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Rh ordinations. On 17 Oct. he presided over the diocesan conference at Sunderland, and on the 29th he was publicly presented at Durham with a pastoral staff (cf. Guardian, 1889, p. 1699). On 3 Dec. he arrived in Bournemouth. On 17 Dec. he became seriously ill, and he died on 21 Dec. 1889, of congestion of the lungs, due to dilatation of the heart. On 26 Dec. the body was removed to Durham; a vast congregation joined in a memorial service in the cathedral on the morning of 27 Dec.; the body was finally conveyed by road to Auckland Castle, and was buried under the east end of the central aisle of the chapel there. Numerous nonconformists attended, not heeding the vehement protest against disestablishment to which Lightfoot had given utterance at the diocesan conference of 1885.

By will, and an immediately antecedent instrument, Lightfoot created a trust called ‘The Lightfoot Fund for the Diocese of Durham,’ for the erection of buildings for church purposes, the providing of ‘stipends for clergy and other spiritual agents in connection with the Church of England’ in the diocese, and for other purposes under the same conditions at the discretion of the trustees. To the trustees (whom he also made residuary legatees) he assigned full ownership in his works and copyrights. The trustees have thus become virtually his literary executors, and several posthumous volumes have been published under their direction. The whole of Lightfoot's episcopal income had been yearly expended by him for purposes within the diocese. His library was by his wish divided between the university of Durham and the Cambridge divinity school.

Mr. W. B. Richmond's portrait of Lightfoot, painted a few weeks before his death, is in Auckland Castle, and is the property of the see; a replica hangs in the hall of Trinity College, Cambridge. In the library of the same college is a sketch by Mr. Lowes Dickinson, founded on an excellent photograph taken at Bournemouth. An altar tomb erected to his memory in Durham Cathedral was unveiled on 24 Oct. 1892, and a memorial restoration of the destroyed chapter-house is projected.

Lightfoot's contributions to biblical criticism practically began with the review of ‘Recent Editions of St. Paul's Epistles,’ the most important of the articles which he wrote for the ‘Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology’ (iii. 81–121, March 1856). It deals principally with the editions of St. Paul's earlier epistles, brought out simultaneously by A. P. Stanley and Professor Jowett. Of both editions generally he speaks in terms of hearty respect and admiration. He convicts Stanley, however, of numerous misstatements, self-contradictions, and inaccuracies. His still more elaborate examination of Professor Jowett's book turns almost wholly on matters of principle. The two chief positions which he maintains against Jowett are, first, that the late Greek in which the New Testament is written is as precise a language as the classical Attic, however widely differing from it; and, next, that neither St. Paul's antecedents nor the internal evidence of his epistles supply any reasons for thinking that he had imperfect knowledge of the language in which he wrote, or imperfect skill in using it. These pages are essentially a vindication of the conviction which underlies all Lightfoot's own commentaries, that the only safe way to the meaning of a great writer lies through faith in his language, and therefore through exact investigation of grammar and vocabulary. The article at once made Lightfoot widely known as an unusually competent biblical critic. On receiving a copy, Stanley sent it to their common friend, John Conington, professor of Latin at Oxford, asking his opinion about it, and was advised in reply to ‘surrender at discretion.’ Stanley not only took the advice, but sent a kindly answer. Professor Jowett did the same; and thus the foundations of future friendships were laid.

Lightfoot himself published commentaries on St. Paul's Epistles to the Galatians (1865; 10th edit. 1890), to the Philippians (1868; 9th edit. 1888), and to the Colossians, with the Epistle to Philemon (1875; 10th edit. 1892). These were originally intended to form part of a complete edition of ‘St. Paul's Epistles,’ to be ‘prefaced by a general introduction and arranged in chronological order.’ Accordingly they sometimes refer the reader to a projected (but unwritten) commentary on Thessalonians for explanations of important words occurring in those earliest epistles. Some very fragmentary notes prepared by Lightfoot for his lectures on other epistles of St. Paul are extant, and selections from them appeared in 1895. In the first three published volumes the commentary is of a high order, and, though rarely of great length, abounds in valuable and pertinent matter not to be found elsewhere. Technical language is as far as possible avoided, and exposition, essentially scientific, is clothed in simple and transparent language. The natural meaning of each verse is set forth without polemical matter. The prevailing characteristic is masculine good sense unaccompanied by either the insight or the delusion of subtlety. Introductions, which precede the commentaries,


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Rh handle the subject-matter with freshness and reality, almost every section being in effect a bright little historical essay. The ample new material was chiefly drawn from Greek and Latin inscriptions and the exact study of localities. To each commentary is appended a dissertation, which includes some of Lightfoot's most careful and thorough work. To the old problem ‘On the Brethren of the Lord’ he brings new light by tracing an orderly history in the seeming chaos of patristic tradition on ‘James, the Lord's brother.’ The dissertation on ‘St. Paul and the Three’ is the necessary supplement to the commentary on Galatians ii. Together they constitute Lightfoot's most important contribution to the Tübingen controversy. Both are written throughout temperately and dispassionately (cf. Preface, p. ix). The dissertation sketches with simple directness ‘the progressive history of the relations between the Jewish and Gentile converts in the early ages of the church, as gathered from the apostolic writings, aided by such scanty information as can be got together from other sources.’ Thus what he offers is not a refutation of the conclusions of the Tübingen scholars, but a rival interpretation and a rival picture. It is solid and lasting work, and hardly the less original because of a certain indebtedness pointed out by Lightfoot himself to the second edition of Ritschl's ‘Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche’ (p. 285; also ‘Philippians,’ p. 187). His edition of ‘Philippians’ contains, besides an interesting study on ‘St. Paul and Seneca,’ a much canvassed dissertation on ‘The Christian Ministry;’ that is, to use his own words of 1881 (Preface to sixth edition), ‘an investigation into its origin.’ The first part deals chiefly with the development of monarchical episcopacy out of the primitive presbyterate, a change which, so far as Asia Minor is concerned, Lightfoot holds to have been sanctioned by St. John in his old age, and with the chief changes in the office, and in the language used about it, in the early centuries. The second part traces the origin and growth of what Lightfoot calls ‘the sacerdotal view of the ministry.’ Probably no better sketch exists of what is even now known regarding these departments of the early history of Christian institutions. Similarly the three dissertations on the Essenes appended to ‘Colossians,’ if here and there open to criticism, are always rational and comprehensive. Lightfoot had looked forward to writing a commentary on the Acts. A partial substitute for it will be found in an article on the Acts which he contributed to the second edition of the ‘Dictionary of the Bible,’ 1893.

Lightfoot's book on ‘A fresh Revision of the New Testament’ (1871, reprinted 1881, with an appendix on the last petition of the Lord's Prayer from the ‘Guardian,’ 7, 14, 21 Sept. 1881) is not only the most trustworthy defence (by anticipation) of the revised version, but a valuable collection of biblical criticisms, at once accurate and readily intelligible.

