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 our beasts. No good grass for horses, all coarse. Camels eat it and seem to like it.

15th. Looking very much for rain this morning. I hope we shall not have much, as the travelling is bad enough now; only went short, following the large creek down the bed, up to the horses' knees in sand; several of them hors de combat accordingly. After we got to camp and dined, Mr. McKinlay went up to the top of a high hill to take a view round. He says:—

"'After getting to camp, ascended the hills on the right, or eastern side of the river, and never beheld such a fearfully grand country in my life—nothing but towers and pinnacles of sandstone conglomerate, fit for nothing but wallaby and euro; and if it is for a thousand years from this time, it can be used by no other animals but them and the natives, as it is at present. The apparent course of this river, from tho greatest height I could get to, is about 305°, going, in the first place, after passing the camp, a little more north for three or four miles. It is a terrible country. Should the river, on a closer examination to-morrow, prove to go as I imagine it does, I have nothing for it but to retrace my steps, and go up the main branch, and try and cross the range at top. Still very cloudy, and looks as if it would rain every minute. I wish I had a little more food. If I had I would give tho animals a week here, but I have barely sufficient for six days. Oaks have been seen to-day in the bed of the river, since tho junction of the two channels. The river runs below the junction of the two branches for some distance, but here it is dry its full width, which is about 150 to 200 yards, and is very picturesque, with beautiful drooping gums, papery bark trees, and various others, and the bold cliffs towering one above tho other with awful grandeur. No one can conceive how much effect the travel of the last few days and the shortness of"


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 "nourishing food has had upon our animals, winch, ten days ago, were fit for anything—always excepting this description of awful country. Wind from all points of the compass.'"

This river is the "Gilbert," I expect, and we shall stay a few days to recruit the horses. They want a spell badly.

16th. (Camp xix.) I hope old "Nano," camel, will be left behind, he is quite done for, and has never stirred since we camped yesterday. His feet are quite raw, as if they had been cut with a knife, from the rough country we have been going over. He is an old worn-out brute, and has carried many a ton of forage and rations for our troops in India, I'll engage, long before he went exploring; it is time he went to grass. It rained heavily last night, and Bell and I took the precaution to build a tent, where we slept quite snugly, while the others who camped out got soaking wet before they well knew it.

The scenery up and down this creek (the Gilbert) is grand, and the feed better than we have had for some time. [We refer our readers to the illustration, copied from a sketch made by one of the party on the spot.]

The old camel is to be killed! Old and worn out, with sores all over him, he will be a nice morsel, without the slightest bit of fat to be seen. What would Mr. McGuire say to this as part of the Coronation banquet? He is dead, and we


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 are to have his liver and kidneys for our evening's meal. Well, I have eaten many curious things, but never a bit of old camel. I was once offered some tiger, but I thought that too much of a joke. Rhinoceros I have eaten, and cats, no doubt, in pies; but to have to help to eat a portion of this old ulcerated quadruped goes against the grain. Remarks piquant and racy are made, and we all sit down round the pot, and get our portions, served out in our tin plates, of camel's flesh. All helped, but no one seemed inclined to begin. At last, the governor said, "What's the matter, boys?" and he put a piece of liver in his mouth. We all looked at him, and at it we went; a few still held back, when I made use of the word of command to make the camel lie down, "Ushe, Nano!" That was a settler; for one or two that was enough. I tried to finish mine, but the liver really was so tough that none of us could eat it. I saw McKinlay try several times, but it was no use; he had to pitch it away: the heart and kidneys were better. We shall have to cut the beast up to-morrow, and bury a lot of our traps, medicines, etc., etc. This night, for the first time for many a day, there was meat left in the pot, and the cook coolly tells us that we can "help ourselves"!

17th. (Camp xix.) Rained pretty smart last night; the men cutting up meat for jerking; very bad day for the purpose, for it won't dry. We had


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Rh is land for 9 ploughs. In the demesne are 2 hides, and on it are 2 ploughs ; and 15 villeins with 5 bordars have 6 ploughs, and there could be a seventh. There are 4 serfs, and i mill worth (de) 20 shillings, and meadow (suffi- cient) for 3 plough (teams). In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 6 pounds ; when received 50 shillings ; T.R.E. 6 pounds. This manor Eldred, a man of Archbishop Stig(and), held and could sell.

M. Walter himself holds [Eton]. It is assessed at 12 hides. There is land for 8 ploughs. In the demesne are 3 hides, and on it are 2 ploughs; and 15 villeins with 4 bordars have 6 ploughs. There are 4 serfs, and 2 mills worth (de) 20 shillings, meadow (sufficient) for 2 plough (teams), and woodland (to feed) 200 swine. From fisheries come 1,000 eels. In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 6 pounds ; when received 100 shillings ; T.R.E. 6 pounds. This manor Queen Eddid held.

M. Walter himself holds [Burnham]. It is assessed at 18 hides. There is land for 15 ploughs. In the demesne are hides, and on it are 3 ploughs ; and 28 vil- leins with 7 bordars have 12 ploughs. There are 2 serfs, meadow sufficient for 3 plough (teams), woodland (to feed) 600 swine and sup- plying shares for the ploughs (ferrum carucis). In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 10 pounds ; when received 6 pounds; T.R.E. 10 pounds. This manor Elmar, a thegn of King Edward, held.

Ralf holds of Walter 4 hides as 1 manor. There is land for 6 ploughs. On the demesne are 2 ; and 9 villeins with 7 bordars have ploughs. There are 2 serfs, meadow (suffi- cient) for 2 plough (teams), woodland (to feed) 100 swine. In all it is worth 60 shillings ; when received 100 shillings; T.R.E. 4 pounds. This manor Oswi, a man of Alric, held and could sell.

Walter the Fleming holds 1 hide and 1 virgate as one manor and Fulcuin holds of him. There is land for 1 plough. There is 1 villein. Meadow is there (sufficient) for 1 plough (team). It is worth 10 shillings; when received 20 shillings ; and as much T.R.E. This land Sueninc, a man of Earl Harold, held and could sell.

William de Felgeres holds TURVESTONE [Turweston]. It is assessed at 5 hides. There is land for 8 ploughs. Besides these 5 hides there are 3 carucates of land in the demesne and there is 1 plough on these and there could be 2 more ; and 6 villeins with 4 bordars have 5 ploughs. There are 4 serfs, and I mill worth (de) 7 shillings and 6 pence. Mea- dow is there (sufficient) for 8 plough (teams). In all (totis valentiis) it is and was worth 4 pounds; T.R.E. 100 shillings. This manor Wenesi, the chamberlain of King Edward, held and could sell.

William the chamberlain holds 2 hides in HERDEWELLE [Hartwell] and Robert holds of him. There is land for 2 ploughs. On the demesne is 1 ; and 2 villeins with 4 bordars have 1 plough. It is and was worth T.R.E. and after (valuit semper) 30 shillings. This land Wlmar, a priest of King Edward, held and could sell.

William son of Constantine holds in [? Southcote in Stone] 1 virgate of land and 6 acres, and Suetin holds of him. There is land for a half plough. It is and was worth T.R.E. and after (valuit semper) 6 shillings. This land Ulvric, a man of Archbishop Stigand, held and could sell.

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 some more of him for breakfast; meat rather tasteless, but the heart, roasted for dinner, was as good as a bullock's. Mr. McKinlay says the party, after starving two or three meals, have taken quietly to him now, and rather like—like it!—yes, in preference to starvation.

18th. Waterloo-day. Still in camp. We played too, and drank water, keeping up the day with a vengeance. Heavy dew last night. First part of day repairing saddles. Mr. McKinlay and Middleton sorting out the most useful things to take, the rest will be buried under an old dead tree, forty yards up the bank. The camel won't be good for much; what with the dew and no sun, it can't dry.

19th. Missed one of the horses this morning, and on looking for him found him quite dead, perhaps bitten by a snake. He was one of our best pack-horses, and always in good condition the whole way. Mr. McKinlay was very much put out at this, but it cannot be helped. Two of our best dead, two left behind; leaving only twenty-two, and two camels.

Started up a tributary, and then struck into the main creek about ten miles; bad work for the animals, but they did it very well. We buried this morning all sorts of rubbish at the foot of an old dead tree, and medicine, too, and a tin box, in which most of the things were placed, and then it was consigned to its resting-place, till some hardy


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 bushman finds the tree, and the mark where to dig for some treasures of the McKinlay expedition. A large arrow marked on the tree denotes the spot where the tin box is to be found. Mr. McKinlay remarks under this date:—

"'I never saw animals fall off so suddenly in my life. Followed our tracks back to the junction of the two branches about two and a half miles, then took the left hand or south-east branch; found it improve much more than I had anticipated. The rocky hills recede occasionally and leave a nice bank of grass—but most of it recently burned by the natives. On our left, the rock appeared now to be chiefly slate, while on the right it still remained sandstone and quartz; the bed is broad and generally very open and sandy, upon which we have principally to travel; followed it for about eight miles in about an east-south-east course. From here (camp xx.) for some distance (seen from a hill here) the river appears to receive, from the east by south generally, plenty of water at intervals, and generally at those places running; no doubt, all the way it runs either over or under the land. Where we are now encamped the river is upwards of 150 yards broad. We found on turning out the camel meat to air that it was quite putrid, and had consequently to throw the whole of it away; at this time it is a very great loss to us—the loss of upwards of seventy pounds of food. Even with the spell our horses have had they come along very indifferently, and I am almost afraid some more of them will have to be left behind, as I have not sufficient food to wait spelling for them till they get flesh; there does not appear to be the same nourishment in the grass that there is almost anywhere else. Saw the smoke of natives a few miles ahead of us; I suppose we will see something of them to-morrow. Some figs were got by some of the party this morning before starting; I ate one of them apparently ripe, it was very insipid, the principal part of them were full of small flies. Distance travelled by bed of river, not direct, about ten and a half miles.'"


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 20th. (Camp xx.) Heavy dew again last night. We followed the creek up till we struck a branch. We went up till we came to an impassable barrier of rocks. Here we spelled a short time till Mr. McKinlay returned from a trip beyond the rocks. He told us the country was utterly impassable for animals, so we had to retrace our steps a short distance, and ascend the hillside. On the top we had to stop again to see our way out. Mr. McKinlay went ahead to look out for a road. Off again up the bed of the creek, and camped at a small pool. Another horse knocked up. I think he was ill, for he was a good nag; we had to leave him for he could go no further. The travelling in the sand takes it out of the nags awfully. Distance about ten miles. We saw a few kangaroo to-day.

