text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Reconstruction

RECONSTRUCTION (from Lat. re-, back again, anew + com-, together + strucre, to heap). In American history, the process by which, after the Civil War, the seceded States were restored to their normal relations with the Union. The only provision of the Constitution that seemed to have any bearing on the matter was that which makes it the duty of the United States to guarantee to every State in the Union a republican form of government. Even this was not explicit, for it was not stated which branch of the Government — whether the Executive or Congress — was charged with the execution of the constitutional mandate. Among the views as to the status of the States at the close of the war several deserve a brief explanation: First, there was the Southern view, based on the assumption that the acts of secession were invalid and of no effect. Its cardinal doctrine was the indestructibility of a State, either by its own act or by act of the United States Government. All that was necessary, therefore, to the reëstablishment of normal relations with the Union was for the State governments to cease their resistance to the Government of the United States, and repeal all measures passed in furtherance of secession and rebellion. Second, there was the view of President Lincoln, based on the assumption that the act of rebellion in each State was the act not of

the State itself, but of combinations of disloyal persons who had unlawfully subverted the loyal State governments. The States, therefore, continued to exist as members of the Union, though they were out of their ‘proper practical relations’ with it. According to this view the problem of reconstruction consisted simply in placing the loyal element in the seceded States in control of the State governments which had been subverted by the disloyal element. Furthermore, President Lincoln regarded the problem as one devolving upon the Executive rather than upon Congress — for the work of creating a loyal element necessarily involved the exercise of the pardoning power, which alone was vested in the President — and the support by the military arm of the loyal governments so established. Thirdly, there was the Congressional view, which held that reconstruction was a legislative problem; that as a result of rebellion the Southern States were ‘deprived of all civil government,’ and that all de facto governments set up during the war were illegal. This view has been called the ‘forfeited rights’ theory. The States continued to exist, but as disorganized communities subject to the paramount authority of the United States. In pursuance of this view Congress passed an act in July, 1864, which was fathered by Henry Winter Davis in the House and Benjamin F. Wade in the Senate, and which provided a remedy for the defects of the Presidential scheme as understood by the supporters of the Congressional view. The view embodied in this measure differed from that of President Lincoln, first, in regarding the problem of reconstruction as a legislative problem; second, in requiring the loyalty of a majority of the adult white males of the State for the basis of the reconstructed government instead of the loyalty of one-tenth, as required by President Lincoln's plan; thirdly, in requiring the abolition of slavery as the starting point in the process of reconstruction. President Lincoln refused to sign the bill before the expiration of the session, thus indirectly defeating it. A fourth view was the so-called State suicide theory of Charles Sumner, enunciated by him in a series of resolutions offered in the Senate in 1862. The gist of these resolutions was that the attempt of a State to secede from the Union, involving as it did an attempt to exclude the Constitution of the United States from the territory of the State, was, if successfully sustained by force, equivalent to a practical forfeiture by the State of all rights under the Constitution. It involved, furthermore, the immediate extinction of the State sovereignty and its reduction to the position of a Territory under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Government of the United States. Finally, there was the view ably expounded by Thaddeus Stevens, and popularly called the conquered province theory, according to which rebellion against the national authority by a State of the Union not only put an end to its existence as a State, but even forfeited its rights as a Territory under the Constitution. The inhabitants of such a community were remanded to the status of an unorganized province owned by the National Government and subject to its dominion without the restraint of constitutional limitations. The advocates of this theory appealed to the actual facts of the case to show that at the close of hostilities the Southern States were in the condition of

provinces subject to the absolute dominion of the conqueror.

Of the several theories advanced, that held by President Lincoln was the first to receive attention. Early in 1862, large portions of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee having been recovered by the Federal armies, the President appointed ‘military governors’ in those districts with somewhat vague and undefined powers. In general they were to take the initiative in the movement to reëstablish civil governments and prepare the way for representation in Congress. In his third annual message of December 8, 1863, the President announced a more definite and systematic plan of reconstruction, to which was appended a proclamation of amnesty offering a full and complete pardon to all who would take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and the Union of the States thereunder, as well as all acts of Congress passed during the war, and all proclamations of the President, with reference to the slaves. From the benefits of the amnesty were excluded certain classes of men who had held high military or civil offices under the Confederate Government or who had left the service of the United States to engage in the rebellion. He then proposed to restore the State governments in the seceded States to the amnestied class by declaring that whenever a number of persons not less than one-tenth of those who had cast votes in such State at the Presidential election in 1860 had taken the oath, if they were qualified voters by the State law in force at the time of secession, and had reëstablished a State government republican in form, such government should be recognized by the Executive as the true Government of the State. He said, however, that whether members sent to Congress from any State so reconstructed should be admitted to their seats rested exclusively with the two Houses. The proclamation did not apply to Virginia, both the President and Congress having from the first recognized the loyal Pierpont Government at Alexandria as the true Government; nor did it apply to Missouri and Kentucky. ‘Ten per cent.’ governments, so called, were accordingly established in Louisiana and Arkansas in the following year. Representatives were also elected to Congress, but when the new members from the reconstructed States appeared with their credentials neither House would admit them to seats. In Tennessee the President's plan of reconstruction was put into operation early in 1865. Representatives were chosen to Congress, but they were refused admission to their seats in December, 1865. In the meantime Congress had assumed the right to take in hand the matter of reconstruction, and had passed the Wade-Davis Bill, to which reference has already been made. In February, 1865, it also passed a resolution which prohibited the counting of any electoral votes for President or Vice-President in the election of 1864 from States which had passed secession ordinances. The refusal of the President to sign the Wade-Davis measure, and his proclamation in regard to the subject in which he stated his objections to the setting aside of the constitutions and governments in Louisiana and Arkansas, made a breach between the President and Congress inevitable.

After the assassination of President Lincoln, President Johnson took up the policy of his predecessor without material change, and on

May 29th issued a proclamation of amnesty and pardon to all persons who had neglected to avail themselves of the benefits extended by the amnesty proclamation of President Lincoln. His proclamation of amnesty differed from that of President Lincoln only in the enlargement of the classes of excepted persons. Besides those who had held high rank in the Confederate military and civil service and those who had resigned positions in the service of the United States to enter the rebellion, and a few other classes, President Johnson excluded all who had voluntarily taken part in any capacity in the Confederate service and who were the owners of taxable property of the value of more than $20,000. Persons excluded from the benefits of the amnesty were allowed to make special application to the President, who promised that such clemency would be extended as appeared to be consistent with the facts of the case and the peace and dignity of the United States. By subsequent proclamations the President appointed provisional Governors for the States of North Carolina, Mississippi, Georgia, Alabama, South Carolina, and Florida, and directed them to call constitutional conventions in their respective States for the purpose of restoring the said States to their constitutional relations with the United States. The heads of the several executive departments were at the same time directed to put the laws of the United States into operation in these States, and the United States judges were required to open the courts and to proceed with the business on their dockets. President Johnson regarded the States of Virginia, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee as already reconstructed, and therefore provisional Governors were not appointed for those States. During the summer and autumn of 1865 conventions were held in all the States not yet reconstructed, except Texas; and when Congress assembled in December of that year they had all passed ordinances either ‘repealing’ the ordinances of secession or pronouncing them null and void ab initio; they had all abolished slavery by constitutional amendment; and with one or two exceptions all had passed ordinances repudiating State debts incurred in aid of the rebellion. They had, moreover, held elections for members of the Legislature, for State officers, and for members of Congress, and the Legislatures had met and with two or three exceptions had chosen United States Senators and ratified the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. When, therefore, Congress met in December, the President was able to inform that body that all the States except Texas, whose convention did not meet until March, 1860, “had been reconstructed and were ready to resume their places in the two branches of the National Legislature.”

Congress, however, did not accept the view of the President, but appointed a joint committee of nine Representatives and six Senators to inquire into the condition of the seceded States and to report by bill or otherwise whether any of them were entitled to representation in Congress. Pending the report of the committee and the action of Congress thereon, it was resolved that no member should be received into either House from any State lately in arms against the United States. The chief reason for the rejection of the President's plan was the character of the police legislation passed by several of the Southern

in the autumn of 1865. On account of the general demoralization of the freedmen after emancipation, together with their habits of improvidence and shiftlessness, all the Southern States passed stringent police measures to prevent disorder and pauperism among them. One of the chief objections urged against these laws was that in most cases they applied only to the negro race. In Mississippi, for instance, negroes were prohibited from renting or leasing land in incorporated towns and they were allowed to be competent witnesses only in cases at law in which they were parties. The Republicans in Congress professed to see in these measures an attempt to reënslave the freedmen of the South. In the meantime the Thirteenth Amendment, abolishing slavery, had secured the ratification of the requisite number of States and had been promulgated by the Secretary of State as the law of the land. In March, 1866, Congress passed the ../Civil Rights Bill/ (q.v.) conferring the rights of citizenship upon the freedmen. This act established complete equality in the enjoyment of civil rights for all citizens without respect to color or race. On March 27th President Johnson vetoed the bill, but early in April Congress passed it over his veto. About the same time Congress passed a measure to enlarge the powers of the ../Freedmen's Bureau/ (q.v.). It too was vetoed, and was not passed over the veto. In July another measure for the same purpose was passed, was vetoed by the President, and passed over his veto. In the meantime Congress was debating a proposition to amend the Constitution so as to place beyond the reach of any subsequent Congress the provisions of the Civil Rights Bill. In June the proposed amendment secured the necessary two-thirds majority of both Houses and was sent to the State Legislatures for ratification.

