himself to fulfil this pledge. The appointment of Carl Schurz as secretary of the interior, the commissioning of Dorman B. Eaton to write a history of the civil service reform movement

in Great Britain, and the strict enforcement of the law against assessments — all showed his favorable attitude.

It was in New York, however, that reform was most earnestly demanded, and there also the most vigorous resistance was to be expected, for it was the home alike of the most active of the innovators and of the most odious of the bosses. As a preliminary to action, the president appointed a committee, headed by John Jay, to investigate the custom-house. This committee recommended that one-fifth of the employees be dismissed, whereby three hundred thousand dollars a year would be saved; but in order to carry out the proposed reforms it was felt necessary to remove also the incumbent collector, Chester A. Arthur, and the naval officer, Alonzo B. Cornell. These men were supporters of Roscoe Conkling; and their removal enraged him beyond measure, and confirmed his opposition to the plans of the reformers. In the New York state convention he fell upon George William Curtis with the full force of his vituperative eloquence, and in the United States Senate he delayed the new nominations for the posts thus vacated. Confirmation came at last; and in 1879 competitive examinations were made the basis for appointments in the New York custom-house, under the rules drawn up by the new naval officer, the well-known reformer, Silas W. Burt. In 1880 the system was applied to the New York post-office, and the administration could congratulate itself on having taken some definite steps in advance.

Congress was not disposed to do its share in the work. Although the president continually called attention to the matter, and gave assurance that such short, unsatisfactory trials as the new system had had proved its value, he was unable to secure any legislation to enable him to extend it or make it permanent. The House of Representatives made General Butler chairman of the committee on civil service

reform, and in the Senate the president's nominations were frequently opposed. President Hayes was held partly responsible for this inaction: his nominations were not all satisfactory to the reformers, and he ended his administration unpopular with many politicians of his party because of what he had done, and with the reformers because of what he had failed to do.

Meantime, outside of Congress and government circles, the agitation for reform was active and was gaining the public ear. The first volume of Poole's Index, brought out in 1882, mentions about one hundred articles discussing some phase of the civil service problem. In May, 1877, the New York Civil Service Reform Association was formed, and in 1880 it claimed 583 members representing 33 states and territories. Other societies sprang up in Boston, Philadelphia, Milwaukee, San Francisco, and elsewhere; and in August, 1881, a “National League” was formed at Newport, with George William Curtis as president. This was followed by the organization of state societies, and the movement was brought to the fighting stage. It is not by any means probable that the number of active reformers was so great as the number of their publications would lead one to think; but many of them were men highly educated and of literary tastes, and one such man wrote for ten. Nevertheless there was a widespread feeling of tolerant approval, and hopes rose high when James A. Garfield, known since 1870 as a friend of reform, was elected president on a platform which called for a change “thorough, radical, and complete.”

Garfield, however, found Congress still unwilling to commit itself to the measures he desired, and he died without having been able to bring about any change in the legal condition of the service. His successor, Chester Alan Arthur, was reputed to be a thorough spoilsman; he owed his nomination for the vice-presidency solely to the influence of Conkling, and the reformers felt that all was lost. It is evident, however, that

Arthur's reputation was worse than facts would justify; moreover, President Arthur proved to be a very much stronger man than Collector Arthur. He did not, indeed, fully recommend the system of competitive examinations; he pointed out that there were, and must always be, some differences between the English conditions and our own, and that these might make differences of system necessary. He expressed, however, his willingness to execute whatever law Congress should see fit to pass.

With the executive less favorable to the competitive system than it had been for thirteen years, its supporters pressed it with more vigor than ever before in the second session of the forty-seventh Congress. The tragic incident of the death of Garfield at the hands of a disappointed office-seeker deeply affected public sentiment; and the fall elections of 1882 frightened the Republican leaders, particularly as in several cases the determining factor seemed to be the question of civil service reform. Therefore the bill drawn up by Dorman B. Eaton and presented by George H. Pendleton, chairman of the Senate committee on civil service reform, was urged with good hope of success.

The debate on this measure was entirely unworthy of the occasion, hardly touching any of the serious considerations involved; and in this fact as well as in its subject-matter it was characteristic of nearly all congressional discussions of the civil service. The larger part of the time was taken up in making predictions as to the effect of the bill on the two parties, and in arguments based thereon. Senator Vest said that what was needed was not legislation, but a change of administration. Senator Miller pointed out that, whatever was true of the Republicans, the Democratic party would survive without patronage. Throughout the debate Jefferson was paraded, now on one side, now on the other, as the founder of the spoils system,

and as demanding of applicants only honesty, capacity, and faithfulness to the constitution.

Senator Pendleton said that arguments in favor of his bill need not be presented, that the question was fully before the country. He confined his speech mainly to showing that there were good American facts to support the plan; that it was no longer an experiment; that within the last fifteen years it had become very common for congressmen to select their appointees for West Point and Annapolis by competition, and that the results were good; that since the introduction of the system into the New York post-office the volume of business had increased several times over, while the cost had grown but two per cent.

The best speech in favor of the bill was that of Senator Warner Miller of New York. He illustrated existing conditions by the case of the railroad mail service, in which men secured appointment through political influence. They were obliged to serve a six months' term of probation, and at the end of it from a third to a half of them were dropped, only those who were efficient being retained. The result, he said, was a good service, but the loss in trying inefficient men made it an extremely expensive one. He further urged the necessity of reducing the pressure for office upon the president and members of Congress. This point seemed to influence many, and Senator Hawley described how difficult it was, for men who had the power to aid, to refuse worthy but inefficient persons. The advocates of reform had to devote some attention to the question of the necessity of a bill at all. Did not the president have all-sufficient power to reform the service without the aid of Congress? In the previous session of this same Congress a bill had actually passed the House, appropriating fifteen thousand dollars to enable the president to enforce the clause adopted in 1871. Would not such action suffice? It was, however, very generally felt that this was a matter in which the legislature was in duty bound to guide the executive; and it was evident to all that, without the support of Congress, no president could successfully make so bold an innovation.

The general attitude of the opposition was scoffing, as it usually is in such debates. “Sunset” Cox, in 1878, delivered the best comic speech on the subject, with allusions to the Chinese origin of the system; but the supposedly unsophisticated character of the reformers is always amusing, and the examination questions can always be so dovetailed together as to bring a laugh. Mr. Horr said that they were all humbug, and that he would prefer draw-poker or tossing coppers. Equally numerous were the objections to the new system on the ground that it was not an American product — was monarchical. Senator Brown expected that the officers of government would become a “prætorian guard,” and Senator Carpenter that they would become a fixed aristocratic class.