"'Started at 8·10 ; at three and a quarter miles came to a barrier right across from range to range, and after considerable detention succeeded in finding a road on our left round the range that the barriers form from; at four miles came to where one branch (the largest) comes from the south, with plenty of water in its bed in the stone and rocks; the other branch is considerably to the east, so will try it, although it does not at all look a watery branch, but is much more in the direction I want to go. About same course; over much more open country, hilly, and thinly clad with small iron-bark timber, and is chiefly of slate formation and well grassed, but no water in its bed as far as we went, say about five and a half miles further; where we fortunately got sufficient at the junction of a small side-creek with the main water-course to suit our immediate wants. It"


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 "is perfectly surprising to see such a broad channel with such ranges close by and no water. One other of our best horses obliged to be left behind to-day; he has been ailing for some short time, and all at once refused to proceed. A few kangaroo seen to-day. I trust we will fall in with plenty of water to-morrow—our horses never do so well as when they can go to water themselves, instead of watering out of buckets. For some distance the creek bears to north of east; in fact, the next bend, about a mile long, is from north or so, when it appears to turn to south and east. We managed occasionally during to-day to get upon the slopes from the hills on either side of the creek, which was much better travelling than in the soft sandy bed of the creek, which I have called Stuart's Creek, after Mr. McDouall Stuart, the indefatigable explorer of South Australia. This part would make a good sound sheep country, if water at all times was obtainable. A number of oaks all along this branch, and more just here on our left side of the creek where the water is, and we are encamped.'"

21st. Here we go! three more horses left behind. Go it, ye cripples! So that we don't have to walk it won't signify; but if we go on as we are doing now, burning the candles at both ends, i. e. eating the camels and horses and leaving them behind, and with nothing else to depend on for grub, we shall soon be in serious difficulty.

It won't do to be wrecked in sight of home, so, lads, cheer up and keep your peckers ditto; that's the way to pull through a difficulty; and when we are on the last horse, it will be time enough then to think of going to David Jones, Esq., and he will have a nice lot if he gets us. We had a few drops of rain this morning; kept course of creek, and


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 camped at a water-hole, our distance some thirteen miles. One of the camels seems very C D; he had to be thrashed to get him on. A very rough day's travel, but the country is pretty. One of the horses left behind joined the others during the night, and was with them driven into camp, but was too weak to go on, so we left him with good water and feed, but there is none for the camels now; I think they are too knocked-up to eat.

22nd. (Camp xxii.) Weather cloudy before starting. We had to lighten the camels by leaving the greased tent; the other was left on the "Gilbert." There are a few oak trees just above our camp. Passed through well-grassed country, with iron bark, open forest, making for the foot of a range in the distance. We arrived at this point, and of all the places for horses to climb up, this was the worst; it was almost like the side of a house. Here we had the devil's own row; two of the horses nearly got killed. They, instead of going up the road that had been somewhat cleared for them, took it into their heads to go their own way; they made up the steep ascent, and after scrambling and trying their best to get up, came head over heels down this infernal pass. I thought they were both killed; but no, they were all well, and on their legs, but very much frightened. Bell, I thought, must have been killed; he was close under them when they fell, but he had his wits


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Rh follow out his own particular theories in complete solitude. But besides these less gracious types of Protestantism, there was another of a far more attractive character, which came into existence at this time and represented a really spiritual reaction against the cold formality of both Churchmen and Presbyterians of the period. George Fox and the early Quakers, it will be remembered, were leaders in the first instance of a protest against the rigid Calvinism which, in spite of the teaching of the prayer book and the best Anglican divines, had gained so strange a popularity in England even before the establishment of the Presbyterian system. Thomas Ellwood, in his Autobiography, from which we gain one of the most pleasing pictures of the life of the early Quakers, tells us how he received his first strong impression in their favour at a discussion between his own father and Edward Burrough, a disciple of Fox ; when the latter maintained the offer of universal free grace to all mankind as against the Calvinistic theory of predestination. And it was during the Commonwealth that the Quakers were first persecuted. In so far as they objected also to all outward forms and ceremonies of religion, and believed in no sacraments of any kind, they were also brought into collision with the Church at the Restoration ; though their curious prejudices against taking oaths, and against petitioning for any sort of relief, brought on them (so it must seem to those who do not share their views) much additional and un- necessary suffering.

George Fox was in this county as early as 1644, when his ideas were not yet fully developed ; but by 1655 he had quite a large number of followers in several places, as at Newport Pagnel, Wavendon, High Wycombe, Chalfont St. Peter. Some of their inward inspirations, it must be confessed, led them into actions which would scarcely have passed without censure even in a much more liberal-minded age. At Newport Pagnel in 1655 a woman was imprisoned for interrupting and rebuking the officiant in the middle of divine service ; a man at North Crawley was very roughly handled for addressing the con- gregation on their way out of church ; and Thomas Ellwood relates how a certain Quaker at the end of a sermon, when the people were asked to pray, quietly stood up in his place and said : 'The prayer of the wicked is an abomination to the Lord, and the Lord heareth not sinners.' In 1656 another was sued for refusal of tithes and imprisoned about three years at Aylesbury, and others in 1659 were prosecuted for attending a meeting in Wavendon. Many of the Quakers were of the lower classes, but they had a

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 about him, and watched to see which side of a tree they were coming; he then darted just in the nick of time, and escaped being smashed, which he certainly would have been had he not done as he did.

However, we all at last got to the top of the hill, although with the greatest difficulty as regards the camels, and we repacked them. The question was how to progress, so the governor, as usual, rode ahead to see what was to be done, and we spelled. I thought we should have to go back, which was almost impossible; but our leader never goes back on the course. Had he come to a scrub, such as Stuart describes north, if he could not have gone through it, he would have gone round it.

Country splendidly timbered, and the scenery grand. I forgot to mention that all the jerked camel had to be thrown away, which was a bad loss to us in our crippled state.

23rd. (Camp xxiii.) A great event is to happen to-night, a horse must die, and Mr. "Buckeye" must be sacrificed to the insatiable appetites of your explorers. The nag was soon caught and killed, and the heart, liver, kidneys, etc., made into a stew without salt. We had a small spoonful of pepper which we added. It was not so bad, and a steak or two not to be despised. We shall camp here two or three days and jerk him. It is a very cold-looking country about here.


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 24th. Cutting up and jerking Mr, Buckeye. Worked up course and distance with Mr. McKinlay (dead reckoning remember). I found we ought to be some forty miles from the Burdekin River, the nearest point, having travelled 260 miles since we crossed the Leichhardt Falls. Camp is not a nice one, the grass up to our necks nearly. The country well wooded with iron-bark trees. Middleton and Kirby still continue very unwell, they being continually sick. We are obliged to cook in turns, for our cook is ill also. Some of the horses got lamed.

25th. The dew very heavy last night, and ice in our pannikins about the thickness of half-a-crown. The meat is drying well, as the are hot. It is always rather dull in camp during this process. Mending what we have, which is little enough, and very little to mend with.

26th. In camp all day looking after the meat, except early in the morning, then after 10, then 4 , when I visited the camels. Heavy fog indeed, and got fearfully wet going through the high grass, but had no change of raiment, so were obliged to dry our clothes on us. Men still very sick. We shall start in the morning, as the meat is jerked, and weighed sixty-nine pounds, with six pounds of beef, seventy-five pounds; about six days' grub, so that if we don't hit a station in that time another nag must die.


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 27th. Up early. Breakfast, and immediately got the animals and passed through some beautiful country, well watered and admirably adapted for pastoral purposes. One of our camels rather lazy, "Coppin;" he won't last long I fear. He is a magnificent beast, and pluck to the backbone, like his former owner, G. Coppin, Esq. I shall be sorry if we are obliged to kill him.

28th. (Camp xxiv.) Started early on our course, and went about ten miles over magnificent country, well watered and wooded, and very pretty. Crossed several running brooks, evidently fed by some large swamp here. We also crossed a large fast-running stream, which Mr. McKinlay has called Frank, after Mr. F. Marchant, of Arkaba; he could not have called such a fine stream after a better fellow. I had the pleasure of seeing him on our trip up; he is the beau ideal of the Australian bushman. A few miles further on we come to another fine creek called George, after his brother George, of Wilpena, whom we had also the good fortune to foregather with on our northern trip, and have since our return had the pleasure of meeting him in Adelaide. We soon after got to the top of a rocky range. Extensive view of level country. Camped after passing over a large boggy swamp, striking another large creek, sandy bed with some water in it. Two more horses nearly knocked up. There is plenty of excellent food for the animals.


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Rh few adherents also among the gentry of this county. The most notable of these was Isaac Penington of Chalfont St. Peter, whose house was visited by Fox himself in 1658 ; it was through acquaintance with this family that Thomas Ellwood came within range of Quaker influence, attracted by the strange sweetness and stillness of their home life, from which nevertheless ' all mirth and pleasant discourse ' were excluded. William Penn's first wife was a daughter of this house, though he was not himself in Buckinghamshire till 1668, and never had a perma- nent home there.

It was still before the Restoration that Ellwood went through his first struggles with his father for liberty to worship with his new friends and follow his new convictions. But it was not until the Restoration, and the consequent requirement of the oath of allegiance from all loyal subjects, that the worst troubles of the Quakers began. Ellwood was arrested in London in 1660, and imprisoned with thirty others in Oxford gaol for refusing the oath ; again in 1662, after the outbreak of the Fifth Monarchy men, he was with many others in Bridewell and Newgate, and suffered a good deal from the unhealthy conditions of prison life at this time ; in 1665 and 1666 he was for short periods in Aylesbury gaol. Isaac Penington was imprisoned six times between 1660 and 1670, for the most part in Aylesbury gaol ; one of these times he was removed with sixty or seventy others to a malthouse behind the gaol, which Ellwood says was ' not fit for a dog- house,' and open on one side to the weather ; the gaoler had put them there because the prison was over-full, and he knew their principles would not allow them to attempt an escape. Others were sent to the house of correction near High Wycombe in 1664. The year of the Restoration brought back a few of the ejected incumbents to their old parishes, as at Great Mario w, Aylesbury, Bier- ton, Moulsoe, Turweston, and Hambleden ; George Roberts, rector of the last named place, being appointed archdeacon of Winchester. Besides these there were others who rejoiced in the restoration of the liturgy. Matthew Bate, rector of Maids Moreton, triumphantly records in his parish register that in spite of the ordinance of 1653, legalizing merely civil registration and marriage, 'There was never any

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 29th. (Camp xxv.) Up and away in good time, over fine country the whole way, well wooded and grassed. Old Jack, a horse that has carried the governor many and many a mile, and travelling has carried me, is to die to-day, a fine plodding old brute, but, alas! he can hold out no longer, it was a labour to get him along, so I expect we shall be soon having another horse ragout.

30th. A little dew last night, and wind light. Crossed a creek shortly after starting, thickly timbered, but not so good as lately. Afterwards ridges of sandstone and granite, then crossed an oak dry creek, east-south-east, and a little further on another—plenty of kangaroo—then to a swamp with a water-hole, with water in it sufficient for our purposes, and camped. Maitland so ill he could hardly stick to the pigskin. Kirby about the same, he is come to a shadow, and Palmer and Hodgkinson both complaining. Distance about nine miles. Bad travelling on account of the slopes being so steep, and we are going down in the water-courses, pretty well grassed though and good sort. Killed old Jack. Although a mere skeleton he will make some soup for a few days, with a little liver (but no bacon), and give the sick men a spell, and time to recruit at all events, and they want it badly.

July 1st. (Camp xxvii.) No dew last night. Bell better, but complaining, and so am I a little;


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 Middleton quite well. Stiff wind from north; men busy jerking the remains of poor old Jack. Saw some large kangaroo, but very shy. Fine timber about here. Sorry to say the maggots got into the horse-flesh, which did not improve it in appearance, but it is of no use being particular now. Oh! for a rump steak, plenty of mustard, pepper, and salt, mashed potatoes, and two bottles of stout. Never mind!

