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 will probably be a flight from the £. It will certainly reduce the foreign investment flowing into that country. It will produce uncertainty, and it will lead to the expulsion of Southern Rhodesia from the Commonwealth. That is the price which she would have to pay for organising a Boston Tea Party.

I think we must realise that the way in which we dissolve this Federation, the manner in which we realise our responsibility to the two Protectorates, and our responsibility for the African majority in Southern Rhodesia, will be judged by the whole of Africa. This and our attitude to South Africa and the Protectorates will be the test case of Britain's good intentions and will really determine how the nations not only of Africa but of Asia and, indeed, the old members of the Commonwealth view Britain for the next five, 10 and 15 years.

We must hold to the principle that the territories must reach the stage of self-government based on universal adult suffrage, and then, and only then, can there be any question of them being granted independence. I am delighted that this Government have at last realised that they forced the political federation which was doomed to failure. I only wish that they had realised it before, but I hope that this will at least ensure that they do not try to do the same thing again.

 * 8.15 p.m.

Mr. Humphry Berkeley (Lancaster) I do not think that anyone is exactly in a mood for rejoicing this evening, but I should like to offer my congratulations to the First Secretary in his absence for what I believe has been a remarkable personal triumph. We are all familiar with his agility of mind, and I think we all recognise that he has considerable negotiating skill. It seems tome that in his conduct of the Victoria Falls conference he has shown a much rarer quality, that of high statesmanship, and I believe that this is a quality which admirably equips him to fill at some time in the future a still higher post than he does at the moment. I hope that my right hon. and learned Friend the Attorney-General will be kind enough to convey this genial message to my right hon. Friend.

A variety of reasons have been put forward for the collapse of the Central African Federation, some of which I agree with and some of which I do not. I do not think that we ought to indulge in an orgy of recrimination about what has proved to be a tragic failure, but I think that it is perhaps worth while reflecting on two or three of the considerations which may have led to the breakdown of this Federation, if only to endeavour to learn some of these lessons for future action elsewhere.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Thirsk and Malton (Mr. Turton) attributed the collapse of the Federation primarily to two reasons. One was the failure of the party system in this country. I find that a curious reason, and I do not believe that it has very much to do with it. The second, which seemed to have nothing to do with it, was the Prime Minister's"wind of change" speech in South Africa in January, 1960. I first went to Salisbury in 1958 and it was perfectly clear to me, at any rate by May, 1959, particularly after the emergency in Nyasaland, that the Federation was doomed, and what we have really been witnessing in the last four years have been the prolonged and rather disagreeable death throes.

The hon. Member for Barnsley (Mr. Mason) produced what was in some respects an even more curious reason, namely, that the number of visits made to the Federation by United Kingdom Members of Parliament in some way made the morale of the people of the Federation collapse. I do not believe that to have any truth in it at all. The basic reason why the Federation failed is that never at any stage from its inception did it attract any significant African support. It is as simple as that. When Sir Roy Welensky, Sir Edgar Whitehead, or other prominent politicians of the United Federal Party—as it was then called—talked about a multi-racial partnership, no doubt they did so with the best intentions in the world, but at no stage did any member of that party, either in the territorial Government or the Federal Government, make a serious attempt to put into practice the policy of partnership to which it was in theory committed. To me this is the basic reason for the failure, and it is something that we ought to recognise.

The achievement of the First Secretary, limited though it is, is two-fold. He has, to our pleasure, achieved the prospect


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 misses the whole point of what the ferment in Africa is about.

What we must try to do in Southern Rhodesia now is to get the races together again. We have to see that the African nationalists in Southern Rhodesia have a sufficient belief that the constitution will not be rigged to persuade them to contest the elections. We have to try to see that in a period of four or five years in Southern Rhodesia we can move rapidly from parity to majority rule, and to do so by stages in which co-operation between the races becomes a necessity, not a luxury.

I therefore think there rests now on my right hon. Friend the First Secretary of State possibly the most difficult task which he has ever had to undertake. It is a task in which all his qualities of skill, integrity and leadership will be required. When he talked to us about Northern Rhodesia he said he felt that if the constitution there was to be altered—and he agreed it would have to be—the Opposition must be brought in. I hope he will remember that in Southern Rhodesia there is a sizeable Opposition, which is not represented in Parliament at all. It is quite essential that the African nationalists should be brought into any discussions involving a future constitution in Southern Rhodesia.

The last time that we debated this subject my hon. Friend the Member for Haltemprice (Mr. Wall) told us that unless we granted Southern Rhodesia independence on her own terms she would take it, and he said that as though this were the biggest tragedy which could occur in Central Africa. I do not believe that Southern Rhodesia is in a position to take it. I believe that we have far greater strength in our hands than either some of the Southern Rhodesians or many of my hon. Friends realise. But if independence is to come on the present constitution, I would rather that it were taken through an act of defiance and revolution on the part of the Southern Rhodesian Government than through the passage through this Parliament of a dishonourable and disgraceful Act. We should, therefore, at least be clear what our feelings are on that score, for this will perhaps serve to clear our minds about the future.

I am not without hope that much can be achieved. We rely very greatly on my right hon. Friend the First Secretary, and, now that he has come back to the Chamber, I should like to repeat my comment that he has achieved a great personal triumph. He has pulled something off which few of us thought he would be able to do, and we hope that it will give him the inspiration to complete the task in the full knowledge that in so doing he will have the good wishes and support of the majority of Members of this House.

 * 8.37 p.m.

Mr. John Stonehouse (Wednesbury) This has been an unusual debate, with a number of compliments flying around the Chamber, and I should like to add to them by saying that the hon. Member for Lancaster (Mr. Berkeley) deserves to be congratulated not only on the wisdom of his speech but on being in advance of his party on this question over many years.