Many counter suggestions were made: that what was needed was the weeding-out of incompetents; that preference in appointments should be given to candidates belonging to the party having the smallest number of members in government service (the plan, of course, of a Democrat); that entrance by examination should not be confined to the lowest grades; that examinations should be strictly confined to matters directly relating to the duties of the offices to be filled; that under the new rules those in office should be forced to compete on equal terms with other citizens. The whole system was criticised as cumbrous; it was argued that the commissioners had too great power; some members found the whole bill unconstitutional, and could quote an opinion of Attorney-general Akerman to that effect; while Senator Ingalls was angry because it had not been devised by Congress, but had been forced upon it by a body of men “exceedingly holy and wise.”

The most serious discussion was over the power of removal: many who favored the proposed bill as a whole did not believe, that it would prove sufficient simply to regulate appointments. John Sherman said that if removals were not mentioned, Hamlet

would be left out; Senator Ingalls desired fixed terms during which removal should be made only for cause; and an elaborate list of legal causes was drawn up and a method of procedure arranged. In the end, however, this executive function was left untouched.

In the Senate the bill passed 38 to 5, 33 being absent; in the House, where there was practically no debate, there were 155 for it and 47 against it, 87 not voting. The president approved, and the measure became a law, January 16, 1883. It provided for three commissioners to be appointed by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for a chief examiner, state boards of examiners, and minor officers. The commissioners were to aid the president in preparing rules to carry out the provisions of the law, which called for the classification of clerks and for open competitive examinations of a practical nature; if there were no competition, the commission should arrange for a non-competitive examination. The rules were to exclude drunkards from the service, and were not to admit more than two members of a single family; they were to give veterans the preference accorded them by previous laws, to provide for a fair apportionment of the positions at Washington between citizens of the various states and the District of Columbia. They were not to apply to laborers. Applicants were to bring no recommendation except as to character and residence; those selected were to serve a six months' period of probation, and were to be under no obligation to contribute to any political fund; while all officers were forbidden, under heavy penalty, to solicit or receive any such contributions. These rules were to apply to the departments at Washington, and to custom-houses and post-offices with more than fifty employees. The commission was to keep records, to investigate cases in which the rules were supposed to be violated, and to make an annual report to the president, which was to be submitted to Congress. The president could extend these rules to other parts of the service at his discretion, and could provide for exemption from them.

President Arthur appointed an efficient commission, with Dorman B. Eaton as president; good rules were drawn up; and February 11, 1885, the president, who had doubted the expediency of the innovation, reported that it was a success, while he was himself commended for his administration of a law which was not of his choice.

In the campaign of 1884 the Republican, Democratic, and Prohibitionist parties all declared themselves in favor of the new law. The Republican party claimed the credit for its enactment; and their candidate for president, James G. Blaine, in his letter of acceptance, expressed a desire to see its provisions extended. Grover Cleveland, the Democratic candidate, was regarded as the most thorough reformer, however; and his election was largely due to the support of those enthusiastic young Mugwumps who cared more for good government than for party allegiance, and who left the party of their fathers because they doubted the good faith of its leader. After tariff revision, the reform of the civil service was the chief issue of the campaign.

The position of the new president was undoubtedly a difficult one. For twenty-four years the opposing party had been in power; and even the reformers acknowledged that it would be proper to bring about some approximation of equality between the parties, and were willing to agree with Cleveland that some men in office had “forfeited all just claim to retention.” Yet when ninety per cent of the presidential officers were removed within sixteen months, and sixty-eight per cent of the unclassified employees of the interior department, besides the almost complete sweeping away of the fourth-class postmasters, many of the president's independent supporters began to cry out and to accuse him of breaking pledges. The civil service rules were very well observed, only six and a half per cent of the department officials being removed in sixteen months; but the

restrictions as yet applied to but a small proportion of the service, and the remainder was large enough to give rise to many old-fashioned squabbles over the patronage, which still further estranged the reforming element. Yet the fact that the president, whether willing or unwilling, yielded to the pressure for a general sweep, did not mean that he had lost interest in the work of the Civil Service Commission. He was in constant communication with its members, made suggestions for the strengthening of the rules, and from time to time considerably extended the number of offices to which they should apply, finally including within them, at the end of his term, the railroad mail service.

President Harrison was inaugurated before this new order went into effect, and one of the greatest political weaknesses of the new system at once became apparent. The fact that, when the civil service rules are extended to a new class of offices, the incumbents are included within their protection without having to undergo the trial of an examination, has made it easier for presidents — has perhaps even tempted those who were retiring — to extend the classification and protect their party friends. When, however, the opposite party comes to power and finds its opponents securely lodged in offices which but just now were patronage and from which its own members may have been but recently expelled, a severe strain is put upon the belief in the morality of civil service reform; it seems like saying that to the vanquished belong the spoils. It is not surprising, therefore, that the order for enforcing the railway mail extension was postponed from time to time until, in fact, more removals had been made in this branch of the service than throughout President Cleveland's term, and few, if any, Democrats remained to be protected.

In general there was a loud cry from Republicans for offices. One newspaper appeared with the headlines, “Hundreds of Offices,” “Places to Suit all Classes,” “Take your Choice.” In both Senate and House a committee was appointed to investigate

the Civil Service Commission; and, though it found nothing to discredit that body, it did find enough instances of removals to furnish a good tu quoque argument for the spoilsmen. Clarkson as patronage officer of the post-office revived the old argument of rotation in office, dismissing 201 postmasters “upon expiration of four years' service, and second commission not yet expired.” By April, 1890, 35,800 removals had been made, about 15,000 more than in the previous administration; while the reformers had been alienated by the displacement of Silas Burt from the position in the New York custom-house which he had so long and honorably filled, and by the president's refusal to extend the rules to the census bureau of 189O.

Although this broad sweep seemed a step backward in the progress of reform, President Harrison announced that he would firmly maintain the rules within their limits; and the appointment of Theodore Roosevelt as civil service commissioner, and soon as chairman of the commission, was a guarantee of his good faith. The annual reports at once revealed the presence of a new vigor and administrative power, and of a mind appreciative at once of ideal ends and practical possibilities.

The president himself was responsible for an important innovation in the rules, — that of providing for the keeping of efficiency records to be used in making promotions. It had been felt for some time that it was not well to rely entirely upon examinations in raising men from one class to another; the difficulty was to get a judgment and exclude favoritism. In his first annual message, President Harrison expressed his belief that some record of efficiency could be devised, and in 1891 announced that such a system had been established. As this was finally arranged, each officer was to receive a separate mark for attendance, industry, thoroughness, and general ability.