2nd. This is called "Jack's Swamp," after the old horse. It is a splendid fine day, and the jerking going on well. Maitland is better, but Kirby and Palmer only about the same. The horses seem to be doing pretty well.

3rd. Still in camp. Little dew last night; the hills round here have the appearance of decayed sandstone, very precipitous, and in some places even overhanging. Shall finish jerking to-day. Kirby is improving a little; Maitland much better, but Palmer is not quite so well. I hope they will all feel equal for to-morrow's trip.

4th. Started early this morning. The weather looks fine. Great quantities of quartz to be seen. Passed a rugged range ten to eleven miles. Struck more creeks, with an island of dark coloured abrupt rocks. Some way down it receives a deep tributary from the west, so we had to go into the main creek to pass it. Here we camped. Lots of feed and water. Here we found a fine


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 creeper running over trees and bushes, bearing a beautiful scarlet fruit. We thought we had found a prize, but of all the vile tasting things I ever met with this was the worst. It is very handsome, and would look nicely over a verandah. We took plenty of seeds.

Mr. McKinlay and self went up a high range after dinner and had a most extensive view—hill and dale, forest and plains. Saw plenty of native smokes to the north, and here we had for the first time the sight of what must be the Burdekin River, the stately gum trees of enormous height well defining its course. Very hot travelling to-day.

5th. Followed the creek down, when all of a sudden we heard the governor sing out that there were two horse-tracks in the bed of the creek. Was there not a shout of joy, inasmuch as we expected soon to see a homestead, or a hut at any rate; but, alas! "as the sparks fly upwards," we were doomed to disappointment; and we had to camp as usual with only old horse and water for supper. We ascended the side of the creek, and found a tree marked with a K roughly cut in the bark, also the remains of a hut.

After having seen these the first signs of civilization for so many months, we travelled over some open country with spinifex and grass up to the horses' bellies. The country undulating, the creek out of sight, and at last we struck the long


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 wished-for Burdekin. We went a few miles down it and camped. The sand in the creek was very heavy, and fatigued the nags much. Mr. McKinlay says from here the river appears to flow 15° north of east. The bed of the river at this part is about ninety to a hundred yards wide, and a very strong current running. A few small fish to be seen. Magnificent gums on its banks, and plenty of excellent timber in every direction. This will be a most difficult part of the country for drays to travel, on account of the very steep-sided creeks, and at anything like a flood quite impracticable. The K we supposed to be the initial of some party exploring, and we were not wrong in our judgment, for we met Mr. Kennedy and had a long talk with him, in feet he asked us if we had seen his "K."

6th. Came over a nasty country to-day. Poor little "Coppin" was so weak that, from touching his pack against a stump as he was going down the steep bank of a creek, he fell into a deep hole, and there he was quite helpless. We had to unload him the best way we could to get him up. This was done, and all went on well again. Soon after this accident another horse fell into a deep hole, and we had to dig him out. The country was well grassed, but cut up with deep water-courses. One of our horses, "Spider," the one Bell was riding, can go no further, so we shall kill him, and spell a day or


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Rh that I know of, of that mind in Moreton,' and he certifies ' all whom it may concern, and that on the word of a priest' that all those entered in his register were ' duly and orderly baptized,' and all couples solemnly wedded in the church, and that according to the orders of the Church of England. The rector of Amersham had to speak of a very different experience. ' General Fleetwood lived at the Vache, and Russell on the opposite hill, and Mrs. Cromwell, Oliver's wife, and her daughters at Woodrow High House, where afterwards lived Captain James Thomson ; so the whole country was kept in awe and became exceeding zealous and very fanatical ; nor is the poison yet eradicated.' It had, indeed, been injected long before the coming of these magnates.

Twenty-four of the ministers of religion placed by Parliament in charge of parishes in this county were ejected in 1662, either in favour of the old incumbents or because they refused to accept the episcopal form of Church government : this number nearly equals those displaced during the twenty years preceding. A few stayed on in the neighbour- hood where they had ministered, and were supported by private congre- gations. William Dyer, who had been at Cholesbury, did good service in London at the time of the plague by preaching in one of the deserted churches there : Nathanael Vincent, of Magdalen College, Oxford, who had served the cure of Langley Marish, preached in the streets of London after the fire (to thousands, Calamy declares) and was several times imprisoned in the Gatehouse and the Marshalsea under the Five Mile and Conventicle Act ; George Fownes, a graduate of Cambridge, after leaving High Wycombe was imprisoned two years and a half at Gloucester for the same offences. Four of those who remained at places near the scene of their former ministrations received licenses to preach and hold religious meetings under the Declaration of Indulgence in 1672. These licenses, as might be expected, are numerous in Buck- inghamshire. There were twenty-seven in all, Presbyterians applying for them in most cases, as well as a few Congregationalists and one Con- venticle of Anabaptists. At High Wycombe four different licenses were granted, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, and Anabaptists being all represented ; at Aylesbury two different places were licensed for meet- ings, both being Presbyterian, and at Newport Pagnel two also, both Congregational. The Quakers, although so numerous in the county, did not apply at all, not thinking it lawful to ask permission from man to worship God.

It is generally acknowledged that much was done at the

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 so to jerk him; there will not be much of him, as he is only a bag of bones.

We camped on the side of the "Burdekin." It was a pretty spot, quite like fairy land. The gums on the river magnificent, and plenty of good grass, but no green fodder for the genus homo.

Old Spider is now dead, and we shall have, as usual, a stew of his liver, kidneys, etc. I think we are beginning to like "dead horse," some prefer it to bullock. I forgot this morning we had an addition to our soup in the shape of one salted bullock's hide, cut up in slices, and it improved the flavour of our otherwise insipid and scanty breakfast. The country, although difficult travelling, was well wooded. Crossed a creek which flows into the Burdekin.

8th. Started down the river. "Copping," the camel, very bad, can hardly go at all; he is regularly baked, and no mistake. Travelling very rough, up sides of steep creeks, and down rocky ravines, and crossing a deep creek from the south-east, camped on the Burdekin again.

8th. We came upon a lot of native spears on our arrival last night, which I forgot to mention, and also an oven full of baked roots, something like the sweet potatoe, which were very soon devoured by us. The natives must have been alarmed at the noise the camel made coming into camp, or they would not have made off in that way, leaving


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Rh towards the repair of the churches, but it is not easy to get detailed information on the subject. The Churchwardens' Book at Wing gives us perhaps a fair average specimen of changes that had to be made, and the cost involved in carrying them out. In the year 1660 the Kings' Arms were purchased for £10 15s., and put up at a cost of 32s. : the church was painted and 'sentenced' for £28 ; other work done cost £5 9s. ; a new cloth (perhaps for the pulpit ) was bought for £5, a hearse cloth for £2, a prayer book for 14s. 6d., and a Bible for £3 0s. 0d., amounting altogether to £56 10s. 6d.., a considerable outlay at that time in a small country church. In some places order would only be gradually restored: in 1699 when Browne Willis came to Bletchley he found the altar in a ' dinner posture ' out in the middle of the chancel, and the same arrangement might have been seen at Grandborough and Tattenhoe even in 1847. At Little Horwood the archdeacon ordered the purchase of a book of Common Prayer in 1684, as if up till then they had only a shabby or mutilated copy.

A good specimen of the ideal which an ordinary good Churchman of the Restoration period would set before him is found in the will of George Bushope, vicar of Edlesborough from 1664 to 1707, who left £50 to his successors on condition that they should preach a special sermon on the Sunday before Lent (presumably to set forth to the parishioners their duties at that season) and should read prayers on Wednesdays and Fridays in Lent and all through Holy Week, and administer the Blessed Sacrament on Good Friday ; there were special bequests in the same will to poor widows who should attend the services in Lent regularly. It may have been that the clergy were growing remiss in their performance of week-day services towards the close of this good vicar's life, and he hoped by this legacy to supply his successors with an additional incentive.

The imaginary 'Popish plots' of 1678 led to a fresh return of recusants, and a list of fourteen names in Buckinghamshire was drawn up in connection with the proposed ' Bill for the Removal and Disarming of Papists.' The best known name on this list is that of Sir John Fortescue of Salden ; and it is stated that Sir Francis Throgmorton of Weston Underwood and Rowland Dormer, heir of the family once settled at Wing, were no longer living in this county. Among the various redistributions of Romanists involved in this scheme, it was

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Rh suggested that those resident in Buckinghamshire should be exchanged with those resident in South Wales ; but the Earl of Bridgewater represented to the House of Lords that the Papists in his county were few and not dangerous, and begged that the Welsh might not be brought in to ' pervert more.' It is needless to say that the scheme was never carried into effect.

During the next reign the vicar of Little Horwood, Thomas Foot- man, was accused of omitting the State prayers from the Liturgy, and also of not keeping the day of thanksgiving publicly appointed for the king's victory over the Duke of Monmouth and his followers. He managed to clear himself from the latter charge on the ground of sick- ness, but it is not unlikely that he as well as others found the thanks- giving very little to his taste.

Towards the close of the seventeenth century the northern part of the county witnessed some strange religious phenomena. The career of John Mason of Water Stratford is of interest as illustrating some possi- bilities in the Church life of this period. He was vicar first of Stanton- bury from 1668 to 1674, and then for twenty years at Water Strat- ford. Educated at Cambridge, where Latitudinarian influences were strong, and much attached to the liturgy of the Church (of which he said that he ' enjoyed much communion with God while reading it ') he yet continued to maintain the most rigidly Calvinistic views. The rector of Tyringham, Henry Maurice, who was his personal friend and wrote an Impartial Account of him, often argued with him on this subject ; but it is evident that the larger and more Catholic views of the great Caroline divines had comparatively little influence amongst the inferior clergy, and neither Mason nor James Wrexham, rector of Haversham, who shared his views, seemed to think themselves out of place in the Church of England. It was Wrexham, 'a melancholy divine and very often disturbed,' who first became occupied with specu- lations on the Second Advent ; the fact that he went completely mad some time before his death in 1684 did not discourage Mason from devoting himself more and more to meditation upon the same subject. For a while, indeed, he was able to write calm and practical letters of spiritual advice, and verses of some merit, and even his sermon of 1691, called the ' Midnight Cry,' which made somewhat of a sensation at the time,

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Rh is well worked out and does not read like the composition of a madman. The conclusion of the matterthe failure of his health and his loss of mental balance through continual dwelling upon the same theme, which resulted at last in a vision of the returning Lord on Low Sunday, 1694 can only be briefly noticed here. From this time he, who had been wont to preach for hours together and was often ' ready to faint before he would give over,' whose extempore prayers had been long and vehement with ' an awful silence between each petition ' would no more preach nor pray nor even administer the sacraments : the reign of Christ had begun so he told the people from his open window and the day of such means of grace was past : there was nothing else to do but to await the consummation of all things, which would be on the next Whitsunday. He did not live to see the failure of his own prophecy ; but his followers, who had gathered round the parsonage and in the village to the number of more than four hundred, under the firm con- viction that Water Stratford was the ' holy ground,' the only place where salvation was guaranteed, continued for some time to hold religious exercises by themselves, and even the exhumation of the poor vicar's remains by his successor did not convince them that he was really dead. Their existence as a sect continued some twenty or thirty years. The strangest thing about the whole affair is that the ecclesias- tical authorities do not seem to have taken the slightest notice of it.