In the same month the Joint Committee on Reconstruction made its report declaring that the seceding States had deliberately abolished their State governments and Constitutions so far as these connected them with the Union, and were consequently disorganized communities; and that guarantees of future security should be required as an essential condition of restoration to normal relations with the Union. The committee recommended denial of representation to these communities until “sufficient guarantees were provided which would tend to secure the civil rights' of all citizens, temporary restoration of suffrage to those not guilty of participation in the rebellion, and the disqualification from office of at least a portion of those whose crimes have proved them to be the enemies of the Union and unworthy of public confidence.” During the period intervening between the report of the joint committee and the reassembling of Congress a riot had occurred between the white and black races in New Orleans, resulting in the death of 40 or 50 persons and the wounding of 160 others; and the President in the course of a journey to Chicago had used indiscreet language in his criticism of Congress. When Congress met in December, 1866, it made an unsuccessful effort to impeach the President, and then, in order that the President might be prevented from carrying out his policy of reconstruction, enacted a law requiring the new Congress, which contained a large majority opposed to the executive policy, to meet on March 4, 1867. Next it passed the

../Tenure of Office Act/ (q.v.) to limit the President's power of removal. It then passed acts establishing negro suffrage in the District of Columbia and in the Territories. Finally it practically deprived the President of his power of command over the army and vested it in General Grant, whose position was further made irremovable.

Meantime Congress was spurred on by the action of all the Southern States except Tennessee in rejecting by votes nearly or quite unanimous the proposed Fourteenth Amendment. It now took up the work of reconstruction in earnest, showed little or no disposition to yield to the views of the President, and in February passed an “Act to provide for the more efficient government of the seceded States,” assigning as a reason that “no legal State governments or adequate protection of life, liberty, or property existed in those States, and that it was necessary that peace and good order should be enforced in them until loyal and republican State governments could be legally established.” The bill was promptly vetoed by the President, and on the same day was passed over his veto. The act divided the ten seceding States into five military districts, as follows: (1) Virginia; (2) North and South Carolina; (3) Georgia, Florida, and Alabama; (4) Mississippi and Arkansas; (5) Louisiana and Texas. Each district was to be under the command of an army officer not below the rank of brigadier-general, appointed by the President, and charged with the duty of protecting all persons in their rights of person and property, of suppressing insurrection, disorder, and violence, either by military commission or through the local courts. In the meantime the existing civil governments were to be deemed as provisional only and subject to the authority of the United States. The act also contained provisions for the calling of a convention by the people of the State with a view to restoration in the Union. By a supplementary act passed March 19th by the new Congress, the voluntary action of the States was anticipated and the process of reconstruction hastened. This measure directed the district commanders to cause to be registered as voters all persons, without regard to race or color, not disqualified by participation in rebellion; to hold an election for delegates to a State convention; and if a majority of the registered voters were in favor of holding a convention, to call it together for the purpose of adopting a new constitution. As soon as the Constitution was ratified it was to be transmitted to Congress, and if it were approved by that body, the State was to be readmitted to representation in Congress. The President promptly vetoed the act, on the ground that some of its provisions were without constitutional warrant, that it purposed to disfranchise the great body of respectable whites, and that it conferred the suffrage on the mass of ignorant freedmen. With equal promptness the measure was passed over the executive veto. The President, despite his hostility to the act, at once appointed the district commanders, his first appointees being Generals Schofield, Sickles, Ord, Thomas, and Sheridan. These officers with military commands assumed control of their respective districts and immediately put into operation martial law. Orders were issued in every district for the regulation of various matters of private law and for the prevention of

against the blacks. Boards of registration were appointed in each county and the work of registering the new electorate was soon in full progress. In the early winter of 1867 elections were held in all the military districts, and by February, 1868, conventions were in session in every Southern State that had seceded from the Union. The Constitutions drafted by these bodies reflected the views of the delegates, a majority of whom in most instances were freedmen and Northern Republicans who had emigrated to the South after the war, and who came to be called in derision ‘carpetbaggers.’ The constitutions drafted by them provided equality in civil rights and in some cases undertook to secure social advantages for the blacks. They established negro suffrage and in most cases disfranchised those whites whom the proposed Fourteenth Amendment would disqualify from holding office. In several States those who had violated the rules of civilized warfare or had voted for secession were likewise disfranchised. Everywhere except in Mississippi, Texas, and Virginia reconstruction constitutions were promptly ratified by the new electorates. In Mississippi, on account of several provisions of a proscriptive character in the new Constitution, a determined and systematic campaign was undertaken by the whites for the purpose of defeating ratification. By the aid of a considerable proportion of the colored voters they were successful, and the State was left to continue for a while longer under military rule. In Texas and Virginia the obnoxious features of the constitutions created such strong opposition that the reconstructionists were induced to delay indefinitely the submission of those instruments and these States likewise continued under military rule. In the other States, the constitutions having been duly ratified and the Fourteenth Amendment adopted by the newly constituted Legislatures, Congress on June 22, 1868, readmitted Arkansas into the Union, and on June 25th Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Alabama, and Louisiana. The Fourteenth Amendment was also declared by the Secretary of State to have been adopted by the requisite number of States and was accordingly promulgated as a part of the Constitution. In the meantime the Georgia Legislature had rejected the negro members elect to that body, and the United States Senate thereupon refused admission to the Senators from that State after the act of June 25th had declared the State reconstructed. Thus at the time of the accession of General Grant (1868) to the Presidency four of the States were still unrestored to their full places in the Union. He at once recommended to Congress the submission of the constitutions of Virginia and Mississippi to the people in such a manner as to enable them to vote separately upon the obnoxious provisions. Congress acted upon the President's recommendation and the constitutions were promptly ratified without the objectionable clauses. By the same act Congress authorized the President to submit the Constitution of Texas to the voters, which was done and it, too, was ratified. In the cases of these three States, however, Congress imposed an additional condition which had not been required of the other reconstructed States, namely, the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment. In January, February, and March, 1870, respectively, Virginia, Mississippi, and Texas were restored to

their full positions in the Union, but subject to certain conditions which to some extent impaired their equality with the original States. Finally, after being twice reconstructed, Georgia complied with the new conditions imposed by Congress, and by an act of June 24, 1870, was again restored to her place in the Union and military government was withdrawn.

From the technical point of view reconstruction was now complete, but the consequences of what has come to be generally recognized as a mistaken policy were destined during the ensuing years to be far-reaching in their effects upon the reconstructed States. As a result of the disfranchisement of large classes of whites and the enfranchisement of the negro race, which outnumbered the whites in some of the Southern States, the local and commonwealth governments fell into the hands of unscrupulous adventurers from the North and West, who controlled the colored vote and excluded the native whites from participation in the administration of the government. Negroes who but a few years earlier were in slavery now filled up the Legislatures, held many of the executive offices, many of the minor judicial positions, and in some cases occupied seats on the benches of the higher courts. An era of extravagance, amounting to outright plunder in some States, now set in. Legislative sessions were frequent and long drawn out, the members voting themselves a large per diem as compensation for their services. Bulky codes were enacted and numerous offices, amounting to sinecures in many cases, were created for the benefit of the ‘carpetbaggers,’ who now came in great numbers to the South. The rate of taxation everywhere was increased out of all proportion to the ability of the people to pay in their then impoverished condition. In Mississippi the rate rose from one mill on the dollar to fourteen, and resulted in the confiscation of one-sixth of the entire land of the State for non-payment of taxes. In most of the States large debts were created for projected improvements, many of which were never carried out. In Louisiana and South Carolina a wholesale system of plunder was inaugurated. In the latter State the public debt was increased from $5,000,000 in 1868 to $18,000,000 in 1872, with little to show for it. The tax levy of $500,000 a year was raised to $2,000,000, although the value of taxable property had decreased from $400,000,000 to $200,000,000. Soon disorders began to arise in all the Southern States, and presently the ../Ku-Klux Klan/ (q.v.) was organized to terrorize the negroes and exclude them from the enjoyment of their newly acquired political rights. The disorder became so great that Congress was called upon to take action to preserve order and protect the blacks. By the so-called Enforcement Act of 1870 the Federal courts were given jurisdiction of a series of offenses committed with the intention of denying equal rights to any citizen of the United States. The Federal district attorneys now bestirred themselves throughout the South, and many indictments were found under the act, but few convictions followed. In the following year Congress passed the so-called Ku-Klux Act, which authorized the President to suspend the writ of habeas corpus and employ military force for the suppression of violence in any community. Acts were also passed providing for Federal supervision of elections, and

finally, in 1875, an act was passed to secure equality of treatment to negroes in theatres, railway cars, hotels, and other public places. This act, however, as well as the chief provision of the Ku-Klux Act, was declared by the Supreme Court to be unconstitutional, not being within the power of Congress. As the extravagance and corruption of the carpetbag governments increased, the determination of the whites to regain control of affairs became fixed. The withdrawal of the military forces from the South left the reconstruction governments without power to maintain themselves. Already by 1870 North Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Georgia, and Virginia had been ‘reclaimed’ from the Republicans. Meantime the wholesale removal of political disabilities by Congress restored to public life many old and respected citizens of the South. This, together with the division of the Southern Republicans into conservative and radical wings, the former coalescing with the Democrats, made possible Democratic success. In 1874 Alabama and Arkansas went Democratic, and the carpetbag governments in those States came to an end. In the following year a great campaign was waged in Mississippi not unaccompanied by violence, intimidation, and even riots, but which resulted in the defeat of the Republicans. The ‘Mississippi plan’ was applied with success, in 1876, to the three remaining States of Louisiana, South Carolina, and Florida. The ‘redemption’ of the Southern States was now complete, and was followed by a general emigration of the ‘carpetbaggers’ to the States of the North and West. The subsequent virtual disfranchisement of the negro race in the South marks the final recession from the status established by the process of reconstruction.