In addition to this contribution to the system itself, the Harrison administration saw the extension of the rules over

the Indian service, in which, perhaps, reform was more needed than anywhere else. Important also was the action of Secretary Tracy in applying to the navy yards rules for the registration of laborers, which had been devised in Massachusetts and had there proved satisfactory in improving the lower branches of the service and keeping them out of politics. So successful did this plan prove that it was extended by President Cleveland, in his second term, to many other departments, and became an established part of the system. Another order of Secretary Tracy, which forbade the employment of extra men in the navy yards during the sixty days before elections, put a stop to a long-established and convenient method of vote-buying.

The second administration of Grover Cleveland brought mingled gall and sweetness to the believers in the non-political civil service. Congress was more eager for spoils than the government was to give them; and an investigation into the legislative, executive, and judicial appropriations resulted in a reduction of force which gave opportunity for partisan manipulation. Throughout the term, however, order followed order, extending the service by providing for the classification of light-house keepers, for the clerical force in the pension agency, ind culminating in the regulation of May 6, 1896, which simplified and improved the whole system, and added 29,399 officers the list of those under the commission, making a total of 185,000 out of a service of about 205,000. Each of these extensions was hailed by most of the reformers with an enthusiasm tempered solely by a desire for more; but they might well have been disturbed by the fear that the Republicans, finding so many Democrats protected by the civil service fence, would attack the system itself. President Cleveland must, indeed, be accused of a grievous lack of tact, if not of a distinct discourtesy, when, as late as January 12, 1897, he placed under the rules the employees of the president's office.

doctrine in 1801, that the president should make no appointments after the election of his successor, is, of course, frivolous; but definitely to bind upon the incoming executive a corps of clerks, with whom he must come into personal contact, is to invite rebuff.

When William McKinley became president of the United State, as a band of the faithful declared, “by the grace of God and the efforts of the workers and zealous friends of the Republican party,” an unusual number of the latter accompanied him to Washington in the hope of office. It would seem that never before, since the establishment of the new system in 1883, had it been subjected to such a strain; never before, indeed, had it kept so many choice places from the grasp of the politician. One Republican member of the House, in his eagerness, moved that all orders of the president between March 4, 1893, and March 4, 1897, be revoked; but the administration controlled the situation for the moment, and was not to be hurried. The unclassified service afforded some vent; and a rule promulgated by President Harrison, to the effect that a veteran dismissed from the classified service could be at any time reinstated without examination, afforded ground for a considerable number of changes.

President McKinley, in his first annual message, affirmed that the system of competitive examination had been approved by the people, and that it would be his endeavor to “uphold and extend” it; that changes were needed, however, and that some places should be exempted. This led to a Senate investigation, and on May 9, 1898, a report was brought in which stated that the classification was too extensive, and recommended certain specific reductions, amounting in all to about 10,000; a minority reported in favor of about 3000 exceptions, and a second minority made no specific recommendations. Action was long delayed; the Spanish War served for a time to relieve the pressure for office by affording opportunity for temporary appointments, and itself absorbed the attention of the government. Its close, however, brought increased pressure. Effort

was made to provide permanently for the men temporarily appointed; and finally, on April 29, 1899, the long-impending action was taken. A presidential order was issued by which 3693 places were removed from the classified service, 6414 transferred from the charge of the commissioners to that of the secretary of war, and 1000 temporary appointments made regular. It also removed some of the restrictions on transfers and reinstatements.

As the first important retrograde step taken by any president since the inauguration of the system, it naturally was violently attacked. The best-informed assailant was Mr. McAnery, secretary of the National Civil Service Reform League, against whose attack Secretary of the Treasury Gage undertook to defend the administration in the columns of Good Government. The secretary of the League undoubtedly had the best of the controversy, as a controversy. President McKinley himself, in his second annual message, made a brief defence of his action. “The principal purpose of the order,” said he, “was to exempt from competitive examination certain places involving fiduciary responsibilities or duties of a strictly confidential, scientific, or executive character which it was thought might better be filled either by non-competitive examination, or in the discretion of the appointing officer.” This is doubtless true of many places; indeed, President Cleveland, at the time he made his blanket order of May 6, 1896, had stated to the commissioners that modifications would be necessary.

It appears, however, that undue elasticity was allowed. Among the officers exempted were deputy collectors of customs, who could be appointed in great numbers, and many of whom were employed for mere clerical work. The transfer to the regular list of those holding under temporary appointments was defended on the ground that the men had served long enough to demonstrate their fitness; and they have in fact proved

entirely satisfactory. Yet it is evident that such a precedent is dangerous to the competitive system as a system; and it appears that these appointments need never have been made in the first place, as the commission, even in the short time available, could have furnished all the clerks required, if it had been asked. Another disappointment to the advocates of a mechanical system of selection was the fact that the census bureau for 1900 was not included within the rules, appointments being left to the director of the census, with the tacit understanding that he would leave them to the members of Congress. On the whole, it would seem that, while some exemptions were advisable, the order of May 29, 1899, went farther than was required — farther than was best for the health of the system.

The administration did not pass, however, without signs of a better mind. A presidential order established the rule that removals should not be made from the classified service unless written charges were filed, and that the officer to be dismissed should have an opportunity to answer them. The Taft Commission, moreover, provided a merit system for the Philippines; and Porto Rico, although left unsupplied by Congress, was encouraged to establish one for herself.


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 Maxims of Ani; and fragments of other important works are preserved in the Museums of Paris, Leyden and St, Petersburg. The most venerable of them is the work of Ptahhotep, which dates from the age of the Pyramids, and yet appeals to the authority of the ancients. It is undoubtedly, as M. Chabas called it, in the title of the memorable essay in which its contents were first made known, "The most Ancient Book of the World." The manuscript at Paris which contains it was written centuries before the Hebrew lawgiver was born, but the author of the work lived as far back as the reign of king Assa Tatkarā of the fifth dynasty. This most precious and venerable relic of antiquity is as yet very imperfectly understood. Its general import is clear enough, and some of the sections are perfectly intelligible; but the philological difficulties with which it abounds will for many years, I fear, resist the efforts of the most accomplished interpreters. These books are very similar in character and tone to the book of Proverbs in our Bible. They inculcate the study of wisdom, the duty to parents and superiors, respect for property, the advantages of charitableness,


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personal appearance and habits of Commander Maury will have an interest for those who value his life-work and venerate his memory. Maury was a stout man, and about five feet six inches in height; he had a fresh, ruddy complexion, with curling brown hair, and clear, tender blue eyes. His massive head and strong neck surmounted broad and square shoulders, and a chest deep and full. His arms were long and strong, with hands small, soft, and beautifully formed—he was apt to use them in graceful gestures while conversing.