The Conservative Party has learned a great deal, and I and all my hon. Friends are grateful for this, because it now seems possible that we shall be able to extricate ourselves and to extricate Rhodesia and Nyasaland from a most dangerous position without civil strife, which seemed all too likely a few years ago, when the Conservative Party and the Ministers who are now doing their best to dissolve the Federation were forth right in their determination to impose it against the majority of the population and at all costs. I am grateful to them for learning, but it is just as well to remember the terrible mistakes which they have made.

Although I add to the congratulations which the First Secretary has received for his success at Victoria Falls—this was a diplomatic success and he deserves to be congratulated—I am sorry that he made such a pedantic and uninspired speech this afternoon in introducing the debate. It would have been, I think, more appropriate to have had a little more philosophy from him, a little deeper understanding of the problems involved and perhaps some remorse for the mistakes of the Conservative Party over the last 10 years. We had not a word of apology for 10 years of false promises made by the Conservatives, and I think that there are probably many who would agree with Sir Roy Welensky that the

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 Conservative Party have been guilty of treachery.

The Tory Government’s actions over the years have amounted to criminal negligence, because they have given promises to tens of thousands of people who have left these shores to settle in Rhodesia, who have in fact torn up their roots here and settled in Rhodesia. They gave promises to these people that they would live in a Federation which would be virtually under white control. Nor those people see that this prospect is being removed and that they are likely within a few years, even if they live in southern Rhodesia, to have to live under a black majority, which they did not expect when they moved with their families a few years ago.

Something must be done for these people. I do not agree with the First Secretary of State that are human tragedy in all this can be confined to the Federal Civil Service. The human tragedy involves thousands or people or British stock In Southern Rhodesia who have travelled out to Rhodesia in the last 10 years assuming that the Federation was to continue. Something must be done for them because many of them are living in a condition which cannot last. Many of them are artisans who have a privileged income 10 times that their counterparts who happen to have black skins now receive. As political advances come, so these black Rhodesians will demand the same opportunities for work as their white Rhodesian counterparts, with the result that many of the Jobs—bricklayers,train drivers and so on—which so many of the white emigrants have today will no longer carry the sort of income that they now carry. Something must be done for these tens or thousands people whoo have gone out under a false prospectus. I hope that he can look during the debate at some ways of helping these people.

The hon. Member for Harborough (Mr. Farr) was one or those who spoke of the great successes of federation in the last 10 years. He referred to the building or skyscrapers and hotels. The right hon. Member for Thirsk and Malton (Mr. Turton) spoke of Kariba. What is not generally understood is that most of these developments were sold for the benefit of white-controlled industries, white populations and white artisans or professional men. The benefits of many of these investments here only marginal to the mass or the African population.

I have been in these skyscrapers in Salisbury, as no doubt the hon Member for Harborough has, and found that the lifts are reserved for white men only I have been in the hotels. All of them but one when I was there were reserved for white men

Mr. J Hynd What a partnerhsip!

Mr Stonehouse True. there is an attempt to open the doors, but it has come far too late and hypocritically, According to line noble Lord the Member for Hartford (Lord Balnoel), two of the representatives attending the Victoria Falls Conference from Northern Rhodesia were refused admission to hotels.

I do not believe that all the window-dressing in the past ten years has in any way disguised the basic fact that the economic structure of the Federation largely benefits the white minority in the population. This fact is brought out only too clearly in the Report of the Monckton Commission, which gives chapter and verse for the division or the national income or all these territories, particularly southern Rhodesia, in the interests of the white minority.

It is no earthly use saying to the Northern Rhodesian or the Nyasaland or the Southern Rhodesian Africans, "Do not worry about political advance. Concern yourself with economic progress", when they see that without political advance they cannot demand the opportunity of participating in the economic wealth that they have created.

Mr. Bence Is my hon. Friend not aware that, while at the moment the people who may mainly benefit from this economic development are those who make up the white population, in a developing country such as this the benefits will spread to the coloureds in general as the society evolves?

Mr Stonehouse It is only a marginal improvement. The European has become progressively richer while most of the


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 of an orderly dissolution of the Federation. At one time it looked as though this would not be possible, and that we might find ourselves engaged in acrimonious arguments which got us nowhere. His skill in this respect has been considerable. Secondly, he managed to achieve not only the attendance of the Southern Rhodesian Government at the Conference but their agreement to the conclusions of the Conference without, so far as we can see, making any commitment whatsoever to Mr. Winston Field in terms of promising the granting of the principle of independence.

I want to say something about Southern Rhodesia, because what happens there over the next few months will have a crucial impact upon the Commonwealth, the future association of the three territories, and public opinion and morale here. Let us take the latter consideration first I do not believe that the British public would be prepared to stomach our handing over independence unconditionally, for the first time since 1910, to a minority in Southern Rhodesia which is out-numbered by sixteen to one. This is my view, and we shall have to see whether it is correct, but I believe that the precedent would be far from being a happy one.

Lord Commissioner of the Treasury (Mr. Frank Pearson) Nonsense.

Mr. Berkeley I thought that Whips were not allowed to speak.

Secondly—and this is perhaps of more importance—is the impact which this would have upon the Commonwealth and the other territories. One fact that we must recognise about the Commonwealth—because it is a fact of life—is that there is no difference in attitude between the white Dominions and the Afro-Asian Commonwealth countries On this matter. I was in New York last October, and I spoke to various Commonwealth representatives at the United Nations, including representatives from the white Dominions. It was quite apparent to me then that the white Dominions were finding it increasingly embarrassing and mortifying to have to defend the Southern Rhodesian position at the United Nations. Whether we like it or not, the plain fact is that if we were to make Southern Rhodesia independent on the basis of her present Constitution she would not get the nominating vote of a single Commonwealth country for her admittance to full membership of the Commonwealth. If we are to study the situation realistically we must disabuse our minds of the fact that there is some great division between the old and the new Commonwealth on this issue. There is no division of any kind. If we were to agree to Southern Rhodesian independence on the present basis we would find ourselves in total isolation.

