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 on. Despite the twilight conditions, both vessels were able to see not only each other at all times after first sighting, but also all navigational aids and the river banks.

The pilot of the SEADANIEL initially observed the TESTBANK as coming southbound, or downbound, upriver of lights 103/104 and having not yet made the course change to the reach of the channel that the SEADANIEL was on. The SEADANIEL's master also saw the TESTBANK and visually observed that it was to the right of the upbound channel centerline but did not utilize available radar or navigation charts to check its position in the channel. The master and pilot of the SEADANIEL estimated the TESTBANK to be between 5 1/2 to 7 miles distance from the SEADANIEL. About 2034, the pilot of the SEADANIEL unsuccessfully attempted to contact the TESTBANK via his hand-held portable VHF radio set on channel 67. A second attempt to make contact proved successful and a "one-whistle" meeting was agreed to. The pilot of the TESTBANK advised the pilot of the SEADANIEL that the numerous lights in his vicinity were from fishing vessels in the channel.

The pilot of the SEADANIEL observed the small upbound towboat, M/V MANDY CENAC, pushing a crude oil barge between Shell Beach and lights 95/96. The pilot contacted the operator of the MANDY CENAC and a "one-whistle" overtaking was agreed to and accomplished. The operator of the MANDY CENAC aided the overtaking by navigating his vessel toward the right descending bank until after the SEADANIEL had passed.

The pilot of the SEADANIEL testified that after the TESTBANK had turned approximately to the reciprocal course of the SEADANIEL at lights 103/104, the TESTBANK was about in midchannel, but that the TESTBANK angled over to the right descending bank after clearing Shell Beach and was proceeding down river on the downbound side of the channel centerline. According to the master of the SEADANIEL and the operator of the MANDY CENAC, they observed the TESTBANK navigating downbound on the upbound side of the channel.

Between 2030 and 2038 in the vicinity of lights 97/98, the SEADANIEL's pilot ordered the speed reduced to full ahead maneuvering revolutions because of the approaching TESTBANK. The mate on watch carried out the pilot's order by calling the engineroom on the telephone; however, the engine room bell book did not have this speed reduction noted. About 2036, the third mate estimated the TESTBANK to be 3 miles away. (See figure 1.) At 2039:30 the SEADANIEL's pilot ordered the speed reduced to half ahead, about 8 mph at about 60 rpm, and at 2041:15 ordered an additional reduction of speed to slow ahead or about 5 to 6 mph. Both of these ordered were written in the engineroom bell book. The master estimated the TESTBANK to be about 1 to 2 miles distance at the time of the 2039 engine order, and 1 mile away at the time of the 2041 engine order; the pilot's estimates were 1 1/2 miles and 1/2 to 1 mile, respectively. At 2041, the SEADANIEL's pilot ordered the one-whistle signal sounded.

Shortly after 2042, the pilot of the SEADANIEL, although he had not ordered a course change, noticed the vessel's head swing slightly to the right, checked the course on the gyro repeater, and observed a course being steered of between 293.5º to 294º. The pilot, who had been communicating ordered to the Chinese crew in English, stated that he raised his voice and stressed the to the crew the importance of following his orders closely due to the possibility of grounding in the narrow channel and to the proximity of the other vessel. The pilot ordered the vessel returned to the left to a course of 290º. The SEADANIEL had moved slightly to the right of the channel centerline as a result of the course excursion. The helmsman of the SEADANIEL started bringing the head of the vessel to the left to 290º. The helmsman testified that he had difficulty maintaining the


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Rh went out to India, where his life is vaguely described as ‘a somewhat eventful one.’ His adventures must have taken a nautical direction, and would seem too to have been profitable, as he returned to England at a comparatively early age and apparently in the enjoyment of a comfortable independence. In 1808 he published at Leeds ‘The Young Sea Officer's Sheet Anchor, or a Key to the Leading of Rigging and to Practical Seamanship,’ 4to, dedicated by permission to the lords of the admiralty. He was then living at Leeds, and in the introduction says that the work was planned many years before and was then finished ‘for the advantage of a young gentleman whose inclinations led him to the choice of a sea-faring life.’ It had an immediate success and continued for nearly forty years the text-book both in the royal navy and in the mercantile marine. Lever afterwards settled in Pontefract, and towards the end of his life divided his time between Alkrington Hall, near Manchester, the original seat of his family, and Edinburgh, where he died, 22 Jan. 1837. He married Elizabeth, only child of the Rev. William Murgatroyd, and by her had eight children.

 LEVER or LEAVER, RALPH, D.D. (d. 1585), master of Sherburn Hospital, Durham, was a native of Lancashire, and a younger brother of Thomas Lever [q. v.], master of St. John's College, Cambridge. He was himself educated in that college, graduating B.A. in 1547–8, and M.A. in 1551, and being admitted a fellow by the royal visitors on 4 July 1549. During the reign of Queen Mary he was an exile for religion, and he probably resided with his brother Thomas at Zürich and Aarau. On the accession of Elizabeth he returned to England, and was elected a senior fellow of St. John's College on 30 July 1559 (, Hist. of St. John's, ed. Mayor, i. 325). On 30 July 1560 he was incorporated M.A. at Oxford. Baker complains that Lever, Thomas Cartwright, William Fulke, and Percival Wiburn, while fellows of St. John's, ‘infected the college with an almost incurable disaffection, and laid the seeds of our succeeding divisions’ (ib. i. 148). During the mastership of Leonard Pilkington he had a lease of the manor of Bassingbourne, in Fordham, Cambridgeshire, although he was a fellow of the college; this favour was shown to him because he was the master's countryman.

In 1563 he became reader or tutor to Walter Devereux, afterwards first earl of Essex [q. v.] On 5 Nov. 1565 he was collated to the rectory of Washington, co. Durham (, Durham, ii. 44). On 21 Aug. 1566 he became archdeacon of Northumberland, and on 17 Oct. 1567 he was installed a canon of Durham. In 1573 he resigned the archdeaconry of Northumberland, and on 17 Nov. 1575 he was collated to the rich rectory of Stanhope, co. Durham, resigning Washington then or soon afterwards. During the vacancy in the see of Durham occasioned by the death of Bishop Pilkington he was appointed by the dean and chapter commissary to exercise episcopal jurisdiction, and he with Richard Fawcett, another prebendary, presented a supplication to the queen on 30 March 1577, complaining of the grant of leases by the dean and chapter, and desiring redress from her majesty by a royal visitation, sede vacante (State Papers, Dom. Eliz. vol. cxi. art. 48). On 16 July 1577 he was collated to the mastership of Sherburn Hospital, vacant by the death of his brother Thomas, and he soon afterwards resigned the rectory of Stanhope. He was created D.D. at Cambridge in 1578, under a grace which states that he had studied theology for twenty years subsequently to his taking the degree of M.A. (, Athenæ Cantabr. i. 507). In 1582 disputes arose between him and Dr. Barnes, bishop of Durham. On 30 Sept. 1583, however, Bishop Barnes wrote to some of the justices of the peace within the county palatine, ordering them to give satisfaction to Lever for the wrongs done to his hospital by assessments, impositions, and taxes for bridges and other matters. On 24 Feb. 1584–5 Lever wrote to Lord Burghley, requesting him to forward in parliament the bill, which soon afterwards became law, for the incorporation of Sherburn Hospital and the rectification of abuses that had long existed therein. He died about March 1584–5.

His works are: 1. ‘The Assertion of Raphe Lever touching the Canon Law, the English Papists, and the Ecclesiastical Offices of this Realm, with his most humble Petition to Her Majesty for Redress,’ printed in Strype's ‘Annals,’ i. 357–60, folio. 2. ‘The most noble, auncient, and learned playe called the Philosophers game, inuented for the honest recreation of students, and other sober persons, in passing the tediousnes of tyme to the release of their labours and the exercise of their wittes. … By Rafe Leuer, and augmented by W[illiam] F[ulke];’ black letter, London, 1563, 8vo; dedicated by James Rowbothum to Lord Robert Dudley. Fulke published this curious work without the author's consent. Rowbothum had in

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 previously ordered course because of a tendency of the SEADANIEL to steer to the right. The third mate testified that he had observed the helmsman having difficulty maintaining course and observed the heading fall off to the right. The third mate said nothing because the pilot discovered the error within a few seconds.

About 2042, the pilot of the SEADANIEL contacted the pilot of the TESTBANK on VHF radio channel 67 and according to the VTS tape recording of the conversation told him "Doug, these guys are going to run this…ship aground. They're hard-headed, they don't listen…"

The pilot of the SEADANIEL felt that the vessel's swing to port, to return to the ordered course, was too rapid and he ordered the rudder put hard to starboard to check the vessel's swing. The master and third mate of the SEADANIEL heard the order. The pilot stated that the reason for the order was due to the proximity of the approaching TESTBANK to his left. The master testified that when the pilot ordered hard to starboard the TESTBANK was directly ahead of the SEADANIEL, but that he did not know whether the TESTBANK was steady on course or maneuvering because he was not paying attention to the movement of the TESTBANK. The helmsman testified that the pilot "…start hollering and I could not understand what he was saying…" The pilot appeared "agitated" to the crew and went beyond normal rudder and engine commands in his instructions in English to the crew to pay attention to the vessel's navigation. The third mate did not see the helmsman change his rudder but did hear him "swear a little bit." The pilot observed that despite his order and instructions the SEADANIEL's rate of turn to the left had accelerated. He looked at the illuminated rudder angle indicator and saw the pointer at the hard-to-port position. The master could not see either the position of the ship's rudder order indicator or the rudder angle indicator from his position on the forward left side of the bridge. The helmsman denied having the wheel hard to port. The third mate, who was standing behind the helmsman, stated that he saw the helm about 10º left when the pilot spoke loudly to the helmsman. The third mate said that he did not "observe any swing of the vessel" other than a very slow swing of the bow to port returning from the 294º excursion.

The pilot of the SEADANIEL ordered the danger signal sounded, repeated his order to put the rudder hard to starboard, and turned and motioned to the helmsman pointing to starboard. The third mate saw the helmsman apply right rudder after the second order. The third mate felt that both the orders were clearly given and he hard the helmsman repeat back the second order. The third mate stated there were less than 60 seconds between the two hard-to-starboard orders. The pilot stated that due to the closeness of the TESTBANK, estimated to be about 500 feet away, he believed that the two vessels would collide since there was insufficient time to correct the accelerated port swing. He therefore ordered the engine stopped at 2043 and moments later ordered the engine full speed astern. The pilot said he ordered "double full astern" just prior to the collision; that order is not logged in the engine room bell book, but the master heard the order.