Every feature and lineament of his bright countenance bespoke intellect, kindliness, and force of character. His fine blue eyes beamed from under his broad forehead with thought and emotion, while his flexible mouth smiled with the pleasure of imparting to others the ideas which were ever welling up in his active brain. In early manhood his head was well covered with fine soft, wavy brown hair, which became thin before he reached middle age. Latterly, he was quite bald, as is shown in Valentine's fine bust, taken when he was sixty years old.

His conversation was enjoyed by all who ever met him; he listened and learned while he conversed, and adapted himself to every capacity. He especially delighted in the Rh


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148 company of young people, to whom his playful humour and gentle consideration made him very winning.

In early youth he was careless in his dress, and expressed contempt for those who judged of a man by his outward appearance. "But," he said, "I soon perceived the folly of this carelessness;" and in later years he became scrupulously neat in his attire. His enjoyment of the pleasures of the table was refined: he liked good wine; he carved well, and entertained generously; and he was never more genial, humorous, or interesting, than when surrounded by friends about a well-served board.

N. P. Willis, of the Home Journal, said to a friend, speaking of Maury, after travelling with him out West for four or five days:—

"He made me subject to his personal magnetism, and while with him I had secretly vowed myself and my pen to the service of his interests and reputation thenceforward. . . . During the time that we were together on that trip, he was, unconsciously to himself, to me an exquisitely interesting study of character. I had long heard of him, and knew what the public generally knew of his pursuits; but my conviction was strengthened every day that he was greatly undervalued by common repute, and that he was of a far deeper intellect, and much more of a natural philosopher, than the world, with all his repute, gave him credit for. . . . Under his exceeding modesty and reserve, there seemed to be a vein of the heroic and romantic so hidden, that he was seemingly unconscious of it, and I was quite sure before I parted with him that he was one of the sans peur et sans reproche class of men; yet willing to pass for only the industrious man of science which the world takes him for. Under the strong magnetism of his sincere and simple manner, I formed an irresistible attachment to him, and longed to set the world right as to his qualities."


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150 his parlour, surrounded by his family, and it seemed sometimes as if he possessed a dual consciousness, so quickly could he abstract or concentrate his mind upon his writing.

Like few great men, he was the greater the closer one got to him. Little children approached him confidingly, and never left him without bearing away some good lesson, so gently and simply taught as to be for ever planted in their young minds. His especial pleasure was to say a kind word and lend a helping hand to young men beginning the battle of life.

Above all men, he knew the value of praise as an incentive to high endeavor, and when he had occasion to censure or criticise, he did it with such obvious reluctance that it never failed to do the good intended.

While at home, he had been taught to respect women, to love the truth, and to reverence God; and those teachings he never forgot. One of his daughters writes as follows:—

"He never had a study, or anything like a sanctum, where his wife and children could not come, preferring to work in the midst of them wherever they congregated. He would sit at the round marble-topped centre table, with his papers spread out, the bright light falling on his bald head and shining on his brown curls, while he sat unconscious of what was going on around him; whether it was music, or dancing, or reading aloud, or romping, he would write away, or read what he had written, or talk to himself and shake his head."

His daughters often served as Ms amanuenses, and sometimes he dictated to two at once, while one of the little ones would balance herself on the rounds of his chair, and curl his back hair over the red-and-blue pencil he always used.

Sometimes he would walk up and down the two parlours wrapped in a light blue silk Japanese dressing-gown, quilted with eider-down which was a present from Captain Jansen,


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Rh the long ribbons, which should have been fastened around his waist, trailing behind him, or gathered up like reins in the hands of one of the little ones, who trotted after him, backwards and forwards, calling out "Gee, woa!" or "Back, sir!"—he paying not the slightest attention, but dictating gravely.

He to used to say he was the youngest of the family except the baby, and it was his habit, when dressing in the morning, to seat the youngest (the little two-year-old) upon the bureau, to hold the soap while he was shaving, while the rest would stand around, one to hold or receive the razor, one the brush, one the towel, and one or two the papers on which wipe the razor; and we all would eagerly watch the pile of lather which he made with the soap and hot water in his shaving-can. He brushed his bald head with two immense brushes at the same time, one in each hand. "For," he assured us gravely, "you see, if I only use one at a time it will turn round and round like one oar to a boat." And we believed that was the only to brush hair. Then he would tell us stories and anecdotes about his brothers and himself—what they did and what they said in Tennessee, and of his home-life there. These stories he would tell over and over again, fitting them to the comprehension of the "twoyear-old," as she or he would come on (and there was always a baby and always a "two-year-old" at regular intervals), until we knew them by heart, and, with a clamour of tongues, would set him right if he omitted any incident or related it in the wrong order. And we knew exactly when to laugh and applaud, and enjoyed it all the more because it was so familiar.

Often he would take the whole tribe out for long walks, or to gather fruit or nuts, or bright-coloured leaves; and to reach the high ones he would make what he called a "Tennessee arm," which was a long pole with a crutch at the end, with which he could twist them off, directing us where


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152 to stand and hold up our pinafores to catch the coveted prize; and then what laughter and hurrahs and congratulations would be bestowed upon the fortunate catcher!

He had pet names for all except the eldest; he said she grew up too fast for him to fit a name to her. There were "Nannie Curly," "Goggen," "Davy Jones," "Tots," "Glum," "Brave," and "Sat Sing." By these names he always called us, and we knew we had displeased him, and hung our heads with shame, if he gave us our baptismal ones.

I don't think I ever went to school more than three months altogether. He was my loving and tender teacher always; and when Betty and I grew to be fifteen or thereabouts, we had to take care of one or two of the younger ones and teach them to read, write, and cypher, yet without allowing this duty to interfere with our own lessons or our regular tasks of sewing.

He taught us our lessons at the breakfast-table, and for an hour or so after, his plan being to bid us—my sister Betty and myself—"one at a time, tell him about the lesson." He seldom asked us questions on it, unless we found a difficulty in expressing ourselves, and he never asked those put down in the book. After both had our say, he would, taking the lesson for a text, deliver the most delightful lectures. He prescribed no set time for our preparation of these lessons; but we were required to master them thoroughly, and give the substance to him clothed in our own words and not in those of the book. He always expected and required that we should not prepare them at night, but should then come into the parlour to receive and entertain and be entertained by the distinguished men and women who frequently gathered round him. He considered this a most important part of our education.

He objected to the introduction of cards in the family circle, as he said they interfered with intelligent and


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Rh improving conversation, and that those who had recourse to them for amusement were apt to depend on them, and could not exert themselves to be agreeable as they should and would do, if they had not this entertainment. He himself did not know one card from another.