Consult: Dunning, Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction (New York, 1898); Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution (New York, 1902); Andrews, The United States During the Last Quarter of a Century (New York, 1896, 2 vols.); Scott, Reconstruction in Civil War (Boston, 1895); McPherson, Political History of the Rebellion (Washington, 1864); id., Political History of Reconstruction (Washington, 1871); Herbert, Why the Solid South? (Baltimore, 1890); Cox, Three Decades of Federal Legislation; McCarthy, Lincoln's Plan of Reconstruction (New York, 1901); Blaine, Twenty Years in Congress (Norwich, Conn., 1884). Consult also a series of excellent articles in the Atlantic Monthly, vols. lxxxvii and lxxxviii.


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Sanborn, Franklin Benjamin

SAN′BORN, (1831—). An American journalist and social reformer, born at Hampton Falls, N. H. He was graduated at Harvard in 1855, and in 1856 was made secretary of the Massachusetts Kansas Committee, which led to his knowledge of John Brown, with whose fame he was closely connected. Later he was active in the Massachusetts State Board of Charity, of which he was secretary (1863-68) and chairman (1874-76). He reformed the Tewksbury Almshouse, aided in founding the Massachusetts Infant Asylum and the Clark Institution for Deaf Mutes, and in ameliorating the treatment of the insane. In 1879 he was made inspector of charities. He was also active in the organization of the American Social Science Association, of which he became (1873) chief secretary, and he aided in establishing the Concord Summer School of Philosophy (1879). For several years, beginning with 1868, he was editorially connected with the Springfield Republican. He wrote Lives of Thoreau (1882), of John Brown (1885), his most important book, of A. Bronson Alcott, Emerson, and Dr. S. E. Howe; and edited William E. Channing's Wanderer (1871); Bronson Alcott's Sonnets and Canzonettes (1882); his New Connecticut (1886); and for a time The Journal of Social Science. A brief study of Emerson appeared in the Beacon Biographies (1901); and later he edited essays of Thoreau and poems by W. E. Channing the younger.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: Talk:Executive Order 6668

title: Talk:Executive Order 6668


text:
Executive Order 6668

Veterans Regulation No. 1 (e) Entitlement to Pension

By virtue of the authority vested in me under sections 1 and 4 of title I of the act entitled “An act to maintain the credit of the United States Government”, approved March 20, 1933 (Public No. 2, 73d Congress), the following regulation amending Veterans Regulation No. 1(d) is hereby prescribed:

 Veterans Regulation No. 1(d) is hereby cancelled effective March 28, 1934.  Franklin D. Roosevelt The White House, April 6, 1934. [Filed 4–??–34; 8:45 am]

title: Executive Order 6668


text: Talk:Executive Order 6669

title: Talk:Executive Order 6669


text:
Executive Order 6669

Veterans Regulation No. 12 (b) Presumption of Entitlement to Pensions for Spanish-War Veterans and Certain Widows, Children and Dependent Parents of Deceased World War Veterans

By virtue of the authority vested in me under sections 1 and 4 of title I of the act entitled “An act to maintain the credit of the United States Government”, approved March 20, 1933 (Public No. 2, 73d Congress), the following regulation amending Veterans Regulation No. 12(a) is hereby prescribed:

 Veterans Regulation No. 12(a) is hereby cancelled effective March 28, 1934.  Franklin D. Roosevelt The White House, April 6, 1934. [Filed 4–??–34; 8:45 am]

title: Executive Order 6669


text:
Executive Order 8017

Revocation of Executive Order No. 6672 of April 7, 1934, Withdrawing Public Lands Wyoming

By virtue of and pursuant to the authority vested in me by the act of June 25, 1910, ch. 421, 36 Stat. 847, as amended by the act of August 24, 1912, ch. 369, 37 Stat. 497, Executive Order No. 6672 of April 7, 1934, withdrawing public lands in Wyoming pending a resurvey, is hereby revoked. This order shall become effective upon the date of the official filing of the plat of the resurvey of the lands involved.

Franklin D. Roosevelt The White House, December 2, 1938. [Filed 12–??–38; 8:45 am]

title: Executive Order 8017


text: Template:Font lang

title: Template:Font lang


text:
Template:Font lang/doc

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This template creates a font element with the "lang" and "xml:lang" attributes.

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title: Template:Font lang/doc


text: Translation:2 Esdras

title: Translation:2 Esdras


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monck, Christopher


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monck, Mary


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monck, Nicholas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monckton, Mary


text:
Executive Order 7454

Revocation of Executive Orders Nos. 6671 and 6781 of April 7, 1934, and June 30, 1934, Respectively, Withdrawing Public Lands Arizona

By virtue of and pursuant to the authority vested in me by the act of June 25, 1910, ch. 421, 36 Stat. 847, as amended by the act of August 24, 1912, ch. 369, 37 Stat. 497, Executive Orders Nos. 6671 and 6781 of April 7, 1934, and June 30, 1934, respectively, withdrawing public lands in T. 12 N., R. 3 E., and T. 18 N., R. 5 W. of the Gila and Salt River meridian, Arizona, respectively, pending resurvey, are hereby revoked. This order shall become effective upon the date of the official filing of the plats of resurvey of said townships.

Franklin D. Roosevelt The White House, September 23, 1936. [Filed 9–??–36; 8:45 am]

title: Executive Order 7454


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monckton, Philip


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monckton, Robert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moncreiff, Henry (1750-1827)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moncreiff, Henry Wellwood


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moncreiff, James Wellwood


text:
Executive Order 6781

Withdrawal of Public Lands for Resurvey Arizona

By virtue of and pursuant to the authority vested in me by the act of June 25, 1910 (ch. 421, 36 Stat. 847), as amended by the act of August 24, 1912 (ch. 369, 37 Stat. 497), and subject to the conditions therein expressed and to valid existing rights, it is ordered that the public lands in township 18 north, range 5 west of the Gila and Salt River meridian, Arizona, be, and they are hereby, temporarily withdrawn from settlement, location, sale, or entry, pending a resurvey of said township under the act of March 3, 1909 (ch. 271, 35 Stat. 845). This order shall continue in full force and effect unless and until revoked by the President or by act of Congress.

Franklin D. Roosevelt The White House, June 30, 1934. [Filed 8–3–34; 8:45 am]

title: Executive Order 6781


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moncrieff, Alexander


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moncrieff, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moncrieff, William Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mo-nennius


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Money, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mongrédien, Augustus


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monk, Richard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monk, William Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monmouth, John de