A very different contribution to biblical criticism was the account of the Coptic versions of the New Testament, and of the known manuscripts of them, which Lightfoot wrote for the second and enlarged for the third edition of Scrivener's ‘Plain Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament’ (1874, 1883). This is a tentative piece of work, but it supplies at present the only list of these manuscripts accessible in print. It is one fruit of the labour bestowed by Lightfoot on learning the Coptic and Armenian languages for purposes of criticism.

To biblical and patristic criticism alike belong the nine articles which Lightfoot wrote in the ‘Contemporary Review’ (December 1874–May 1877) in reply to the anonymous book entitled ‘Supernatural Religion.’ On the first or speculative part of the book he said very little. By mental habit he shrank from what seemed to him abstract speculation. In answer to the second or historical part, he discussed exhaustively the evidence borne by Christian writers of the first two centuries to the several books of the New Testament. The articles were unfortunately broken off by increasing want of leisure, but during Lightfoot's illness on his first stay at Bournemouth in 1889 he yielded at last to many urgent requests for republication, and with Mr. Harmer's help reprinted the papers in a volume. He added notes chiefly referring to changes made or not made by the anonymous author in his later editions, and an article, ‘Discoveries illustrating the Acts of the Apostles,’ from the ‘Contemporary Review’ for May 1878. It is matter for regret that the circumstances of republication involved the retention of ephemeral and merely personal matter. The tone of rebuke towards an opponent found here, and here only, in Lightfoot's writings, a tone forced from him by moral indignation, may easily hide from the reader the calm, judicial character and the permanent value of the discussion of patristic evidence.

The second great department of study on which Lightfoot left his mark was that of early post-biblical Christian literature and history. In 1869 he published all that was then known of the text of the ‘Epistle of Clement of Rome,’ and of the homily attri-

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Rh buted to Clement as a second epistle, together with short introductions and an admirable commentary. The volume was described as ‘the first part of a complete edition of the Apostolic Fathers.’ At the time Lightfoot contemplated ‘a history of Early Christian Literature,’ for which he reserved matter that would otherwise have accompanied the text. In 1877 he was induced by the discovery of the missing parts of Clement's two works, both in a Greek manuscript and in a Syriac version, to publish an appendix containing these new texts in the original with a commentary, various readings, complete English translations, and enlarged introductions. The preparation of a second edition was what chiefly occupied the hours given to study in the latest years of Lightfoot's life, and especially in the intervals of his illnesses. ‘He was busy with Clement till he fell into a half-unconscious state, three days before his death.’ This unfinished ‘second edition,’ which was issued in 1890, contains abundance of fresh matter, including two great essays on the ‘Early Roman Succession of Bishops,’ and on ‘Hippolytus of Portus.’ The former is the most successful attempt yet made to solve a problem as intricate as it is for purposes of chronology important, together with various subsidiary suggestions less likely to be ultimately accepted. The latter, though left incomplete, is again the most thorough monograph on the subject that we possess. Not the least interesting feature of the book is the attention bestowed on De Rossi's explorations of subterranean Rome, and the careful weighing of historical conclusions drawn from monumental and literary evidence in the field of Roman archæology.

The edition of Ignatius and Polycarp, which forms the second part of Lightfoot's ‘Apostolic Fathers,’ ‘was the motive,’ he tell us, ‘and is the core, of the whole.’ He was fascinated by the Ignatian problem nearly thirty years before his first edition appeared (2 vols. in 3, 1885; 2nd edit., 3 vols., 1889). Originally, like many unprejudiced students, he accepted as genuine only those three (or rather abridgments of three) out of seven Ignatian epistles which Cureton had found in an early Syriac manuscript; and the notes which Lightfoot originally wrote were framed on this assumption. He never saw any probability in the opinion still held by many, that all the seven alike are spurious, and at last he convinced himself that the seven epistles unabridged were genuine. He was partly led to this result by the arguments of Zahn's ‘Ignatius von Antiochien’ (1873). The masterly defence of the conclusions thus slowly reached has already produced a clear though hardly a decisive effect on critical opinion, in spite of the strong prepossessions which it has had to encounter. After all, however, this discussion occupies only 120 out of nearly 2,000 pages, and the whole book is of a quality that needs no adventitious flavour of controversy. It abounds in texts and translations not only of Ignatius and Polycarp, but of various writings connected with their names. Much is done towards making Ignatius's own words free from textual corruption. The commentaries reach Lightfoot's usual standard, and in addition the martyrdoms under Trajan and the three following emperors are carefully investigated, with an examination of ‘imperial letters and ordinances’ concerning the Christians in these last three reigns. Another of Lightfoot's masterly contributions to patristic studies is his article on ‘Eusebius of Cæsarea’ in the ‘Dictionary of Christian Biography’ (1880). It is a model monograph, supplying a studiously fair and accurate account of that bishop's eventful life, and of his numerous and important writings.

The permanent value of Lightfoot's historical work depends on his sagacity in dealing with the materials out of which history has to be constructed. He was invariably faithful to a rigorous philological discipline, and was preserved by native candour from distorting influences. But history meant not less to him as a man than as a scholar. He found it, he said, the best cordial for drooping spirits. He used all local and personal associations for impressing on others something of his own vivid sense of fellowship with men of different ages and of different nations. This characteristic he also signally exemplified in the sermons which were published after his death under the title ‘Leaders in the Northern Church’ (1890, 3rd ed. 1892).

What impression Lightfoot made on an eminently competent foreign critic and theologian, not personally known to him, may be learned from a tribute paid by Adolf Harnack, professor of church history at Berlin, in the ‘Theologische Literaturzeitung’ of 14 June 1890. ‘His editions and commentaries … as well as his critical dissertations have an imperishable value, and even where it is impossible to agree with his results, his grounds are never to be neglected. The respect for his opponent which distinguished him … has brought him the highest respect of all parties. … There never has been an apologist who was less of an advocate than Lightfoot. … Not only measured by the standard of the official theology of the English church was he an independent free scholar, but he was this likewise in the absolute sense of the


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94.] with their waggons before the palace; some of them had oxen yoked to them, and some horses. There was one peasant who had three horses, one of which was delivered of a young foal, and it ran away and lay down between two oxen which were in front of the waggon. When the peasants came together, they began to dispute, to beat each other and make a disturbance, and the peasant with the oxen wanted to keep the foal, and said one of the oxen had given birth to it, and the other said his horse had had it, and that it was his. The quarrel came before the King, and he gave the verdict that the foal should stay where it had been found, and so the peasant with the oxen, to whom it did not belong, got it. Then the other went away, and wept and lamented over his foal. Now he had heard how gracious his lady the Queen was because she herself had sprung from poor peasant folks, so he went to her and begged her to see if she could not help him to get his foal back again. Said she, "Yes, I will tell thee what to do, if thou wilt promise me not to betray me. Early to-morrow morning, when the King parades the guard, place thyself there in the middle of the road by which he must pass, take a great fishing-net and pretend to be fishing; go on fishing too, and empty out the net as if thou hadst got it full"—and then she told him also what he was to say if he was questioned by the King. The next day, therefore, the peasant stood there, and fished on dry ground. When the King passed by, and saw that, he sent his messenger to ask what the stupid man was about? He answered, "I am fishing." The messenger asked how he could fish when there was no water whatever there? The peasant said, "It is as easy for me to fish on dry land as it is for an ox to have a foal." The messenger went back and took the answer to the King, who ordered the peasant to be brought to him and told him that this was not his own idea, and he wanted to know whose it was? The peasant must confess that at once. The peasant, however, would not do so, and said always, God forbid he should! the idea was his own. They laid him, however, on a heap of straw, and beat him and tormented him so long that at last he admitted that he had got the idea from the Queen.