The records of the eighteenth century for this county are fairly full and good. There is reason to believe that the revival of Church life under Queen Anne, which was so marked in London, had but little effect upon the country generally. The returns of Bishops Wake and Gibson bear witness to the truth of this statement at any rate within the diocese of Lincoln. These valuable books contain statistics for all

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Rh the parishes in the archdeaconry of Buckingham between the years 1705 and 1723 : they give the population of each, the number of ser- vices usually held, the number of Eucharists celebrated throughout the year, and other details of interest. It appears from these returns that not in one church of the archdeaconry, even where as at Amersham and Bletchley, the incumbents were pronounced High Churchmen, were mattins and evensong daily recited in public, though nearly everywhere there were services on Wednesdays, Fridays, and holy days throughout the year. Only three churches—Buckingham, Hambleden, and New- port Pagnel had a celebration of the Holy Eucharist as often as once a month ; at Waddesdon there were ten celebrations during the year, at Olney, Whaddon, Steeple Claydon, Denham, Great Brickhill, as many as eight (at least during part of the period specified), at Aylesbury seven. The rest had only three or four ; a few small and sparsely populated villages like Horsenden, Chenies, Chicheley, Buckland, only one or two in the year. The practice of catechizing on Sunday afternoons seems however to have been well kept up during this period, though doubtless the explanations given of the Catechism were not always very satis- factory. Yet there were even in this county a few excellent churchmen, among the laity as well as among the clergy, whose devotion to the interests of the Church was as real and practical as that of the first disciples of the Oxford movement. Browne Willis of Whaddon Hall deserves an honourable mention in any history of the Church in Buck- inghamshire. He spent his whole energy on researches prompted by the love of Catholic antiquity, and a great part of his wealth in beauti- fying the churches of his neighbourhood. In periods of history when all goes smoothly, when the standard of life is low, when there is no strong call for self-devotion and nothing specially picturesque in sacrifice, there are generally but few men who can boast of being the poorer for their love of the Church. Willis therefore deserves all the more credit that he not only did what he could himself but tried to inspire others with the same enthusiasm. This made him no doubt something of a tyrant in his exercise of patronage—his friend Cole, the rector of

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Rh Bletchley, who tells us that he would never be content with any rector who did not spend all the profits of the rectory on the church, adds in his humorous way that any of his nominees who felt he had already spent a good deal and Was not inclined to do anything further, had better resign gracefully as soon as possible. We are also told that he ' did not affect a married clergy,' and that his opinions on this subject were so well known that a certain curate at Bletchley actually went up to London to be married, and kept his wife there secretly for years, for fear of displeasing his patron ! But there can be no doubt that an example of some kind was sorely needed, and the notices of Browne Willis's benefactions in the returns of Bishops Wake and Gibson show that such cases were by no means common. We learn thence, and with more detail from Cole, that he beautified his own parish church at Bletchley at a cost of over 1,200 ; that he built and adorned a chapel which had long been needed at Fenny Stratford, and did a great deal by his influence and generosity to bring about a very necessary restora- tion of the church at Bow Brickhill. His own epitaph in the chapel of Fenny Stratford shows the effect upon his inner life of the study of Christian antiquity, and may well be compared with the fulsome inscriptions in which his contemporaries delighted :

O Christe, Soter et Judex, Huic peccatorum primo Misericors et propitius esto. The rector of Bletchley has left us a full description of the parish church as it appeared after its restoration, and this may perhaps serve as a specimen of what was thought sufficient and even admired at the time. After the necessary repairs to roof and windows, a new altar of inlaid wood was provided and set in its proper place ; the chancel floor was raised by two steps above the level of the rest of the church, and its walls wainscoted and hung with eight neatly framed texts ; the eastern wall had pillars and curtains painted on it, and the ceiling was adorned with the word ' Jehovah ' in a ' glory ' surrounded by cherubims, just above the altar, besides full length figures of the twelve apostles. The altar-piece is described as 'very handsome,' made of Norway oak, and had panels in it containing the Lord's Prayer, Creed and Decalogue; the arms of Queen Anne were in the pediment, with an urn on either side. A ' neat screen ' separated the chancel from the church, which was now newly paved and pewed, and there were sixteen framed texts provided for the walls. On Sundays and festivals the altar was covered with a rich crimson velvet cloth edged with gold lace and fringe ; the

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 * § 59:9-1. . ..
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Rh La Couture (Le Mans), Abbey of St. Pierre, 212 monks of, 251b Leit, a thegn of King Edward, 238a Lemar, a man of Brictric, 262a Leofwine, Earl. See Lewin Lepsi, 244b Lepsi, a man of Brictric, 262b Leuing, a man of King Edward, 255b Leuing. See also Leving Leuric, a man of Earl Edwin, 254b Leuric.a man of Earl Harold, 234a Leuric, a thegn, 264a Leuric. See also Levric Levenot, a man of King Edward, 269b Levenot, son of Osmund, a man of, 247a Leving, a man of the Abbot of St. Albans, 245a Leving. See also Leuing Levric, a man of Azor, 26a Levric, a man of Edduin, 239b Levric. See alto Leuric Lewi, a man of Edwi, 263a Lewin, 269a Lewin, brother of Alsi, 254a Lewin, Leofwine, Earl, 210, 220, 230, 233a, 235a, 235b, 236a, 237b, 238a men of, 234b, 235b, 236b, 237a, 238a, 239a, 244b, 249b, 265a, 265b, 270a, 272b a thegn of, 238b Lewin, a man of Alric son of Goding, 245b Lewin, a man of Burgered, 269a Lewin, a man of Godric, 244a Lewin of Mentmore. See Mentmore Lewin of Nuneham (Courtenay). See Nuneham Lewin, son of Estan, a man of, 246a Lewin, a thegn of King Edward, 252a Lincoln, Remi, Remigius, Bishop of, 209, 211, 223, 230, 231a, 232a, 233b, 234a Wulfwig, Wlwi, Bishop of, 211, 230, 233b, 234a brothers of, 211, 234a, 269a men of, 252a, 252b, 270b, 274a Lisieux, Gilbert ' Maminot,' Bishop of, 211, 224, 231a, 235a, 235b, 238a, 239a, 241b, 242a Lodi, a thegn, 252a

Maino, Manno [Maigno], the Breton, 215, 221, 230, 231b, 269b, 270a, 270b, 271a Maminot, Gilbert. See Lisieux, Bishop of Mandeville [Mannevile], Geoffrey de, 208, 214, 218, 231b, 269b, 259^, 260*2, 268*2 Mantel, Turstin, 208, 231b, 267a, 267b Maresc, Clarenbold de, 258a Marlow [Merlaue], Edric of, a man of, 242a Martin, 215, 231b, 272a Matilda [Mathilda, Mathildis], Queen, 216, 231b, 273a Maud, wife of Miles Crispin and Brian Fitz Count, 214 Mentmore, Lewin of, a man of, 270a Molebec, Hugh de. See Bolbec Mont St. Catherine (Rouen), Abbey of Holy Trinity, 212 Morcar, Earl, a man of, 260b Morcar, an Englishman, 216, 241a, 274a a man of, 246a Morcar, a man of Earl Harold, 271b Mortain [Morteyne], Count of, 208 ,212,219,231a,243a, 243b, 244a, 244b, 245a, 245b, 246a, 246b Musard [Musart], Hascoit, Hascoi, 215, 216, 230, 231b, 272b

Nigel, 262a, 262b, 274a Nigel. See also Albini, Nigel de Nouers, Nowers, Robert de, 224, 239a, 241b Nuneham (Courtenay), [Neuham, Neweham] Alwin of, a man of, 245b Lewin of (de), 217, 231, 268b, 275a, 275b, 276a, note 217

Oaura, Lewin, 276b Odo, 270a Odo, Bishop of Bayeux. See Bayeux Odo, a man of Brictric, 264b Odona, Almar de, 263a Oilgi [Olgi, Oily, Ouilly], Robert de, 213, 214, 218, 225, 230, 231a, 237b, 257b, 258a, 258b, note 214 Olney [Olnei], Roger of, 274a Olviet, a thegn, 264a See also Ulviet Ordmaer, a man of Brictric, 244a Ordric, 252b Ordwi, Ordwig, a man of Wigot of Wallingford [Walingeford], 214, 263a Orenge, William de, 264a Osbert, 259b, 260b Osulf, 262a Osulf, a man of Brictric, 262b Osulf, son of Frane, 213, 257b Osulf, a thegn of King Edward, 241b, 252a, 257b a man of, 257b Oswi, a man of, 257a Oswi, a man of Alric, 219, 252b, 266a Oswi, a man of Brictric, 255b Otbert, 254a, 254b, 257a Oxford [Oxeneford], Canons of, 231a, 243a Earls of, 213 Passaquam, Ralf, 225, 268b Payn, 253a, 255a, 255b, 256b, 257a, 269a Paynel, family of, 213 Peverel, Pevrel, William, 213, 231a, 253a, 253b, 254a Picot, 268b Picquigny (Pinkney), 224 See also Ansculf the sheriff, Gilo, brother of Ansculf, and William, son of Ansculf Pinkeni, Pinkeny, Gilbert de, 215 Pinkeni, Pinkeny, Gilo de, 215

Rainald, 224 Rainbald, Reinbald, the priest, 223, 231a, 243a Ralf, 249a, 249b, 251a, 252a, 252b, 253b, 254a, 258b, 260b, 263a, 266a, 271b, 273b Ralf, Earl. See Hereford Ralf, tenant of the Count of Mortain, 243a, 244b, 245a, 245b, 246a, 246b, note 243a Ralf. See also Passaquam, Ralf Rannulf, 239b, 244a, 245a, 245b, 246b, 254b, 263b Ravai, a thegn, 275b Rawen, a man of Bishop Wulfwig, 270b Remi, Remigius, Bishop of Lincoln. See Lincoln Richard, 248b, 252a, 261a Richard. See also Ingania, Richard Robert, 234b, 235a, 236b, 237a, 239a, 241b, 247a, 249a, 250a, 252b, 253a, 256a, 258b, 262a, 266b, 271b Robert, son of Walter, 258a, 258b Rochester, Gundulf, Bishop of, 211 Roger, 235a, 235b, 236a, 236b, 237a, 237b, 248a, 257b, 260b, 262a, 262b, 273b, 274a Roger of Olney. See Olney Rolf, son of. See Turstin Romenel, Robert de, 238b Ros (Rots), Anschetil de, note 238a Ros, Ansgot de, 238a Ros, Geoffrey de, note 238a