The pilot of the SEADANIEL testified that he advised the TESTBANK's pilot by VHF radio channel 67 that the SEADANIEL was backing full. The VTS tape has portions of this conversation recorded at 2043, indicating that the pilot did transmit words to the effect that "Doug, they put the wheel hard a-port." The remainder of the communication was unintelligible.

The SEADANIEL's pilot testified that he had communicated with the vessel's master in English without difficulty, but he had not conversed with any of the crew except to give rudder and engine orders. The pilot testified that language differences are sometimes a problem and stated that he depended on his visual observations to verify that his orders


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Rh 1562 published ‘The Pleausaunt and Wittie Playe of the Cheastes,’ also dedicated to Lord Dudley. 3. ‘The Arte of Reason, rightly termed Witcraft, teaching a perfect way to Argue and Dispute,’ London, 1573, 16mo; dedicated to Walter, earl of Essex. This is one of the rarest of early English treatises on logic.

LEVER or LEAVER, THOMAS (1521–1577), puritan divine, born at Little Lever in Lancashire in 1521, was brother of Ralph Lever [q. v.] He graduated B.A. at St. John's College, Cambridge, in 1541–2; was elected, after being rejected in the previous year, junior fellow in 1543; proceeded M.A. in 1545; was admitted a senior fellow on 3 July 1548, and a college preacher 23 Sept. following. At Cambridge he made the acquaintance of Roger Ascham [q. v.], and he was soon a leader of the extreme party of protestant reformers in the university. Late in 1548 he and Roger Hutchinson engaged with Roman Catholics in a disputation in the college concerning the mass. On 2 Feb. 1549–50 he preached in the Shrouds at St. Paul's in London, and his puritan zeal led to an invitation to deliver sermons before Edward VI at court on the fourth Sunday in the ensuing Lent, 16 March 1549–1550. In April he was one of the divines who vainly endeavoured to convince Joan Bocher (Joan of Kent) [q. v.] of the error of her anabaptistical opinions. On 24 June 1550 he seems to have been re-ordained deacon by Ridley, bishop of London, and on 10 Aug., priest. On 14 Dec. he preached at St. Paul's Cross, boldly denouncing the corruptions of contemporary society and the neglect of education, and making interesting references to the contemporary condition of his own university. On 10 Dec. 1551 he was admitted master of St. John's College by royal mandate, and he proceeded B.D. in 1552. During Lent 1552–3, when Edward VI was lying ill, Lever again preached at court, and Knox wrote of his sermon, ‘The godlie and fervent man, Maister Lever, planelie spak the desolation of the common weill, and the plagues which suld follow schortlie’ (, A Godly Letter sent to the Faythfull in London, Newcastle, Barwyk, &c.). On the death of the king, Lever supported the cause of Lady Jane Grey, and he supped with the Duke of Northumberland on 15 July 1553, when the duke visited Cambridge to proclaim Lady Jane queen. Two months after Queen Mary's accession, Lever resigned the mastership of his college, and fled to Zurich. There he made the acquaintance of Bullinger, and travelling thence by way of Lentzburg, Berne, and Lausanne, he arrived at Geneva on 13 Oct. 1554. At Geneva he regularly attended the lectures and sermons of Calvin. He was at Zurich again in the autumn of 1554, and while at Frankfort in the spring of the next year made vain efforts to reconcile the factions into which the controversy respecting the liturgy had divided the English exiles. He returned to Geneva, and late in 1555 the English congregation at Wesel offered him the pastorate there. He left Geneva for Strasbourg in January 1555–6, apparently on his way to Wesel, but his plans changed, and in the following May he was at Berne, contemplating a visit to the English protestants at Basle. Finally, in September 1556, he became minister of the English congregation at Aarau.

Queen Mary's death rendered his return to England possible. He received a license to leave Aarau on 11 Jan. 1558–9. He was soon afterwards busily preaching in England, but injured his chances of preferment by announcing the opinion that Elizabeth ought not to accept the title of supreme head of the church. About June 1559 he was appointed rector of Coventry and archdeacon of the same place. On 17 Sept. 1560 he wrote a letter to Sir Francis Knollys and Sir William Cecil describing the popular suspicions aroused in Coventry and its neighbourhood by the mysterious death of Leicester's wife, Amy Robsart. He urged the fullest investigation. On 28 Jan. 1562–3 he became master of Sherburn Hospital, Durham. He was a member of convocation in 1562, and subscribed the Thirty-nine Articles, although he was anxious that the church should adopt Calvinistic forms and practices. He was promoted to a canonry in Durham Cathedral on 21 Feb. 1563–4, but he conscientiously objected to wearing a surplice, and protested on 24 Feb. 1555–6, in a letter addressed to Leicester and Cecil, against the silencing of ministers who shared his views. In 1567 his persistence in his nonconformity led the bishop to deprive him of his canonry at Durham, but he remained archdeacon of Coventry and master of Sherburn Hospital, and repeatedly preached in a black gown in London churches. In July 1568 he delivered the sermon at the funeral of William Turner, dean of Wells. Three years later he and other puritan ministers were cited before the court of ecclesiastical commission for breaches of church


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The Secret of the Growing Gold

The Secret of the Growing Gold (c. 1897) By Bram Stoker (1847-1912)

WHEN Margaret Delandre went to live at Brent's Rock the whole neighbourhood awoke to the pleasure of an entirely new scandal. Scandals in connection with either the Delandre family or tie Brents of Brent's Rock, were not few; and if the secret history of the county had been written in full both names would have been found well represented. It is true that the status of each was so different that they might have belonged to different continents — or to different worlds for the matter of that — for hitherto their orbits had never crossed. The Brents were accorded by the whole section of the country a unique social dominance, and had ever held themselves as high above the yeoman class to which Margaret Delandre belonged, as a blue-blooded Spanish hidalgo out-tops his peasant tenantry.

The Delandres had an ancient record and were proud of it in their way as the Brents were of theirs. But the family had never risen above yeomanry and although they had been once well-to-do in the good old times of foreign wars and protection, their fortunes had withered under the scorching of the free trade sun and the "piping times of peace". They had, as the elder members used to assert, "stuck to the land", with the result that they had taken root in it, body and soul. In fact, they, having chosen the life of vegetables, had flourished as vegetation does — blossomed and thrived in the good season and suffered in the bad. Their holding, Dander's Croft, seemed to have been worked out, and to be typical of the family which had inhabited it. The latter had declined generation after generation, sending out now and again some abortive shoot of unsatisfied energy in the shape of a soldier or sailor, who had worked his way to the minor grades of the services and had there stopped, cut short either from unheeding gallantry in action or from that destroying cause to men without breeding or youthful care — the recognition of a position above them which they feel unfitted to fill. So, little by little, the family dropped lower and lower, the men brooding and dissatisfied, and drinking themselves into the grave, the women drudging at home, or marrying beneath them — or worse. In process of time all disappeared, leaving only two in the Croft, Wykham Delandre and his sister Margaret. The man and woman seemed to have inherited in masculine and feminine form respectively the evil tendency of their race, sharing in common the principles, though manifesting them in different ways, of sullen passion, voluptuousness and recklessness.

The history of the Brents had been something similar, but showing the causes of decadence in their aristocratic and not their plebian forms. They, too, had sent their shoots to the wars; but their positions had been different and they had often attained honour — for without flaw they were gallant, and brave deeds were done by them before the selfish dissipation which marked them had sapped their vigour.

The present head of the family — if family it could now be called when one remained in the direct line — was Geoffrey Brent. He was almost a type of worn-out race, manifesting in some ways its most brilliant qualities, and in others its utter degradation. He might be fairly compared with some of those antique Italian nobles whom the painters have preserved to us with their courage, their unscrupulousness, their refinement of last and cruelty — the voluptuary actual with the fiend potential. He was certainly handsome, with that dark, aquiline, commanding beauty which women so generally recognise as dominant. With men he was distant and cold; but such a bearing never deters womankind. The inscrutable laws of sex have so arranged that even a timid woman is not afraid of a fierce and haughty man. And so it was that there was hardly a woman of any kind or degree, who lived within view of Brent's Rock, who did not cherish some form of secret admiration for the handsome wastrel. The category was a wide one, for Brent's Rock rose up steeply from the midst of a level region and for a circuit of a hundred miles it lay on the horizon, with its high old towers and steep roofs cutting the level edge of wood and hamlet, and far-scattered mansions.

So long as Geoffrey Brent confined his dissipations to London and Paris and Vienna — anywhere out of sight and sound of his home — opinion was silent. It is easy to listen to far-off echoes unmoved, and we can treat them with disbelief, or scorn, or disdain, or whatever attitude of coldness may suit our purpose. But when the scandal came close home it was another matter; and the feelings of independence and integrity which is in people of every community which is not utterly spoiled, asserted itself and demanded that condemnation should be expressed. Still there was a certain reticence in all, and no more notice was taken of the existing facts than was absolutely necessary. Margaret Delandre bore herself so fearlessly and so openly — she accepted her position as the justified companion of Geoffrey Brent so naturally that people came to believe that she was secretly married to him, and therefore thought it wiser to hold their tongues lest time should justify her and also make her an active enemy.

The one person who, by his interference, could have settled all doubts was debarred by circumstances from interfering in the matter. Wykham Delandre had quarrelled with his sister — or perhaps it was that she had quarrelled with him — and they were on terms not merely of armed neutrality but of bitter hatred. The quarrel had been antecedent to Margaret going to Brent's Rock. She and Wykham had almost come to blows. There had certainly been threats on one side and on the other; and in the end Wykham, overcome with passion, had ordered his sister to leave his house. She had risen straightaway, and, without waiting to pack up even her own personal belongings, had walked out of the house. On the threshold she had paused for a moment to hurl a bitter threat at Wykham that he would rue in shame and despair to the last hour of his life his act of that day. Some weeks had since passed; and it was understood in the neighbourhood that Margaret had gone to London, when she suddenly appeared driving out with Geoffrey Brent, and the entire neighbourhood knew before nightfall that she had taken up her abode at the Rock. It was no subject of surprise that Brent had come back unexpectedly, for such was his usual custom. Even his own servants never knew when to expect him, for there was a private door, of which he alone had the key, by which he sometimes entered without anyone in the house being aware of his coming. This was his usual method of appearing after a long absence.

Wykham Delandre was furious at the news. He vowed vengeance — and to keep his mind level with his passion drank deeper than ever. He tried several times to see his sister, but she contemptuously refused to meet him. He tried to have an interview with Brent and was refused by him also. Then he tried to stop him in the road, but without avail, for Geoffrey was not a man to be stopped against his will. Several actual encounters took place between the two men, and many more were threatened and avoided. At last Wykham Delandre settled down to a morose, vengeful acceptance of the situation.