I now come to the more immediate question—and, for these territories, in some ways the most important question —of what prospect there is of an economic association between the three territories so long as a Government of the present type exists in Southern Rhodesia. What I am desperately anxious that we in this country should not do now, having gone to great pains, trouble and anguish to dismantle the Federation—of which so many of us had considerable hopes in the early days—is try to rebuild a common services organisation which would have as little chance of success as the political federation had ten years ago.

One has, I think, to accept as being the case that it is extremely difficult for territories pursuing totally different forms of government to engage in any kind of co-operation with each other of a closely intimate kind. Why, for example, is Spain not acceptable as a member of N.A.T.O.? Nobody suggests that we have a political federation with Spain. It is thought, however, that the form of government in Spain is so different from those in other countries of Western Europe that co-operation on the basis of a military alliance would be exceptionally difficult. Why, for example, are not Spain and Portugal thought suitable to be members of the Common Market? Again I think because there is such a wide disparity between the types of government which they follow and the type of Western European democracy which we see in the Common Market countries. Even allowing for France, I think that there is a basic view that the differences are too great for genuine and real co-operation to work.

If this is so in Western Europe, with its great experience, how much more is it likely to be so in an area in Central Africa where we now have two countries with black African majorities—both of whom, fairly shortly, will apply the


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 principle of one man—one vote—and Southern Rhodesia which, unless a dramatic change of heart takes place, is and looks like remaining the heart of white supremacy. Unless there are considerable and substantial changes in the Southern Rhodesia political outlook and constitution, I do not believe that economic co-operation of the intimate kind about which we are talking is likely to be feasible. I am very keen to see that in the economic sphere we do not start making the same mistakes which we made ten years ago in the political sphere.

For all these reasons, and especially the economic reasons; because I believe that the granting of independence to Southern Rhodesia would bust up the Commonwealth; because I do not believe, on careful analysis, that people would be prepared to concede a repetition of the South African situation, I consider it of vital importance that we should make attempts to broaden and liberalise the present Southern Rhodesian Constitution.

What are the obstacles in the way of our so doing? First of all, there is the obstacle referred to by my right hon. Friend the Member for Thirsk and Malton. Mr. Winston Field, apparently, gave a pledge at the last election that he would not seek to alter the constitution of Southern Rhodesia within the lifetime of the present Parliament.

Mr. Turton Franchise.

Mr. Berkeley I said "Constitution" to be accurate. I not only read Mr. Winston Field's statement but I talked to him afterwards about his statement and what he said was the Constitution. Because I hoped to be called during this debate I did not bother to interrupt my right hon. Friend to correct him on that point.

Plainly if we are to make an alteration in the constitution from dependence to independence, no more radical or fundamental change can be conceived of. There are two possibilities. Either we assist Mr. Winston Field to keep his pledge, in which case independence is quite out of the question, or we interpret his pledge, as perhaps it should be interpreted, that there was no intention to change the existing franchise within the existing constitutional arrangements of internal self-government with external dependence on the United Kingdom.

I think we can quite clearly say to him that if he wishes to have a fundamental constitutional change bringing about full independence, then the pledge he gave is no longer applicable. I do not think we would be involving ourselves in tremendous difficulties, nor would he, because quite clearly what his electorate was thinking about at that time was the existing constitutional arrangements in which Southern Rhodesia not only was a self-governing Colony, but also a part of the Federation which has since disappeared.

I should like to make quite clear that I endorse very nearly all that was said by my noble Friend the Member for Hertford (Lord Balniel). I do not believe it is the intention of our Government to give independence to Southern Rhodesia under the existing constitution, but, should they decide to do so, I should feel obliged to vote against such a measure at every stage where it was possible to do so. I do not think that in Southern Rhodesia with all the special circumstances involved it is necessarily possible to achieve a constitution of one man, one vote very quickly, because in Southern Rhodesia we have a complete break-down of relationships between the races.

That was very apparent to me when I was there a few months ago. The change in twelve months I found really alarming and depressing. Both races in Southern Rhodesia at present are haunted by fear. The Europeans are haunted by the fear that they will be overwhelmed by black African nationalism overnight, swamped by one man, one vote; and the Africans are equally haunted by the fear that under this constitution, which they regard as being rigged, they are never going to acquire political power. That is what the whole thing is about.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Thirsk and Malton talked about Sir Edgar Whitehead's enlightened measures in removing racial discrimination. I accept that he moved with some courage, but it always seemed to me that what he was doing was irrelevant. What really matters is power. If one acquires power, discrimination goes anyway. To imagine that by passing legislation to allow Africans to go into multi-racial hotels that will satisfy their political aspirations,


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238 "red-hot" for independence, and one who never gave up, as we shall soon see.

"So you wish to see me," he said to Stover, whom he had met before. "It's rather an early visit."

"I have to report that a large body of Mexicans are approaching the town," answered the old frontiersman, saluting in true military style. "Young Radbury here and myself were down along the Medina, when we spotted them trying to bring a couple of cannon over on a raft."

"Mexican soldiers?" exclaimed the lieutenant-colonel. "You are certain of this?"

"We are."

"How many of them do you think?"

"At least a thousand."

The commander knit his brows in perplexity. "It is odd none of my scouts have brought me word. But a fandango—" He broke off short, as another officer came in. "What is it, Chester?"

"It is reported that some Mexican dragoons are in the vicinity, colonel."

"These people here tell me a whole army is coming. Where did your report come from?"

"The church steeple. The dragoons are in the vicinity of Prospect Hill," went on the officer, mentioning a hill to the west of San Antonio.

"I must have the particulars of this without delay," said the commander, hurriedly; and while

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Rh he questioned Stover and Dan he sent for several scouts, who were hurried off to verify the reports. When the scouts came back, they reported that Santa Anna's army was coming straight for San Antonio, several thousand strong.