text:
Letter From the President to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President Pro Tempore of the Senate Regarding the War Powers Resolution

Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)

On January 11, 2013, French forces conducted an operation in Somalia in which they attempted to rescue a French citizen being held hostage by al-Shabaab. United States forces provided limited technical support to the French forces in that operation, but took no direct part in the assault on the compound where it was believed the French citizen was being held hostage. United States combat aircraft briefly entered Somali airspace to support the rescue operation, if needed. These aircraft did not employ weapons during the operation. The U.S. forces that supported this operation left Somalia by approximately 8:00 p.m. Eastern Standard Time on January 11, 2013.

I directed U.S. forces to support this rescue operation in furtherance of U.S. national security interests, and pursuant to my constitutional authority to conduct U.S. foreign relations and as Commander in Chief and Chief Executive.

I am providing this report as part of my efforts to keep the Congress fully informed, consistent with the War Powers Resolution (Public Law 93-148). I appreciate the support of the Congress in this action.

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE,
 * January 15, 2013.


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42 When the King reached home again, he said to his wife, "Why hast thou behaved so falsely to me? I will not have thee any longer for a wife; thy time is up, go back to the place from whence thou camest—to thy peasant's hut." One favour, however, he granted her; she might take with her the one thing that was dearest and best in her eyes; and thus was she dismissed. She said, "Yes, my dear husband, if you command this, I will do it," and she embraced him and kissed him, and said she would take leave of him. Then she ordered a powerful sleeping draught to be brought, to drink farewell to him; the King took a long draught, but she took only a little. He soon fell into a deep sleep, and when she perceived that, she called a servant and took a fair white linen cloth and wrapped the King in it, and the servant was forced to carry him into a carriage that stood before the door, and she drove with him to her own little house. She laid him in her own little bed, and he slept one day and one night without awakening, and when he awoke he looked round and said, "Good God! where am I?" He called his attendants, but none of them were there. At length his wife came to his bedside and said, "My dear lord and King, you told me I might bring away with me from the palace that which was dearest and most precious in my eyes—I have nothing more precious and dear than yourself, so I have brought you with me." Tears rose to the King's eyes and he said, "Dear wife, thou shalt be mine and I will be thine," and he took her back with him to the royal palace and was married again to her, and at the present time they are very likely still living.

95.—OLD HILDEBRAND.

upon a time lived a peasant and his wife, and the parson of the village had a fancy for the wife, and had wished for a long while to spend a whole day happily with her, and the peasant woman, too, was quite willing. One


text:
Presidential Memorandum - National Flood Insurance Program

MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF HOMELAND SECURITY

SUBJECT: National Flood Insurance Program

I have reviewed your request for approval to issue notes to the Secretary of the Treasury in excess of $20.725 billion, but not to exceed $30.425 billion, for the National Flood Insurance Program and am hereby granting approval for you to do so.

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE,
 * January 7, 2013.


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Mary of Guise failing, was seriously ill, and on 4 Dec. Francis and Mary issued a commission to the Marquis d'Elbœuf to act as their lieutenant-general in Scotland (ib. ii. 305, 368). But the opponents of the Guises caused delay ; and when in January 1660 D'Elbœuf set sail, he was driven back by a storm, and the prospect of a Huguenot rising detained him in France. On the 22nd an English fleet was in the Forth (ib. ii. 581, 600). On 27 Feb. the treaty of Berwick was concluded between England and the Scottish lords (ib. ii. 781). The Guises despatched Monti uc, bishop of Valence, to the Scots with offers which Mary, who had now somewhat recovered, stigmatised as 'shameful as well for the honour of God as the reputation of the king' (ib. ii. 844, 906). D Oysel had been obliged to evacuate Fife, from which he had driven the protestants, and, according to Knox (ii. 8), drawn from Mary the exclamation, ' Where is now John Knox his God? My God is now stronger than his, yea, even in Fyff ' (Stevenson, ii. 565, 711). When Lord Grey, at the end of March, led an English army to join in the siege of Leith, Lord Erskine, who had maintained an attitude of neutrality, gave the sick queen a refuge in the castle of Edinburgh (ib. ii. 915). Elizabeth desired peace, and would not have the castle besieged. Randolph, however, 'feared the dowager's long practice in craft and subtility,' and 'would not report what she had been heard to say of the queen's life and behaviour' (ib. ii. 957). Earlier in the year she had tried to discredit Chatelherault by forging a letter from him to the French king (ib. ii. 906). Elizabeth withdrew her veto on the siege of the castle when it was represented to her that the dowager by sending up and down continually did more harm than five hundred Frenchmen. The Bishop of Valence, after being delayed three weeks by Norfolk at Berwick, reached Edinburgh on 22 April 1560, and found Mary undismayed by her troubles (ib. ii. 1056; Teitlet, i. 574). He was empowered to offer the congregation such a reduction of the French force as would render it merely sufficient to garrison the strong places, but Mary insisted on terms which the lords would not accept, and the negotiations finally broke down on their refusal to renounce their league with England (ib. i. 592-5; Stevenson, ii. 1076). On the 29th she wrote that she was putting the castle in a state of defence, and was better in health, though still lame and far gone with a dropsy (ib. ii. 1093). She had been her own doctor and surgeon (ib. iii. 104). It would indeed have been a marvellous recovery if she had really, as asserted by Knox, who surpasses himself in the brutality of his reference to her sufferings, been able to see from the castle, at a distance of over two miles, the corpses hung along the wall of Leith after a successful sally on 7 May, and hopping in her joy had remarked, ' Yonder are the fairest tapestrie that ever I saw' (Knox, ii. 67). She again sought to engage the besiegers in negotiation, and wept over the misery of the country ; but the English commanders, who intercepted the letters in which she encouraged D'Oysel to hold out till the promised succour came from France, thought ' her blubbering was not for. nothing (Stevenson, iii. 97, 104). "Sot more than a week before her death she was ' promising the neutrals great mountains ' to abstain from the congregation until they saw what came of the Bishop of Valence's new mission (Haynes, Burghley State Papers, p. 321 ). Throckmorton urged Cecil for the love of God to ' provide that she were rid from thence, for she hath the heart of a man of war f (Stevenson, iii. 168). On 8 June, feeling herself dying, she had an affecting interview with the lords of the congregation, asked them to believe that she had favoured the weal of Scotland as well as of France, and besought them earnestly to acknowledge their duty to their queen, keep their ancient friendship with France, and arrange for the departure of both the French and English troops from the realm (ib. p. 172 ; Lesley, p. 289). She did not refuse to see the preacher Willock, and ' did openly confess that there was no salvation but by the death of Jesus Christ. But of the Mass we heard not her Confession, and some said she was anointed of the papistical manner ' (Knox, ii. 69). She died on 11 June 1560 before one o'clock in the morning, while the English and French ambassadors were still discussing preliminaries at Newcastle (, iii. 191, 206;, p. 325; Diurnal, pp.59, 276; , Illustrations, i. 329 ; cf. , iii. 194 ; , ii. 71). A funeral oration was pronounced at Notre-Dame on 12 Aug. by Claude d'Espence, which was printed at Paris in the next year. Her burial had been deferred until parliament should meet on 10 July, and it was ultimately settled that she shouid be buried in France. Knox says that because 'the preachers refused to allow superstitious rites she was lappit in a cope of lead until the 19 Oct., when she was carried to France' (ii. 160). But it would appear that it was not until March 1561 that the body was removed to Fecamp in Normandy, and in July taken thence to Rheims, where it was buried