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Monnoyer, Jean Baptiste


text:
Page:Confederate Veteran volume 31.djvu/39

 Qopfederat^ l/eterai). contract," which was most amazing news to the average delegate on either side, and which would have seemed to make the entire debate unnecessary. There was no time to consult a lawyer on this legal point. The ayes and nays were called for, and a roll call was had. The ayes were declared in a majority, and so the action at St. Louis was ratified. Official information on the subject will doubtless be furnished every State President. Historical Evening. Brief mention has been made of the Historian General's address and report, but gives no adequate idea of this most interesting and far-reaching feature of our work. The general plan of study issued by the Historian General and published in the Veteran through the year had been carried out suc- cessfully in nearly every State Division, and the prizes awarded Chapters, adults, and children showed a fine diver- sity that speaks well for the awakened interest in history and literature, and is an encouragement to Southern writers to persevere until they obtain the recognition from publishers and the general public to which they are entitled. Children of the Confederacy. Under the leadership of Mrs. W. E. Massey, Third Vice President General, the organization of Children's Chapters has made splendid progress, and the work of these Chapters was evidenced in the State Presidents' reports, showing a marked progress that argues well for the future. The award of merit to the State Director reporting the largest number of children registered was won by North Carolina, with Texas second. The Florence Goalder Farris medal, offered for the best essay on "The Orphan Brigade of Kentucky," was won by a North Carolina boy, with a Texas boy receiving "hon- orable mention." So the Old North State and the Lone Star State were in friendly but close rivalry on two counts. Southern Women in War Times. The book, "Southern Women in War Times," was reported by the committee in charge as very popular where known, but not receiving as great publicity or sale as it should. At St. Louis, in 1921, the U. D. C. pledged themselves to sell ten thousand copies, believing this would be a most effective way to let the world know of the patriotism and heroism of the women of the South. Could we pay higher tribute to the memory of our mol hers than to help in this distribution? We were urged to place the book in libraries and use for Christ- mas gifts. Memorial. Memorial Hour, in charge of Mrs. Hyde, of Tennessee, with many "special memorials," by speakers and writers of ability, and with appropriate music beautifully rendered, was a sacred hour appealing to all hearts, for to most of us the entire work of the United Daughters of the Confederacy is a me- morial to father or mother. The list grows longer each year, the names of many dear coworker receiving the tributes of love and tears. "They have reached a fairer region Far away, far away. " The Arlington Amphitheater. The Arlington Amphiteater controversy still hangs fire, but is in the hands of a diplomatic committee who hope to achieve results. War Records Committee and Insignia for Confeder- ate Descendants in World War. Mrs. J. A. Rountree, Chairman of War Records Committee and Insignia for Confederate Descendants in the World War, reported splendidly progressive work. The design for the insignia to be awarded World War soldiers of Confederate lineage, was adopted, and several thousand will be made, the plan of bestowal to be decided later. On the very attractive programs issued appeared a session to be held in the White House at Montgomery. Several chairmen were in a flutter of anticipation that they should be permitted to make their reports in such a historic place. The "powers that be" ruled that such session would be uncon- stitutional, as well as consuming too much time from business, so it was abandoned. The hospitable Daughters of Alabama, however arranged an excursion to Montgomery after the con- ventioned closed, of which many took advantage. With social courtesies — official, unofficial, and general in their nature — Birmingham kept open house. A most enjoyable feature, which was inaugurated in St. Louis, was carried out most elaborately in Birmingham — that of a groups of local worm n being luncheon hostesses for each State. This plan is most excellent as well as enjoyable, and bids fair to become a regu- lar custom. Also, the inauguration of a State Presidents' dinner, sug- gested by the capable little President of Alabama. Mrs. Huey, is a splendid "get-acquainted-carly " move, and will doubt- less be a regular feature in the future. The President General was guest of honor, as was Mrs. Cornelia Branch Stone, and a few distinguished Alabamians. A unique feature was the presentation of a wonderful cake to Mrs. Schuyler, the artistic maker of which stated that the pan had been used but once before, to make a cake for President Wilson. She had never in- tended it to be used again, but the ability of Mrs. Schuyler had so impressed her that she had requested permission to bake one for her. The decorations were the three official flags of the Confederacy and the insignia of the United Daughters of the Confederacy, all perfectly reproduced in color, unique, artis- tic, and a tribute worthily bestowed and applauded bj the whole convention when it was exhibited. Prizes Awarded on Historical Evening. The Raines Banner went to the North Carolina Division for the largest collection of papers and historical records. The Rose Loving Cup, for the best essay on Sidney Lanier, was awarded to Mrs. Nellie C. Ellerbcc, of South Carolina. The Anna Robinson Andrews Medal, for best review of the book, "Women of the South in War Times," went to Miss Marion Jones, of South Carolina. The Mildred Rutherford Medal was awarded to the Colo- rado Division, and the Roberts Medal to Miss Bonnie Eloise Mauney, of North Carolina. The Hyde Medal was awarded to Miss Ruby S. Thorn- berry, of Florida, for best essay on "The Alabama." The Orren Randolph Smith Medal was won by Miss Be- atrice Van Court Mcegan, Washington, D. C, for best essay on "The Causes of Secession." The Leonora St. George Rogers Schuyler prize was award- ed to Miss Edith Pope, of Tennessee, for best essay on "Lee at Lexington." The Carter Prize was won by the Georgia Division. The $75 Prize given by Mrs. Sanford C. Hunt, Presi- dent of the Mississippi Division, to the State sending in the greatest number of new members, was won by the Georgia Division. As this prize was not listed, it was not presented on Historical Evening, but later privately.


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Page:Goddard papers - walcottjan51917.djvu/1

 January 5, 1917.

Dear Sir:

Referring to your letter of October 19, 1916, and to the manuscript and patent specifications accompanying the letter of December 4, 1916, which are returned separately, I have submitted your proposals and data to a committee consisting of Dr. C. G. Abbot of this Institution and Dr. E. Buckingham of the Bureau of Standards for report with recommendations. Both gentlemen having verified the soundness of your theoretical work, the accuracy of the numerical data, and being favorably impressed with the ingenuity of your mechanical and experimental dispositions, the clearness of your exposition, and recognizing the value of that which is proposed, they concur in recommending support on the part of the Institution.

I, therefore, have pleasure in approving a grant to you of $5,000.00 from the Hodgkins Fund, to be used for the purposes described in your letter of October 19, 1916. You will report yearly, or oftener if notable progress is made,


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2 detailing results reached. Messrs. Abbot and Buckingham will continue to act as a committee for the Institution on the matter, and you will communicate directly to them any details on which you may like to consult.

I am enclosing herewith a voucher and check to your order for $1,000.00, as the first payment on account of the above-named grant. It is not expected, of course, that you will submit receipts for every small item of expenditure, but a list of expenditures should be submitted from time to time, to be accompanied, where it is practicable, by receipted bills. Should a larger payment at this time be necessary to carry on the work, will you be good enough to so advise me. I should also be glad, when future payments are required, if you will notify me a few days in advance.

With best wishes for complete success in your interesting and valuable investigation, I am,

C. D. Walcott Secretary.

Professor Robert H. Goddard,

Clark College,

Worcester, Mass.


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User talk:201.95.94.41

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Page:For the Liberty of Texas.djvu/141

the boys at the ranch the days passed impatiently enough. But few settlers came that way, so that they were cut off almost entirely from communication with the outside world.

The puma skin had been brought in and cared for, and now they turned their attention to getting ready for the winter, which was close at hand.

One day, unable to stand it longer, Dan rode down to Gonzales for the news. He found the town bubbling over with joy because of the victory at Concepcion.

"They can't stand up against our men," said the storekeeper who was talking to Dan. "The Texans are brave and nearly all good shots, and they are fighting for their homes. The greasers, on the other hand, are lazy and unreliable, paid to do what they are doing, and consequently think of nothing but saving their own skin."

"Oh, I reckon some of them are patriotic enough," answered Dan. "But they are in the minority."

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130 "How can they be patriotic, and follow such a man as Santa Anna, who is continually leading all Mexico by the nose? No, they are doing it for the pay, and nothing else."

At the post-office Dan found a brief letter from his father, stating that he was well, and that if no more fighting came off in the near future he would come home on a short visit. So far there had been no regular enlistments in the Texan army, and volunteers came and went pretty much as they pleased.

From the storekeeper Dan learned that several bands of Indians had been seen in the vicinity, moving to the west and north. Some were Comanches, and others friendly Caddos.

"Well, I don't mind the Caddos," thought the boy, "but I don't want to fall in with any more Comanches."

He had thought to go home that afternoon, or evening, as it is called in Texas, but, after learning about the Indians, resolved to remain in Gonzales all night and make the journey the first thing in the morning.

On the outskirts of Gonzales was the farm belonging to Henry Parker's father, and thither he went, satisfied that he would be sure of a warm welcome. He found Henry at home, and also Mrs. Parker, Mr. Parker being away on business.

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Rh "Why, of course you must stay," said Mrs. Parker. "I am glad to have company."

The balance of the day passed pleasantly, and after supper the young man and Dan took a stroll up into the town to learn if any later news had come in.

They had just gained the main street of the town when Dan saw before him a figure that looked familiar. He quickened his pace, and soon ranged up alongside of the man, who proved to be the half-breed, Hank Stiger.

Stiger was partly under the influence of liquor, or otherwise he would not have shown himself in Gonzales at that time, when the Indian raid was still fresh in the settlers minds. He glared angrily at Dan when he saw the boy.

"Stiger, I want to have a talk with you," said Dan, with more firmness than is usual in one of his age.

"What you want now?" demanded the halfbreed.

"I want to know what you have done with my father's papers."

"What papers do you mean?"

"The papers you stole from my father's cabin while we were out after the Indians."

"I was not near your house—I took no papers!' cried the half-breed, fiercely. "Who says so tells a lie."

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132 "I know you did take them, and unless you give them up I will have you placed under arrest."

"Ha! don't you talk to Hank Stiger that way, or you will be sorry for it." The half-breed's hand stole under his coat, and he showed the handle of his hunting-knife. "Do you see dat?"

Dan sprang back, for he knew how treacherous the man before him could be. But now Henry Parker stepped up.

"None of that, Stiger," he said, sharply, and placed his hand on the handle of the pistol he carried in his belt.

"He wants to make trouble for me. He says I stole some papers," growled Hank Stiger, sullenly.

"And I guess he is right, too," returned Henry. "If I understand the matter, he has proof against you."

"Ha! did Big Foot tell—" Stiger broke off short, realising that he was exposing himself.