The whole city was at once thrown into a commotion, and it was felt that the garrison could do little or nothing toward defending the place.

"We are but a hundred and forty odd strong," said Lieutenant A. M. Dickenson, one of the attachees of the garrison. "We cannot hold the plaza, no matter how hard we try. Let us retreat to the Alamo, until we can summon reinforcements."

The matter was hastily discussed, and it was decided to retreat to the Alamo without delay. Later on, express riders were sent off for help,—but help never came for those who fought so nobly and bitterly to the very last.

The retreat from the town to the mission was necessarily a rapid one, for Santa Anna was advancing with all possible speed. Few stores could be taken along, but as the garrison swept across the plain lying between the city and the mission, they came upon a herd of cattle, numbering thirty-six heads, and drove these before them into the mission's courtyard.

"Let us go with the soldiers!" cried Dan, who was as excited as anybody. "If there is a battle

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240 ahead it will be all foolishness to attempt to look for Carlos Martine."

"Well, lad, I'm willing," replied Stover. "But "I don't want to get you into trouble."

"I'll risk the trouble, Poke; come on," and on they went after the garrison. It was not long before they reached the soldiers, who were just rounding up the cattle mentioned, and in this operation the two assisted. It was felt that the soldiers might be besieged in the Alamo for quite some time, so as soon as the cattle were rounded up some of the men visited the near-by houses, and collected all the stores at hand, including a number of bushels of wheat and some dried fruits.

In the meantime Santa Anna's army had marched into San Antonio, and taken possession. This done, the general held a consultation with his leading officers, and sent out a flag of truce toward the mission.

"Flag of truce," announced one of the guards.

"Very well, we'll see what they demand," said Lieutenant-Colonel Travis, and despatched Major Morris and Captain Marten to hold the interview.

"General Santa Anna demands the immediate surrender of the mission," said the official sent out by the Mexican president.

"We will convey your message to our

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Rh ," replied the major of the Texans, and withdrew.

Travis received the message with all the quiet dignity for which he was noted.

"I will send him his answer at once," he replied, and ordered a cannon-shot to be fired over the heads of the Mexican army.

This threw the Mexicans into a rage, and they quickly hung a blood-red flag from the tower of the San Fernando Church in San Antonio. This flag meant "no quarter," and, as it went up, several cannon-shots were aimed at the Alamo; and thus was the battle begun.

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Alamo church, the principal building of the mission, was built in the form of a cross, of rough stone, with walls several feet thick. At the time of the battle which was to witness its downfall the centre of the structure was roofless, but the ends were well covered. The sides of the church were over twenty feet high, and the windows were ex ceedingly narrow, for the building had been built to resist attacks by the Indians. It faced both the river and San Antonio proper.

Attached to the left wing of the church was a large square called the convent yard, with walls of heavy stone sixteen feet high. Spread out in front of this yard, and beyond it, was the convent, two stories high, and nearly two hundred feet long. In front of the convent was a long and broad plaza, covering over two acres, and surrounded by walls at either end and by the convent in the rear, and a house and wall in the front. On the right of the plaza was a small prison and a gateway, and from

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Rh the corner of the prison there was a stockade of cedar logs extending to the nearest corner of the church.

For this extensive fortress, if such we may call it, Lieutenant Travis had less than twenty cannon, and the construction of the place was such that but few of the pieces could be placed to advan tage, and even then hardly any of the soldiers knew how to do any effective firing.

Next in command to Travis was Colonel James Bowie, already mentioned in these pages, and among the best of the fighters was Davy Crockett, celebrated as a hunter and trapper, who had come down to Texas, with twelve other Tennesseans, about three weeks before the arrival of Santa Anna. Crockett carried with him his favourite rifle, "Betsy," and as a fighter on this memorable occasion proved a whole host in himself.

"We'll whip em," said Crockett, confidently. "They can't stand up against real Americans."

"You're right, Davy," answered Bowie. "An American who isn't equal to a dozen greasers isn't fit to live." And so the talk ran on from one to another of the garrison. Once Crockett came to Dan, and eyed him curiously.

"You're rather a young soldier boy," he observed.

"Yes, sir, but I can shoot."

"Can you bring down a bird on the wing?"

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244 "Yes, he can, and he has done it lots of times," put in Poke Stover.

"If that's so, he's all right," said Crockett.

Santa Anna did not make an immediate attack on the Alamo, for the reason that all of his troops had not yet arrived, and because he wished to give his soldiers a little rest after the long journey northward. He ordered General Castrillon to knock down some of the old houses near the river, and construct a bridge with the timbers.

"They are going to build a bridge!" was the cry that went through the Alamo.

"A bridge? Where?" asked Crockett, and, when told, he smiled, and patted his rifle. "Let 'em try it!"

The Mexicans did try, and soon a detachment of at least a hundred were at work. About forty of the garrison, led by Bowie and Crockett, opened fire upon the workers, and at least a dozen were killed.

"Down they go!" was the cry. "Give 'em another round!" And again the rifles cracked at a lively rate. With thirty killed outright, and a number badly wounded, the Mexicans left the river in a great hurry, and hid in the neighbouring houses.

On February 24th, Travis sent out a strong appeal for assistance. "I am besieged by a thousand or more of Mexicans, under Santa Anna," he

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Rh wrote. "I have sustained a continual bombardment for twenty-four hours, and have not lost a man. The enemy has demanded a surrender at discretion; otherwise the garrison is to be put to the sword if the place is taken. I have answered the summons with a cannon-shot, and our flag still waves proudly from the walls. I shall never surrender, or retreat!" Could any thing be more unflinchingly patriotic than that?

This appeal was followed by another, and a despatch was sent to Colonel Fannin, at Goliad, asking him to bring reinforcements without delay.

"They are drawing in closer to us," said Poke to Dan, on the morning of the 25th, as the two mounted one of the walls for a survey of the situation. Far off, a portion of the Mexican army could be distinctly seen.