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Rh St. Albans, Abbey of, 211, 242a, Abbot of, 231a, 242a, 242b, men of, 245a St. Nicholas, monks of, 212, 244a St. Ouen, Germund de, 259b Salisbury [Sarisberie], Edward of (Sheriff of Wiltshire), 215, 231a, 263b Sawald, a man of Ulward cilt, 257a Saward, a man of Azor son of Toti, 250b Saward, a man of Earl Harold, 244b Saxi, a thegn of King Edward, 267a Seric, 261b Seric, a man of, Sired, 267b Seric, son of Alveva, 248a Seulf, a man of, 242a, 258a Seulf, a man of Earl Lewin, 272b Seulf, a man of Earl Ralf, 273a Sewolt, a man of, 246a Sibi, a man of Alric son of Goding, 263a Sired, men of, 247b, 267b Sired, a man of Earl Harold, 254b Sired, son of Alveva, a thegn of King Edward, 247b Siret, a man of Earl Harold, 254b Siret. See also Sired Siric, a man of Earl Lewin, 239a Siward, 224, 249b Siward, a man of Aldeva, 243b Siward, a man of Earl Harold, 244b, 272b, 273a Somery, Someri, John de, 213 Somery, Roger de, note 254b Sotinz, a man of Earl Tosti, 270a Spech, William, note 268b Staines [Stanes], Church of, 242a Suarting, Suertin(g), Swarting, 219, 255a, 259a, 260a, 262b,276b Suarting, Suerting, Swartin(g), a man of Asgar the staller, 218, 250b, 259b Suen, 235a Suen, a man of Asgar the staller, 259b Suen, a man of Earl Harold, 265a Suen, a thegn of King Edward, 272b Suen. See also Suert, Suen Suenine, a man of Earl Harold, 266b Suert, 257b Suert, Suen, a man of Earl Eduin, 250a Suertin, Suerting. See Suarting Suetin, 266b Swartin, Swarting. See Suarting Syred, wife of, 230 Syred, son of Sybi, a man of, 243a Syric, a man of Queen Edith, 250b

Tailgebosc, Talgebosch, Tallgebosc, Ralf, the sheriff, 209, 220, 221, 254a, 268a, 276a, note 220 widow of, 216, 220, 221, note 220 Tedald, Tædald, 236a, 236b Tehel, 253a Tham, Thame, Robert de, 238a Thori, Tori, a housecarl of King Edward, 219, 251a, 269b, 270b, 271a Thurkill an Englishman. See Torchil Tochi, a man of, 257a, 258a Tochi, a thegn of King Edward, 258a Todeni, Robert de (lord of Belvoir), 213, 219, 231a, 257b Tofig. See Towi Torchil (Thurkill), 216, 273b Torchil, a man of King Edward, 271b Torchil. See also Turchil Tored, son of. See Azor Tori. See Thori Toroi, a man of Earl Lewin, 249b Torstin, 250b Torstin. See also Turstin Tosti(g), Earl, 210, 233a, 247b, 248a men of, 235a, 241b, 253a, 254b, 270a Toti, son of. See Azor Tovi, a thegn of King Edward, 270a, 272a Towi (Tofig), a man of Alric son of Coding, 219, 251a Tubi, a man of, 254b Turbert, 241a, 257b Turbert, aman of Earl Algar, 268a Turbert, a man of the Countess Goda, 273b Turchil, a man of King Edward, 267b Turchil, a thegn, 252a Turchil. See also Torchil Turgis, a man of Balduin son of Herluin, 237b Turgis, a man of the Count of Mortain, 245a Turgot, a man of Earl Lewin, 265b Turgot, a thegn of King Edward, 265b Turstin, 238a, 239a, 249a, 250b, 258b Turstin the priest, 262a Turstin, son of Rolf, 224, 231b, 247b, 267a Turstin. See also Giron, de

Ulf, men of, 234b, 256a, 257a, 260a Ulf, a housecarl and thegn of King Edward, 219, 256a, 257a, 257b, 260a Ulf, a man of Asgar the staller, 252a, 260a Ulf, a man of Earl Harold, 244a Ulf, son of Borgerete, 246a Ulgrim, a man of Earl Lewin, 265a Ulstan, a thegn of King Edward, 242a, 264b Ulviet, a man of Bishop Wulfwig, 246a. See also Olviet Ulvric, a man of Alric son of Goding, 219, 250b Ulvric, a man of Archbishop Stigand, 266b Ulvric, a man of Borgeret, 241a Ulvric, a man of Brictric, 261a Ulvric, a man of Deus (?), 241a Ulvric, a man of Earl Wallef, 273b Ulvric, a thegn, 241b, 242a Ulvured, Vlwred, 276b Ulward, a man of Queen Edith, 248a Ulward, a thegn, 275b Ulward. See also Wlward, Wulfward Ulwin of Weedon. See Weedon Varu, Alvric, men of, 246a Varus, Alwin, 235a a man of, 260a Verdon, Verdun, Bertran de, 215, 221, 231b, 268a Vernon, Walter de, 231a, 265b Vlwred. See Ulvured, Wulfward

Wahull, family, 214 Walchelin, Bishop of Winchester. See Winchester Wallef, Earl. See Waltheof Wallingford [Walingeford], Wigod, Wigot of, 214, 218, 261a, 261b, note 214 daughter of, 214 a man of, 263a Walter, 233b, 234a, 246a, 246b, 254b Walter the Fleming, 214, 215, 231b, 266b Walter son of Other, 214, 218, 231b, 265b, 266a Waltheof, Wallef, Earl, 216 men of, 240b, 273b widow of, 216 Warenne, William de, 231a, 252b Warwick, Ela, Countess of, note 263b Wast, Nigel (de), 268a Weedon [Wadone], Ulwin of, 264b Wenesi the chamberlain of King Edward, 266b

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text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 4/Sonnet to the Prince Regent


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 4/Stanzas


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 4/Ode to a Lady whose Lover was killed by a Ball, which at the same time shivered a portrait next his heart


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 4/The Irish Avatar


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 4/Stanzas written on the Road between Florence and Pisa


text: Index:Heidelberg catechism.pdf

title: Index:Heidelberg catechism.pdf


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Rh Westminster Abbey (St. Peter) 211, 242a Abbot of, 231a, 242a a man of, 244b Wibald, 272b Wibert, 256b Wichin', 261a Wiga, a man of, 255a Wiga, a man of King Edward, 244b Wiga, a thegn of King Edward, 249a Wigod, Wigot, of Wallingford. See Wallingford Wilaf, a man of Earl Lewin, 230, 238a, 238b William, 239b, 240a, 241a, 243b, 247b, 249b, 250a, 253a, 262b, 263a William the chamberlain (of London), 215, 231b, 266b William the Conqueror, 209, 210, 215, 217, 221, 231a, 232b, 243a, 254a, 272a, 274b, 275a, 275b, 276a, 276b, 277a ferm of, 236b thegns and almsmen of, 231b, William the Conqueror, continued 274b, 275a, 275b, 276a, 276b, 277a William Rufus, 211 William, son of Ansculf (de Picquigny), 209, 213, 222, 225, 231a, 254a, 254b, 255a, 255b, 256a, 256b, 257a William, son of Constantine, Constantius, 215, 231b, 266b William, son of Manne (Magnus), 215, 231b, 267a William, son of Nigel, 244b William, son of Oger, 236a Winchester, Abbey of St. Peter of, 211, 233b monks of, 233b Walchelin, Bishop of, 231a, 233a, 233b Windsor, family of, 214 Winemar the Fleming, 215, 220, 231b, 272a Wlmar, a priest of King Edward, 266b Wlstan. See Ulstan Wlward, a man of Queen Edith, 257a Wlward son of Eddeva, 230, note 217 man of, 246a Wlward, a thegn of King Edward, 239b Wlward. See also Wulfward Wlward cild, a thegn of King Edward, 239b a man of, 257a Wlwen, a man of, 270a Wlwen, a certain woman, 263b Wlwen, a man of King Edward, 263b See also Creslow, Wlwene of Wlwene, Wulwene of Creslow (an English lady). See Creslow Wulfric. See Ulvric Wulfward ' White,' Wlward, Vlwardus, 216, 217, 218, note 217 daughter of, 217, 275a man of, 246a wife of, 216, 217, 218, 239b, 249a, note 217 Wulfwig, Wlwi, Bishop of Lincoln. See Lincoln

' Achecote.' See Edgcott ' Achelei.' See Akeley, Oakley Ackhamstead, 228 Addingrove [Eddingrave], 248a Addington [Eddintone, Edintone], 239a, 263a Adstock [Edestocha], 253b Akeley [Achelei], 219, 250a ' Ambretone.' See Emberton Amersham [Elmodesham, Elnodesham], 208, 214, 235b, 243b, 259a, 264a, 267b, 268a, 271a Arncot (Oxf.), 213 Ashendon [Assedone], 248b Ashendon [Esseden, Essedene, Essendene] Hundred, 225, 227, 237a, 239b, 243a, 248b, 253a, 261a, 265a, 267a, 274b, note 272b. See also Ticheshele, Waddesdon Aston (Abbots) [Estone], 242b, notes 244b, 249a, 262b Aston (Clinton) [Estone], 222, 263b Aston (Ivinghoe) [Estone], 245a, 259b Aston (Sandford) [Estone], 227, 237a, 261a, 270a Aylesbury [Eilesberia], 208, 222, 231a, 232*a Church at, 223, 232a Aylesbury [Elesberie] Hundred, 225, 227, 233b, 252b, 254a, 263b, 269b, 276a. See also Stone, Risborough

Barton (Hartshorn) [Bertone], 238b Beachampton [Becentone, Bechentone], 219, 227, 250b, 269a, 275b Beachendon, alias Bichendon [Bichedone], 237a, 261b Beachington. See Beachendon Beaconsfield, note 227 ' Becentone,' ' Bechentone.' See Beachampton ' Bechesdene.' See Biddlesden Beckley (Bekelee) (Oxf.), note 268b Bedgrove [Begrave], 235a Berkhampstead, Honour of, 212 ' Berlaue.' See Marlow ' Berneham.' See Burnham Bernwood Forest, 223 ' Bertone.' See Barton ' Betesdone.' See Biddlesden ' Bichedone,' ' Bichendone.' See Beachendon Biddlesden [Bechesdene, Betesdone], 209, 232b, 245b, note 275b Bierton [Bortone], 235a Bix Brand (Oxf.), note 272a Bleadon [Bledone], (Somers.), 240b, 241a, note 225 'Bledelai.' See Bledlow Bledlow [Bledelai], 212, 222, 243b ' Bledone.' See Bleadon Bletchley, note 240a Boarstall, 227 ' Bocheland.' See Buckland ' Bochingeham.' See Buckingham Bonestou, Bonestov Hundred, now part of Newport Hundred, 225, 227, 239a, 240a, 246b, 252a, 253b, 264a, 272a, 273b, 276a ' Bortone.' See Bierton Bourton (in Buckingham) [Burtone], 208, 219, 222, 227, 250b. See also Buckingham Boveney [Boveniae,Bovenie], 223, 243a, 273a Bowrickhill. See Brickhill, Bow Boycott, 228 ' Bradeham.' See Bradenham Bradenham [Bradeham], 276b Bradwell [Bradewelle, Brodewelle], 219, 225, 251b, 256a, 263a 'Brichella,' 'Brichelle.' See Brickhill ' Brichstoch.' See Burston Brickhill [Brichella;, Brichelle], 239a, 241b Brickhill, (Bow) [Brichelle], 252b, note 266b Brickhill (Great) [Brichella], 247b BrickhiU (? Little) [Brichella], 239a ' Bricstoch.' See Burston Bridelesthon, Bridesthorne. See Burston