Neither Margaret nor Geoffrey was of a pacific temperament, and it was not long before there began to be quarrels between them. One thing would lead to another, and wine flowed freely at Brent's Rock. Now and again the quarrels would assume a bitter aspect, and threats would be exchanged in uncompromising language that fairly awed the listening servants. But such quarrels generally ended where domestic altercations do, in reconciliation, and in a mutual respect for the fighting qualities proportionate to their manifestation. Fighting for its own sake is found by a certain class of persons, all the world over, to be a matter of absorbing interest, and there is no reason to believe that domestic conditions minimise its potency. Geoffrey and Margaret made occasional absences from Brent's Rock, and on each of these occasions Wykham Delandre also absented himself; but as he generally heard of the absence too late to be of any service, he returned; home each time in a more bitter and discontented frame of mind than before.

At last there came a time when the absence from Brent's Rock became longer than before. Only a few days earlier there had been a quarrel, exceeding in bitterness anything which had gone before; but this, too, had been made up, an a trip on the Continent had been mentioned before the servants. After a few days Wykham Delandre also went away, and it was some weeks before he returned. It was noticed that he was full of some new importance — satisfaction, exaltation — they hardly knew how to call it. He went straightaway to Brent's Rock, and demanded to see Geoffrey Brent, and on being told that he had not yet returned, said, with a grim decision which the servants noted:

"I shall come again. My news is solid — it can wait!" and turned away. Week after week went by, and month after month; and then there came a rumour, certified later on, that an accident had occurred in the Zermatt valley. Whilst crossing a dangerous pass the carriage containing an English lady and the driver had fallen over a precipice, the gentleman of the party, Mr. Geoffrey Brent, having been fortunately saved as he had been walking up the hill to ease the horses. He gave information, and search was made. The broken rail, the excoriated roadway, the marks where the horses had struggled on the decline before finally pitching over into the torrent — all told the sad tale. It was a wet season, and there had been much snow in the winter, so that the river was swollen beyond its usual volume, and the eddies of the stream were packed with ice. All search was made, and finally the wreck of the carriage and the body of one horse were found in an eddy of the river. Later on the body of the driver was found on the sandy, torrent-swept waste near Täsch; but the body of the lady, like that of the other horse, had quite disappeared, and was — what was left of it by that time — whirling amongst the eddies of the Rhone on its way down to the Lake of Geneva.

Wykham Delandre made all the enquiries possible, but could not find any trace of the missing woman. He found, however, in the books of the various hotels the name of "Mr. and Mrs. Geoffrey Brent". And he had a stone erected at Zermatt to his sister's memory, under her married name, and a tablet put up in the church at Bretten, the parish in which both Brent's Rock and Dander's Croft were situated.

There was a lapse of nearly a year, after the excitement of the matter had worn away, and the whole neighbourhood had gone on its accustomed way. Brent was still absent, and Delandre more drunken, more morose, and more revengeful than before.

Then there was a new excitement. Brent's Rock was being made ready for a new mistress. It was officially announced by Geoffrey himself in a letter to the Vicar, that he had been married some months before to an Italian lady, and that they were then on their way home. Then a small army of workmen invaded the house; and hammer and plane sounded, and a general air of size and paint pervaded the atmosphere. One wing of the old house, the south, was entirely re-done; and then the great body of the workmen departed, leaving only materials for the doing of the old hall when Geoffrey Brent should have returned, for he had directed that the decoration was only to be done under his own eyes: He had brought with him accurate drawings of a hall in the house of his bride's father, for he wished to reproduce for her the place to which she had been accustomed. As the moulding had all to be redone, some scaffolding poles and boards were brought in and laid on one side of the great hall, and also a great wooden tank or box for mixing the lime, which was laid in bags beside it.

When the new mistress of Brent's Rock arrived the bells of the church rang out, and there was a general jubilation. She was a beautiful creature, full of the poetry and fire and passion of the South; and the few English words which she had learned were spoken in such a sweet and pretty broken way that she won the hearts of the people almost as much by the music of her voice as by the melting beauty of her dark eyes.

Geoffrey Brent seemed more happy than he had ever before appeared; but there was a dark, anxious look on his face that was new to those who knew him of old, and he started at times as though at some noise that was unheard by others.

And so months passed and the whisper grew that at last Brent's Rock was to have an heir. Geoffrey was very tender to his wife, and the new bond between them seemed to soften him. He took more interest in his tenants and their needs than he had ever done; and works of charity on his part as well as on his sweet young wife's were not lacking. He seemed to have set all his hopes on the child that was coming, and as he looked deeper into the future the dark shadow that had come over his face seemed to die gradually away.

All the time Wykham Delandre nursed his revenge. Deep in his heart had grown up a purpose of vengeance which only waited an opportunity to crystallise and take a definite shape His vague idea was somehow centred in the wife of Brent, for he knew that he could strike him best through those he loved, and the coming time seemed to hold in its womb the opportunity for which he longed. One night he sat alone in the living-room of his house. It had once been a handsome room in its way, but time and neglect had done their work and it was now little better than a ruin, without dignity or picturesqueness of any kind. He had been drinking heavily for some time and was more than half stupefied. He thought he heard a noise as of someone at the door and looked up. Then he called half savagely to come in; but there was no response. With a muttered blasphemy he renewed his potations. Presently he forgot all around him, sank into a daze, but suddenly awoke to see standing before him someone or something like a battered, ghostly edition of his sister. For a few moments there came upon him a sort of fear. The woman before him, with distorted features and burning eyes seemed hardly human, and the only thing that seemed a reality of his sister, as she had been, was her wealth of golden hair, and this was now streaked with grey. She eyed her brother with a long, cold stare; and he, too, as he looked and began to realise the actuality of her presence, found the hatred of her which he had had, once again surging up in his heart. All the brooding passion of the past year seemed to find a voice at once as he asked her:

"Why are you here? You're dead and buried."

"I am here, Wykham Delandre, for no love of you, but because I hate another even more than I do you!" A great passion blazed in her eyes.

"Him?" he asked, in so fierce a whisper that even the woman was for an instant startled till she regained her calm.

"Yes, him!" she answered. "But make no mistake, my revenge is my own; and I merely use you to help me to it." Wykham asked suddenly:

"Did he marry you?"

The woman's distorted face broadened out in a ghastly attempt at a smile. It was a hideous mockery, for the broken features and seamed scars took strange shapes and strange colours, and queer lines of white showed out as the straining muscles pressed on the old cicatrices.

"So you would like to know! It would please your pride to feel that you sister was truly married! Well, you shall not know. That was my revenge on you, and I do not mean to change it by a hair's breadth. I have come here tonight simply to let you know that I am alive, so that if any violence be done me where I am going there may be a witness."

"Where are you going?" demanded her brother.

"That is my affair! and I have not the least intention of letting you know!" Wykham stood up, but the drink was on him and he reeled and fell. As he lay on the floor he announced his intention of following his sister; and with an outburst of splenetic humour told her that he would follow her through the darkness by the light of her hair, and of her beauty. At this she turned on him, and said that there were others beside him that would rue her hair and her beauty too. "As he will," she hissed; "for the hair remains though the beauty be gone. When he withdrew the lynch-pin and sent us over the precipice into the torrent, he had little thought of my beauty. Perhaps his beauty would be scarred like mine were he whirled, as I was, among the rocks of the Visp, and frozen on the ice pack in the drift of the river. But let him beware! His time is coming!" and with a fierce gesture she flung open the door and passed out into the night.

Later on that night, Mrs. Brent, who was but half-asleep, became suddenly awake and spoke to her husband:

"Geoffrey, was not that the click of a lock somewhere below our window?"

But Geoffrey — though she thought that he, too, had started at the noise — seemed sound asleep, and breathed heavily. Again Mrs. Brent dozed; but this time awoke to the fact that her husband had arisen and was partially dressed. He was deadly pale, and when the light of the lamp which he had in his hand fell on his face, she was frightened at the look in his eyes.

"What is it, Geoffrey? What dost thou?" she asked.

"Hush! little one," he answered, in a strange, hoarse voice. "Go to sleep. I am restless, and wish to finish some work I left undone."

"Bring it here, my husband," she said; "I am lonely and I fear when thou art away."

For reply he merely kissed her and went out, closing the door behind him. She lay awake for awhile, and then nature asserted itself, and she slept.

Suddenly she started broad awake with the memory in her ears of a smothered cry from somewhere not far off. She jumped up and ran to the door and listened, but there was no sound. She grew alarmed for her husband, and called out "Geoffrey! Geoffrey!"

After a few moments the door of the great hall opened, and Geoffrey appeared at it, but without his lamp.

"Hush!" he said, in a sort of whisper, and his voice was harsh and stern. "Hush! Get to bed! I am working, and must not be disturbed. Go to sleep, and do not wake the house!"

With a chill in her heart — for the harshness of her husband's voice was new to her — she crept back to bed and lay there trembling, too frightened to cry, and listened to every sound. There was a long pause of silence, and then the sound of some iron implement striking muffled blows! Then there came a clang of a heavy stone falling, followed by a muffled curse. Then a dragging sound, and then more noise of stone on stone. She lay all the while in an agony of fear, and her heart beat dreadfully. She heard a curious sort of scraping sound; and then there was silence. Presently the door opened gently, and Geoffrey appeared. His wife pretended to be asleep; but through her eyelashes she saw him wash from his hands something white that looked like lime.

In the morning he made no allusion to the previous night, and she was afraid to ask any question.

From that day there seemed some shadow over Geoffrey Brent. He neither ate nor slept as he had been accustomed, and his former habit of turning suddenly as though someone were speaking from behind him revived. The old hall seemed to have some kind of fascination for him. He used to go there many times in the day, but grew impatient if anyone, even his wife, entered it. When the builder's foreman came to inquire about continuing his work Geoffrey was out driving; the man went into the hall, and when Geoffrey returned the servant told him of his arrival and where he was. With a frightful oath he pushed the servant aside and hurried up to the old hall. The workman met him almost at the door; and as Geoffrey burst into the room he ran against him. The man apologised:

"Beg pardon, sir, but I was just going out to make some inquiries. I directed twelve sacks of lime to be sent here, but I see there are only ten."

"Damn the ten sacks and the twelve too!" was the ungracious and incomprehensible rejoinder.

The workman looked surprised, and tried to turn the conversation.

"I see, sir, there is a little matter which our people must have done; but the governor will of course see it set right at his own cost."