"A division of the soldiers is approaching with some cannon," answered the youth. He was right, and presently Santa Anna attempted to plant a battery three hundred yards south of the gateway to the plaza of the mission.

"Shall we allow that?" asked the Texan commander, while the Mexican soldiers were coming up.

"No! No!" came back the cry. "Down with the Mexicans!" And in less than five minutes the garrison was pouring through the gateway and out on the plain beyond. The sharpshooters were

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246 in front, and so deadly were their aims that the enemy was speedily forced to retreat, dragging their cannon with them.

"Hurrah! They are running!" shouted the Texans, joyfully. This second repulse made them more determined to resist than ever.

But when the following morning came, it was seen that Santa Anna had taken advantage of the darkness and planted the battery, anyway, and so well was it protected that none of the guns from the Alamo could reach it. But the sharpshooters under Crockett watched the gunners, and one Mexican was shot dead while in the very act of discharging a shot at the plaza gate.

"It looks as if we might hold this place for an indefinite period," said Dan, on the day following. "That is, if we don't fall short of provisions."

"The meat we drove in will last us for some time, lad," answered Stover. "And they have found a lot of grain in one of the friar's houses. But about holding the place, that's a question. We are only about a hundred and fifty strong. What if Santa Anna storms the place some night, with several thousand men? We'll all be put to the bay'net afore sunrise."

"Do you really think he'll do such a barbarous thing, Poke?"

"Think it? I know it. He's one of the most bloodthirsty Mexicans a man ever met. To

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Rh to him would be foolish. We've got to do as Travis says, fight or die."

"Then I'll fight, and to the bitter end," answered the boy, earnestly. The enthusiasm of those around him had entered his soul, and he had forgotten the meaning of the word fear.

As one day and another passed, Santa Anna's army increased in size, and he succeeded in planting many other batteries around the Alamo. The bombarding was continual, yet but few of the Texans suffered from this, being well protected by the heavy stone walls of the mission.

On the first of March, when the garrison was much worn by constant guard duty, there was a commotion during the night. At first it was thought that the Mexicans had begun an attack, but soon it was discovered that the newcomers were Texans. They numbered thirty-two men from Gonzales, who had stolen through the Mexican lines with scarcely any difficulty.

"Henry Parker!" cried Dan, as he recognized his friend in the crowd. "I never dreamed of seeing you here."

"I couldn't stay behind, after I read Travis's appeal for help," answered Henry Parker. "I guess a lot more of our men are coming, too." But in this Parker was mistaken; none others arrived at the ill-fated place. Colonel Fannin started from Goliad with three hundred men

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248 and a few pieces of artillery, but his ammunition wagon broke down, he had no rations but a little rice and dried beef, and at the river his cannon got stuck and could not be gotten across. So the party returned whence it had come.

Henry Parker and the others had come in on Monday night, and by Tuesday the last of Santa Anna's troops arrived at San Antonio. Following this came three days in which but little was done upon either side.

"This looks as if the Mexicans were going to give up trying to take the place," remarked Dan to Stover, as both rested in one of the side rooms of the convent on a litter of straw.

"Don't worry, lad; it may be the calm afore the storm," was the answer. "Sumthin' is bound for to happen soon, hear me!"

"If it doesn't, I'll be for going home," went on Dan. "I believe I can get through the Mexican lines just as well as Henry Parker and those others."

"It would be risky, Dan, mighty risky." Poke Stover puffed away thoughtfully at the corncob pipe he was smoking. "We missed it altogether on the white mustang and on Carlos Martine, didn't we?"

"Yes. I would like to know if Martine is still in San Antonio."

"Like as not—and hobnobbing with some of

title: Page:For the Liberty of Texas.djvu/266


text:
Page:For the Liberty of Texas.djvu/267

Rh them Mexican officers, too. Well, he sha'n't have your pap's land, and that's all there is about it."

So the talk ran on, man and boy hardly knowing how to put in their time when not on guard duty. At first the mission had proved of much interest, with its quaint carvings and curious decorations, but now even this was beginning to pall.

On Saturday Santa Anna called a counsel of war, and at this it was decided that a general assault should be made upon the Alamo at day-break on Sunday. The assaulting troops numbered twenty-five hundred against a pitiful one hundred and eighty-two Texans!—and were divided into four columns, the first of which was under the command of General Cos, the same Mexican who had surrendered to the Texans but a short time before.

Each column of the attacking party was furnished with ropes, scaling-ladders, crowbars, and axes, as well as with their ordinary military weapons. As the soldiers advanced, the cavalry were drawn up in a grand circle around the Alamo, so that no Texans might escape. In the mean time the blood-red flag of "no quarter" was still flying high from the Mexican camp, and now the band struck up the Spanish quickstep, "Deguelo," or "Cut-throat," as an inspiration to the soldiers to have no mercy on the rebels!

title: Page:For the Liberty of Texas.djvu/267


text: For the Liberty of Texas/Chapter 28

title: For the Liberty of Texas/Chapter 28


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calderwood, David


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calderwood, Margaret


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calderwood, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Caldwall, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Caldwall, Richard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Caldwell, Alexander


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Caldwell, Andrew


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Caldwell, Benjamin


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Caldwell, Hume


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calenius, Walter


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Caleto, John de


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Caley, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calfhill, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calhoun, Patrick


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calkin, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Call, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Callanan, Jeremiah John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Callander, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Callcott, Augustus Wall


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Callcott, John Wall


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Callcott, Maria


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Callcott, William Hutchins


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Callender, George William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Callender, James Thomson


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Callis, Robert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Callow, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calthorpe, Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calthrope, Charles


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calveley, Hugh


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calver, Edward


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calverley, Charles Stuart


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calverley, Walter


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calvert, Caroline Louisa Waring


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calvert, Charles (1785-1852)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calvert, Edward


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calvert, Frederick (1731-1771)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calvert, Frederick Baltimore


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calvert, Frederick Crace


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calvert, George (1580?-1632)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Calvert, George (1795-1825)


text:
Page:Atharva-Veda samhita.djvu/422

v. 18- "letztgeboren," implying emendation to carama-jā́m, suggests a welcome improvement of the text. Késara॰prābandhāyās has its long ā of -prā- in pada-text noted in Prāt. iv. 96. Ppp. reads ivā ’carat in b.