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Mary of Guise in the church of the nunnery of St. Peter, of which her sister Renée was abbess (Diurnal, p. 282;, De Rebus Gestis Scot. p. 569; , vi. 398). Her monument, with a full-length figure of the queen in bronze, was destroyed at the revolution (, Histoire Généalogique de la Maison Royale de France, iii. 492).

Mary of Guise was ‘of the largest stature of women,’ and considered handsome in her youth (Hamilton Papers, i. 630). There are portraits of her at Hampton Court, and in the collections of the Earl of Elgin at Broomhall in Fife, the Duke of Devonshire at Hardwicke Hall, and Earl Beauchamp at Madresfield Court. Four other portraits are enumerated in Way's ‘Catalogue of the Meeting of the Archæological Institute at Edinburgh in 1856’ (pp. 162, 200). Granger mentions several engraved portraits (Biog. Hist. i. 84).

Mary had her full share of the Guise gifts. Friends and foes alike bear testimony to her ability and her force of mind and will. Knox's venomous language reflects the fear in which the protestants stood of her, and Throckmorton could not withhold his admiration of ‘her queenly mind, in that she mislikes all such compositions but such as shall render the realm of Scotland subject absolutely to the queen her daughter’ (, iii. 116). Committed to a French policy, with which, however, she may not have always agreed in every point, she sometimes showed real sympathy with her Scottish subjects.

The one relaxation from the cares of state which Mary seems to have allowed herself was to play ‘at the cartes,’ at which on one occasion she lost six thousand crowns to D'Essé, and then inducing him to risk it against her credit for a similar sum succeeded in winning it back (, ii. 65, 115, 210). She wrote French legibly, but spelt so badly that M. Teulet thought it necessary to translate her letters into modern French. She spoke Scots fluently but ungrammatically, using ‘me’ for ‘I.’

A little-known incident in her life is the government by France in her name of the principality of Orange for some years after the revolt there against William of Nassau (William the Silent) about 1548. Her cousin Anne, daughter of Antoine, duke of Lorraine, had been wife of the previous prince of Orange, René of Nassau (, Hist. Essays, iv. 92).  MARY (1496–1533), queen of Louis XII, king of France, third daughter of Henry VII by Elizabeth of York [q. v.], was born most probably in March 1496. A privy seal bill at Midsummer in that year authorises a payment of fifty shillings to her nurse, Anne Skeron, for a quarter's salary, and Erasmus describes her as four years old when he visited the royal nursery in the winter of 1499-1600 (Letter to Botzheim in Catalogue Erasmi Lucubrationum, Basle, 1523). Of the four daughters born to Henry V r II she and her elder sister Margaret, queen of Scots, alone grew to maturity, and after the death of Prince Arthur, when she was a child of five, she had but one brother, Henry, afterwards Henry VIII. At about six years of age she had a stall' of gentlewomen assigned to wait upon her, with a schoolmaster and a physician. She was carefully taught French and Latin, music, dancing, and embroidery. At seven she lost her mother, and from the frequent payments to her apothecary between 1504 and 1509 she appears to have been a delicate child.

In 1505, when she was nine years old, her father seems to have spread a report that she was sought in marriage by Emmanuel, king of Portugal, for his son, but this must have been mere diplomacy. At the reception given to Philip, King of Castile, at Windsor, in 1506, she danced and played the lute and clavicord. Next year, when Philip was dead, a match was proposed between her and his son Charles, prince of Castile (afterwards the Emperor Charles V), grandson of the Emperor Maximilian. Another match, proposed at the same time, was between Henry VII and Margaret of Savoy, regent of the Netherlands, Maximi-


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Leybourn, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Leybourn, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Leybourne, Roger de


text:
Presidential Memorandum - Authorized Representative of the Federal Government Under Section 7302 of the National Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004

MEMORANDUM FOR THE ATTORNEY GENERAL SUBJECT: Designation of Authorized Representative of the Federal Government under Section 7302 of the National Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 Pursuant to the authority vested in me as President by section 7302 of the National Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 (the "Act"), as amended (42 U.S.C. 5196 note), I hereby designate you as an authorized representative of the Federal Government under the Act. Should a public service event be designated as a National Special Security Event (NSSE), you shall coordinate with the United States Secret Service regarding the intent to enter into a National Capital Region mutual aid agreement should this agreement impact the security plan for the designated NSSE.

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE,
 * December 21, 2012.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Leyburn, George


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Leyburn, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Leycester, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Leycester, Peter


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Leyden, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Leyland, Joseph Bentley


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Leyson, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Lhuyd, Edward


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Liardet, Francis


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Liart, Matthew


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95.] day, therefore, he said to the woman, "Listen, my dear friend, I have now thought of a way by which we can for once spend a whole day happily together. I'll tell you what; on Wednesday, you must take to your bed, and tell your husband you are ill, and if you only complain and act being ill properly, and go on doing it until Sunday when I have to preach, I will then say in my sermon that whosoever has at home a sick child, a sick husband, a sick wife, a sick father, a sick mother, a sick sister, brother or whosoever else it may be, and makes a pilgrimage to the Göckerli hill in Italy, where you can get a peck of laurel-leaves for a kreuzer, the sick child, the sick husband, the sick wife, the sick father, or sick mother, the sick sister, or whosoever else it may be, will be restored to health immediately."