Our mother taught us our Bible lessons, and catechism, and she and aunt Eliza, who was a beautiful needlewoman, gave us regular tasks in mending and darning. We seldom went to church more than once on Sunday, as it was so far from the Observatory to St. John's (Rev. Dr. Pynes), so Papa had us up regularly for the evening service, which we would read verse about, "the stranger that was within our own gates" generally taking part also.

He read aloud to us Scott's novels, Shakespeare's plays, and many of the British poets, particularly Scott's poems, Wordsworth's, and Mrs. Hemans', Of these he was very fond.

He would never allow us to read works of fiction whilst we were students, and would punish most severely any departure from the truth, or act of disobedience. These two sins, he said, were the only ones he intended to punish his children for; and he was very careful not to make unnecessary issues with them, and never to give an order unless he saw that it was obeyed and not forgotten.

A punishment he once inflicted on Betty and myself I shall never forget. Betty borrowed 'Helen,' one of a very handsome and complete set of Miss Edgeworth's novels, from cousin Sally Fontaine in Washington, thinking, or persuading herself, that Papa would not object, as that was so mild a type of fiction, and we both read most of it. He found us at it one Saturday. He didn't say one word, but took the book, and one of us in each hand, marched us downstairs into Mamma's room (which was opposite the front parlour, and where there was almost always a small fire burning on the


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 and content, of liberality, humility, chastity and sobriety, of truthfulness and justice; and they show the wickedness and folly of disobedience, strife, arrogance and pride, of slothfulness, intemperance, unchastity and other vices. It is only through a lamentable misunderstanding of the text that some scholars have discovered anti-religious, epicurean or sceptical expressions.

The same morality is taught in the romantic literature which sprung up at a very early period and continued to flourish down to the latest times. It is an interesting question, but one which cannot as yet be answered with certainty, whether or no the moralizing fables about animals attributed to Æsop are really of Egyptian origin? The Egyptian text of at least one of these fables is contained in a papyrus of the Leyden collection, but it is in "demotic," not in the early language of the country.

I have laid before you some of the characteristic


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We visited the three alignments near Carnac—Ménec to the west, Kermario in the middle and Kerlescan to the east. Of these Ménec is the most extensive and the best preserved, but the menhirs in the others are larger. That these alignments are distinct from each other and are not parts of a single one is shown by several facts. They are separated by considerable intervals, the gap betweeibetween [sic] Ménec and Kermario being a thousand feet; between Kermario and Kerlescan over a quarter of a mile. Again, the rows in the different alignments run in different directions—Ménec N. 70° E., Kermario N. 57° E., and Kerlescan S. 85° E. In each alignment the rows begin with enormous stones at the west end and gradually taper down to merely good-sized rocks at the easterly ends. Then Ménec and Kerlescan begin at the


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 features of Egyptian civilization, and I ought not to conclude without alluding to two errors, one of which may be considered as entirely obsolete among scholars, whilst the other may claim the sanction of very high authority.

Castes.

As long as our information depended upon the classical Greek authors, the existence of castes among the Egyptians was admitted as certain. The error was detected as soon as the sense of the inscriptions could be made out. A very slight knowledge of the language was sufficient to demonstrate the truth to the late M. Ampère. Among ourselves, many men may be found whose ancestors have for several generations followed the same calling, either the army or the church, or some branch of industry or trade. The Egyptians were no doubt even more conservative than ourselves in this respect. But there was no impassable barrier between two professions. The son or the brother of a warrior might be a priest. It was perhaps more difficult to rise in the world than it is with us; but a man of education, a scribe, was eligible to any office, civil, military or sacerdotal, to which his talents or the chances of fortune might lead him, and nothing prevented his marriage with the daughter of a man of a different profession.


text: Eight Harvard Poets/Across the Taut Strings


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text: Eight Harvard Poets/On a Street Corner

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text: Eight Harvard Poets/Sea-burial

title: Eight Harvard Poets/Sea-burial


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User:Rahfie

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 belonged to the Ottoman empire. In 1832 it was taken by the Egyptians under Ibrahim Pasha. Angora is connected with Constantinople by railway, and exports wool, mohair, grain and yellow berries. Mohair cloth is manufactured, and the town is noted for its honey and fruit. From 1639 to 1768 there was an agency of the Levant Company here; there is now a British consul. Pop. estimated at 28,000 (Moslems, 18,000; Christians, largely Roman Catholic Armenians, about 9400; Jews, 400).

(2) A Turkish vilayet in north-central Asia Minor, which includes most of the ancient Galatia. It is an agricultural country, depending for its prosperity on its grain, wool (average annual export, 4,400,000 ℔), and the mohair obtained from the beautiful Angora goats (average annual clip, 3,300,000 ℔). The fineness of the hair may perhaps be ascribed to some peculiarity in the atmosphere, for it is remarkable that the cats, dogs and other animals of the country are to a certain extent affected in the same way, and that they all lose much of their distinctive beauty when taken from their native districts. The only important industry is carpet-weaving at Kir-sheher and Kaisaríeh. There are mines of silver, copper, lignite and salt, and many hot springs, including some of great repute medicinally. Average annual exports 1896–1898, £920,762; imports, £411,836. Pop. about 900,000 (Moslems, 765,000 to 800,000, the rest being Christians, with a few hundred Jews).

See C. Ritter, Erdkunde von Asien (vol. xviii., 1837–1839); V. Cuinet, La Turquie d’Asie, t. i. (1891); Murray’s Handbook to Asia Minor (1895); and other works mentioned under.