12. Those hundred and one fellows (? janátā) whom the earth shook off, having injured the progeny of the Brahmans, perished irretrievably.

13. The insulter of the gods goes about among mortals; he becomes one who has swallowed poison, [becomes] mainly composed of bones; he who injures the Brahman, the connection of the gods, he goes not to the world to which the Fathers go.

14. Agni verily our guide. Soma is called [our] heir, Indra slayer of imprecation (?): so know the devout that.

15. Like an arrow smeared [with poison], O lord of men, like an adder, O lord of cattle—that arrow of the Brahman is terrible; with it he pierces the insulting.

1. They grew excessively; they did not quite (iva) touch up to the sky; having injured Bhrigu, the Sriñjayas, Vāitahavyas, perished.

title: Page:Atharva-Veda samhita.djvu/422


text:
Page:Atharva-Veda samhita.djvu/423

253 2. The people who delivered up (? arpay-) the Brahman Brihatsāman, descendant of An̄giras—a he-goat with two rows of teeth, a sheep, consumed (av) their offspring (toká).

3. They who spat upon a Brahman, or who sent [their] mucus at him—they sit in the midst of a stream of blood, devouring hair.

4. The Brahman's cow, being cooked, as far as she penetrates (?), smites out the brightness (téjas) of a kingdom; no virile (vṛ́ṣan) hero is born [there].

5. Cruel is the cutting up of her; harsh to eat (?) is her prepared flesh (piçitám); in that the milk (kṣīrá) of her is drunk, that verily is an offense against the Fathers.

6. A king who thinks himself formidable, [and] who desires to devour a Brahman—that kingdom is poured away, where a Brahman is scathed (jyā).

7. Becoming eight-footed, four-eyed, four-eared, four-jawed, two-mouthed, two-tongued, she shakes down the kingdom of the Brahman-scather.

8. It leaks verily into that kingdom, as water into a split boat (nāú); where they injure a Brahman, that kingdom misfortune smites.

9. Him the trees drive away, saying "do not come unto our shadow," who, O Nārada, plots against that which is the riches of the Brahman.

title: Page:Atharva-Veda samhita.djvu/423


text: Atharva-Veda Samhita/Book V/Hymn 18

title: Atharva-Veda Samhita/Book V/Hymn 18


text:
Help:Introduction to editing Wikisource

Editing Wikisource is mainly about creating and correcting new texts. Unlike Wikipedia, once a text has been completed and checked there is usually little need to change it.

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If you have a new text that you are keen to upload, then you may want to move to the last part of this introduction. But many people find that beginning on an existing text is an easier way to start and means that you have assistance and support in understanding the later stages a document has to go through before getting your own document right.

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You will now see an edit area on the left and the scan on the right side. You will notice that there are three areas on the left side: Header, Page body and Footer. The header has special formats for running heads and the footer allows for footnotes as well as page numbers. For further details see Proofreading. Particular care should be taken with words, footnotes and tables which cross page boundaries.

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The form of the page is actually quite brief. Here is an example of what you need to provide for a single page article. To understand this you will need to know about Wiki markup layout, as used in Wikipedia.

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One important thing to remember is that there are others who will help if you get stuck. Places your requests at Scriptorium/Help.

title: Help:Introduction to editing Wikisource


text:
Page:A colonial autocracy, New South Wales under Governor Macquarie, 1810-1821.djvu/180

 goods from England, more often spirits and tobacco from Rio Janeiro or the Cape. In the first case the goods were not entered at the Customs House in England, in no case did they pay any freight, and finally Macquarie often allowed shipments (especially of tobacco and spirit) to be landed by the master or surgeon without paying even the colonial dues.

In 1816 Riley and Jones, the largest firm of merchants in Sydney, complained to the Colonial Office pointing out that these trade ventures were an infringement of the Charter-party and took up the tonnage which properly belonged to the convicts. What was more important from the merchants' point of view was that these surreptitious cargoes injured their custom. The Colonial Office, who heard of these practices for the first time, at once instructed Macquarie to bring them to an end. He was directed to order a careful examination of the stores brought by the convict vessels, and a comparison between those and the official list sent in the Charter-party. He was not to allow any surplus to be sold in Sydney. Macquarie received this despatch on the 11th May, 1818, but did not at once impose any order. There were at the moment several transports in the harbour, and to prohibit the sale of their cargoes would, he thought, have been unjust to them as well as a "loss to the revenue". They had so long been allowed to break the law that perhaps he had some reason to speak of the "injustice" of making them suddenly conform to it. Eventually he made a prohibitory order in October. A few weeks later he received a memorial from "many principal inhabitants" including Macarthur, Lord and Townson, praying that the prohibition might not be continued. They pointed out that it would greatly check "the diffusion of manufactures of the mother-country," but admitted that their chief reason for advocating the


text:
User:Dwijenmahanta

 * জন্ম তাং: ৩/১২/১৯৬০
 * বাসস্থান: বিশ্বনাথ চাৰিআলি,শোণিতপুৰ (অসম)
 * কর্মস্থল:চাৰিআলি উচ্চতৰ মাধ্যমিক আৰু বহুমুখী বিদ্যালয়
 * web:
 * মোৰ জালপঞ্জী
 * মোৰব্লগ
 * দ্বিজেন মহন্ত সংবাদ

title: User:Dwijenmahanta


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morris, Thomas (fl.1780-1800)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morrison, Charles


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morrison, George


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morrison, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morrison, Richard James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morrison, Robert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morrison, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morritt, John Bacon Sawrey