"What do you mean?"

"That 'ere 'arth-stone, sir: Some idiot must have put a scaffold pole on it and cracked it right down the middle, and it's thick enough you'd think to stand hanythink." Geoffrey was silent for quite a minute, and then said in a constrained voice and with much gentler manner:

"Tell your people that I am not going on with the work in the hall at present. I want to leave it as it is for a while longer."

"All right sir. I'll send up a few of our chaps to take away these poles and lime bags and tidy the place up a bit."

"No! No!" said Geoffrey, "leave them where they are. I shall send and tell you when you are to get on with the work." So the foreman went away, and his comment to his master was:

"I'd send in the bill, sir, for the work already done. 'Pears to me that money's a little shaky in that quarter."

Once or twice Delandre tried to stop Brent on the road, and, at last, finding that he could not attain his object rode after the carriage, calling out:

"What has become of my sister, your wife?" Geoffrey lashed his horses into a gallop, and the other, seeing from his white face and from his wife's collapse almost into a faint that his object was attained, rode away with a scowl and a laugh.

That night when Geoffrey went into the hall he passed over to the great fireplace, and all at once started back with a smothered cry. Then with an effort he pulled himself together and went away, returning with a light. He bent down over the broken hearth-stone to see if the moonlight falling through the storied window had in any way deceived him. Then with a groan of anguish he sank to his knees.

There, sure enough, through the crack in the broken stone were protruding a multitude of threads of golden hair, just tinged with grey!

He was disturbed by a noise at the door, and looking round, saw his wife standing in the doorway. In the desperation of the moment he took action to prevent discovery, and lighting a match at the lamp, stooped down and burned away the hair that rose through the broken stone. Then rising as nonchalantly as he could, he pretended surprise at seeing his wife beside him.

For the next week he lived in an agony; for, whether by accident or design, he could not find himself alone in the hall for any length of time. At each visit the hair had grown afresh through the crack, and he had to watch it carefully lest his terrible secret should be discovered. He tried to find a receptacle for the body of the murdered woman outside the house, but someone always interrupted him; and once, when he was coming out of the private doorway, he was met by his wife, who began to question him about it, and manifested surprise that she should not have before noticed the key which he now reluctantly showed her. Geoffrey dearly and passionately loved his wife, so that any possibility of her discovering his dread secrets, or even of doubting him, filled him with anguish; and after a couple of days had passed, he could not help coming to the conclusion that, at least, she suspected something.

That very evening she came into the hall after her drive and found him there sitting moodily by the deserted fireplace. She spoke to him directly.

"Geoffrey, I have been spoken to by that fellow Delandre, and he says horrible things. He tells to me that a week ago his sister returned to this house, the wreck and ruin of her former self, with only her golden hair as of old, and announced some fell intention. He asked me where she is — and oh, Geoffrey, she is dead, she is dead! So how can she have returned? Oh! I am in dread, and I know not where to turn!"

For answer, Geoffrey burst into a torrent of blasphemy which made her shudder. He cursed Delandre and his sister and all their kind, and in especial he hurled curse after curse on her golden hair.

"Oh, hush! hush!" she said, and was then silent, for she feared her husband when she saw the evil effect of his humour. Geoffrey in the torrent of his anger stood up and moved away from the hearth; but suddenly stopped as he saw a new look of terror in his wife's eyes. He followed their glance, and then he, too, shuddered — for there on the broken hearth-stone lay a golden streak as the point of the hair rose through the crack.

"Look, look!" she shrieked. "Is it some ghost of the dead! Come away — come away!" and seizing her husband by the wrist with the frenzy of madness, she pulled him from the room.

That night she was in a raging fever. The doctor of the district attended her at once, and special aid was telegraphed for to London. Geoffrey was in despair, and in his anguish at the danger to his young wife almost forgot his own crime and its consequences. In the evening the doctor had to leave to attend to others; but he left Geoffrey in charge of his wife. His last words were:

"Remember, you must humour her till I come in the morning, or till some other doctor has her case in hand. What you have to dread is another attack of emotion. See that she is kept warm. Nothing more can be done."

Late in the evening, when the rest of the household had retired, Geoffrey's wife got up from her bed and called to her husband.

"Come!" she said. "Come to the old hall! I know where the gold comes from! I want to see it grow!"

Geoffrey would fain have stopped her, but he feared for her life or reason on the one hand, and lest in a paroxysm she should shriek out her terrible suspicion, and seeing that it was useless to try to prevent her, wrapped a warm rug around her and went with her to the old hall. When they entered, she turned and shut the door and locked it.

"We want no strangers amongst us three tonight!" she whispered with a wan smile.

"We three! nay we are but two," said Geoffrey with a shudder; he feared to say more.

"Sit here," said his wife as she put out the light. "Sit here by the hearth and watch the gold growing. The silver moonlight is jealous! See, it steals along the floor towards the gold — our gold!" Geoffrey looked with growing horror, and saw that during the hours that had passed the golden hair had protruded further through the broken hearth-stone. He tried to hide it by placing his feet over the broken place; and his wife, drawing her chair beside him, leant over and laid her head on his shoulder.

"Now do not stir, dear," she said; "let us sit still and watch. We shall find the secret of the growing gold!" He passed his arm round her and sat silent; and as the moonlight stole along the floor she sank to sleep.

He feared to wake her; and so sat silent and miserable as the hours stole away.

Before his horror-struck eyes the golden hair from the broken stone grew and grew; and as it increased, so his heart got colder and colder, till at last he had not power to stir, and sat with his eyes full of terror watching his doom.

In the morning when the London doctor came, neither Geoffrey nor his wife could be found. Search was made in all the rooms, but without avail. As a last resource the great door of the old hall was broken open, and those who entered saw a grim and sorry sight.

There by the deserted hearth Geoffrey Brent and his young wife sat cold and white and dead. Her face was peaceful, and her eyes were closed in sleep; but his face was a sight that made all who saw shudder, for there was on it a look of unutterable horror. The eyes were open and stared glassily at his feet, which were twined with tresses of golden hair, streaked with grey, which came through the broken hearth-stone.

(End.)

title: The Secret of the Growing Gold


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Rh discipline. On 18 June 1577 the Bishop of Lichfield and Coventry directed him, in the queen's name, to suppress the prophesyings which he encouraged in his archdeaconry. He left London for Sherburn in July 1577, and died on the road at Ware. He was buried in the chancel of the chapel of Sherburn Hospital, beneath a blue marble stone, on which are inscribed the words, ‘Preacher to King Edward VI.’

In the spring of 1559 he married a widow with three children. A daughter was born to him in July 1560, and he had a son, Sampson.

Lever was, according to Baker, a man of ‘much natural probity and blunt native honesty.’ ‘Preaching, indeed, was his talent.’ His sermons resembled Latimer's in their bluntness and boldness, and his reputation was made by his sharp rebukes of the courtiers when preaching before Edward VI. Baker, the historian of St. John's College, Cambridge, described him as ‘one of the best masters, as well as one of the best men, the college ever bred.’ He also showed much wisely directed energy at Sherburn Hospital, where he was succeeded by his brother Ralph.

Lever's works were: 1. ‘A fruitful Sermon made in Poules Churche, at London, in the Shroudes, the Seconde Daye of February 1549–1550,’ London (by John Daye and William Seres), 8vo, 9 April 1550 (Brit. Mus.). 2. ‘A Sermon preached the iiij Sonday in Lent before ye Kynges Majestie, and his honourable Counsell, Anno Domini ,’ London (by John Daye), 8vo, 9 April 1550. Some title-pages of this sermon describe it erroneously as ‘preached ye third Sundaye in Lent’ (cf., Lit. Mem. of Edward VI, Roxb. Club, vol. i. p. cxxxvi; STRYPE, Eccl. Memorials, ii. 261, 272). 3. ‘A Sermon preached at Pauls Crosse the xiiii Day of December,’ London (by John Daye), 1550, 8vo (Bodleian); reprinted in 1572. 4. ‘A Meditacion upon the Lorde's Prayer, made at Sayncte Mary Wolchurche in London, Anno ,’ London (by John Daye), 8vo, 1551. 5. ‘A Treatise of the right Way from the Danger of Sinne and Vengeance in this wicked Worlde, unto Godly Wealth and Salvation in Christe,’ Geneva, 1556; newly augmented 1571, London (by Henry Bynneman), 8vo, 1571, 1575. The sermons numbered 1, 2, and 3 were reissued (as ‘Three fruitfull sermons, now newlie perused’) by Lever in 1572 (Lambeth and St. John's College, Cambridge), and they were reprinted by Professor Arber in 1871.

To John Bradford's ‘Godly Meditations,’ London, 1567, Lever contributed a preface ‘showing the true understanding of God's Word,’ and ‘A Meditation on the Tenth Commandment’ (see, Works, ed. Townsend, i. 565, 569). Some prayers by him appear in ‘A collection by certain godly learned men,’ London (by William Powell), n. d. 8vo, and he helped to compose ‘An Admonition to the Parliament for the Reformation of Church Discipline.’

LEVERIDGE, RICHARD (1670?–1758), vocalist, song-writer, and composer, was born in London about 1670. He sang in the celebration of St. Cecilia's day in 1695, and is said by Rimbault to have been a celebrity at Bartholomew Fair before the close of the century. Leveridge was also a member of the Drury Lane company, and took part in the ‘Island Princess,’ as altered by Motteux and revived in 1699, with music composed by Daniel Purcell, Jeremiah Clarke, and himself. Leveridge's ‘Enthusiastick Song’ was long a popular number. On 21 Nov. 1702 ‘Macbeth’ was revived at Drury Lane, ‘with vocal and instrumental music all new composed by Mr. Leveridge, and performed by him and others.’ This music has not been identified with certainty. It seems improbable that it was the music popularly associated with ‘Macbeth,’ which seems to have been first produced in 1672, and, although ascribed in error to Matthew Locke [q. v.], is with greater probability assigned to Henry Purcell [q. v.] Incidental music to ‘Macbeth’ was used for many seasons at Drury Lane, Lincoln's Inn Fields, and ‘probably by the same company’ at Covent Garden in 1735 and following years, being advertised as ‘the music proper to the play.’ In 1738 at Covent Garden ‘Macbeth’ was announced ‘with the original music,’ and Leveridge sang. He usually took the part of Hecate (cf., Letters, vi. 339). Between 1703 and 1708 Leveridge sang at Drury Lane in the revivals of Purcell's operas and masques, ‘Fairy Queen,’ ‘Timon of Athens,’ ‘Amphitrion,’ ‘Libertine Destroyed,’ ‘Tempest,’ ‘King Arthur,’ ‘Indian Queen,’ ‘Œdipus;’ between 1705 and 1708 in Locke's ‘Psyche;’ and in ‘Arsinoe,’ ‘Camilla,’ ‘Rosamond,’ and ‘Thomyris.’ The opera company migrated to the Haymarket in 1708, where Leveridge took part in ‘Love's Triumph’, in Handel's ‘Faithful Shepherd,’ 1712, and in ‘Theseus,’ 1713. From about 1715 to 1732 he sang at Lincoln's Inn Fields Theatre, with an interval of retirement about


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Rh 1719–20, when he kept a coffee-house in Tavistock Street, Covent Garden.