ANGOULÊME, CHARLES DE VALOIS, (1573–1650), the natural son of Charles IX. of France and Marie Touchet, was born on the 28th of April 1573, at the castle of Fayet in Dauphiné. His father dying in the following year, commended him to the care and favour of his brother and successor, Henry III., who faithfully fulfilled the charge. His mother married François de Balzac, marquis d’Entragues, and one of her daughters, Henriette, marchioness of Verneuil, afterwards became the mistress of Henry IV. Charles of Valois, was carefully educated, and was destined for the order of Malta. At the early age of sixteen he attained one of the highest dignities of the order, being made grand prior of France. Shortly after he came into possession of large estates left by Catherine de’ Medici, from one of which he took his title of count of Auvergne. In 1591 he obtained a dispensation from the vows of the order of Malta, and married Charlotte, daughter of Henry, Marshal d’Amville, afterwards duke of Montmorency. In 1589 Henry III. was assassinated, but on his deathbed he commended Charles to the good-will of his successor Henry IV. By that monarch he was made colonel of horse, and in that capacity served in the campaigns during the early part of the reign. But the connexion between the king and the marchioness of Verneuil appears to have been very displeasing to Auvergne, and in 1601 he engaged in the conspiracy formed by the dukes of Savoy, Biron and Bouillon, one of the objects of which was to force Henry to repudiate his wife and marry the marchioness. The conspiracy was discovered; Biron and Auvergne were arrested and Biron was executed. Auvergne after a few months’ imprisonment was released, chiefly through the influence of his half-sister, his aunt, the duchess of Angoulême and his father-in-law. He then entered into fresh intrigues with the court of Spain, acting in concert with the marchioness of Verneuil and her father d’Entragues. In 1604 d’Entragues and he were arrested and condemned to death; at the same time the marchioness was condemned to perpetual imprisonment in a convent. She easily obtained pardon, and the sentence of death against the other two was commuted into perpetual imprisonment. Auvergne remained in the Bastille for eleven years, from 1605 to 1616. A decree of the parlement (1606), obtained by Marguerite de Valois, deprived him of nearly all his possessions, including Auvergne, though he still retained the title. In 1616 he was released, was restored to his rank of colonel-general of horse, and despatched against one of the disaffected nobles, the duke of Longueville, who had taken Péronne. Next year he commanded the forces collected in the Île de France, and obtained some successes. In 1619 he received by bequest, ratified in 1620 by royal grant, the duchy of Angoulême. Soon after he was engaged on an important embassy to Germany, the result of which was the treaty of Ulm, signed July 1620. In 1627 he commanded the large forces assembled at the siege of La Rochelle; and some years after in 1635, during the Thirty Years’ War, he was general of the French army in Lorraine. In 1636 he was made lieutenant-general of the army. He appears to have retired from public life shortly after the death of Richelieu in 1643. His first wife died in 1636, and in 1644 he married Françoise de Narbonne, daughter of Charles, baron of Mareuil. She had no children and survived her husband until 1713. Angoulême himself died on the 24th of September 1650. By his first wife he had three children: Henri, who became insane; Louis Emmanuel, who succeeded his father as duke of Angoulême and was colonel-general of light cavalry and governor of Provence; and François, who died in 1622.

The duke was the author of the following works:—(1) Mémoires, from the assassination of Henri III. to the battle of Arques (1589–1593) published at Paris by Boneau, and reprinted by Buchon in his Choix de chroniques (1836) and by Petitot in his Mémoires (1st series, vol. xliv.); (2) Les Harangues, prononcés en assemblée de MM. les princes protestants d’Allemagne, par Monseigneur le duc d’ Angoulême (1620); (3) a translation of a Spanish work by Diego de Torres. To him has also been ascribed the work, La générale et fidèle Rélation de tout ce qui s’est passé en l’isle de Ré, envoyée par le roi à la royne sa mère (Paris, 1627).

ANGOULÊME, a city of south-western France, capital of the department of Charente, 83 m. N.N.E. of Bordeaux on the railway between Bordeaux and Poitiers. Pop. (1906) 30,040. The town proper occupies an elevated promontory, washed on the north by the Charente and on the south and west by the Anguienne, a small tributary of that river. The more important of the suburbs lie towards the east, where the promontory joins the main plateau, of which it forms the north-western extremity. The main line of the Orleans railway passes through a tunnel beneath the town. In place of its ancient fortifications Angoulême is encircled by boulevards known as the Remparts, from which fine views may be obtained in all directions. Within the town the streets are often dark and narrow, and, apart from the cathedral and the hôtel de ville, the architecture is of little interest. The cathedral of St. Pierre (see ), a church in the Byzantine-Romanesque style, dates from the 11th and 12th centuries, but has undergone frequent restoration, and was partly rebuilt in the latter half of the 19th century by the architect Paul Abadie. The façade, flanked by two towers with cupolas, is decorated with arcades filled in with statuary and sculpture, the whole representing the Last Judgment. The crossing is surmounted by a dome, and the extremity of the north transept by a fine square tower over 160 ft. high. The hôtel de ville, also by Abadie, is a handsome modern structure, but preserves two towers of the château of the counts of Angoulême, on the site of which it is built. It contains museums of paintings and archaeology. Angoulême is the seat of a bishop, a prefect, and a court of assizes. Its public institutions include tribunals of first instance and of commerce, a council of trade-arbitrators, a chamber of commerce and a branch of the Bank of France. It also has a lycée, training-colleges, a school of artillery, a library and several learned societies. It is a centre of the paper-making industry, with which the town has been connected since the 14th century. Most of the mills are situated on the banks of the watercourses in the neighbourhood of the town. The subsidiary industries, such as the manufacture of machinery and wire fabric, are of considerable importance. Iron and copper founding, brewing, tanning, and the manufacture of gunpowder, confectionery, heavy iron goods, gloves, boots and shoes and cotton goods are also carried on. Commerce is carried on in wine, brandy and building-stone.

Angoulême (Iculisma) was taken by Clovis from the Visigoths in 507, and plundered by the Normans in the 9th century. In 1360 it was surrendered by the peace of Bretigny to the English; they were, however, expelled in 1373 by the troops of Charles V., who granted the town numerous privileges. It suffered much during the Wars of Religion, especially in 1568 after its capture by the Protestants under Coligny.

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Encyclopædia Britannica, Ninth Edition/Munich

MUNICH (in German, München), the capital of the kingdom of Bavaria and the fourth largest town in the German empire, is situated in an elevated and barren plain to the north of the Bavarian Alps, in 48° 8' N. lat. and 11° 35' E. long. Owing to its lofty site (1700 feet above the sea) and the proximity of the Alps the climate is rather changeable, and its mean annual temperature, 49° to 50° Fahr., is little higher than that of many places much farther to the north. The annual rainfall is stated at nearly 30 inches. The situation of Munich is devoid of physical advantages, and the surrounding district is in no way remarkable for its wealth, but the construction of roads and railways has counterbalanced the lack of natural highways, while the central position of the town makes it easy of access from all parts of Europe.

Munich is divided into nineteen municipal districts, fourteen of which, including the old town, lie on the left bank of the small river Isar, while the suburban districts of Au, Haidhausen, Giesing, and Ramersdorf are on the opposite bank. The old town, still containing many narrow and irregular streets, forms a semicircle with its diameter towards the river, while round its periphery has sprung up the greater part of modern Munich, including the handsome Maximilian and Ludwig districts. The wall with which Munich was formerly surrounded has been pulled down, but some of the gates have been left standing. The most interesting of these is the Isar Thor, restored in 1835 and adorned with modern frescos. The Sieges Thor or gate of victory is a modern imitation of the arch of Constantine at Rome, while the stately Propylæa is a reproduction of the gates of the Athenian Acropolis.