"Yes, Big Foot told me everything," said Dan. "And you must give up those papers, or take the consequence."

Hank Stiger's face grew as dark as a thunder cloud.

"I'll pay off that Injun for it!" he cried. "I knew he wasn't to be trusted, the skunk! But I ain't got no papers, never had 'em! This is a put-up job to get squar' on account o' that deer," he

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Rh continued, trying to change the subject. "You got the deer, what more do you want?"

"I am not talking deer now,—I am asking for those papers,—and the other things which were stolen," resumed Dan, doggedly. "What have you done with them?

"Find out fer yourself!" growled Hank Stiger, and turning swiftly, he started on a run for the nearest corner.

"Stop! or I'll fire!" cried Henry Parker, as he drew his pistol, but before he could make up his mind whether or not he had a right to fire on the half-breed, Stiger was out of sight. Dan ran after him, and his friend joined in the chase.

Stiger's course was toward the river, and having reached this, he leaped into a canoe which was handy and began to paddle with all speed for the opposite shore. A large lumber-raft was lying in midstream, and this he kept as much as possible between himself and his pursuers.

"He's bound to get away if he can," observed Henry, as the pair gained the bank of the Guadalupe almost out of breath.

"Here is another canoe—let us follow him in that," replied Dan.

Henry was willing, and they were soon on the river. Dan could paddle well, and they made rapid progress around the raft and in the direction Hank Stiger was taking.

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134 Reaching the opposite shore at a point some distance below Gonzales, the half-breed leaped into the bushes and made his way to a pine grove farther away from the bank. The pursuers followed him to the point of embarkation with ease, but here came to a halt.

"If it wasn't so dark we might follow his trail," observed Henry. "But I can't see a thing under the trees."

"Here it is," came from Dan, who was on his hands and knees. "He went into the pines. I'm going a bit farther," and he stalked off. Henry remained behind to fasten the canoe, that the current might not carry the craft off.

Dan had scarcely come up to the first row of pines when he saw something moving over to his left. Satisfied that it was Stiger, he sped in the direction. The half-breed saw him, and ran on.

"I've spotted him!" cried Dan to his friend. "Come on!"

"All right, I'm coming!" answered Henry.

On through the tall pines ran pursued and pursuers, until nearly quarter of a mile had been covered. Dan was in front, with Henry close behind.

"You are fools to follow me here!" roared Hank Stiger, as he came to a halt. "Take that for your foolishness."

"Hide! he is going to fire!" exclaimed Dan,

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Rh but before either he or his friend could gain any shelter Hank Stiger discharged a pistol which he carried. The bullet missed Dan, but struck Henry Parker across the temple, and the young man went down, stunned and unconscious.

The unexpected turn of affairs made Dan's heart leap into his throat, and he felt how imprudent both had been to thus expose themselves in such an out of the way spot to a man in Stiger's condition. He drew his own pistol, but the half-breed knew enough to dart out of sight behind a thick clump of bushes.

"Henry, are you badly hurt?" questioned the boy, anxiously, but no reply came back, and running to Parker, he found the young man flat on his back and as still as death.

Never had Dan felt so badly as at this moment, for if his friend was dead he felt that he would be more or less responsible for the murder.

He bent down and made a closer examination, and as he did this Henry gave a deep shudder and opened his eyes for an instant.

"Thank God, he is alive!" burst from Dan's lips. Then, noticing the blood trickling from Henry's temple, he bound up the young man's forehead with his handkerchief.

In the meantime, Hank Stiger was making a détour, expecting to come up behind Dan and surprise him. He had drank just enough to be utterly

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 average height of 13,000 ft. The connexion of this system with that of the Rocky Mountains, which has been pointed out by many writers, has received much support from the discovery of the extensive eruptions of granite during Tertiary times, extending from the southern extremity of South America to Alaska. The Andean range is composed of two great principal chains with a deep intermediate depression, in which, and at the sides of the great chains, arise other chains of minor importance, the chief of which is that called the Cordillera de la Costa of Chile. This starts from the southern extremity of the continent, and runs in a northerly direction, parallel with the coast, being broken up at its beginning into a number of islands, and afterwards forming the western boundary of the great central valley of Chile. To the north this coastal chain continues in small ridges or isolated hills along the Pacific as far as Colombia, always leaving the same valley more or less visible to the west of the western great chain.

Of the two principal chains the eastern is generally called Los Andes, and the western La Cordillera, in Colombia, Peru and Bolivia, where the eastern is likewise known as Cordillera Real de los Andes, while to the south of parallel 23° S. lat. in Chile and Argentina, the western is called Cordillera de Los Andes. The eastern disappears in the centre of Argentina, and it is therefore only the Cordillera de los Andes that is prolonged as far as the south-eastern extremity of the continent. The Cordillera de la Costa begins near Cape Horn, which is composed principally of crystalline rocks, and its heights are inconsiderable when compared with those of the true Cordillera of the Andes. The latter, as regards its main chain, is on the northern coast of the Beagle Channel, in Tierra del Fuego, bounded on the north by the deep depression of Lake Fagnano and of Admiralty Sound. Staten Island appears to be the termination to the east. The Cordillera of the Andes in Tierra del Fuego is formed of crystalline schists, and culminates in the snow-capped peaks of Mount Darwin and Mount Sarmiento (7200 ft.), which contains glaciers of greater extent than those of Mont Blanc. The extent of the glaciers is considerable in this region, which, geographically, is more complex than was formerly supposed. Although, in the explored portion of the Fuegian chain, the volcanoes which have been mentioned from time to time have not been met with, there seem to have existed to the south, on the islands, many neo-volcanic rocks, some of which appear to be contemporaneous with the basaltic sheet that covers a part of eastern Patagonia. The insular region between Mount Sarmiento and the Cordillera de los Andes, properly so called, i.e. that which extends from Magellan Strait northwards, is not fully explored, and all that is known of it is that it is principally composed of the same rocks as the Fuegian section, and that the greater part of its upper valleys is occupied by glaciers that reach down to the sea amid dense forest.

As Admiralty Sound and Lake Fagnano bound the Cordillera to the north in Tierra del Fuego, so at the eastern side of the Cordillera in the southernmost part of the continent there is a longitudinal depression which separates the Andes from some independent ridges pertaining to a secondary parallel broken chain called the pre-Cordillera. This depression is occupied in great part by a series of lakes, some of these filling transversal breaches in the range, whilst others are remains of glacial reservoirs, bordered by morainic dams, extending as far as the eastern tableland and corresponding in these cases with transversal depressions which reach the Atlantic Ocean. Between the larger lakes, fed by the Andine glaciers of the eastern slope of the Southern Andes, are Lakes Maravilla, 100 sq. m., and Sarmiento, 26 sq. m., 51° S. lat., which overflow into Last Hope Inlet; Argentino, 570 sq. m., 50° S. lat.; and Viedma, 450 sq. m., 49° 30′ S. lat., which empty into the river Santa Cruz; the fjordian Lake San Martin, 49° S. lat., and Lakes Nansen, 18 sq. m.; Azara, 8 sq. m.; and Belgrano, 18 sq. m., which are dependents of Lake San Martin (380 sq. m.), and Lakes Pueyrredon (98 sq. m.) and Buenos Aires (700 sq. m.), which now overflow into the Pacific, through one of the remarkable inlets that are found throughout the Cordillera, the Calen Inlet, which is the largest western fjord of Patagonia. To the north of Lake Buenos Aires there is Lake Elizalde, which, while situated on the eastern slope, sends its waters to the Pacific Ocean, and Lakes Fontana (30 sq. m.) and La Plata (34 sq. m.), 45° S. lat., which feed the river Senguerr, which flows to the Atlantic. Lake General Paz (66 sq. m.) on the eastern slope of the Andes, at 44° S. lat., is the principal source of the Palena river, which cuts all the Cordillera, while Lakes Fetalauquen (20 sq. m.) Menendez (28 sq. m.), Rivadavia (10 sq. m.), and other smaller lakes, also situated between 43° 30′, and 42° 30′ S. lat. on the eastern slope send their waters to the Pacific by the river Fetaleufu which cuts through the Andes by a narrow gorge. The waters of Lake Puelo (18 sq. m.) likewise flow into the same ocean through the river of that name, which also cuts the Cordillera, and of which the principal affluent likewise drains the waters of a system of small lakes, the largest of which, Lake Mascardi, measures 17 sq. m., which in comparatively recent times formed part of the basin of Lake Nahuel-Huapi (207 sq. m.), 41° S. lat. An extensive area of glacial deposits shows that a sheet of ice formerly covered the whole eastern slope to a great distance from the mountains. To the west another sheet reached at the same time the Pacific Ocean.

From the Strait of Magellan up to 52° S. lat., the western slope of the Cordillera does not, properly speaking, exist. Abrupt walls overlook the Pacific, and great longitudinal and transversal channels and fjords run right through the heart of the range, cutting it generally in a direction more or less oblique to its axis, the result of movements of the earth’s crust.

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136 reckless, and carried his pistol in his hand ready for another shot.

Providence saved Dan from the anticipated attack. While Stiger was still two rods off, the boy happened to turn and catch sight of him. His pistol was still in his hand, and, without stopping to think twice, he fired on the half-breed.