Subsequently Leveridge was chiefly employed in the vocal entertainment given between the acts of plays, singing his own ballads and songs by Purcell and others. He represented Merlin, Pluto, Morpheus, Silenus, and other heavy parts in Rich's pantomimes from 1728 to 1732 at Lincoln's Inn Fields, and from 1732 to 1751 at Covent Garden. His last benefit performance was advertised by him in verse to take place on 24 April 1751. He was then eighty-one. A subscription of one guinea per annum was opened in his behalf at Garraway's Coffee-house on 26 Oct. 1751 (Daily Advertiser, 26 Oct. 1751), and Leveridge was supported in his old age by his friends. He was a cheerful companion and a strictly honest man, and was in good spirits up to a few hours of his death on 22 March 1758. He had been nursed by an only daughter (London Chronicle), perhaps the Mrs. Parratt to whom he left all his effects, in a will proved a week after death, but signed in 1746.

There is an etched portrait of Leveridge by Dodd, after Frye; a mezzotint, oval, ‘O the Roast Beef of Old England,’ by A. Vandermyne, after F. Vandermyne; a mezzotint, square, holding music, by W. Pether, after T. Frye, printed on a reduced scale for ‘European Magazine,’ October 1793, and a print representing Leveridge and Pinkethman on a stage in Bartholomew Fair.

Leveridge used his deep bass voice without much art. Hawkins records that in 1730 100l. was offered for a wager by Leveridge to ‘sing a bass song with any man in England.’ But in 1724 he was called ‘Old Leveridge’ by Mrs. Pendarves; and to Burney's ear his style in 1744 seemed antediluvian.

Leveridge composed, besides the works noticed: 1. ‘Brittain's Happiness,’ an entertainment performed in the manner of an opera, 7 March 1704, at the Little Lincoln's Inn Fields Theatre. 2. ‘Pyramus and Thisbe,’ a comic masque, composed ‘in the high style of Italy,’ and compiled from Shakespeare by Leveridge; Lincoln's Inn Fields, 21 Nov. 1716. Leveridge also published a collection of songs, with the music, in two small volumes 8vo, with frontispiece by Hogarth, 1727; and ‘A New Book of Songs,’ 1730. There is in the Music Catalogue of the British Museum Library a list of about one hundred of Leveridge's songs and dialogues, the best-known of which are ‘All in the Downs’ and ‘The Roast Beef of Old England.’

Oldys wrote in his notes to Langbaine's ‘Dramatick Poets’ (p. 277): ‘Dick Leveridge's History of the Stage and Actors in his own time, for these forty or fifty years past, as he told me he had composed it, is likely to prove, whenever it shall appear, a more perfect work’ (i.e. than Curll's). Of this history nothing further is known.

 LEVERTON, THOMAS (1743–1824), architect, born at Woodford in Essex and baptised at Waltham Abbey on 11 June 1743, was son of Lancelot Leverton, a builder. After learning his father's business, he became an architect, and was extensively employed in the erection of dwelling-houses in London and the country. He exhibited thirty-four designs in the Royal Academy between 1771 and 1803. His executed works include Woodford Hall, Essex, in 1771, now Mrs. Gladstone's Convalescent Home; Boyles, Essex, in 1776; Watton Wood Hall, Hertfordshire, in 1777; the Phœnix Fire Office, London, in 1787; Engine House, Charing Cross, about 1792; Riddlesworth Hall, Norfolk, in 1792; bank for Messrs. Robarts in Lombard Street in 1796 (since rebuilt); hall for the Grocers' Company in the Poultry, London, of which the first stone was laid on 30 Aug. 1798, and the work completed on 21 July 1802 (it was afterwards altered by Joseph Gwilt, [q. v.]); Scampston House, Yorkshire, in 1803; Marine Villa, at Lislee, co. Cork, in 1803. He also erected large premises for sugar-boilers in London and New York. In 1783 he received a government premium for designs for improved penitentiary houses. He and his pupil, Thomas Chawner, were architects in the department of land revenue of the office of works, and in that capacity submitted, in July 1811, a plan for the improvement of the crown property of Marylebone Park Farm (now Regent's Park); but the design of John Nash [q. v.] was preferred and executed.

Leverton was surveyor to the Phœnix Fire Insurance Company and to the theatres royal in London, and was justice of the peace for Surrey, Kent, Middlesex, and Westminster. He was twice married, first, in 1766, and afterwards, in 1803, to Mrs. Rebecca Craven of Blackheath. He died at 13 Bedford Square, London (a house he had erected for himself) on 23 Sept. 1824, and was buried in Waltham Abbey, where a monument by


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Rh Brothers [q. v.], and his pretended Mission to recall the Jews.’ In 1796 Levi wrote ‘A Defence of the Old Testament in a Series of Letters addressed to Thomas Paine,’ whose ‘Age of Reason’ had attacked the Bible with much acuteness. These letters were first published in New York in 1797.

Meanwhile Levi executed some useful literary work for his co-religionists by publishing English translations of the Hebrew ritual. In 1789 appeared his edition of Genesis in Hebrew and English, arranged on opposite pages. Notes by Lion Soesmans, who printed the works, were appended. The other books of the Pentateuch followed. Between 1789 and 1793 he completed in six volumes an English rendering of the festival prayers used by the London congregation of Spanish and Portuguese Jews, and he did similar service for the German and Polish congregation. In 1794 he translated ‘The Hagadah, or Service for the first two nights of the Passover;’ and he rendered into English the prayers written for use in the synagogues on special occasions, like that of the king's illness in 1788 and his recovery in 1789, or of the dedication of the Great Synagogue in Duke's Place in 1790. He also wrote a Hebrew ode on the king's escape from assassination in 1795.

In 1793 Levi published vol. i. of his ‘Dissertations of the Prophecies of the Old Testament,’ which had already occupied him twenty-five years (Pref.) Vol. ii. appeared in 1796, vol. iii. in 1800. An edition (in two vols.) revised by J. King was issued in 1817.

Levi, who was always in pecuniary difficulties, was attacked by paralysis in November 1798, and died on 11 July 1799, at his house in Green Street, Mile End New Town. He was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Mile End. An elegy by Henry Lemoine [q. v.] appeared in the ‘Gentleman's Magazine.’

A portrait was painted by Drummond. An engraving by Burnley appeared in the ‘European Magazine’ for May 1799.

 LEVI, LEONE (1821–1888), jurist and statistician, was born of Jewish parents at Ancona on 6 June 1821. His father, Isaac Levi, belonged to the middle class, and Leone, after receiving the ordinary commercial education of the day in his native town, was placed at the age of fifteen in the office of his elder brother, who carried on the business of commission agent and merchant there. The business prospered, and Levi in 1844 was sent to England to extend it. He settled at Liverpool, was naturalised, mastered the English language, and established a connection, but was unfortunate in some speculations, and after the commercial crisis of 1847 came back to Ancona to find his brother ruined. He returned to England, and found employment as a clerk in a mercantile house at Liverpool. Some letters to the ‘Liverpool Albion’ newspaper in 1849, advocating the establishment in our chief commercial centres of general representative chambers of commerce and permanent tribunals of commerce, constituted of a legally trained judge, with mercantile assessors, brought him before the public, and formed the basis of two pamphlets, one on ‘Chambers and Tribunals of Commerce, and proposed General Chamber of Commerce in Liverpool,’ London, 1849, 8vo, the other ‘On the State of the Law of Arbitrament, and proposed Tribunal of Commerce,’ London, 1850, 8vo. One half of Levi's scheme was at once carried into effect by the establishment of general and representative chambers of commerce at Liverpool, Leeds, Bradford, Hull, and other important centres of industry. Of the Liverpool chamber Levi became the honorary secretary. Levi's suggestions for the reform of the law of arbitration, then in a very defective condition, bore fruit in the arbitration clauses of the Common Law Procedure Act of 1854, which have only recently been superseded by the Arbitration Act of 1889. Levi was not slow to avail himself of his position at the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce to obtain through official channels exact information about foreign chambers of commerce and the laws applying to commercial transactions in their respective countries. Materials thus accumulated on his hands for a synopsis of the commercial law of Christendom similar to Anthoine de Joseph's ‘Concordance des Codes de Commerce,’ but on a larger scale, and such as might serve as a step towards an international code of commerce. He secured with difficulty a sufficient number of subscribers; gained admission to the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, where he worked from sixteen to eighteen hours a day; interested the prince consort in his design, and ventilated it in a letter addressed to chambers of commerce and in lectures which he delivered in London, Edinburgh, Dublin, and elsewhere in 1851 and 1852, and afterwards printed. The work itself appeared under the title ‘Commercial Law: its Principles and Administration; or the Mercantile Law of Great Britain compared with the Codes and Laws of Commerce of the following Mercantile


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 had been carried out, rather than a repeat back by the helmsman. The pilot was uncertain if rudder orders had been repeated back to him. He said that prior to the erroneous rudder application there had been no translation problems and all of his orders had been properly carried out. The SEADANIEL's pilot was not certain that the rudder was ever placed hard to starboard, despite his two orders and hand signal. He stated he was too busy providing whistle signals, issuing engine orders, and observing the other vessel to ascertain that the helmsman had properly responded to his orders.

The TESTBANK—About 1800, the pilot assigned to the TESTBANK boarded the ship at France Road #4 dock New Orleans, Louisiana. He proceeded to the bridge and found the master, chief mate, and one seaman on watch. The pilot and master discussed the vessel's handling characteristics, draft, and particulars in detail. The nature of the cargo being carried was not discussed. The master spoke fluent English and the discussion was in English. The pilot found both radars on standby, the ship's VHF radio operating on channel 14, and no course recorder. The pilot was carrying a portable VHF radio, set on channel 9 to use for bridge-to-bridge communication with the tugs while undocking. The pilot had been advised by his office dispatcher to expect to meet the SEADANIEL upbound.