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morse, Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morse, Robert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morshead, Henry Anderson


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mort, Thomas Sutcliffe


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mortain, Robert of


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morten, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mortimer, Cromwell


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mortimer, Edmund de (1351-1381)


text:
Page:Travel and Adventure in South-East Africa.djvu/41

1 I OX SEIZEI) BY A CROCODILE I7 upon him, rushed away through the water at my approach, and disappeared. When the cattle had gone down to drink, by a steep path, one of them had been pushed into deep water, and had swum do\vn under the bank, unnoticed by the herd-boy. He had then tried to get out where the bank was muddy, and had stuck fast, and in this position had been attacked by the crocodile. \Ve soon got him out with the help of t\vo other oxen and a yoke and chain, which \vas attached to “ reims "1 made fast round his horns. The poor animal had been very badly bitten. There were deep wounds on the top of his back near the kidneys, and near the root of the tail, and other deep wounds in his flank, and it certainly looked as if a very large crocodile had taken the entire thickness of the ox’s body in his gape. However, as this was a large Transvaal ox weighing quite Iooo lbs. as he stood, I can hardly believe that it can have been so, and yet I do not know how otherwise to account for the depth of the wounds, as, had they been mere surface nibblings, they ought not to have been dangerous. Whilst I was attending to the ox, and syringing out the wounds with strong carbolic lotion, Mr. Arnot \vent down to the river and \vatched for the reappearance of the crocodile, and presently got a shot at the ugly-looking head of a very large one, and thought he hit it; but one does not often recover a crocodile shot in deep water, as they sink to the bottom, and do not rise for some days. Although the Limpopo or Crocodile river is by no means a large river above its junction with the Tuli, I think that Crocodiles are more numerous in it than in any other river that I have visited, with the exception of the Botlctlie. They are, too, dangerous at times, and every year kill a lot of calves, and sheep, and goats, belonging to Khama's people. Mr. \V. Rowles, an interior trader, told me that on one occasion whilst he was swimming a herd of goats through the river a few miles below the Notwani junction, three of them were seized and pulled under water by crocodiles. In 1876, too, a Boer hunter named Berns Niemand was killed by one of these reptiles lower do\vn the river, and as I have often heard the story from Solomon Vermaak and Pieter Swart, who were with him and witnessed the catastrophe, I will relate it :- ‘ Raw hide thongs. C


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mortimer, Edmund de (1376-1409?)


text:
1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Reigate

REIGATE, a market town and municipal borough in the Reigate parliamentary division of Surrey, England, 24 m. S. by W. of London by the South-Eastern & Chatham railway. Pop. (1901) 25,993. It is situated at the head of the long valley of Holmsdale Hollow, beneath the North Downs. A very fine prospect over a great part of Surrey and Sussex, and extending to Hampshire and Kent, is obtained from the neighbouring Reigate Hill. Of the old castle, supposed to

have been built before the Conquest to command the pass through the valley, there only remains the entrance to a cave beneath, 150 ft. long and from 10 to 12 ft. high, excavated in the sandstone, which was used as a guardroom. The grounds are laid out as a public garden. Near the market house is the site of an ancient chapel dedicated to Thomas à Becket. In the chancel of the parish church of St Mary, a building ranging from Transitional Norman to Perpendicular, is buried Lord Howard, the commander of the English navy against the Spanish Armada. Above the vestry there is a library containing choice manuscripts and rare books. The grammar school was founded in 1675. Among the other public buildings are the town hall, the public hall, the market hall, and the working men's institute. The borough includes the township of Redhill, adjacent on the east. The town has some agricultural trade, and in the neighbourhood are quarries for freestone, hearthstone and white sand. The borough is under a mayor, 6 aldermen and 18 councillors. Area, 5994 acres.

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Reigate


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mortimer, Edmund de (1391-1425)


text:
1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Reimarus, Hermann Samuel

REIMARUS, HERMANN SAMUEL (1694-1768), German philosopher and man of letters, was born at Hamburg, on the 22nd of December 1694. He was educated by his father and by the famous scholar J. A. Fabricius, whose son-in-law he subsequently became. He studied theology, ancient languages, and philosophy at Jena, became Privatdozent in the university of Wittenberg in 1716, and in 1720-21 visited Holland and England. In 1723 he became rector of the high school at Wismar in Mecklenburg, and in 1727 professor of Hebrew and Oriental languages in the high school of his native city. This post he held till his death, though offers of more lucrative positions were made to him. His duties were light, and he employed his leisure in the study of philology, mathematics, philosophy, history, political economy, natural science and natural history, for which he made large collections. His house was the centre of the highest culture of Hamburg, and a monument of his influence in that city still remains in the Haus der patriotischen Gesellschaft, where the learned and artistic societies partly founded by him still meet. He had seven children, only three of whom survived him — the distinguished physician Johann Albrecht Heinrich, and two daughters, one of them being Elise, Lessing's friend and correspondent. He died on the 1st of March 1768.

Reimarus's reputation as a scholar rests on the valuable edition of Dio Cassius (1750-52) which he prepared from the materials collected by J. A. Fabricius. He published a work on logic (Vernunftlehre als Anweisung zum richtigen Gebrauche der Vernunft, 1756, 5th ed., 1790), and two popular books on the religious questions of the day. The first of these was a collection of essays on the principal truths of natural religion (Abhandlungen von den vornehmsten Wahrheiten der natürlichen Religion, 1755, 7th ed., 1798); the second (Betrachtungen über die Triebe der Thiere, 1760, 4th ed., 1798) dealt with one particular branch of the same subject. His philosophical position is essentially that of Christian Wolff. But he is best known by his Apologie oder Schutzschrift für die vernunftigen Verehrer Gottes (carefully kept back during his lifetime), from which, after his death, Lessing published certain chapters under the title of the Wolfenbüttel Fragments (see ). The original