At the beginning of the present century Munich was in no way distinguishable from the crowd of second-rate German towns, but since the accession of Louis I. in 1825 it has undergone a metamorphosis of the most remarkable character. This splendour-loving prince devoted himself heart and soul to the embellishment of his “residence,” and his successors have followed in his footsteps with such zeal that Munich is now almost unrivalled for architectural magnificence among the smaller capitals of Europe, while its collections of art entitle it to rank alongside of Dresden and Berlin. Most of the modern buildings have been erected, after celebrated prototypes of other countries and eras, so that, as has been said by Carrière, a walk through Munich affords a picture of the architecture and art of two thousand years. The want of local colouring is perhaps a blemish in this “museum of architecture,” and it has also been objected that the prevailing uniformity of surface in the buildings does not produce sufficient contrast of light and shade. In carrying out his plans Louis I. was ably seconded by the architect Klenze, while the external decorations of painting and sculpture were mainly designed by Cornelius, Kaulbach, and Schwanthaler.

A large proportion of the most notable buildings in Munich are in two streets, the Ludwigstrasse and the Maximilianstrasse, the creations of the monarchs whose names they bear. The former, three-quarters of a mile long and 60 yards wide, chiefly contains buildings in the Renaissance style by Gärtner. The most striking of these are the palaces of Duke Max and Prince Luitpold; the Odeon, a large building for concerts, adorned with frescos and marble busts; the war office; the royal library, in the Florentine Palatial style; the blind asylum; the Ludwigskirche, a successful reproduction of the Italian Romanesque style, containing a huge fresco of the Last Judgment by Cornelius; and, lastly, the university. At one end this street is terminated by the above-mentioned Sieges Thor, while at the other is the Feldherrnhalle or hall of the marshals, a copy of the

Loggia dei Lanzi at Florence, containing statues of Tilly and Wrede. Adjacent is the church of the Theatines, an imposing though somewhat over-ornamented example of the Italian Rococo style; it contains the royal burial-vaults. In the Maximilianstrasse, which extends from Haidhausen on the right bank of the Isar to the Max-Joseph Platz, King Maximilian II. tried to introduce an entirely novel style of domestic architecture, formed by the combination of older forms. At the east end it is closed by the Maximilianeum, an extensive and imposing edifice for the instruction of civil servants, adorned externally with large sculptural groups and internally with huge paintings representing the chief scenes in the history of the world. Descending the street towards the west we pass in succession the national museum, the new gymnasium, the provincial government buildings for Upper Bavaria (in which the composite style of Maximilian has been most consistently carried out), and the mint. On the north side of the Max-Joseph Platz lies the royal palace, an extensive building, consisting of the Alte Residenz, the Königsbau, and the Festsaalbau. The old palace, dating from 1601 to 1616, was designed by Peter Candid, and was formerly considered a very fine building. The apartments are handsomely fitted up in the Rococo style, and the private chapel and the trea sury contain numerous interesting and valuable objects. The Festsaalbau, erected by Klenze in the Italian Renaissance style, is profusely adorned with mural paintings and sculptures, while the Königsbau, a reduced copy of the Pitti Palace, contains a series of admirable frescos from the Niebelungenlied by Schnorr. Adjoining the palace are two theatres, the Residenz or private theatre, and the handsome Hoftheater, the largest theatre in Germany, accommodating 2500 spectators. The Allerheiligen-Hofkirche or court-church is a tasteful little edifice in the Byzantine style with a Romanesque façade, somewhat recalling St Mark's at Venice.

The Ludwigstrasse and the Maximilianstrasse both end at no great distance from the Marien Platz in the centre of the old town. Here stands the Frauenkirche, the cathedral-church of the archbishop of Munich-Freising, with its lofty cupola-capped towers dominating the whole town. Though scarcely a pleasing piece of architecture, it is imposing from its size, and interesting as one of the few examples of indigenous Munich art. On other sides of this square are the old town-house, restored in 1865, and the new town-house, the latter a handsome modern Gothic erection, freely embellished with statues, frescos, and stained-glass windows. The column in the centre of the square was erected to commemorate the defeat of the Protestants near Prague in the Thirty Years' War (1638).

Among the other churches of Munich — the town contains about forty in all — the chief place is perhaps due to St Boniface's, an admirable copy of an early Christian basilica. It is adorned with a cycle of religious paintings by Hess, and the dome is supported by sixty-four monoliths of grey Tyrolese marble. The new parish church of Au, in the Early Gothic style, contains gigantic stained-glass windows and some excellent wood-carving; and the church of St John in Haidhausen is another fine Gothic structure. St Michael's, in the Renaissance style, erected for the Jesuits in 1583 to 1595, contains the monument of Eugène Beauharnais by Thorwaldsen. The façade is divided into stories, and the general effect is by no means ecclesiastical. St Peter's is interesting as the oldest church in Munich (12th century), though no trace of the original basilica remains. One of the two Protestant churches is also a tasteful Gothic building.

The valuable collections of Munich, in virtue of which it ranks among the art-centres of Europe, are enshrined in handsome and appropriate buildings, most of them in

the new Maximilian suburb on the north side of the town. The old Pinakothek, erected by Klenze in 1826-1836 and somewhat resembling the Vatican, is embellished externally with frescos by Cornelius and statues of twenty-four celebrated painters by Schwanthaler. It contains a very valuable and extensive collection of pictures by the earlier masters, the chief treasures being the early German and Flemish works and the unusually numerous examples of Eubens. It also affords accommodation to 300,000 engravings, 10,000 drawings, and a large collection of vases. Opposite stands the new Pinakothek, the frescos on which, designed by Kaulbach, already show the effects of wind and weather. It is devoted to works by painters of the present century, among which Rottmann's Greek landscapes are perhaps the most important. The Glyptothek, a building by Klenze in the Ionic style and adorned with several groups and single statues, contains a valuable series of sculptures, extending from Assyrian and Egyptian monuments down to works by Rauch, Thorwaldsen, and other modern masters. The celebrated Æginetan marbles preserved here, found in the island of Ægina in 1811, are perhaps the most important remains of archaic Greek sculpture. Opposite the Glyptothek stands the exhibition building, in the Corinthian style, used for periodic exhibitions of art. Munich also contains several important private galleries, among which is Count Schack's unequalled collection of modern German pictures. The Kaulbach museum contains a selection of the pictures and sketches left by the painter of that name; and a collection has also been made of the models of Schwanthaler's works. The scientific collections of Munich are on a par with its galleries of art. The immense collection in the above-mentioned Bavarian national museum, illustrative of the march of progress from the Roman period down to the present day, is superior in completeness and proportion to the similar collections at South Kensington and the Hôtel de Cluny. On the walls is a series of well-executed frescos of scenes from Bavarian history, occupying a space of 16,000 square feet. The ethnographical museum, the museum of plaster casts, the cabinet of coins, and the collections of fossils, minerals, and physical and optical instruments are also worthy of mention. The art union, the oldest and most extensive in Germany, possesses good collections of

modern works. The chief place among the scientific institutions is due to the Academy of Science, founded in 1759, to which some of the above-mentioned collections belong. The royal library, containing 1,000,000 printed volumes and numerous valuable manuscripts, occupies the third place among the libraries of the world. The antiquarium is a collection of Egyptian, Greek, and Roman antiquities in the old palace. The observatory is admirably equipped with fine instruments by the celebrated Fraunhofer.