About 1836, the TESTBANK got underway outbound, bound for Rotterdam, Bremen, LeHarve, and other ports. After routinely clearing the dock, the pilot set the ship's VHF radio on channel 67 and released the tugs about 1845. The TESTBANK followed the channel downbound at speeds varying between slow to half ahead until the vessel passed the Paris Road Bridge, where speed was set full ahead, about 12 to 13 mph. About 2000, the bridge watch changed; the master acted as watch officer and handled the automated engineroom controls, a helmsman was at the wheel, and a lookout was on the starboard bridge wing.

The TESTBANK transited the Mississippi River Gulf Outlet Canal uneventfully until about 2020 when, in the vicinity of lights 103/104 about mile 44.5 to 45, the pilot saw the navigation lights of the SEADANIEL. (See figure 1.) The TESTBANK's pilot estimated the distance to the SEADANIEL to be about 7 1/2 to 8 miles, with the SEADANIEL in the vicinity of Bayou la Loutre below lights 95/96. About 2030, as the TESTBANK approached lights 103/104, the pilot noticed about a dozen fishing vessels working in the area, and he therefore reduced speed to half speed, about 90 rpm and about 9 to 10 mph, to avoid wake damage. Due to their proximity, the pilot was paying attention to the fishing vessels rather than the SEADANIEL. After passing lights 103/104, the pilot set a new course of 108º. A few seconds later, the pilots communicated on VHF radio channel 67, and a "one-whistle" meeting was agreed to. In this conversation, the pilot of the TESTBANK stated that he was advised by the pilot of the SEADANIEL that "he had a load" but would try and give the TESTBANK room. The TESTBANK pilot stated taht he replied "There is no problem. Just hold on me and when we get close, we will swing off one another." The TESTBANK's pilot testified that the statement meant "we both knew that we were going to stay in the middle or just slightly to the right and meet."

When the TESTBANK was about at the "Pipeline Canal," about 1 mile upriver from Shell Beach, about mile 42 to 43, the pilot ordered the TESTBANK to course 110º, angling the vessel slightly toward the right descending bank and to the right of the right half of the downbound channel. The pilot of the TESTBANK stated that he did so to "give him the benefit of the doubt, because I have a real good ship" and because the pilot of the SEADANIEL told him that "he had a load." He did not advise the pilot of the SEADANIEL of this maneuver. About 2036 in the vicinity of Bayou Yscloskey, the pilot of the TESTBANK ordered dead slow ahead, about 5.5 mph and about 50 rpm. The TESTBANK's


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Rh Countries’—fifty-nine are enumerated, in alphabetical order, from Anhalt to Würtemberg—‘and the Institutes of Justinian,’ London, 1850–2, 4to. The publication was recognised as an event of national and international importance. The king of Prussia, the emperor of Austria, the Society of Arts, and College of Physicians awarded Levi gold medals or prizes. At Levi's suggestion Lord Harrowby, to whom the book was dedicated, arranged with Brougham, then president of the Law Amendment Society, the congress of 16 Nov. 1852, in order to discuss practical measures for harmonising the laws of the three kingdoms. A royal commission was issued, and resulted in the Mercantile Law Amendment Acts of 1856 (19 & 20 Vict. cc. 60 and 97), by which some of the more glaring discrepancies between English and Scotch and Irish law were removed (see Parliamentary Papers, Reports from Commissioners, 1854, vol. ix., and 1854–5, vol. iv.) The commission also considered the expediency of introducing the principle of trading with limited liability into the law of partnership, and Levi, who had already given evidence in its favour before a committee of the House of Commons in 1850, was examined by the commissioners, who, however, reported adversely to the proposal. Levi also gave evidence before a committee of the House of Lords in 1853 in favour of the collection of agricultural statistics, which was not earnestly taken in hand until 1866. He also attended the International Congresses of Statisticians at Brussels in 1853 and 1855, in the latter year read before the Law Amendment Society a paper ‘On Judicial Statistics,’ and at Brougham's request drafted a bill on the subject which Brougham introduced into the House of Lords, but eventually withdrew.

Meanwhile in 1852, on the recommendation of Lord Harrowby, Levi had been appointed to the newly created chair of commerce at King's College, and removing to London had taken chambers in Doctors' Commons. He discharged his duties with conspicuous ability and zeal in spite of inadequate remuneration. The close study of English mercantile law which his lectures involved was proved by his ‘Manual of the Mercantile Law of Great Britain and Ireland,’ published at London in 1854, 8vo. Of the Statistical Society he became fellow in 1851, one of the council in 1860, and vice-president in 1885, and contributed sixteen of the papers in its journals, frequently representing the society at foreign congresses. He was also elected a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries in 1854, was called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn in 1859, and received from the university of Tübingen the degree of doctor of economical and political science in 1861. Levi was also a member of the Society of Arts, of the Law Amendment Society, of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, of the Royal Geographical Society, of the International Statistical Institute, honorary secretary of the metric committee of the British Association, and of the International Association for Promoting one Uniform System of Weights, Measures, and Coins, and a knight of the Italian orders of SS. Mauritius and Lazarus, and of the Crown of Italy. He was a friend and enthusiastic admirer of Cobden, to whose memory he paid a warm tribute when advocating the establishment of an international lectureship on economics in 1865 (On Richard Cobden, an Introductory Lecture delivered in King's College, London, 22 Oct. 1865, London, 1865, 8vo). He disapproved of capital punishment, and believed in the practicability of settling international disputes by arbitration. These views he ventilated in ‘The Law of Nature and Nations as affected by Divine Law,’ London, 1855, 8vo; ‘Peace the Handmaid of Commerce, with Remarks on the Eastern Crisis. An Introductory Lecture delivered at King's College, London, 12 Oct. 1876,’ London, 1876, 8vo; ‘War and its Consequences, Economical, Commercial, Financial, and Moral. With Proposals for the Establishment of a Court of International Reference and Arbitration,’ London, 1881, 8vo, and ‘International Law, with Materials for a Code of International Law,’ London, 1887, 8vo. He was also a warm advocate of the Channel tunnel. His principal work on statistics was a periodical summary of parliamentary papers, entitled ‘Annals of British Legislation, being a Classified and Analysed Summary of Public Bills, Statutes, Accounts, and Papers, Reports of Committees and of Commissioners, and of Sessional Papers generally of the Houses of Lords and Commons, together with Accounts of Commercial Legislation, Tariffs, and Facts relating to Foreign Countries,’ London, 1856–1865, fourteen vols. 8vo, continued on a larger scale, under the title ‘Annals of British Legislation, being a Digest of the Parliamentary Blue Books’ to 1868, 4 vols. 8vo. He took a lively interest in the working classes, and investigated their economic position and prospects in the following works: 1. ‘Wages and Earnings of the Working Classes, with some facts illustrative of their Economic Condition, from Authentic and Official Sources, in a Report to Michael T. Bass, esq., M.P.,’ London, 1867, 8vo. 2. ‘Estimate of the Amount of Taxation falling on the Working Classes of the United Kingdom. A Report


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Rh to M. T. Bass, esq., M.P.,’ London, 1873, 8vo. 3. ‘Work and Pay, or Principles of Industrial Economy. Two Courses of Lectures delivered to Working Men in King's College, London, with the Report of the Committee of the British Association on Combinations of Labourers and Capitalists,’ London, 1877, 8vo. 4. ‘The Economic Condition of Fishermen,’ London, 1883, 8vo (a paper read at a Conference at the International Fisheries Exhibition). 5. ‘Wages and Earnings of the Working Classes. A Report to Sir Arthur Bass,’ London, 1885, 8vo.

Levi's magnum opus, however, was his ‘History of British Commerce and of the Economic Progress of the British Nation, 1763–1870,’ London, 1872, 8vo; 2nd edit., with continuation to 1878, and graphic tables, 1880, 8vo, a work which, with little or no pretension to literary style, sets forth clearly and methodically the results of a lifetime of study.

Soon after his arrival in England Levi changed his faith, and became an active member of the religious body which before 1876 styled itself the ‘Presbyterian Church in England,’ and has since adopted the title of ‘Presbyterian Church of England.’ A ‘Digest of the Actings and Proceedings of the Synod of the Presbyterian Church in England, 1836–1876,’ was published under his supervision in 1876, 8vo. But while thoroughly identifying himself with the land of his adoption, Levi retained a lively interest in that of his birth, and founded, in connection with the Technical Institute at Ancona, a free scientific library, and a lectureship ‘on the laws of commerce in relation to science and moral international laws.’ He revisited Italy in 1887 as member of a deputation from the Statistical Society to the congress of European statisticians held at Rome in that year. Soon after his return to England grave symptoms manifested themselves, and after an illness of several months he died at his house, 31 Highbury Grove, on 7 May 1888. He was buried on the 12th in Highgate cemetery.

Levi married in 1856 Margaret, daughter of James Ritchie of Edinburgh.

Besides the works mentioned above Levi published many separate lectures on economic or commercial subjects. He also edited ‘The Theory and Practice of the Metric System of Weights and Measures,’ London, 1871, 8vo; ‘A Treatise on the Office and Practice of a Notary of England, with a full Collection of Precedents, by Richard Brooke, esq., F.S.A.,’ London, 1867, 8vo; and was author of ‘An Introductory Paper’ prefixed to the Pears prize essays on ‘The Present Depression of Trade; its Causes and Remedies,’ London, 1885, 8vo.

LEVINGE, RICHARD (d. 1724), Irish judge, was second son of Richard Levinge of Parwich, Ashborne, Derbyshire (where the family had been long seated). His mother, Anne, daughter of George Parker of Park Hill, Staffordshire, was aunt of Thomas Parker, earl of Macclesfield, lord-chancellor of England. His great-uncle, Timothy Levinge, who matriculated at Balliol College, Oxford, in 1591, aged 17, was called to the bar at the Inner Temple in 1606; became a bencher in 1622, serjeant-at-law 20 May 1636, recorder of Derby and M.P. for the city in 1621, 1624, 1625, and 1628. Richard entered the Inner Temple as a student in September 1671, and was called to the bar in November 1678. In 1686 he became recorder of Chester, and was M.P. for the city from 1690 to 1692. From 1690 to 1694 he was solicitor-general for Ireland, and was knighted in 1692, in which year he was elected M.P. for both Belfast and Blessington, and chose to sit for the latter constituency, in the Irish House of Commons. On 5 Oct. of the same year he was unanimously chosen as speaker of that assembly, and remained in office till the dissolution of 1695. In 1695 he was again elected by two constituencies, Bangor and Longford, and sat for the latter. He acted in 1699 as one of the commissioners to inquire into forfeited land in Ireland, but for quarrelling with his fellow-commissioners and speaking ill of them he was summoned before the English parliament, and committed to the Tower from 16 Jan. to 11 April 1700. He was re-elected M.P. for Longford in 1703. On 13 April 1704 he was created a baronet, and was again appointed to the office of solicitor-general for Ireland. In 1706 he became a bencher of the Inner Temple, in 1710 he was elected M.P. for Derby in the English parliament, and was promoted in 1711 to be attorney-general for Ireland. In 1713 he was elected for both Gowran and Kilkenny, and sat for Kilkenny. In 1720 he was constituted lord chief justice of the Irish court of common pleas. Sir Richard held that office until his death, 13 July 1724 (Hist. Reg. 1724; Chron. Diary, p. 34).