"I will manage it," said the woman directly. Now therefore, on the Wednesday, the peasant woman took to her bed, and complained and lamented as agreed on, and her husband did everything for her that he could think of, but nothing did her any good, and when Sunday came the woman said, "I feel as ill as if I were going to die at once, but there is one thing I should like to do before my end—I should like to hear the parson's sermon that he is going to preach to-day." On that the peasant said, "Ah, my child, do not do it—thou mightest make thyself worse if thou wert to get up. Look, I will go to the sermon, and will attend to it very carefully, and will tell thee everything the parson says."

"Well," said the woman, "go, then, and pay great attention, and repeat to me all that thou hearest." So the peasant went to the sermon, and the parson began to preach and said, if any one had at home a sick child, a sick husband, a sick wife, a sick father, a sick mother, a sick sister, brother or any one else, and would make a pilgrimage to the Göckerli hill in Italy, where a peck of laurel-leaves costs a kreuzer, the sick child, sick husband, sick wife, sick father, sick mother, sick sister, brother, or whosoever else it might be, would be restored to health instantly, and whosoever wished to undertake the journey was to go to him after the service was over, and he would give him the sack for the laurel-leaves and the kreuzer.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Lichfield, Leonard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Lichfield, William


text:
Presidential Memorandum - Federal Employee Pay Schedules and Rates that are Set by Administrative Discretion

MEMORANDUM FOR THE HEADS OF EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS AND AGENCIES

SUBJECT: Federal Employee Pay Schedules and Rates That Are Set by Administrative Discretion

On December 22, 2010, I issued a memorandum stating that the heads of executive departments and agencies should suspend any increases to any pay systems or pay schedules covering executive branch employees, and should forgo any general increases in covered employees' rates of pay, that could otherwise take effect as a result of the exercise of administrative discretion during the period beginning on January 1, 2011, and ending on December 31, 2012. In light of section 114 of the Continuing Appropriations Resolution, 2013 (Public Law 112-175), I am hereby instructing the heads of executive departments and agencies that they should continue to adhere to this policy through March 27, 2013, the date after which statutory pay adjustments may be made pursuant to section 114 of Public Law 112-175.

This memorandum shall be carried out to the extent permitted by law and consistent with executive departments' and agencies' legal authorities. This memorandum is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.

The Director of the Office of Personnel Management shall issue any necessary guidance on implementing this memorandum, and is also hereby authorized and directed to publish this memorandum in the Federal Register.

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE,
 * December 21, 2012.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Liddel, Duncan


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Liddell, Henry Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Liddell, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Liddiard, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Liddon, Henry Parry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Light, Edward


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Light, William


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44 Then no one was more rejoiced than the peasant, and after the service was over, he went at once to the parson, who gave him the bag for the laurel-leaves and the kreuzer. After that he went home, and even at the house door he cried, "Hurrah! dear wife, it is now almost the same thing as if thou wert well! The parson has preached to-day that whosoever had at home a sick child, a sick husband, a sick wife, a sick father, a sick mother, a sick sister, brother or whoever it might be, and would make a pilgrimage to the Göckerli hill in Italy, where a peck of laurel-leaves costs a kreuzer, the sick child, sick husband, sick wife, sick father, sick mother, sick sister, brother, or whosoever else it was, would be cured immediately, and now I have already got the bag and the kreuzer from the parson, and will at once begin my journey so that thou mayst get well the faster," and thereupon he went away. He was, however, hardly gone before the woman got up, and the parson was there directly.

But now we will leave these two for a while, and follow the peasant, who walked on quickly without stopping, in order to get the sooner to the Göckerli hill, and on his way he met his gossip. His gossip was an egg-merchant, and was just coming from the market, where he had sold his eggs. "May you be blessed," said the gossip, "where are you off to so fast?"

"To all eternity, my friend," said the peasant, "my wife is ill, and I have been to-day to hear the parson's sermon, and he preached that if any one had in his house a sick child, a sick husband, a sick wife, a sick father, a sick mother, a sick sister, brother or any one else, and made a pilgrimage to the Göckerli hill in Italy, where a peck of laurel-leaves costs a kreuzer, the sick child, the sick husband, the sick wife, the sick father, the sick mother, the sick sister, brother, or whosoever else it was, would be cured immediately, and so I have got the bag for the laurel-leaves and the kreuzer from the parson, and now I am beginning my pilgrimage." "But listen, gossip," said the egg-merchant to the peasant, "are you, then, stupid enough to believe such a thing as that? Don't you know what it means? The parson wants to spend a


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Presidential Memorandum - Presidential Determination Pursuant to Section 1245 (d) (4) (B) and (C) of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012

MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF STATE THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY THE SECRETARY OF ENERGY

SUBJECT: Presidential Determination Pursuant to Section 1245(d)(4)(B) and (C) of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012

By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, after carefully considering the report submitted to the Congress by the Energy Information Administration on October 25, 2012, and other relevant factors, including global economic conditions, increased oil production by certain countries, the level of spare capacity, and the availability of strategic reserves, I determine, pursuant to section 1245(d)(4)(B) and (C) of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2012, Public Law 112-81, and consistent with my determinations of March 30, 2012, and June 11, 2012, that there is a sufficient supply of petroleum and petroleum products from countries other than Iran to permit a significant reduction in the volume of petroleum and petroleum products purchased from Iran by or through foreign financial institutions.

I will closely monitor this situation to ensure that the market can continue to accommodate a reduction in purchases of petroleum and petroleum products from Iran.

The Secretary of State is authorized and directed to publish this memorandum in the Federal Register.

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE,
 * December 7, 2012.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Lightfoot, John (1602-1675)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Lightfoot, John (1735-1788)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Lightfoot, Joseph Barber


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Mary of France lian's daughter. Henry and Margaret were to have met at Calais in the spring to discuss both subjects, but a dangerous illness forbade Henry's going thither, and the match between Charles and Mary was left to be settled by commissioners later in the year. A treaty for the marriage was accordingly signed at Calais, 21 Dec. 1507, by which Charles was to send representatives to England to make the contract in his name before Easter following, and was to marry her afterwards, when he reached the age of fourteen. Heavy penalties were attached to the breach of the engagement on either side, and the leading towns and nobles, both of England and of Flanders, became security for their payment. Next year, however, owing to another illness of Henry's, the proxy marriage was deferred till late in the year. A splendid embassy from Maximilian arrived in England in December, and at Richmond, on the 17th, the Sieur de Bergues, as proxy for Prince Charles, went through the marriage ceremony with Mary. An account of the magnificent reception of the ambassadors and of the ceremonial was printed at the time, both in Latin and in English (see Archizologia, xviii. 33. The English version has been printed by the Roxburghe Club, and a copy of the Latin is in the Grenville Library in the British Museum, entered in the catalogue under the head 'Carmelianus, Petrus '). On 21 Dec. Toison d'Or, king of arms, on behalf of Maximilian, delivered to Henry a very precious jewel, called the riche jleur de lis, as security for a loan of one hundred thousand crowns, the main object, as Maximilian con- fessed to his daughter, which induced him to consent to the marriage.