At the head of the educational institutions of Munich stands the university, founded at Ingolstadt in 1472, removed to Landshut in 1800, and transferred thence to Munich in 1826. It has a staff of about 130 professors and lecturers, and in 1882 was attended by 2183 students. In addition to the four usual faculties there is a fifth, of political economy. In connexion with the university are medical and other schools, a priests seminary, and a library of 200,000 volumes. The polytechnic institute, contained in a handsome brick edifice, adorned with medallions of celebrated architects, mathematicians, and naturalists, is also attended by a large number of students. Munich contains three gymnasia or grammar-schools, a real-gymnasium, a military academy, a veterinary college, two industrial schools, a commercial school, a school for

architects and builders, several normal schools, a conservatory of music, a dramatic training school, and about twenty-five elementary schools. Among the numerous benevolent institutions the most prominent are the asylums for the blind, the deaf and dumb, and the insane, and the general hospital. The general prison in the suburb of Au is considered a model of its kind; and a large military prison has just been erected. Amongst the other public buildings which call for mention are the crystal palace, 765 feet in length, erected for the great exhibition of 1854; the slaughter-houses, covering 9 acres of ground; the Wittelsbach palace, in the Early English Pointed style; the post-office; the arsenal, containing a military museum; the new railway station, the art-industrial institution, the Maximilian barracks, the corn hall, and the aquarium. Among the numerous monuments with which the squares and streets are adorned, the most important are the colossal statue of Maximilian II. in the Maximilianstrasse, the equestrian statues of Louis I. and the elector Maximilian, and the obelisk erected to the 30,000 Bavarians who perished in Napoleon's expedition to Moscow.

Munich is well supplied with public parks. The English garden, to the north-east of the town, is 600 acres in extent, and was laid out by the celebrated Count Rumford in imitation of an English park. On the opposite bank of the Isar, above and below the Maximilianeum, extend the Gasteig promenades, commanding fine views of the town. To the south-west of the town is the Theresienwiese, a large common where the popular festivals are celebrated. Here is situated the Ruhmeshalle or hall of fame, a Doric colonnade containing busts of eminent Bavarians. In front of it is a colossal bronze statue of Bavaria, 170 feet high, designed by Schwanthaler. An admirable view is obtained from its summit. The finest of the cemeteries of Munich is the southern cemetery, outside the Sendlinger Thor. The dead-houses in the cemeteries are used for the strange custom of keeping the corpses several days before interment, dressed in their usual attire and exposed to public view. The botanical garden, with its large palm-house, and the Hofgarten, surrounded with arcades containing fine frescos of Greek landscapes by Rottmann, complete the list of public parks.

The population of Munich amounted at the census of 1880 to 230,023 inhabitants, of whom 110,033 were males and 119,990 females. These lived in 8791 dwelling-houses, and formed 53,457 households. The garrison numbers about 7000 men. Only 37 per cent, of the inhabitants are born in Munich, most of the remainder coming from the country districts of Bavaria (53 per cent.) and other parts of Germany (5½ per cent.). Another census was taken in 1882 to elicit the occupations of the inhabitants, when it was found that 148,913 persons, or considerably more than half the population (64 per cent.), were supported by trading and manufacturing, while of the remainder 27,592 (12 per cent.) belonged to the official, military, and professional classes, 30,038 (13 per cent.) had no profession, and 24,237 (10.5 percent.) were engaged in domestic service. The population has been quintupled since 1801, when it was only 48,885. In 1680 it was 20,000, in 1783 it was 38,000. The annual death-rate is high, exceeding 30 per thousand. This is, however, mainly accounted for by the abnormal mortality among children, after allowance for which the rate is not over 20 per thousand. About 85 per cent. of the inhabitants are Roman Catholics, and many of Munich's most characteristic features are due to the fact that it is the centre of Roman Catholicism in southern Germany. Since the census of 1875 the number of Protestants in Munich has increased by 32 per cent., while the Roman Catholics have increased by 13½ per cent. only.

Munich is the seat of the archbishop of Munich-Freising, and of the general Protestant consistory for Bavaria. About thirty newspapers are published here, including the principal Ultramontane sheets of south Germany. Some of the festivals of the Roman Church are celebrated with considerable pomp; and the people also cling to various national fêtes, such as the Metzgersprung, the Schäfflertanz (occurring septennially), and the great October festival in the Theresienwiese. The popular life of Munich may be said to revolve round its breweries and beer-gardens, where the manners and customs of the people may be conveniently studied.

The commerce and manufactures of Munich are scarcely commensurate with its artistic importance, though it has lately begun to take rank among the great industrial centres. It has long been celebrated for its artistic handicrafts, such as bronze-founding, glass-staining, silversmith's work, and wood-carving, while the astronomical instruments of Fraunhofer and the mathematical instruments of Ertl are also widely known. Lithography, which was invented at Munich at the end of last century, is still extensively practised here. The other industrial products include wall-paper, railway plant, machinery, gloves, and artificial flowers. Perhaps the most characteristic industry, however, is the preparation of the national beverage. In 1879 upwards of 28 million gallons of beer were brewed in Munich, only one-fifth of which was sent to other parts of Bavaria or exported. This represents an annual consumption of at least 125 gallons per head of population, while the rate in England is only 40 gallons per head. Trade, especially in grain and artistic goods, is now rapidly growing. Four important markets are held at Munich annually.

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 The position of the Duke of Windsor on the Continent in recent months has been causing His Majesty and His Majesty's Government some embarrassment as, though his loyalties are unimpeachable, there is always a backwash of Nazi intrigue which seeks now that the greater part of the Continent is in enemy hands to make trouble about him. There are personal and family difficulties about his return to this country.

In all the circumstances it was felt that an appointment abroad might appeal to him and the Prime Minister has with His Majesty's cordial approval offered him the Governorship of the Bahamas. His Royal Highness has intimated that he will accept the appointment.

The Prime Minister wished the President to have the earliest possible advance information of this decision which has only just been arrived at.