Levinge married, first, in 1680 Mary,


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 pilot said he observed the SEADANIEL's white range and masthead lights closely while the SEADANIEL navigated upbound. He stated that he felt their movement indicated the SEADANIEL was in "good shape" with nothing wrong.

About 2042, the pilot of the TESTBANK saw the SEADANIEL's navigation lights opening, indicating that the SEADANIEL was turning to its right. He recalled thinking that "…he is pulling over just a little bit too soon…" When the TESTBANK had reached the vicinity of Shell Beach on the right descending bank of the MRGO, the pilot heard the pilot of the SEADANIEL's 2042 broadcast. Therefore, the TESTBANK pilot ordered the vessel further to the right, to course 112º, thinking that the SEADANIEL was "…trying to correct some course change…" and to give more room "…to a vessel that is not steering as the pilot orders…" The pilot of the TESTBANK stated that this further course change to the right would take some pressure off the pilot of the SEADANIEL in having to turn to the right at the last minute; however, he did not advise the pilot of the SEADANIEL of this further course change to the right. The TESTBANK's pilot estimated the TESTBANK to be about 200 feet off the right descending bank at Shell Beach, or about 100 feet from the edge of the channel, with the two vessels ready to meet about one-quarter mile distance apart. The pilot of the TESTBANK stated that he blew one whistle when his vessel was near Shell Beach proceeding about 5.5 mph over the ground with about a 1-mph current.

About 2043, the pilot of the TESTBANK said he heard the pilot of the SEADANIEL transmit to him via VHF radio channel 67 that "…they put the wheel hard to port on me…" followed by, "…I'm going to throw her back over…" The pilot of the TESTBANK ordered the engine stopped when he heard the SEADANIEL's pilot's transmissions. The TESTBANK's pilot, who was still closely observing the masthead and range lights of the SEADANIEL, observed the continued swing of the SEADANIEL to its left and heard the VHF radio transmission from the SEADANIEL's pilot stating that he was going full astern. The pilot of the TESTBANK observed the swing of the SEADANIEL to be a "gentle" swing rather than an erratic swing that would be caused by a sheer due to bank effect. The master of the TESTBANK, who also observed and confirmed the SEADANIEL's turn to the left, estimated the SEADANIEL to be about 400 to 500m (1,312 to 1,640 feet) away from the TESTBANK when he saw the left turn commence. The helmsman of the TESTBANK, who previous was only paying attention to minding his course, looked and saw the SEADANIEL turning to its left and coming across the channel centerline. He stated he knew then there would be a collision. His observation was that the TESTBANK was to the right in the downbound side of the channel. The TESTBANK's pilot and master both heard the SEADANIEL sound the danger signal, and at that time estimated their vessel to be about 100 to 150 feet off the right descending bank about mile 40.9 and making less than 4 mph. The TESTBANK's pilot ordered the engine put full astern and the rudder put hard to starboard. The engine bell tape reflects that the stop order and astern order came at the same time, 2043 and 40 seconds. The TESTBANK's pilot ordered and the master sounded the danger signal on the ship's whistle and the ship's general alarm bell. When the SEADANIEL was about 5 feet away, the pilot ordered the rudder amidship.

The operator of the MANDY CENAC stated that while observing the SEADANIEL's lights, he saw the SEADANIEL turn left into the TESTBANK. While his testimony was generally uncertain, he felt the TESTBANK was on the "wrong" side of the channel. He said that the SEADANIEL's stern was directly in front of his vessel when the two vessels collided. His vessel was about 40 to 50 feet off the left descending bank.

The collision was logged at 2044 in the SEADANIEL's and the TESTBANK's engine room bell books. After the vessels' bows had passed each other, the SEADANIEL struck the TESTBANK's port forecastle. The pilot of the TESTBANK and the pilot of the


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Rh seems probable, the Jean de Levizac who is mentioned by Plasse, he was at the time of his flight vicar-general of the diocese of St. Omer. For the rest of his life he resided in London, taught French, and wrote numerous books on the French language. He died in London in 1813. Levizac's chief works were: 1. ‘L'Art de Parler et d'Ecrire correctement la Langue Française,’ London, 1797, 8vo, 1801, &c. This work was praised by Henry (Hist. de la Langue Française, ii. 36). 2. ‘Abrégé de la Grammaire Française,’ London, 1798. 3. ‘A Treatise on the Sounds of the French Language,’ London, 1800. 4. ‘Dictionnaire Universel des Synonymes de la Langue Française,’ London, 1807, 8vo; 2nd edit. 1809. 5. ‘French and English and English and French Dictionary,’ 1808, 8vo; 2nd edit. 1815.

 LEVY, AMY (1861–1889), poetess and novelist, second daughter of Mr. Lewis Levy, by his wife Isabelle [Levin], was born at Clapham on 10 Nov. 1861. Her parents were of the Jewish faith. She was educated at Brighton, and afterwards at Newnham College, Cambridge. She early showed decided talent, especially for poetry, pieces afterwards thought worthy of preservation having been written in her thirteenth year. In 1881 a small pamphlet of verse from her pen, ‘Xantippe and other poems,’ was printed at Cambridge. Most of the contents were subsequently incorporated with her second publication, ‘A Minor Poet and other Verse,’ 1884. ‘Xantippe’ is in many respects her most powerful production, exhibiting a passionate rhetoric and a keen, piercing dialectic, exceedingly remarkable in so young a writer. It is a defence of Socrates's maligned wife, from the woman's point of view, full of tragic pathos, and only short of complete success from its frequent reproduction of the manner of both the Brownings. The same may be said of ‘A Minor Poet,’ a poem now more interesting than when it was written, from its evident prefigurement of the melancholy fate of the authoress herself. The most important pieces in the volume are in blank verse, too colloquial to be finely modulated, but always terse and nervous. ‘A London Plane Tree and other Poems,’ 1889, is, on the other hand, chiefly lyrical. Most of the pieces are individually beautiful; as a collection they weary with their monotony of sadness. The authoress responded more readily to painful than to pleasurable emotions, and this incapacity for pleasure was a more serious trouble than her sensitiveness to pain: it deprived her of the encouragement she might have received from the success which, after a fortunate essay with a minor work of fiction, ‘The Romance of a Shop,’ attended her remarkable novel, ‘Reuben Sachs,’ 1889. This is a most powerful work, alike in the condensed tragedy of the main action, the striking portraiture of the principal characters, and the keen satire of the less refined aspects of Jewish society. It brought upon the authoress much unpleasant criticism, which, however, was far from affecting her spirits to the extent alleged. In the summer of 1889 she published a pretty, and for once cheerful story, ‘Miss Meredith,’ but within a week after correcting her latest volume of poems for the press, she died by her own hand in her parents' house, 7 Endsleigh Gardens, London, 10 Sept. 1889. No cause can or need be assigned for this lamentable event except constitutional melancholy, intensified by painful losses in her own family, increasing deafness, and probably the apprehension of insanity, combined with a total inability to derive pleasure or consolation from the extraneous circumstances which would have brightened the lives of most others. She was indeed frequently gay and animated, but her cheerfulness was but a passing mood that merely gilded her habitual melancholy, without diminishing it by a particle, while sadness grew upon her steadily, in spite of flattering success and the sympathy of affectionate friends. Her writings offer few traces of the usual immaturity of precocious talent; they are carefully constructed and highly finished, and the sudden advance made in ‘Reuben Sachs’ indicates a great reserve of undeveloped power. She was the anonymous translator of Pérés's clever brochure, ‘Comme quoi Napoléon n'a jamais existé.’

 LEVY, JOSEPH MOSES (1812–1888), founder of the ‘Daily Telegraph,’ born in London on 15 Dec. 1812, was son of Moses Lionel Levy, by Helena, daughter of J. Moses, esq., and was like his father a professing Jew. He was educated at Bruce Castle school, under Thomas Wright Hill [q. v.], and in Germany. He engaged in youth in commercial pursuits, and soon purchased and carried on a printing establishment in Shoe Lane, Fleet Street. He thus became connected with the ‘Sunday Times,’ of which he became chief proprietor in 1855, and he conducted that paper for a year. The ‘Daily Telegraph and Courier’ was founded by Colonel Sleigh as a twopenny daily newspaper on 29 June 1855. Sleigh quickly be-


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Rh came heavily indebted to Levy, who took over the newspaper in settlement of his claims. On 17 Sept. 1855 it was issued as the ‘Daily Telegraph’ by Levy at a penny, being the first London daily newspaper produced at that price. It was in a very bad financial position at the time, and the proceeds of the first day's advertisements are stated to have been 7s. 6d. The appearance, however, of a well-edited daily paper at a penny excited great attention. Levy devoted all his capital to the enterprise, and induced many members of his family to follow his example. The circulation rose very rapidly, and on the repeal of the paper duties, which Levy did his best to obtain, the profits grew to be very large. Levy devoted himself entirely to his newspaper. He collected round him a band of able writers, including [q. v.], Sir Edwin Arnold, Mr. G. A. Sala, and many others. Until the last years of his life he daily visited the offices in Fleet Street, and supervised the management in the minutest details, invariably giving much attention to artistic and theatrical articles, for which he held himself especially responsible. The politics of the paper were liberal until 1886, when the principles of the liberal unionists were adopted. Levy was privately very charitable, and was a generous patron of music and the drama. He died at Florence Cottage, Ramsgate, on 12 Oct. 1888, and was buried at Balls Pond cemetery, London. He married in 1831 Esther, daughter of N. G. Cohen, and she died in 1883, leaving a large family. The eldest son, Sir Edward Lawson, was created a baronet in 1892.

 LEWES. [See also .]