In 1509 Mary's father died, and her brother, Henry VII I, became king. Her grandmother, Margaret Beaufort [q. v.J, also dying the same year, bequeathed to her, as ' my lady Mary, prynces of Castill,' ' a stonding cupp of gold covered, garnesshed with white hertes, perles, and stonys,' of twenty-one ounces weight (Cooper, Memoir of Margaret, Countess of Richmond and Derby, p. 133). For some years it seemed as if the match between her and Charles was to take effect. Henry sent aid to Flanders against Gueldres, and Maximilian was so cordial an ally that in the war against France in 1513 he was content to serve under Henry as a private soldier. Nevertheless, in July, before Henry had crossed the Channel, there were rumours of intrigues among the Flemish nobles for accommodation with France, and breaking off' the marriage with Mary. But on 15 Oct., when Henry and Margaret of Savoy met at Lille, a new treaty was made between England and the emperor, in which it was agreed that the marriage should take place at Calais before 15 May 1514, prior to a joint invasion of France in the following summer. As the time drew near, however, there seemed no disposition to complete the match, and it turned out that the emperor had made a separate truce. Henry had been quite sincere on his side, and complained of the expense he had been put to about the marriage, while Mary had treasured a bad portrait of Charles, and was said to have wished for his presence ten times a day.

But the king, with Wolsey's aid, knew how to punish such duplicity. Peace was secretly arranged with France, and Louis XII, who had lost his queen in January, engaged to marry Mary. Sne was eighteen, and by all accounts exquisitely beautiful and graceful, while he was a broken-down man of fifty-two. Nevertheless, she solemnly renounced her contract with Charles on 30 July at the royal manor of Wanstead, and on 13 Aug. at Greenwich she allowed the Duke of Longueville, then a prisoner of war, to make a new one for her as proxy for Louis XII. The treaty for her marriage to the French king had been already signed at London on the 7th. On the 18th the proxy marriage took place, when the Duke of Longueviile represented her husband. On the 22nd she appointed the Earl of Worcester as her own proxv, to complete the contract in France, which he accordingly did at Paris on 14 Sept. (Rymer, xiii. 445, 1st edit.) Then, in that very month, she herself left London, and was accompanied by the king and court to Dover, where a considerable squadron was appointed to convey her across the Channel. Four of the chief lords of England, with four hundred barons and knights and two hundred gentlemen, and a train of eighty ladies, went along with her. She embarked at four in the morning on the 2nd. The fleet met with rough weather on the passage, and one of the vessels actually foundered, with some loss of life and valuables. Even her own ship ran aground in entering Boulogne harbour. Boats were lowered, and a gentleman named Sir Christopher Garnish had to wade in the water and carry her ashore in his arms. But Louis, who awaited her arrival at Abbeville, heard of her landing on the 3rd. She joined him there on the 8th, and the marriage was celebrated on the 9th, with a splendour which was only impaired by persistent rain (Venetian Calendar, ii. 208). The very next aay the whole of her English servants were dismissed, by order, as she suspected, of the Duke of Norfolk. She wrote to complain of


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Presidential Memorandum - Presidential Determination with respect to the Suspension of Limitations under the Jerusalem Embassy Act

MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF STATE

SUBJECT: Suspension of Limitations under the Jerusalem Embassy Act

Pursuant to the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, including section 7(a) of the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995 (Public Law 104-45) (the "Act"), I hereby determine that it is necessary, in order to protect the national security interests of the United States, to suspend for a period of 6 months the limitations set forth in sections 3(b) and 7(b) of the Act.

You are authorized and directed to transmit this determination to the Congress, accompanied by a report in accordance with section 7(a) of the Act, and to publish the determination in the Federal Register.

This suspension shall take effect after the transmission of this determination and report to the Congress.

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE,
 * December 4, 2012.


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95.] whole day alone with your wife in peace, so he has given you this job to do to get you out of the way."

"My word!" said the peasant. "How I'd like to know if that's true!"

"Come, then," said the gossip, "I'll tell you what to do. Get into my egg-basket and I will carry you home, and then you will see for yourself." So that was settled, and the gossip put the peasant into his egg-basket, and carried him home.

When they got to the house, hurrah! but all was going merrily there! The woman had already had nearly everything killed that was in the farmyard, and had made pancakes, and the parson was there, and had brought his fiddle with him. The gossip knocked at the door, and the woman asked who was there. "It is I, gossip," said the egg-merchant, "give me shelter this night; I have not sold my eggs at the market, so now I have to carry them home again, and they are so heavy that I shall never be able to do it, for it is dark already."

"Indeed, my friend," said the woman, "thou comest at a very inconvenient time for me, but as thou art here it can't be helped, come in, and take a seat there on the bench by the stove." Then she placed the gossip and the basket which he carried on his back on the bench by the stove. The parson, however, and the woman were as merry as possible. At length the parson said, "Listen, my dear friend, thou canst sing beautifully; sing something to me." "Oh," said the woman, "I cannot sing now, in my young days indeed I could sing well enough, but that's all over now."

"Come," said the parson once more, "do sing some little song."

On that the woman began and sang,

Thereupon the parson sang,

Then the gossip who was in the background began to


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Mary of France this to Wolsey, who countermanded the return of her chief attendant, Lady Guilford. But the act was her husband's doing, and she was obliged to be content. On 5 Nov. she was crowned as queen at St. Denis, and on the following day she entered Paris, where jousts were held in her honour during the greater part of the month. But her queenly state was brief. On 1 Jan. 1515 her husband died. Anticipating the event, Wolsey had written to urge upon her the necessity of extreme discretion if she were left a widow in a foreign land, and especially to listen to no new offers of marriage. To this, if not even to a worse danger, she was exposed by the pressing attentions of young Francis I, which she was only able to repel by confessing to him her attachment to Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk [q. v.], now sent in embassy to congratulate the new king on his accession. The attachment had existed before her marriage with Louis, whom she had agreed to accept, in spite of his age and infirmity, on being promised that if she survived him she should have her own choice next time. Nor was her brother Henry unwilling, for his part, to redeem the pledge, but several of his council thought the match with Suffolk unbecoming, while in France rumour gave her to the Duke of Savoy or to the Duke of Lorraine. One Friar Langley, too, at Paris, warned her to beware of Suffolk, for he had traffickings with the devil. Another friar backed up these admonitions, and made her despair of the fulfilment of the king's promise, so she induced Suffolk, in violation of a pledge he had given to Henry, to marry her at once in France.