The effect of the shot was curious, and the feat performed would be hard to duplicate. The bullet from Dan's pistol struck the hammer of Stiger's weapon, and while the pistol exploded and the ball sank into the ground, the hammer was knocked off and hit the half-breed in the cheek, inflicting an ugly wound. The bullet itself, having hit the hammer, glanced downward and lodged in Stiger's leg, close to his half-bent knee. The man gave a howl of pain and then fell flat.

In a moment Dan was ready for a second shot, but it was not needed. Stiger's pistol was now useless, and as he could not stand up, because of the intense pain in his knee, handling his knife was out of the question. As he sat up, the boy faced him sternly.

"Up with your hands, Stiger," he said, sternly; and the hands went up, and Dan was master of the situation.

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320 M. Oppert had now become the chief representative of cuneiform studies upon the Continent. His essays on the Persian column of the inscriptions (1851-2), evinced a (*omplete mastery of the subject and consider- able independence in the treatment of doubtful passages. The reputation he had earned led to his being attached to the French scientific expedition to Babylonia. On his return he undertook to write an account of the expedition, and his second volume, which made its appearance in 1859, contains an elaborate account of the work of decipherment.^ Although the book is chiefly ('oncerned with Assyrian, he has given a Sylla- barium of the Median, with the object chieily of com- paring it with the Babylonian and Assyrian systems of writing.- The great importance resulting from such a comparison now becomes apparent. The values of the Assyrian signs were already ascertained in a large number of cases, and it was recognised that, with some exceptions, the similar sign in Median generally ex- pressed the same value. The principle was also definitely admitted that each sign has only one value,^and that an independent sign may be looked for to express the com- bination of the vowels a, i and u before and after each of the principal consonants, Z", p, t, m, r, / and 5, and therefore we may expect a sign for eac^li of such forms as /'a, /./, /iVA, a/', U\ ulx\ and so on. The application

' Kq}rflition i^cvmtifif/i/c en Mesopotamia (18.')l-4), par Jules Oppert, vol. ii. Paris, 1859.

- M. Oppert cauiiot always be taken seriously where his own claims are concerned. Writing in 18.")0, he says of the Median : * Tons nos devanciers, y compris M. Norris, Tont ])rise pour une ocritun* distincte de celle des Assyriens' (p. 71). Leaving out of account Xorris's identification of 47 of the characters, l)e Saulcy had pronounced them to be * identical' in 1848. Oppert now compares 07 Median signs and 8 ideograms with both Babylonian and Assyrian groups.

^ M)eux caraeteres n'expriment jamais le meme son/ p. 35. *Les mem»*s sons syllabiques sont toujours attaches au meme signe,' p. 77.


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 O'MAOLMHUAIDH, FRANCIS (fl. 1660), theologian and grammarian. [See .]

O'MEARA, BARRY EDWARD (1786–1836), surgeon to Napoleon I, born in Ireland in 1786, was the son of Jeremiah O'Meara, a 'member of the legal profession,' by Miss Murphy, sister of Edmund Murphy, M.A., of Trinity College, Dublin, and rector of Tartaraghan, co. Armagh. He is supposed to have been a descendant of the Irish medical family, of which [q. v.] was a member (cf., Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland, p. 6). The statement has been repeated that he was educated at Trinity College, and at the Royal College of Surgeons, in Dublin; but his name is not borne upon the registers of either society, and it is more probable that he studied surgery in London. He entered the army in 804 as assistant-surgeon to the 62nd regiment, served with it in Sicily and Calabria, and in General Fraser's expedition to Egypt in 1807, and was senior medical officer to the troops which held the fortress of Scylla. After the conclusion of the expedition of 1807, he was second in a bloodless duel at Messina in Sicily between two military officers, one of whom was O'Meara's old schoolfellow; and owing to the intervention of Lieutenant-colonel Sir John Stuart, who was resolved to suppress the practice of duelling, O'Meara and his principal, who was the challenger, were both ordered to leave the service. Subsequently O'Meara became assistant-surgeon on board H.M.S. Victorious (Captain Sir John Talbot), and later was surgeon successively on board the Espiègle, the Goliath, and the Bellerophon when it received Napoleon in 1816. In both the Goliath and the Bellerophon he served under Captain Maitland [see ], who spoke highly of him. During the passage from Rochefort to Plymouth Bonaparte was attracted by his power of speaking Italian, and, when his own surgeon, Mengeaud, declined to follow him into exile, he asked that O'Meara should be allowed to accompany him to St. Helena as his medical attendant. The admiralty readily permitted him to join the emperor. Napoleon seems to have felt little confidence in his medical skill, but treated him with greater friendliness than was agreeable to Montholon, Las Cases, and other members of his suite.

O'Meara had foreseen that his position might become delicate and difficult. Lowe wished him to act to some extent as a spy upon his prisoner, and to repeat to him the private conversations of the emperor. He recommended that O'Meara's stipend should be raised from 366l. to 520l. per annum, and for some time their relations were cordial. But Lowe soon detected O'Meara in several irregularities, for which he reprimanded him with asperity. O'Meara retaliated by withholding his reports of Napoleon's conversations. The breach rapidly widened, and O'Meara lent himself with increasing readiness to Napoleon's policy of exasperation. Lowe asked the government to recall O'Meara. Lord Bathurst at first declined, but in May 1818 evidence of O'Meara's intrigues reached him from a source other than the governor's despatches, and in July O'Meara was dismissed from his post. He carried with him from the island an autograph note from Napoleon, dated 25 July 1818, which ran: 'Je prie mes parens et mes amis de croire tout ce que le docteur O'Meara leur dira relativement à la position où je me trouve et aux sentimens que je conserve. S'il voit ma bonne Louise, je la prie de permettre qu'il lui baise la main.' Upon his arrival in England he despatched, on 28 Oct. 1818, a letter to the admiralty, insinuating that Napoleon's life was not safe in Lowe's hands. The admiralty, by way of reply, informed O'Meara on 2 Nov. that his name had been erased from the list of naval surgeons. There seems no doubt that his conduct throughout was that of an indiscreet partisan, or rather puppet, of Napoleon; and his diagnosis of his patient's case as one of liver disease induced by the malignity of the climate was falsified by Napoleon's subsequent death from a disease which is not affected by climate (, Napoleon's Last Illness).

O'Meara's attitude rendered him extremely popular with a large party in England, and Byron, in his 'Age of Bronze,' thus mentioned the incident of his dismissal:

O'Meara subsequently attached himself to the opposition, and espoused the cause of Queen Caroline. Moore the poet, writing in 1820 in his 'Journal,' says that O^Meara devoted himself to the queen's business, and collected her witnesses, &c., at her trial. He also became an active member of the Reform Club, joining the first committee in 1836, and was a warm adherent of Daniel O'Connell.

O'Meara had commenced a pamphlet war against his enemy Lowe by the anonymous publication in 1817 of 'Letters from the Cape of Good Hope,' of which a French version appeared two years later. This was written in reply to Dr. William Warden's 'Letters written on board the Northumberland and


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Rh of this system enabled Oppert to make a very de- cisive improvement in the SyUabarium. It will be recollected that Norris had twenty-four wrong values, and twenty-one only approximately correct. Oppert now corrects twelve of the former and eighteen of the latter. The i-esult was that he could dispose of eighty- three values absolutely and six nearly correct. He was doubtful as to the sound of one, wrong as to seven, and he omitted seven. Thus, wlien the determinatives are added, all of the 10(1 signs in Menant's list were deciphered except fifteen. lie also added a fourth to the list of determinative signs. He showed that the one mistaken by Norris for s was in fact used simply to indicate that the following letter was an ideogram (Xo. 06 of Ilincks). It had long ago been observed that a single sign was employed for ' king,' and Norris added another for ' month.' Oppert points out that the determinative before ' god ' was also aji ideogram for ' god,' and that ' man,' water,' ' animal, or ' horse ' and ' road ' were likewise indicated by ideo- graphic signs. He considered that the grammatical forms show analogy first to Magyar, then to Turkish, Mongol and Finnish. He gave it the name of Medo- Scythic, and he now considered that it was spoken by the tribes at PersepoHs and Behistun — more par- ticularly by those in the north of Media. The student of the second cohnnn had at his ('ommand some ninety- nine proper names, besides a large number of Persian official terms and titles transliterated into the Median script ; and with their assistance the pronunciation of about a hundred and forty words was already known.

The remarkable success of Oppert was due almost entirely to the successful ccmiparison of the Median and Babylonian signs ; and it had something of an accidental character, for it appeared in a work chiefly devoted to

Y


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322 Assyrian and without special refei*ence to this particular branch of the subject. Indeed the attention of scholars was nowsotlioroujifhly absorbed l^y the study of Assyrian and the many new discoveries it opened to their view, that the second column fell into comparative nej^lect. Mordt- niann wrote papers upon it in 1802, and ai^fain in 1870, in the ' German Oriental Gazette,' in which he appears U) have ij^nored the results already attained, and to have given different values to some of the sioiis. He called the language Susian, in consequence of the order in which the provinces of ' Persia, Susiana and ]ia])yln * occur in the Behistun inscription, and also l)ecause Susa bears an entirelv diflerent name in the Median from that ^iven to it in the Persian, wliile the other names are alike in both. In su})port of his opinion he was the first to sIkav that the inscriptions on some l)ricks found at Susa, which were tluMi l)eiri]inin<jf to attract attention, thou<^'li written in a different dialect, wei-e evidentlv similar in speech and writing to the second cohunn.