LEWES, CHARLES LEE (1740–1803), actor, was born, according to his own account, in New Bond Street, London, 19 Nov. 1740 (O.S.) His father, a hosier, who subsequently became a letter-carrier, was of Welsh descent, and through his mother, the daughter of William Lewthwaite of Broadgate, Cumberland, he claimed connection with some families of distinction. From seven years of age until fourteen he was at school in Ambleside, Westmoreland. About 1754 he returned to London, and seems to have assisted his father in his work as a letter-carrier. His first performance, presumably as an amateur, was about 1760 at the Haymarket, as Cash in ‘Every Man in his Humour.’ Matthew Mug in the ‘Mayor of Garrett’ he subsequently gave at Chelsea. After playing at Chesterfield and other country towns, and experiencing at Sheffield a disabling accident as harlequin, he was engaged at Covent Garden as second harlequin to Woodward. Small parts were occasionally entrusted to him, his first recorded appearance at Covent Garden being 26 Sept. 1763, as Bardolph in the ‘First Part of King Henry IV.’ His name then, and for a short time subsequently, was spelt Lewis. After the departure of Woodward for Edinburgh he became principal harlequin, and played the character in ‘Harlequin's Jubilee,’ 1 Oct. 1770. Young Cape in the ‘Author,’ Bowman in ‘Lethe,’ Lord John in the ‘Englishman returned from Paris,’ Lord Bawble in the ‘Country Madcap,’ Montano in ‘Othello,’ Squire Groom in ‘Love à la Mode,’ Prattle in ‘Deuce is in Him,’ and Marplot in the ‘Busybody’ were assigned him during the season. On 3 Dec. 1772 he was Bertram in ‘All's Well that Ends Well,’ and played subsequently Cloten and other parts. On the first production of ‘She Stoops to Conquer,’ 15 March 1773, Smith refused the part of Young Marlow, which Lewes played so much to the satisfaction of the management as to secure him a position as leading comedian. Goldsmith, pleased with his performance, wrote him an epilogue, which, in the character of Harlequin, he spoke at his benefit. With summer visits to Liverpool he remained at Covent Garden until 1783, playing parts so varied as Gratiano, Roderigo, Jeremy in ‘Love for Love,’ Lorenzo in ‘Spanish Fryar,’ Sir Novelty Fashion in ‘Love's Last Shift,’ Lord Foppington in the ‘Man of Quality,’ Young Wilding in the ‘Liar,’ Sir Anthony Absolute, Mercutio, Slender, Bobadil, Trappanti, Clown in ‘Winter's Tale’ and in ‘Twelfth Night,’ and many other leading characters. He was the original Fag in the ‘Rivals,’ Justice Credulous in ‘St. Patrick's Day,’ Meadows in the ‘Deaf Lover,’ Flutter in ‘Belle's Stratagem,’ Squire Turnbull in Holcroft's ‘Duplicity,’ Lord Sparkle in ‘Which is the Man,’ Grog in O'Keeffe's ‘Positive Man,’ and Welford in the ‘Capricious Lady,’ Cumberland's alteration of the ‘Scornful Lady’ of Beaumont and Fletcher. Quarrelling with the management of Covent Garden he accepted an engagement at Drury Lane, where he appeared on the opening night of the season, 16 Sept. 1783, as Marplot. The change was wholly disadvantageous. He played during the season, among other parts, Touchstone, Perez in ‘Rule a Wife and Have a Wife,’ Lucio in ‘Measure for Measure,’ Witwoud in the ‘Way of the World,’ Falstaff in the ‘Merry Wives of Windsor,’ and Tattle


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Rh in ‘Love for Love,’ and was the original Colonel Quorum in ‘Reparation.’ His name next appears for his benefit, 9 May 1785, as Brush in the ‘Clandestine Marriage,’ and as Meadows in the ‘Deaf Lover,’ and he had no further engagement at the principal London theatres. On 19 May 1787 he was in Edinburgh, where he acted in several pieces and gave, after a custom adopted in his later life, recitations of George Alexander Stevens's ‘Lecture on Heads.’ He went with Palmer to the Royalty Theatre in Wellclose Square, where he recited Cowper's ‘John Gilpin.’ In a vain hope of bettering his fortune he visited India with his wife and family. He had not obtained the requisite leave from England, and his performances were prohibited. On 7 April 1790 for the benefit of [q. v.], and on 18 May 1790 for the benefit of [q. v.], he played at Covent Garden Buck in the ‘Englishman in Paris.’ Returning to Scotland, he engaged in Edinburgh in 1792 under Stephen Kemble, was part manager of the Dundee Theatre, and in 1792–3 was in Dublin, where he became a favourite in low comedy. While undergoing imprisonment for debt he wrote various works of little merit. The most ambitious of these, ‘Memoirs of Charles Lee Lewes,’ &c., written by himself, 4 vols. 12mo, 1805, was a posthumous publication edited by his son. Among theatrical compilations it has an unenviable precedency of worthlessness. A few highly coloured pictures of his own early life are given; but he supplies many apocryphal anecdotes of other actors, and devotes two volumes to an account of the wrangles concerning the Edinburgh Theatre between Jackson, Mrs. Esten, and others. Lewes is also responsible for Hippisley's ‘Drunken Man, as altered by Charles Lee Lewes,’ 8vo, no date (?1787); a ‘Lecture on Heads, as delivered by Charles Lee Lewes,’ 1784; ‘John Gilpin, as delivered by Charles Lee Lewes,’ unmentioned by authorities and inaccessible; ‘Comic Sketches, or the Comedian his own Manager,’ 12mo, 1804, consisting of the entertainments he had given and a sketch of his life and a portrait; ‘National Melodist, Songs,’ &c., 12mo, 1817. Harris, the manager of Drury Lane, lent the theatre for the benefit of Lewes, 24 June 1803, when the ‘Wonder’ was performed, with Lewes as Lissardo, H. Siddons as Don Felix, Mrs. Jordan as Violante, and Mrs. Mattocks as Flora. An address entitled ‘Lee Lewes's Ultimatum,’ written by Thomas Dibdin, was delivered. A considerable sum of money was raised, but a serious decay of power was manifested by Lewes, who two days later according to Dibdin, on 23 July according to Boaden, was found dead in his bed. He was buried in Pentonville. Lewes was thrice married, leaving a family by his first wife, a Miss Hussey, and another by the second, a Miss Rigley, the daughter of a Liverpool innkeeper. Genest speaks of Lewes as a good actor, and says his retirement was a loss to the stage. Anthony Pasquin praises his valets for a bold ‘pertness.’ Two portraits by De Wilde of Lewes as Bobadil are in the Garrick Club. In theatrical records Lewes is frequently confused with [q. v.]

 LEWES, GEORGE HENRY (1817–1878), miscellaneous writer, born in London in 1817, was the grandson of the actor, [q. v.] His education was desultory. He passed through various schools in London, Jersey, and Brittany, and was finally at Dr. Burney's at Greenwich. He entered a notary's office, and was at one time in the employment of a Russian merchant. For a time he walked the hospitals, but gave up the profession from his dislike to witnessing physical pain, a feeling which in later years restricted the range of his physiological experiments. At the age of nineteen he belonged to a club, consisting chiefly of small tradesmen, who discussed philosophy and, in particular, Spinoza. He described it in the ‘Fortnightly Review’ for 1866. One of its members, Kohn, a journeyman watchmaker, is said to have been the original of Mordecai in George Eliot's ‘Daniel Deronda.’ By 1836, he says (Problems of Life and Mind, Preface), he had planned a treatise, in which the philosophy of the Scottish school was to be physiologically interpreted, and he lectured upon the subject in 1837 in Fox's chapel in Finsbury. The interest in philosophical questions thus indicated was probably the cause of a visit to Germany in 1838. He speaks in a letter to Macvey Napier (7 June 1844, Napier Correspondence, p. 464) of having spent the greater part of his youth in France and Germany, and of having regained the use of his mother-tongue by the last three or four years in England. Lewes had inherited or imbibed from the surroundings of his youth a passion for the drama. At the age of sixteen he had written a play to be acted in his own house by a company of boy amateurs. After his return from Germany he made some attempts to take up acting as a profession. In 1841 he


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 SEADANIEL estimated the nagle to be 30º to 45º and slightly less than 45º, respectively. At the time of the impact, the TESTBANK was estimated to be on a heading of 115º at about 3 to 4 mph over the ground and the SEADANIEL was estimated to be making about 6 to 8 mph over the ground on a course about 268º to 270º.

The two vessels momentarily broke contact after the initial impact as the TESTBANK heeled to starboard. The pilot of the TESTBANK described the heel as "heavy" and felt the heel was due to the vessel coming in contact with the diagonal banks of the channel. The impact brought the TESTBANK to bare headway in the water and turned the bow of the SEADANIEL to the right, almost parallel with the channel according to the pilot of the TESTBANK. Secondary contact occurred near the No. 2 port hatch when the TESTBANK righted, almost immediately after the first impact, and the SEADANIEL proceeded down the port side of the TESTBANK ripping containers stowed above deck on the outboard port side of the TESTBANK. The crew of the SEADANIEL observed sparks as the SEADANIEL raked down the port side of the TESTBANK. A heavy white haze and an odor of "rotten onions" emanated from the damaged containers strewn about the TESTBANK's main deck after the impact. The vapor was sufficiently dense to prevent sighting the bow from the bridge of the TESTBANK.

After the two vessels had cleared, the TESTBANK's engine was brought to stop and then slow ahead by the pilot to prevent the stern from striking the nearby beach. The TESTBANK was maneuvered to the left descending bank and using the starboard anchor was anchored near mile 40.5 at about 2050. The pilot contacted the U.S. Coast Guard (USCG) on VHF radio channel 16 and advised the USCG of collision.

The SEADANIEL crossed the channel behind the stern of the TESTBANK and grounded softly on the right descending bank. The pilot ordered the vessel anchored, and a damage survey was conducted. The SEADANIEL came to rest on the river bank with mile marker 41 about 100m (328 feet) off the vessel's port side. The pilot of the SEADANIEL estimated the collision site to be about three-fourths to three-fifths of a mile below Shell Beach with his vessel's bown across the channel centerline. The master and third mate testified that the SEADANIEL did not cross over the channel centerline.

The pilot of the SEADANIEL observed two containers in the water, one of which sank in the area of the collision. The pilot utilized his vessel's searchlight and saw the second container drifting toward the right descending bank close to the SEADANIEL's stern. The container grounded and came to rest on the right descending bank.

Injuries to Persons

There were no injuries.

Damage to Vessels

The port bow and rail of the SEADANIEL were slightly damaged and the bow was contaminated with hazardous cargo from the TESTBANK. The TESTBANK was holed in the port side shell plating above the waterline near the bow and received extensive damage to her port side cargo containers; the main deck cargo area was contaminated with hazardous cargo. (See appendix A.)