The king was intensely displeased, and was only made placable in the end by a bond given by her and the duke to pay him, for is expenses in connection with her first marriage and return from France, 24,000l., in half-yearly instalments of 1,000l. each, and to resign to him a sum of two hundred thousand crowns, which Francis was induced to allow her as the moiety of her dower, with all the plate and jewellery given her by Louis XII. There was some difficulty, however, in getting back the jewels from Francis, who did not admit her claim to them, but was willing to give her half, or half their value, amounting to fifty thousand crowns, as a free gift, though, he said, they were not nearly sufficient to pay her late husband's debts. There was great discussion on this subject with the English ambassadors, which only caused Francis to regret having given her already a jewel of special value, called the Mirror of Naples, and the parting gift which he had promised her on her leaving for England was but four rings of little value. She left Paris, however, with Suffolk, on 16 April, and they were married openly at Greenwich on 13 May, in presence of the king and court, but with no public rejoicings, as the match was generally unpopular.

For some time Mary and her husband retired into the country. She came up with him to London, however, early in 1516, and was delivered of a son at Bath Place on 11 March, but in May they both withdrew again into Norfolk, and spent the following winter on the duke's estates, avoiding unpleasant remarks at court. In March 1517 she and Suffolk met the queen (Catherine of Aragon), while on pilgrimage, and conducted her to Walsingham. In the summer following she came up to London, and was present at the betrothal of the Princess Mary to the dauphin at Greenwich on 7 July; immediately after which she withdrew to Bishop's Hatfield (as it was then called), now the well-known seat of the Marquis of Salisbury, where on the 16th she gave birth to a daughter, Frances, who became the mother of Lady Jane (trey [q. v.] In the spring of 1518 she and her husband visited the court at Woodstock, where she was seized with a severe ague. She was attended by the king's physicians, and Henry showed her much kindness. On 5 Oct. following she was present at Greenwich at the espousal of the Princess Mary to the dauphin, and after the banquet given by Wolsey to the French ambassadors on the occasion she and the king led the dance in disguise. On 7 March 1519 she took part in a similar disguising, also at Greenwich, when the king gave an entertainment to the gentlemen left as hostages for the French king's payments. In March 1520, having been apparently summoned up to London with the duke to make preparations for crossing the sea to the great interview with Francis I, she was again taken very ill at Croydon with a disease in her side, and had several physicians attending her. Nevertheless, in May she was present at the Emperor Charles V's reception in England; immediately after which she did cross the Channel, and took a prominent part in the maskings at the Field of the Cloth of Gold. Three large chambers were set apart for her use in the gorgeous temporary palace built for the occasion, next to the three chambers allotted to Queen Catherine (Chronicle of Calais, p. 80, Camden Soc.) In 1525 her only son, Henry, was created Earl of Lincoln. That same year, by the treaty of the Moor, France at last conceded the demands of England touching her dower, the arrears of which were paid up, and next year Henry so far


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Mary of France mitigated the terms of the hard bargain he had driven with her and Suffolk as to accept half-yearly instalments of 500l. instead of 1,000l. in payment of their debt to him. On 6 May 1526 she was the king's principal guest at a great banquet at Greenwich. About this time she and Suffolk had a household of forty-four men and seven gentlewomen taxed to the subsidy.

During the next two or three years she paid some agreeable summer visits to Ely, and to the monasteries of Butley and Eye in Suffolk. In 1528, when Clement VII was at Orvieto, Suffolk obtained from him a bull to protect his marriage with her from being impugned on account of his previous invalid marriage with Margaret Mortimer [], which bull he got attested before the Bishop of Norwich in the following year. Perhaps this matter drew Mary's sympathy all the more warmly to Catherine of Aragon, against whom Henry VIII was then proceeding before the legates for a divorce. Certainly Mary hated Catherine's rival, Anne Boleyn, whose marriage with the king she and Suffolk would have openly opposed if they had dared, and she flatly refused to go over with her and Henry to the meeting with Francis I between Calais and Boulogne in 1532. She died at Westhorpe in Suffolk on 24 June 1533, and was interred with much heraldic ceremony in the abbey of Bury St. Edmunds; when that monastery was dissolved, five years later, her body was removed to St. Mary's Church in the same town. The remains were disturbed and the coffin opened in 1784, when Horace Walpole, the Duchess-dowager of Portland, and many others obtained locks of her hair. A marble tablet with an inscription in her memory was placed in the church in 1751, and a painted window representing scenes in Mary's life was presented by Queen Victoria in 1881. Besides the two children already mentioned she had a daughter named Eleanor.

Several portraits of Mary are extant, all testifying to her remarkable beauty. One painted when she was thirty-four years of age (which would be in 1530, not 1532 as it has been erroneously reckoned) is described by Mr. Scharf in the ‘Archæologia,’ xxxix. 48. There is also the celebrated picture of her and Charles Brandon together, which Horace Walpole purchased at Lord Granville's sale. It is now the property of the Duke of Bedford, and is described in Mr. Scharf's ‘Catalogue of the Woburn Abbey Pictures.’ The Earl of Yarborough possesses a somewhat similar portrait of Mary and Brandon ascribed to Mabuse; it is reproduced in Mr. Francis Ford's ‘Mary Tudor.’ In the library of Queen's College, Oxford, is a finely illuminated book of hours, once the property of Mary.

 MARY, (1631–1660), born at St. James's Palace on 4 Nov. 1631, and baptised on the same day by Laud, then bishop of London, was eldest daughter of Charles I and Queen Henrietta Maria. She was brought up under the tuition of the Countess of Roxburghe, and became celebrated for her grace, beauty, and intelligence. In the lighter accomplishments, such as dancing, she excelled, but her general education was defective. In January 1640 a proposed marriage between Mary and William, a lad of fifteen, the son of Frederick Henry, prince of Orange, was rejected by her father, who wished to marry her to the son of Philip IV of Spain. Subsequent events, however, compelled him to agree to William's offer. On 10 Feb. 1641 he announced to parliament that his daughter's marriage treaty had been brought to a conclusion, and that it only remained to consider the terms of a political alliance between England and the Dutch republic (Lords' Journals, iv. 157). Charles privately believed that, in case of extremity, Frederick Henry would assist him in the maintenance of his authority in England. The marriage was celebrated at Whitehall on Sunday, 2 May 1641. There was little ceremony. Henrietta Maria disliked the match; the elector palatine, Charles Lewis, who had desired to marry Mary himself, refused to attend the banquet. According to the marriage treaty Mary was to remain in England till she had reached her twelfth year; her husband was to allow her 1,500l. a year for pocket-money, and her dower in case of his death was to be 10,000l. a year, with two residences. Henrietta Maria, on quitting England in February 1642, took Mary to Holland, where, in February 1644, she was fully installed in her conjugal position. She gave audiences, received foreign ambassadors, and fulfilled all functions of state with a gravity and decorum remarkable for her years. The following month she mingled in a series of


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46 sing (but I ought to tell you the peasant was called Hildebrand), so the gossip sang,

And then the peasant sang from his basket,

And he got out of the basket, and cudgelled the parson out of the house.