MS. is in the Hamburg town library; a copy was made for the university library of Göttingen, 1814, and other copies are known to exist. In addition to the seven fragments published by Lessing, a second portion of the work was issued in 1787 by C. A. E. Schmidt (a pseudonym), under the title Uebrige noch ungedruckte Werke des Wolfenbüttelschen Fragmentisten, and a further portion by D. W. Klose in Niedner's Zeitschrift für historische Theologie, 1850-52. Two of the five books of the first part and the whole of the second part, as well as appendices on the canon, remain unprinted. But D. F. Strauss has given an exhaustive analysis of the whole work in his book on Reimarus.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mortimer, Favell Lee


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mortimer, George Ferris Whidborne


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mortimer, Hugh de


text:
The Eyes Have It

by PHILIP K. DICK

It was quite by accident I discovered this incredible invasion of Earth by lifeforms from another planet. As yet, I haven't done anything about it; I can't think of anything to do. I wrote to the Government, and they sent back a pamphlet on the repair and maintenance of frame houses. Anyhow, the whole thing is known; I'm not the first to discover it. Maybe it's even under control.

I was sitting in my easy-chair, idly turning the pages of a paperbacked book someone had left on the bus, when I came across the reference that first put me on the trail. For a moment I didn't respond. It took some time for the full import to sink in. After I'd comprehended, it seemed odd I hadn't noticed it right away.

The reference was clearly to a nonhuman species of incredible properties, not indigenous to Earth. A species, I hasten to point out, customarily masquerading as ordinary human beings. Their disguise, however, became transparent in the face of the following observations by the author. It was at once obvious the author knew everything. Knew everything--and was taking it in his stride. The line (and I tremble remembering it even now) read:

 * ...his eyes slowly roved about the room.

Vague chills assailed me. I tried to picture the eyes. Did they roll like dimes? The passage indicated not; they seemed to move through the air, not over the surface. Rather rapidly, apparently. No one in the story was surprised. That's what tipped me off. No sign of amazement at such an outrageous thing. Later the matter was amplified.

 * ...his eyes moved from person to person.

There it was in a nutshell. The eyes had clearly come apart from the rest of him and were on their own. My heart pounded and my breath choked in my windpipe. I had stumbled on an accidental mention of a totally unfamiliar race. Obviously non-Terrestrial. Yet, to the characters in the book, it was perfectly natural--which suggested they belonged to the same species.

And the author? A slow suspicion burned in my mind. The author was taking it rather too easily in his stride. Evidently, he felt this was quite a usual thing. He made absolutely no attempt to conceal this knowledge. The story continued:

 * ...presently his eyes fastened on Julia.

Julia, being a lady, had at least the breeding to feel indignant. She is described as blushing and knitting her brows angrily. At this, I sighed with relief. They weren't all non-Terrestrials. The narrative continues:

 * ...slowly, calmly, his eyes examined every inch of her.

Great Scott! But here the girl turned and stomped off and the matter ended. I lay back in my chair gasping with horror. My wife and family regarded me in wonder.

"What's wrong, dear?" my wife asked.

I couldn't tell her. Knowledge like this was too much for the ordinary run-of-the-mill person. I had to keep it to myself. "Nothing," I gasped. I leaped up, snatched the book, and hurried out of the room.

In the garage, I continued reading. There was more. Trembling, I read the next revealing passage:

 * ...he put his arm around Julia. Presently she asked him if he would remove his arm. He immediately did so, with a smile.

It's not said what was done with the arm after the fellow had removed it. Maybe it was left standing upright in the corner. Maybe it was thrown away. I don't care. In any case, the full meaning was there, staring me right in the face.

Here was a race of creatures capable of removing portions of their anatomy at will. Eyes, arms--and maybe more. Without batting an eyelash. My knowledge of biology came in handy, at this point. Obviously they were simple beings, uni-cellular, some sort of primitive single-celled things. Beings no more developed than starfish. Starfish can do the same thing, you know.

I read on. And came to this incredible revelation, tossed off coolly by the author without the faintest tremor:

 * ...outside the movie theater we split up. Part of us went inside, part over to the cafe for dinner.

Binary fission, obviously. Splitting in half and forming two entities. Probably each lower half went to the cafe, it being farther, and the upper halves to the movies. I read on, hands shaking. I had really stumbled onto something here. My mind reeled as I made out this passage:

 * ...I'm afraid there's no doubt about it. Poor Bibney has lost his head again.

Which was followed by:

 * ...and Bob says he has utterly no guts.

Yet Bibney got around as well as the next person. The next person, however, was just as strange. He was soon described as:

 * ...totally lacking in brains.

There was no doubt of the thing in the next passage. Julia, whom I had thought to be the one normal person, reveals herself as also being an alien life form, similar to the rest:

 * ...quite deliberately, Julia had given her heart to the young man.

It didn't relate what the final disposition of the organ was, but I didn't really care. It was evident Julia had gone right on living in her usual manner, like all the others in the book. Without heart, arms, eyes, brains, viscera, dividing up in two when the occasion demanded. Without a qualm.

 * ...thereupon she gave him her hand.

I sickened. The rascal now had her hand, as well as her heart. I shudder to think what he's done with them, by this time.

 * ...he took her arm.

Not content to wait, he had to start dismantling her on his own. Flushing crimson, I slammed the book shut and leaped to my feet. But not in time to escape one last reference to those carefree bits of anatomy whose travels had originally thrown me on the track:

 * ...her eyes followed him all the way down the road and across the meadow.

I rushed from the garage and back inside the warm house, as if the accursed things were following me. My wife and children were playing Monopoly in the kitchen. I joined them and played with frantic fervor, brow feverish, teeth chattering.

I had had enough of the thing. I want to hear no more about it. Let them come on. Let them invade Earth. I don't want to get mixed up in it.

I have absolutely no stomach for it.

title: The Eyes Have It