It will l)e HH-ollected that Pawlinson visited Susa in 18o0, and ol^served a few l)ricks and a broken obelisk l)earing the pecuhar inscriptions to which wh have just referred. He considennl th(^ stvle of writinu' to be ' the farthest removed of anv from the oriiiinal Assvrian tyi)e/ and he surmised that the hmguage is 'not even, I think, of the Semitic fnmilv.'^ In 1852, Loftus collected a few other iiisci'iptions in the same character and laniiiKUie, which were st^it to Uawlinson. ^Ir. Xorris, who amiounced this acquisition in his Median Memoir, stat(*d that Pawlinson still thoui>ht that the characters weiv those of ' the Assyrian al])hal)et,' but in a different lanmiaL»(\ and that he had made out sufficient to show that they belonoed to Susian kings who wei-e anterior to Darius.^

' Bonomy, yhu-nh and its Palaces (IsSO), p. 47J) ; J. K. A, S. xii. 4^2. -■ J. R. A. S. (1S;V>), XV. 97 ; Mnnniv by Canon Kawlinson, p. 174.


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Rh When Mr. Layard visited the same neighbourhood, in 1841, he was fortunate enough to be able to copy two inscriptions at Malamir, one of thirty-six lines and the other of twenty-four.^ Rawlinsou, in his classifica- tion of the cuneiform inscriptions, called them the Elymaean, and from the differences they i)resented, he considered that they ' are entitled to an independent place,' aj)art from Babylonian or Assyrian. In 1850, he again points out their dissimilarity from either of the two last mentioned, but he adds that they are not so difficult to read as those he had found on the l)ricks at Susa.- The surprising discovery ofDeSaulcy that the Median and Babylonian characters are * identical ' notwithstanding their apparent diversity, naturally stinuilated the ingenuity of other writers to widen the s])here of the ' identical ' ; and Mordtniann was among the first who laboured in this direction. The work was continued by Lenormant, who made his appear- ance withhi the circle of cuneiform sr^holars in 1871, by the i)ublicatin of his first series of 'Lettres Assyrien- n(»s/ followed, in 1873, ])y the ' Choix de Textes.' The result of the minute comparison he instituted was to sliow that the Old Susian script closely resembled Old Babylonian, while the Elymaean of Malamir is simply an earher form of the Median or Xew Susian character. The development towards ' identity ' had now gone so far that Bertin describes the diffei-ence between Old Susian and Old Babylonian as very slight, while Ely- maean and Median are simple ' variants of the same.' ^

' Layard (Sir II.), J'>(r/i/ Adventurer (181)4), pp. 1«^<, 1>L>0. Cf. Pro- fessor »Sayce in 7V«/^<. «SVx'. /Hb. ^Irc/i. iii. 17 '2.

- ./. Ji. A. S. X. 2S ; t'h. xii. 483.

' * Develojmient of Cuneiform Syllabary M 1S87), ./. H. A. S. vol. xix. They appeared to Mr. Xaux in ISol ' to contain a considerable number of new characters, for which no conjectiinil e(^ui\alent can be found either in the Babylonian or the Assyrian alphabet' ( \ifiei^/i and Persrpo/i'j*, ]). 431 ).

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 of the Body of, but how, he undertakes not to determine. "If any one," saith he, "ask me concerning the manner, I will not be ashamed to confess that it is a secret too high for my reason to comprehend, or my tongue to express; or to speak more properly, I rather feel than understand it: therefore without disputing I embrace the truth of, and confidently repose on it. He declares that His Flesh is the food, and His Blood the drink of my soul; and my soul I offer to Him to be fed by such nourishment. He bids me take, eat, and drink His Body and Blood, which in His holy Supper He offers me under the symbols of Bread and Wine: I make no scruple, but He doth reach them to me, and I receive them." All these are Calvin's own words.

I was the more willing to be long in transcribing these things at large, out of Public Confessions of Churches, and the best of Authors; that it might the better appear, how injuriously Protestant Divines are calumniated by others unacquainted with their opinions, as though by these words, Spiritually and Sacramentally, they did not acknowledge a true and well-understood real Presence and Communication of the Body and Blood of in the Blessed Sacrament; whereas, on the contrary, they do professedly own it, in terms as express as any can be used.

now, by what I have said, put it out of doubt, that the Protestants believe a spiritual and true presence of in the Sacrament, which is the reason, that according to the example of the Fathers, they use so frequently the term spiritual in this subject, it may not be amiss to consider, in the next place, how the Roman Church understands that same word. Now they make it to signify, "That is not present in the Sacrament, either after that manner which is natural to corporal things, or that wherein His own body subsists in heaven, but according to the manner of existence proper to spirits, whole and entire in each part of the host: and though by Himself He be neither seen, touched, nor moved, yet in respect of the species or accidents joined with Him, He may be said to be seen, touched, and moved; and so the accidents being moved, the Body of  is truly


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324 MordtmaiiTi and Leiiormant were successful also in showiiiir that both these two iiewlv-discovered lanofuafjes, or dialects, are closely related to Median, and belonged therefore to the Scythic family. The remarkable dis- coyery that had recently been made that a Scythic language — the Akkadian — was the primitiye speech of Chaldaea, gaye a yery unexpected extension to the range of the Turanian races ; and it was now beginning to be recognised that the civilisation of Western Asia is to be referred to them, and not, as heretofore supposed, to a Semitic people. The effect of these discoveries was to stimulate once more the flao'mni** interest in the writing of the second column, and efforts were now directed to determine the nature of its relationship to the newly-found dialects, and more particularly to ascertain the peoi)le to whom each might be attributed. The first to enter upon this new field of inquiry after Lenormant was Oppert, who submitted a tentative translation of an r)ld Susian inscri[)tion to the Congress of Orientalists in 1873. In the following year, Mr. Sayce attempted two sliort hiscriptions published by Lenormant. If we may judge by comparison with a later version given by pi)ert, no great measure of success was y(*t attained.^ Indeed three years after- wards, Oppert himself admitted that the Susian could not yet be read. The inscriptions of Malamir <*aused less difficulty, and Sayce declared that it was ' the same as the Median with a few unimportant variations.' It must ])e confessed, however, that his subsequent analysis tended to show that these 'variations' had a consider- able raniie both in urammar and voc^abularv.-

I^Ieanwhile the lanij^uai>v of the second column

• Tran.^. S. B. A. vol. iii. (1S74), p. 47i> ; Records of the FaM, O.S. vol. vii. (1«76), p. 81.

■' Tran=i. >V. B. A. loc. cit. p. 47l>.


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Rh continued to receive a OTeat variety of names which has produced innnense confusion. Lenormant, however, lieroically adheres to ' Median,' because one of the Median tribes is specially distinguished as Aryan, and it was therefore reasonable to suppose that the mass of the people were of different, and presumably of Turanian, race. Professor Sayce admits that it must have been ' the vernacular of the lower classes of Persia : in other words, of the Medes ' ; but he preferred to call it Elamite, ' as less likely to lead to ambiguity and misconception.' He suggests that Amardian would be still better, for Susiana is always called ' Khapirti ' in the Median text ; and this is evidently the same as the country of the Amardians of Strabo. He showed that its relation to the dialect of Malamir was closer than to that of Old Susian ; and he thought there was no doubt that the latter was related to the Akkadian.

One of the most interesting parts of Professor Payee's essay was the publication of ' a revised list of the powers of the Elamite ' {i,e, Susian) ' character, which can now be determined by means of the Assyrian syllabary.'^ Written in 1874, this document illustrates the process of development that occurred between the two works of Oppert, that of 1859 and the one of 1879, to be mentioned shortly. It will be recollected that we left him with seven wrong values, six nearly correct and seven omitted altogether. We find that when Sayce wrote, four of the first and one of the second had been corrected, and three signs omitted by Oppert were now provided with con*ect, or nearly correct, values. At the same time a plentiful crop

^ The word * Assyrian ' is often usedas int ercbaugeable with * Babylonian,* es])ecially by French writers. Professor Sayce, although he here lapses into this habit, is can^ful to explain that * the form of the character proves that the syllabary was derived from Babylonian, and not from Assyrian as the Armenian.' Trans. S. B. A, (1874), iii. 471.


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 moved accidentally, as the soul truly changeth place with the body; so that we truly and properly say, that the Body of is removed, lifted up, and set down, put on the Paten, or on the Altar, and carried from hand to mouth, and from the mouth to the stomach; as Berengarius was forced to acknowledge in the Roman Council under Pope Nicholas, that the Body of  was sensually touched by the hands, and broken and chewed by the teeth of the Priest." But all this, and much more to the same effect, was never delivered to us, either by holy Scripture, or the ancient Fathers. And if souls or spirits could be present, as here Bellarmine teacheth, yet it would be absurd to say that bodies could be so likewise, it being inconsistent with their nature.