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text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 4/Stanzas to a Hindoo Air


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 4/To ——


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 4/To the Countess of Blessington


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 4/Aristomenes


text:
Aristomenes

 * Aristomenes, a poem by George Gordon Byron
 * Aristomenes, a tragedy by Anne Finch

title: Aristomenes


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Rh Brill [Brunhelle], 208, 209, 223,, 232b 'Broch.' See Brook (End) ' Brodewelle.' See Bradwell Brook (End) (?) [Broch], 264b, note 269b ' Brotone.' See Broughton Broughton[Brotone], 252a, 252b, 274a ' Brunhelle.' See Brill Buckingham with Bourton [Bochingheham with Bortone], 208, 209, 221, 222, 227, 230 Church of, 224, 230 Buckingham Hundred, 225. See also Lamva, Rovelai, Stodfald Buckland [Bocheland], 211, 233b Burnett (Somers.), 216 Burnham [Burneham], 222, 266a Burnham, East [Esburneham], 211, 212, 242a Burnham [Berneham, Burneham, Burnham] Hundred, now part of the Chiltern Hundreds, 225, 227, 234a, 235b, 242a, 243a, 243b, 259a, 260b, 264a, 266a, 267b, 270a, 271a, 273a, 274b, note 227 Burston [Brichstoch, Bricstoch], 224, 244b, 249a, 262b, 267a, note 244b ' Burtone.' See Bourton

Cainhoe (Beds), note 268a Caldecot [Caldecote], 222, 225, 246a, 256a, 276b Calverton [Calvretone], 264b Caversfield [Cavrefelle], 223, 226, 227, 228, 253a, note 228 ' Celdestane.' See Shalstone 'Celfunde,' ' Celfunte.' See Chalfont 'Cerdeslai,' ' Cerleslai,' See Chearsley ' Cestreham.' See Chesham ' Cetedene,' ' Cetendone.' See Cheddington ' Ceteode.' See Chetwode Chalfont (St. Giles), [Celfunte], 270a Chalfont (St. Peter), [Celfunde], 222, 223, 235b Charndon [Credendone], 267b ' Chauescote.' See Gawcott Chearsley [Cerdeslai, Cerleslai], 248b, 261a Cheddington [Cetedene, Cetendone, Cetendone], 218, 245a, 255a, 257b, 258b, 264b, 276b, notes 260a, 262b ' Chenebella.' See Kimble ' Chentone.' See Quaintone Cherrington (Glos.), note 260b Chesham [Cestreham], 208, 222,235b, 264a, 267b, 274b Chetwode [Ceteode], 217, 238b Chicheley [Cicelai], 225, 256b Chiltern Hundreds, 225. See also Burnham, Desborough, Stoke Chilton [Ciltone], 219, 248a Cholesbury, 227 ' Cicelai.' See Chicheley ' Ciltone.' See Chilton ' Claidone,' ' Claindone.' See Claydon Claydon (East), [Claidone, Claindone], 253b, 259b, 261b Claydon (Middle), [Claindone], 253b Claydon St. Botolph, note 259a Claydon (Steeple), [Claindone], 274b Clifton (Reynes), [Cliftone, Clistone, Clystone], 219, 223, 225, 241a, 257b, 274a ' Clistone.' See Clifton ' Coblincote.' See Cublington Coleshill (Herts), 227 Cookham (Berks), 223 Cottesloe, note 241b Cottesloe [Coteshala, Coteshale, Coteslai, Coteslau] Hundred, 225, 227, 241b, 242b, 244a, 247a, 249a, 255a, 262a, 263b, 267a, 270a, 271a, 272b, 273b, 274b, 277a, note 233b See also Mursley, Yardley Crafton. See Crofton Crawley, Great, note 265b Crawley, Little, note 256b Church of St. Firmin at, 224 ' Credendone.' See Charndon, Crendon Crendon (Long), [Credendone], 212, 223, 248a Creslow [Cresselai], 215, 263b Crofton (alias Crafton), [Croustone], 212, 224, 241b, 244a Cublington [Coblincote], 271b Cuddington, 223, notes 211, 232b ' Daceta.' See Datchet ' Daneham.' See Denham ' Danitone.' See Dinton Datchet [Daceta], 222, 272b Denham [Daneham], 211, 222, 242a Desborough [Dustenberg], Hundred, now part of the Chiltern Hundreds, 225, 227, 234b, 236a, 243b, 248a, 258a, 260b, 264b, 268a, 272a, 273a, 276b, note 233a ' Dileherst.' See Tyler's (Green) Dinton [Danitone], 234b, notes,236b, 253a Ditton [Ditone], 254b Dodford [Dodeforde], 269a, 275b ' Dodintone.' See Dunton Dorchester (Oxf.), 211, 223 Dorney [Dornei], 222, 223, 260b Dorton [Dortone], 219, 248b Dover (Kent), note 236a ' Draintone.' See Drayton Drayton (Beauchamp) [Draitone], 227, 2444, 270*2 Drayton (Parslow) [Draintone], 224, 225, 2374, 2684 Droitwich [Wicg] (Wore.), 223, 232a Dudley Castle, 213 Dunton [Dodintone], 237a Easington [Hesintone], 219, 248a East Burnham. See Burnham, East East Claydon. See Claydon, East Eaton (Water), [Etone], 240a ' Ebestan.' See Ibstone ' Eddinberge.' See Edlesborough ' Eddingrave.' See Addingrove ' Edestocha.' See Adstock Edgcott [Achecote], 251a ' Edingeberge.' See Lenborough ' Edintone.' See Addington Edlesborough [Eddinberge], 228, 260a ' Eie.' See Kingsey and Towersey ' Eilesberia,' ' Elesberie.' See Aylesbury Ellesborough [Esenberga, Esenberge], 209, 210, 221, 254a, 260b ' Elmodesham,' ' Elnodesham.' See Amersham Elstrop (alias Elsthorpe, Helsthorpe) [Helpestorp, Helpestrope], 244a, 270a Emberton [Ambretone, Ambritone], 241b, 274a, note 256b ' Erlai.' See Yardley ' Esburneham.' See Burnham, East ' Esenberga.' See Ellesborough Eshe, Esses, note 268b ' Essedene ' Hundred. See Ashendon ' Estone.' See Aston (Abbots) Eton [Ettone], 222, 266a ' Etone.' See Eaton (Water) Evershaw [Evresel], 275b ' Evinghehou.' See Ivinghoe ' Evreham.' See Iver ' Evresel.' See Evershaw ' Falelie.' See Fawley Farnham (Royal) [Ferneham], 215, 221, 268a Fawley [Falelie], 248a Fleet Marston. See Marston, Fleet Foxcott (alias Foscott) [Foxescote], 238a ' Gateherst.' See Gayhurst

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Page:A Dictionary of the Biloxi and Ofo Languages.djvu/19

 TEXTS IN THE TANĔKS ADE, OR BILOXI, LANGUAGE

1.

Rabbit (person) Frenchman his friend to work he helped him potato they planted. Rabbit potato vine ate devoured. And then again corn they planted again. “Root (ob.<.br>sign) I eat eat,” said Rabbit the (sub.). Corn root dug pulled up entirely. What (ob.) he did not find it they say. “Water dig make ob. let us dig,” (i. e., a well) sign said French- man the (sub.). Rabbit did not desire it. Well he dig it alone must ? “Water again you drink not shall,” [said Frenchman (sub.)]. “It makes no difference! Dew I lick off I am used to it  .” said Rabbit (sub.). Tar[- A tar baby]personmade he stood it up there, well close to. Rabbit cane tin bucket took was coming. There he arrived then he spoke to him. He said nothing. “O friend, what is the matter? Are you angry?” said Rabbit. Hand (ob.) [with] then used he hit it. He stuck to it he hit it when. “On the other side again I do it I hit you will if Let me go!” he was saying that. “On the orther side again I do it I kick you will, if” said Rabbit. He kicked it when he stuck to it. And then when in a round ball he sat. Then Frenchman there arrived. there arrived when (or, and) he tied him. He tied him when (- and) laid him down when (and) he was scolding him. Then brier patch he was much afraid of as he lay he said. Then “Brier you fear greatly as, brier I throw you .” [said Frenchman (sub.)]. Rabbit, (sub.) “Oh no!” said. Rabbit (sub.). “You fear it greatly as, brier I send you into (contin- gent sign),” said and, Rabbit he took. “Into the brier I throw you,” said Frenchman (sub.)]. Went fell. Laughing went Rabbit (sub.).. So far.


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124 traverses the Grassy Zone from Chelyabinsk, the station at the eastern foot of the Ural Mountains where the lines from Petrograd and Moscow unite, to Irkutsk on the Angara River just below its exit from Lake Baikal. Wheat-fields are beginning in large measure to replace the grass along the line of the railway, but the thread of settled population is still a narrow one, and the Tartar and Khirghiz horsemen are still nomad over wide areas.

The edge of the forest bends southward along the boundary between Western and Eastern Siberia, for Eastern Siberia is filled with forested mountains and hills, which fall in elevation gradually from the Transbaikalian Plateau into the north-eastern promontory of Asia towards Behring Strait. The Grassy Zone bends south with the forest and continues eastward over the lower level of the Mongolian uplands. The slope upward from the Great Lowland into Mongolia is through the 'Dry Strait' of Zungaria, between the Tianshan Mountains on the south and Altai Mountains on the north. Beyond Zungaria the steppes, now at upland level, continue round the southern edge of the forested Altai and Transbaikalian Mountains, with the Gobi Desert to the south of them, until they reach the upper tributaries of the Amur


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Rh River. There is a forest belt along the eastern, outward face of the Kingan Range, by which the Mongolian upland drops to the lowland of Manchuria, but there is a last detached grassland in Manchuria, to be compared with the similarly detached grassland of Hungary five thousand miles away at the west end of the steppe belt. Grassy Manchuria does not, however, extend through to the Pacific shore, for there a coast range of mountains, thickly forested, enframes the open country and deflects the eastward flowing Amur to a northward mouth.

Let us clear this long ribbon of steppes of its modern railways and corn-fields, and people it again in imagination with horse-riding Tartars, who are none other than Turks; it is said that the Turkish language of Constantinople can to this day be understood by the Arctic tribe at the mouth of the Lena River. For some recurrent reason—it may have been owing to spells of droughty years—these Tartar mobile hordes have from time to time in the course of history gathered their whole strength together and fallen like a devastating avalanche upon the settled agricultural peoples either of China or Europe. In the West we hear of them first as the Huns, who in the middle of the fifth century after


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126 Christ rode into Hungary under a great but terrible leader, Attila. From Hungary they raided in three directions—north-westward, westward, and south-westward. North-westward they caused so much commotion among the Germans, that those tribes nearest the sea, the Angles and Saxons, were in part driven over the water to a new home in the island of Britain. Westward they penetrated far into Gaul, but were defeated in the great battle of Chalons, where the Frank, the Goth, and the Roman Provincial, standing shoulder to shoulder against the common enemy from the East, began that fusion from which has sprung the modern French people. South-westward Attila advanced as far as Milan, destroying on the way the important Roman cities of Aquileia and Padua, whose inhabitants fled to the lagoons by the sea and there founded Venice. At Milan Attila was met by Bishop Leo of Rome, and, for whatever reason, went no farther, with the result that the Roman See won a great prestige. Thus can it be said with much truth that from the reaction of the Coastmen against this hammer blow from the Heartland, there arose the English and French nationalities, the sea-power of Venice, and the supreme mediæval institution of the Papacy. Who shall say what great


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Rh and, let us hope, beneficent things may not grow out of the reaction which has been compelled by the hammer blow of our modern Huns? Democratic Ideals and Reality, 1919 Fig 22 p 127.jpg 22.—Forest and Steppes in East Europe. (After a diagram in my paper on 'The Geographical Pivot of History' in the Geographical Journal for 1904.)

The Hunnish raids ceased after a few years, for it is probable that the man-power behind them was not very considerable; the force of a blow may be due as much to its speed as


text: Democratic Ideals and Reality: A Study in the Politics of Reconstruction/Chapter 4


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Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 4.djvu/29

 INTRODUCTION TO THE PRISONER OF CHILLON.

Prisoner of Chillon, says Moore (Life, p. 320), was written at Ouchy, near Lausanne, where Byron and Shelley "were detained two days in a small inn [Hôtel de l'Ancre, now d'Angleterre] by the weather." Byron's letter to Murray, dated June 27 (but ? 28), 1816, does not precisely tally with Shelley's journal contained in a letter to Peacock, July 12, 1816 (Prose Works of P. B. Shelley, 1880, ii. 171, sq.); but, if Shelley's first date, June 23, is correct, it follows that the two poets visited the Castle of Chillon on Wednesday, June 26, reached Ouchy on Thursday, June 27, and began their homeward voyage on Saturday, June 29 (Shelley misdates it June 30). On this reckoning the Prisoner of Chillon was begun and finished between Thursday, June 27, and Saturday, June 29, 1816. Whenever or wherever begun, it was completed by July 10 (see Memoir of John Murray, 1891, i. 364), and was ready for transmission to England by July 25. The MS., in Claire's handwriting, was placed in Murray's hands on October 11, and the poem, with seven others, was published December 5, 1816.

In a final note to the Prisoner of Chillon (First Edition, 1816, p. 59), Byron confesses that when "the foregoing poem was composed he knew too little of the history of Bonnivard to do justice to his courage and virtues," and appends as a note to the "Sonnet on Chillon," "some account of his life ... furnished by the kindness of a citizen of that Republic," i.e. Geneva. The note, which is now entitled "Advertisement," is taken bodily from the pages of a work published in 1786 by the Swiss naturalist, Jean Senebier, who died in 1809. It was not Byron's way to invent imaginary authorities, but rather to give his references with some pride and particularity, and it is possible that this unacknowledged and hitherto unverified "account" was supplied by some literary acquaintance, who failed to explain that his


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That I, with body and soul, both in life and in death, am not my own, but belong to my faithful Saviour Jesus Christ, who with His precious blood has fully satisfied for all my sins, and redeemed me from all the power of the devil; and so preserves me, that without the will of my Father in heaven not a hair can fall from my head; yea, that all things must work together for my salvation. Therefore, by His Holy Spirit, He also assures me of eternal life, and makes me heartily willing and ready henceforth to live unto Him.

For none of us liveth to himself, and no man dieth to himself. For whether we live, we live unto the Lord; and whether we die, we die unto the Lord: whether we live therefore, or die, we are the Lord's. Rom. 14, 7. 8.

What! know ye not that your body is the temple of the Holy Ghost which is in you, which ye have of God, and ye are not your own? 1 Cor. 6, 19.

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Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 4.djvu/99

 INTRODUCTION TO MONODY ON THE DEATH OF THE RIGHT HON. R. B. SHERIDAN.

Moore was engaged on the Life of Sheridan, Byron gave him some advice. "Never mind," he says, "the angry lies of the humbug Whigs. Recollect that he was an Irishman and a clever fellow, and that we have had some very pleasant days with him. Don't forget that he was at school at Harrow, where, in my time, we used to show his name—R. B. Sheridan, 1765—an honour to the walls. Depend upon it that there were worse folks going, of that gang, than ever Sheridan was" (Letter to Moore, September 19, 1818, Letters, 1900, iv. 261).

It does not appear that Byron had any acquaintance with Sheridan when wrote the one unrejected Address which was spoken at the opening of Drury Lane Theatre, October 10, 1812, but that he met him for the first time at a dinner which Rogers gave to Byron and Moore, on or before June 1, 1813. Thenceforward, as long as he remained in England (see his letter to Rogers, April 16, 1816, Letters, 1899, iii. 281, note 1), he was often in his company, "sitting late, drinking late," not, of course, on terms of equality and friendship (for Sheridan was past sixty, and Byron more than thirty years younger), but of the closest and pleasantest intimacy. To judge from the tone of the letter to Moore (vide supra) and of numerous entries in his diaries, during Sheridan's life and after his death, he was at pains not to pass judgment on a man whom he greatly admired and sincerely pitied, and whom he felt that he had no right to despise. Body and soul, Byron was of different stuff from Sheridan, and if he "had lived to his age," he would have passed over "the red-hot ploughshares" of life and conduct, not unscathed, but stoutly and unconsumed. So much easier is it to live down character than to live through temperament.

Richard Brinsley Sheridan (born October 30, 1751) died July 7, 1816. The Monody was written at Campagne


text: Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/8

title: Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/8


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Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 4.djvu/113

 INTRODUCTION TO MANFRED.

passed four months and three weeks in Switzerland. He arrived at the Hôtel d'Angleterre at Sécheron, on Saturday, May 25, and he left the Campagne Diodati for Italy on Sunday, October 6, 1816. Within that period he wrote the greater part of the Third Canto of Childe Harold, he began and finished the Prisoner of Chillon, its seven attendant poems, and the Monody on the death of Sheridan, and he began Manfred.

A note to the "Incantation" (Manfred, act i. sc. 1, lines 192-261), which was begun in July and published together with the Prisoner of Chillon, December 5, 1816, records the existence of "an unfinished Witch Drama" (First Edition, p. 46); but, apart from this, the first announcement of his new work is contained in a letter to Murray, dated Venice, February 15, 1817 (Letters, 1900, iv. 52). "I forgot," he writes, "to mention to you that a kind of Poem in dialogue (in blank verse) or drama ... begun last summer in Switzerland, is finished; it is in three acts; but of a very wild, metaphysical, and inexplicable kind." The letter is imperfect, but some pages of "extracts" which were forwarded under the same cover have been preserved. Ten days later (February 25) he reverts to these "extracts," and on February 28 he despatches a fair copy of the first act. On March 9 he remits the third and final act of his "dramatic poem" (a definition adopted as a second title), but under reserve as to publication, and with a strict injunction to Murray "to submit it to Mr. G[ifford] and to whomsoever you please besides." It is certain that this third act was written at Venice (Letter to Murray, April 14), and it may be taken for granted that the composition of the first two acts belongs to the tour in the Bernese Alps (September 17-29), or to the last days at Diodati (September 30 to October 5, 1816), when the estro (see Letter to Murray, January 2, 1817) was upon him, when his "Passions slept," and, in spite of all that had come and gone and could not go, his spirit was uplifted by the "majesty and the power and the glory" of Nature.

Gifford's verdict on the first act was that it was "wonderfully poetical" and "merited publication," but, as Byron had


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Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 4.djvu/173

 INTRODUCTION TO THE LAMENT OF TASSO.

MS. of the Lament of Tasso is dated April 20, 1817. It was despatched from Florence April 23, and reached England May 12 (see Memoir of John Murray, 1891, i. 384). Proofs reached Byron June 7, and the poem was published July 17, 1817.

"It was," he writes (April 26), "written in consequence of my having been lately in Ferrara." Again, writing from Rome (May 5, 1817), he asks if the MS. has arrived, and adds, "I look upon it as a 'These be good rhymes,' as Pope's papa said to him when he was a boy" (Letters, 1900, iv. 112-115). Two months later he reverted to the theme of Tasso's ill-treatment at the hands of Duke Alfonso, in the memorable stanzas xxxv.-xxxix. of the Fourth Canto of Childe Harold (Poetical Works, 1899, ii. 354-359; and for examination of the circumstances of Tasso's imprisonment in the Hospital of Sant' Anna, vide ibid., pp. 355, 356, note 1).

Notices of the Lament of Tasso appeared in the Gentleman's Magagine, August, 1817, vol. 87, pp. 150, 151; in The Scot's Magazine, August, 1817, N.S., vol. i. pp. 48, 49; and a eulogistic but uncritical review in Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, November, 1817, vol. ii. pp. 142-144.


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 INTRODUCTION TO MAZEPPA.

, a legend of the Russian Ukraine, or frontier region, is based on the passage in Voltaire's Charles XII. prefixed as the "Advertisement" to the poem. Voltaire seems to have known very little about the man or his history, and Byron, though he draws largely on his imagination, was content to take his substratum of fact from Voltaire. The "true story of Mazeppa" is worth re-telling for its own sake, and lends a fresh interest and vitality to the legend. Ivan Stepánovitch Mazeppa (or Mazepa), born about the year 1645, was of Cossack origin, but appears to have belonged, by descent or creation, to the lesser nobility of the semi- Polish Volhynia. He began life (1660) as a page of honour in the Court of King John Casimir V. of Poland, where he studied Latin, and acquired the tongue and pen of eloquent statesmanship. Banished from the court on account of a quarrel, he withdrew to his mother's estate in Volhynia, and there, to beguile the time, made love to the wife of neighbouring magnate, the pane or Lord Falbowski. The intrigue was discovered, and to avenge his wrongs the outraged husband caused Mazeppa to be stripped to the skin, and bound to his own steed. The horse, lashed into maddness, and terror-stricken by the discharge of a pistol, started off at a gallop, and rushing "thorough bush, thorough briar," carried his torn and bleeding rider into the courtyard of his own mansion!

With regard to the sequel or issue of this episode, history is silent, but when the curtain rises again (A.D. 1674) Mazeppa is discovered in the character of writer-general or foreign secretary to Peter Doroshénko, hetman or president of the Western Ukraine, on the hither side of the Dniéper. From the service of Doroshénko, who came to an untimely end, he passed by a series of accidents into the employ of his rival, Samoǐlovitch, hetman of the Eastern Ukraine, and, as his secretary or envoy, continued to attract the notice


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 INTRODUCTION TO THE PROPHECY OF DANTE.