Indeed Bellarmine confesseth with St. Bernard, that " in the Sacrament is not given to us carnally, but spiritually;" and would to he had rested here, and not outgone the holy Scriptures, and the doctrine of the Fathers. For endeavouring, with Pope Innocent III. and the Council of Trent, to determine the manner of the presence and manducation of Body, with more nicety than was fitting, he thereby foolishly overthrew all that he had wisely said before, denied what he had affirmed, and opposed his own opinion. His fear was lest his adversaries should apply that word spiritually, not so much to express the manner of presence, as to exclude the very substance of the Body and Blood of ; "therefore," saith he, "upon that account it is not safe to use too much that of St. Bernard, 'the body of is not corporally in the Sacrament,' without adding presently the above-mentioned explanation." How much do we comply with human pride, and curiosity, which would seem to understand all things! Where is the danger? And what does he fear, as long as all they that believe the Gospel, own the true nature, and the real and substantial presence of the Body of in the Sacrament, using that explication of St. Bernard, concerning the manner, which he himself, for the too great evidence of truth, durst not but admit? and why doth he own that the manner is spiritual, not carnal, and then require a carnal presence, as to the manner itself? As for us, we all openly profess with St. Bernard, that the presence of the Body of in the Sacrament, is spiritual, and therefore true and real; and with the same Bernard, and all the Ancients, we deny that the Body of  is carnally either present or given. The thing we willingly admit, but humbly and religiously forbear to enquire into the manner.


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 We believe a presence and union of with our soul and body, which we know not how to call better than sacramental, that is, effected by eating; that while we eat and drink the consecrated Bread and Wine, we eat and drink therewithal the Body and Blood of, not in a corporal manner, but some other way, incomprehensible, known only to , which we call spiritual; for if with St. Bernard and the Fathers a man goes no further, we do not find fault with a general explication of the manner, but with the presumption and self-conceitedness of those who boldly and curiously inquire what is a spiritual presence, as presuming that they can understand the manner of acting of  Holy Spirit. We contrariwise confess with the Fathers, that this manner of presence is unaccountable, and past finding out, not to be searched and pried into by reason, but believed by faith. And if it seems impossible that the flesh of should descend, and come to be our food, through so great a distance; we must remember how much the power of the Holy Spirit exceeds our sense and our apprehensions, and how absurd it would be to undertake to measure His immensity by our weakness and narrow capacity; and so make our faith to conceive and believe what our reason cannot comprehend.

Yet our faith doth not cause or make that presence, but apprehends it as most truly and really effected by the word of : and the faith whereby we are said to eat the flesh of, is not that only whereby we belleve that He died for our sins, (for this faith is required and supposed to precede the Sacramental Manducation,) but more properly, that whereby we believe those words of , This is My Body; which was St. Austin's meaning when he said, "why dost thou prepare thy stomach and thy teeth? believe and thou hast eaten." For in this mystical eating by the wonderful power of the, we do invisibly receive the substance of Body and Blood, as much as if we should eat and drink both visibly.

The result of all this is, that the Body and Blood of are sacramentally united to the Bread and Wine, so that  is truly given to the faithful; and yet is not to be here considered with sense or worldly reason, but by faith, resting on the words of the Gospel. Now it is said, that the Body and Blood of are joined to the Bread and Wine, because, that in the celebration of the Holy Eucharist, the Flesh is given together with the Bread, and the Blood together with the Wine. All that remains is, that


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 we should with faith and humility admire this high and sacred mystery, which our tongue cannot sufficiently explain, nor our heart conceive.

is an Article of Faith in the Church of Rome, that in the blessed Eucharist the substance of the Bread and Wine is reduced to nothing, and that in its place succeeds the Body and Blood of .… The Protestants are much of another mind; and yet none of them denies altogether but that there is a conversion of the Bread into the Body, (and consequently the Wine into the Blood,) of ; for they know and acknowledge, that in the Sacrament, by virtue of the words and blessing of, the condition, use, and office of the Bread is wholly changed, that is, of common and ordinary, it becomes our mystical and sacramental food; whereby, as they affirm and believe, the true Body of is not only shadowed and figured, but also given indeed, and by worthy communicants truly received. Yet they believe not that the bread loseth its own, to become the substance of the Body of ; for the holy Scripture, and the ancient interpreters thereof for many ages, never taught such an essential change and conversion, as that the very Substance, the matter, and form of the bread should be wholly taken away, but only a mysterious and sacramental one, whereby our ordinary is changed into mystic bread, and thereby designed and appointed to another use, end, and office than before. This change, whereby supernatural effects are wrought by things natural, while their essence is preserved entire, doth best agree with the grace and power of.

There is no reason why we should dispute concerning Omnipotency, whether it can do this or that, presuming to measure an Infinite Power by our poor ability, which is but weakness. We may grant that He is able to do beyond what we can think or apprehend, and resolve His most wonderful acts into His absolute will and power, but we may not charge Him with working contradictions. And though Almightiness were able in this mystery to destroy the substance of Bread and Wine, and essentially to change it into the Body and Blood of, while the accidents of Bread and Wine subsist of themselves without a subject, yet we


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 desire to have it proved that will have it so, and that it is so indeed. For, that doth it because He can, is no argument; and that He wills it, we have no other proof but the confident assertion of our adversaries. Tertullian against Praxeas declared "that we should not conclude doth things because He is able, but that we should enquire what He hath done;" for  will never own that praise of His Omnipotency, whereby His unchangeableness and His truth are impaired, and those things overthrown and destroyed, which, in His Word, He affirms to be; for, take away the Bread and Wine, and there remains no Sacrament.

They that say, that the matter and form of the Bread are wholly abolished, yet will have the accidents to remain. But if the substance of the Bread be changed into the substance of Body by virtue of His words, what hinders that the accidents of the Bread are not also changed into the accidents of  Body? They that urge the express letter, should show that said, "This is the substance of My body without its accidents." But He did not say, that He gave His Disciples a phantastic body, such a visionary figment as Marcion believed, but that very body which is given for us, without being deprived of that extension and other accidents of human bodies, without which it could not have been crucified; since the maintainers of transubstantiation grant that the Body of keeps its quantity in Heaven, and say it is without the same in the Sacrament; they must either acknowledge their contradiction in the matter, or give over their opinion.

Protestants dare not be so curious, or presume to know more than is delivered by Scripture and antiquity, they firmly believing the words of make the form of this Sacrament to consist in the union of the thing signified with the sign, that is, the exhibition of the Body of  with the consecrated Bread, still remaining bread; by divine appointment these two are made one; and though this union be not natural, substantial, personal, or local by their being one within another, yet it is so straight and so true, that in eating the blessed Bread, the true Body of  is given to us, and the names of the sign and thing signified are reciprocally changed, what is proper to the Body is attributed to the Bread, and what belongs only to the Bread, is affirmed of the Body, and both are united in time, though not in place. For the presence of in this mystery is not opposed to distance but to absence, which only could deprive us of the benefit and fruition of the object.


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Artemis

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Artemis


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 From what has been said it appears, that this whole controversy may be reduced to four heads; 1. Concerning the Signs; 2. Concerning the thing signified; 3. Concerning the union of both; and 4. Concerning their participation. As to the first, the Protestants differ from the Papists in this; that according to the nature of Sacraments, and the doctrine of the holy Scripture, we make the substance of Bread and Wine, and they [sic] accidents only to be signs. In the second, they not understanding our opinion, do misrepresent it, for we do not hold, (as they say we do,) that only the merits of the death of are represented by the blessed Elements, but also that His very Body which was crucified, and His Blood which was shed for us, are truly signified and offered, that our souls may receive and possess, as truly and certainly as the material and visible signs are by us seen and received. And so in the third place, because the thing signified is offered and given to us, as truly as the sign itself, in this respect we own the union betwixt the Body and Blood of, and the Elements, whose use and office we hold to be changed from what it was before. But we deny what the Papists affirm, that the substance of Bread and Wine are quite abolished, and changed into the Body and Blood of our in such sort, that the bare accidents of the Elements do alone remain united with  Body and Blood. And we also deny that the Elements still retain the nature of Sacraments when not used according to divine institution, that is, given by Ministers, and received by His people; so that  in the consecrated bread ought not, cannot be kept and preserved to be carried about, because He is present only to the communicants. As for the fourth and last point, we do not say, that in the Supper we receive only the benefits of  death and passion, but we join the ground with its fruits, that is,  with those advantages we receive from Him; affirming with St. Paul, "That the bread which we break is, the Communion of the Body of , and the cup which we bless, the Communion of His Blood," (1 Cor. X. 16.); of that very substance which He took of the blessed Virgin, and afterwards carried into Heaven; differing from those of Rome only in this, that they will have our union with  to be corporal, and our eating of Him likewise; and we on the contrary maintain it to be, indeed as true, but not carnal or natural. And as he that receives unworthily, (that is, with the mouth only, but not with a faithful heart,) eats and drinks his own damnation; so