Prophecy of Dante was written at Ravenna, during the month of June, 1819, "to gratify" the Countess Guiccioli. Before she left Venice in April she had received a promise from Byron to visit her at Ravenna. "Dante's tomb, the classical pinewood," and so forth, had afforded a pretext for the invitation to be given and accepted, and, at length, when she was, as she imagined, "at the point of death," he arrived, better late than never, "on the Festival of the Corpus Domini," which fell that year on the tenth of June (see her communication to Moore, Life, p. 399). Horses and books were left behind at Venice, but he could occupy his enforced leisure by "writing something on the subject of Dante" (ibid., p. 402). A heightened interest born of fuller knowledge, in Italian literature and Italian politics, lent zest to this labour of love, and, time and place conspiring, he composed "the best thing he ever wrote" (Letter to Murray, March 23, 1820, Letters, 1900, iv. 422), his Vision (or Prophecy) of Dante.

It would have been strange if Byron, who had sounded his Lament over the sufferings of Tasso, and who had become de facto if not de jure a naturalized Italian, had forborne to associate his name and fame with the sacred memory of the "Gran padre Alighier." If there had been any truth in Friedrich Schlegel's pronouncement, in a lecture delivered at Vienna in 1814, "that at no time has the greatest and most national of all Italian poets ever been much the favourite of his countrymen," the reproach had become meaningless. As the sumptuous folio edition (4 vols.) of the Divina Commedia, published at Florence, 1817-19; a quarto edition (4 vols.) published at Rome, 1815-17; a folio edition (3 vols.) published at Bologna 1819-21, to which the Conte Giovanni Marchetti (vide the Preface, post,


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 INTRODUCTION TO THE MORGANTE MAGGIORE.

is possible that Byron began his translation of the First Canto of Pulci's Morgante Maggiore (so called to distinguish the entire poem of twenty-eight cantos from the lesser Morgante [or, to coin a title, "Morganid] which was published separately) in the late autumn of 1819, before he had left Venice (see his letter to Bankes, February 19, 1820, Letters, 1900, iv. 403). It is certain that it was finished at Ravenna during the first week of his "domestication" in the Palazzo Guiccioli (Letters to Murray, February 7, February 21, 1820). He took a deal of pains with his self-imposed task, "serviley translating stanza from stanza, and line from line, two octaves every night;" and when the first canto was finished he was naturally and reasonably proud of his achievement. More than two years had elapsed since Frere's Whistlecraft had begotten Beppo, and in the interval he had written four cantos of Don Juan, outstripping his "immediate model," and equalling if not surpassing his model's parents and precursors, the masters of "narrative romantic poetry among the Italians."

In attempting this translation—something, as he once said of his Armenian studies, "craggy for his mind to break upon" (Letter to Moore, December 5, 1816, Letters, 1900, iv. 10)—Byron believed that he was working upon virgin soil. He had read, as he admits in his "Advertisement," John Herman Merivale's poem, Orlando in Roncesvalles, which is founded upon the Morgante Maggiore; but he does not seem to have been aware that many years before (1806, 1807) the same writer (one of the "associate bards") had published in the Monthly Magazine (May, July, 1806, etc., vide ante Introduction to Beppo, p. 156) a series of translations of selected passages of the poem. There is no resemblance whatever between Byron's laboured and faithful rendering of the text, and Merivale's far more readable


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 INTRODUCTION TO FRANCESCA OF RIMINI.

MS. of "a literal translation, word for word (versed like the original), of the episode of Francesca of Rimini" (Letter March 23, 1820, Letters, 1900, iv. 421), was sent to Murray from Ravenna, March 20, 1820 (ibid., p. 419), a week after Byron had forwarded the MS. of the Prophecy of Dante. Presumably the translation had been made in the interval by way of illustrating and justifying the unfamiliar metre of the "Dante Imitation." In the letter which accompanied the translation he writes, "Enclosed you will find, line for line, in third rhyme (terza rima,) of which your British Blackguard reader as yet understands nothing, Fanny of Rimini. You know that she was born here, and married, and slain, from Cary, Boyd, such people already. I have done it into cramp English, line for line, and rhyme for rhyme, to try the possibility. You had best append it to the poems already sent by last three posts."

In the matter of the "British Blackguard," that is, the general reader, Byron spoke by the card. Hayley's excellent translation of the three first cantos of the Inferno (vide ante, "Introduction to the Prophecy of Dante," p. 237), which must have been known to a previous generation, was forgotten, and with earlier experiments in terza rima, by Chaucer and the sixteenth and seventeenth century poets, neither Byron nor the British Public had any familiar or definite acquaintance. But of late some interest had been awakened or revived in Dante and the Divina Commedia.

Cary's translation—begun in 1796, but not published as a whole till 1814—had met with a sudden and remarkable success. "The work, which had been published four years, but had remained in utter obscurity, was at once eagerly sought after. About a thousand copies of the first edition, that remained on hand, were immediately disposed of; in less than three months a new edition was called for." Moreover, the Quarterly and Edinburgh Reviews were loud in its


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 INTRODUCTION TO MARINO FALIERO.

had no sooner finished the first draft of Malfnd than he began (February 25, 1817) to lay the foundation of another tragedy. Venice was new to him, and, on visiting the Doge’s Palace, the veiled space intended for the portrait of Mann Falier, and the " Giants' Staircase " where, as he believed “ hewas once crowned and afterwards deca itated," had laid hold of his imagination, while the leg; of the Cangiurz, “an old man jealous and conspinng against the state of which he was . . . Chief,” promised a subject which the “ devil himself " might have dramatized can anwre. But other interests and ideas claimed his attention, and for more than threeyeara the project slept. At length he sli into the postscript of a letter to Murray, dated, “ lgvenna, A il 9, 1810" (Lellers, 1901, v. 7), an intimation that he had agua "a tragedy on the subject of Marino Faliem, the Doge of Venice.” The “Imitation of Dante the Translation of Pulci, the Danticles,” etc., were worked oh, and, in prospectin for a new vein, a fresh lode of literary ore, he passed, gy a natural transition, from Italian literature to Italian history, from the romantic and humorous cfgu of Pulci and Berm, to the pseudoelassic drama of AlJeria.ndMon‘tiM nk" L _ had ld _std h_ (A ealonsy, as o ewis vi 1m u t, 1817), was an “exhausted passion” in the drama, and tglriy the scene in Venice was to provoke comparison with Shake- speare and Otway; but the man himself, the fiery DT; passionate but not  a noble turned democrat pro vw, an old man greatly' finding “quarrel in a straw,” afforded a theme historically time-honoured, and yet unap- prolpriated by tragic art. _ here was, too, n living mterest in the story. For history was repeating itself and:fpolitics were swag: and un- certain. “Mischief was oot,” and the tra 'tion of a conspiracy which failed might find an historic parallel in


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 INTRODUCTION TO THE VISION OF JUDGMENT.

Vision of Judgment is a parody of Southey's Vision of Judgement,

The acts or fyttes of the quarrel between Byron and Southey occur in the following order. In the summer of 1817 Southey, accompanied by his friends, Humphrey Senhouse and the artist Edward Nash, passed some weeks (July) in Switzerland. They visited Chamouni, and at Montanvert, in the travellers' album, they found, in Shelley's handwriting, a Greek hexameter verse, in which he affirmed that he was an "atheist," together with an indignant comment ("fool!" also in Greek) superadded in an unknown hand (see Life of Shelley, by Dowden, 1886, ii. 30, note). Southey copied this entry into his note-book, and "spoke of the circumstance on his return" (circ. August 12, 1817). In the course of the next year some one told Byron that a rumour had reached England that he and Shelley "had formed a league of incest with two sisters," and that Southey and Coleridge were the authors of the scandal. There is nothing to show through what channel the report of the rumour reached Byron's ears, but it may be inferred that it was in his mind (see Letter to Murray, November 24, 1818, Letters, 1900 iv. 272) when he assailed Southey in the "Dedication" ("in good, simple, savage verse") to the First Canto of Don Juan, which was begun September 6, 1818, Shelley, who was already embittered against Southey (see the account of a dinner at Godwin's, November 6, 1817, Diary of H. C. Robinson, 1869, ii. 67), heard Byron read this "Dedication," and, in a letter to Peacock (October 8, 1818), describes it as being "more like a mixture of wormwood and verdigrease than satire."

When Don Juan appeared (July 15, 1819), the "Dedication" was not forthcoming, but of its existence and character Southey had been informed. "Have you heard," he asks


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 INTRODUCTION TO THE BLUES.

correspondence does not explain the mood in which he wrote The Blues, or afford the slightest hint or clue to its motif or occasion. In a letter to Murray, dated Ravenna, August 7, 1821, he writes, "I send you a thing which I scribbled off yesterday, a mere buffoonery, to quiz 'The Blues.' If published it must be anonymously.... You may send me a proof if you think it worth the trouble." Six weeks later, September 20, he had changed his mind. "You need not," he says, "send The Blues, which is a mere buffoonery not meant or publication." With these intimations our knowledge ends, and there is nothing to show why in August, 1821, he took it into his head "to quiz The Blues," or why, being so minded, he thought it worth while to quiz them in so pointless and belated a fashion. We can but guess that an allusion in a letter from England, an incident at a conversazione at Ravenna, or perhaps the dialogues in Peacock's novels, Melincourt an Nightmare Abbey, brought to his recollection the half-modish, half-litenrary coteries of the earlier years of the Regency, and that he sketches the scenes and persons of his eclogue not from life, but from memory.

In the Diary of 1813, 1814, there is more than one mention of the "Blues." For instance, November 27, 1813, he writes, "Sotheby is a Littérateur, the oracle of the Coteries of the * *'s, Lydia White (Sydney Smith's 'Tory Virgin'), Mrs. Wilmot (she, at least, is a swan, and might frequent a purer stream), Lady Beaumont and all the Blues, with Lady Charlemont at their head." Again on December 1, "Tomorrow there is a party of purple at the 'blue' Miss Berry's. Shall I go? um!—I don't much affect your blue-bottles;—but one ought to be civil.... Perhaps that blue-winged Kashmirian butterfly of book-learning Lady Charlemont will be there" (see Letters, 1898, ii. 333, 358, note 2).

Byron was, perhaps, a more willing guest at literary


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 ADVERTISEMENT.

this poem was composed, I was not sufficiently aware of the history of Bonnivard, or I should have endeavoured to dignify the subject by an attempt to celebrate his courage and his virtues. With some account of his life I have been furnished, by the kindness of a citizen of that republic, which is still proud of the memory of a man worthy of the best age of ancient freedom:—

"François de Bonnivard, fils de Louis de Bonnivard, originaire de Seyssel et Seigneur de Lunes, naquit en 1496. Il fit ses études à Turin: en 1510 Jean Aimé de Bonnivard, son oncle, lui résigna le Prieuré de St. Victor, qui aboutissoit aux murs de Genève, et qui formait un bénéfice considérable....

"Ce grand homme—(Bonnivard mérite ce titre par la force de son âme, la droiture de son cœur, la noblesse de ses intentions, la sagesse de ses conseils, le courage de ses démarches, l'étendue de ses connaissances, et la vivacité de son esprit),—ce grand homme, qui excitera l'admiration de tous ceux qu'une vertu héroïque peut encore émouvoir, inspirera encore la plus vive reconnaissance dans les cœurs des Genevois qui aiment Genève. Bonnivard en fut toujours un des plus fermes appuis: pour assurer la liberté de notre République, il ne craignit pas de perdre souvent la sienne; il oublia son repos; il méprisa ses richesses; il ne négligea rien pour affermir