About a thousand or more years ago, there were in this country nothing but small kings, and one of them lived on the Keuterberg who was very fond of hunting. Once on a time when he was riding forth from his castle with his huntsmen, three girls were watching their cows upon the mountain, and when they saw the King with all his followers, the eldest girl pointed to him, and called to the two other girls, "Hilloa! hilloa! If I do not get that one, I will have none." Then the second girl answered from the other side of the hill, and pointed to the one who was on the King's right hand, "Hilloa! hilloa! If I do not get that one, I will have none." And then the youngest pointed to the one who was on the left hand, and cried, "Hilloa! hilloa! If I do not get him I will have no one." These, however, were the two ministers. The King heard all this, and when he had come back from the chase, he caused the three girls to be brought to him, and asked them what they had said yesterday on the mountain. They would not tell him that, so the King asked the eldest if she really would take him for her husband? Then she said, "Yes," and the two ministers married the two sisters, for they were all three fair and beautiful of face, especially the Queen,


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Mary court festivities on the occasion of a recent alliance between France and Holland, and presided over an entertainment given by her husband to the French envoys. With the struggles of her father against the parliament she warmly sympathised. In December 1646 a Dutch man-of-war put in at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, where the King then was, bringing him a letter from Mary; she urged him to take the opportunity of escaping to Holland. With her aunt, Elizabeth, queen of Bohemia, Mary lived on terms of warm friendship; but with her mother-in-law, Amelia de Solms, her relations were never cordial.

Prince William at his father's death, on 14 March 1647, was elected stadtholder, and in 1648 welcomed to Holland his brothers-in-law, Charles, prince of Wales, and James, duke of York. In 1650 he was foiled in an attempt to seize Amsterdam in order to make himself absolute, and he died on 6 Nov. in the same year, leaving his widow pregnant of a son, afterwards William III, king of England, who was born on 14 Nov. following. The Princess-dowager Amelia, grandmother of the infant prince, wished to become his guardian, on the plea that Mary was still in her minority; but by a decree signed on 15 Aug. 1651 it was settled that Mary should be tutrix of the person of her son, and should dispose of all vacant offices about him and in his possession; while his grandmother and the elector of Brandenburg, his uncle, should be joint inspectors of his property. The States, however, refused to reinstate the prince in the honours enjoyed by his father, and, by contrivance of the princess-dowager, Count Dona was confirmed in his office as governor of the town of Orange by the States-General, although he had taken solemn oath to Mary's husband to maintain the place for her in case of his death, and to obey no orders but hers.

Mary's chief confidants were Catherine, lady Stanhope, who had accompanied her to Holland as governess, and who remained with her as chief lady of honour, and Lady Stanhope's Dutch husband, Heenvliet, who held the post of superintendent of the princess's household. M. de Beverweert, a Dutch counsellor, swayed her opinions in political matters. She was always unpopular in Holland, and did not trouble to learn Dutch. She disliked the people on account of their general sympathy with Cromwell, and declined to employ any Hollander in her son's service. In conjunction with the Duke of York and the queen of Bohemia, Mary sought to celebrate the first anniversary of her father's death (30 Jan. 1650) as a solemn fast, but the proceeding was prohibited by the States of Holland as being offensive to the English parliament. A little later, when ambassadors from the English parliament were received by the States-General, she retired to her dower residence at Breda, but to the influence of her party was attributed the failure of the envoys to conclude an alliance with Holland. In October 1651 Charles II landed at Helvoetsluys, and Mary secretly domiciled him in one of her country houses at Teyling, until he left for Paris. Her readiness to assist her brothers liberally from her own resources, and to bestow money or office on their adherents, roused the jealousy of the States, who at length forbade her receiving her relatives in Holland at all. Mary's court and that of the queen of Bohemia, it was reported by their opponents, were nests of vipers, in which were hatched all plots, not only against Dutch freedom, but also against that of England; and schemes for the assassination of Cromwell were rumoured to originate there (, State Papers, ii. 319, 344). The outbreak of war between England and Holland in May 1652 led to a reaction in favour of the house of Orange in many of the states of the Dutch republic. Mary's son, William, was formally elected stadtholder by Zealand and several of the northern provinces, but De Witt, the republican leader, succeeded in excluding him from the state of Holland, and Cromwell, upon negotiating a treaty of peace with the Dutch commissioners, insisted that William should be declared incapable of succeeding to his father's military dignities, and that all enemies of England should be expelled from Holland. Mary passionately declaimed against these proposals, and drew up a remonstrance. But De Witt stood firm, although the country was divided and civil war seemed to threaten it; the treaty of peace containing the offending clauses was signed on 27 May 1654.

Mary's health suffered under the growing anxieties of her position. To save expense in the interests of her brothers, she announced her intention of resigning two of her palaces, retaining only Breda and Honslardyke (ib. ii. 284). In July 1654 she set out for Spa, and passed several weeks there; she afterwards moved to Aix-la-Chapelle, and subsequently visited Charles II at Cologne. She returned to Teyling in October, but again visited Charles at Cologne in July 1655, and took a trip incognita to Frankfort fair, setting out on her journey home on 15 Nov. In January 1656 she visited Paris, where she was royally received.

Mary had not been without suitors in


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Mary Holland, and George Villiers, second duke of Buckingham [q. v.], had been dismissed her court there on account of the unbecoming importunity of his appeals to her. Unfounded rumours of a liaison with Henry Jermyn, first baron Dover [q. v.], were at one time in circulation. At Paris Charles Emmanuel II, duke of Savoy, Ernest Augustus of Brunswick-Luneburg, and George William, duke of Brunswick, were said to have offered her marriage, while Cardinal Mazarin showed her especial favour. She left Paris on 21 Nov., and after staying at Bruges for two months at the court of Charles II, she returned to the Hague on 2 Feb. 1657, after nearly a year's absence. The Dutch still credited her with political aims in behalf of her son and brother. A proposal secretly made to Charles by Amelia, the princess-dowager, that he should marry her daughter Henrietta, was discovered and warmly resented by Mary. A temporary reconciliation took place when brother and sister met at Breda in October 1659. Next month, when she and the Princess-dowager Amelia took the young Prince of Orange to Leyden to commence his studies there, they were accorded an enthusiastic welcome. The new year (1660) was initiated by the performance in his honour of a tragi-comedy, entitled 'The Amorous Fantasm,' written by Sir William Lower [q. v.], and dedicated in flattering terms to the princess royal.

Meanwhile, in August 1658, Mary, who had attained her full majority, twenty-five years of age, in November 1657, had been acknowledged by the parliament of Orange sole regent for her son, according to the terms of her husband's will. Count Dona, nephew of the Princess-dowager Amelia, who was governor of the town of Orange, warmly opposed this formal recognition of Mary, and threatened to dissolve the parliament of the province by force. The Princess Amelia and the elector of Brandenburg sided with Dona, but Mary firmly asserted her rights (November 1658), and obtained through Queen Henrietta Maria assurances of support from Cardinal Mazarin and Louis XIV. The French king sent a war frigate to cruise in the Rhine to prevent Dona from levying tolls due to Mary on vessels passing down the river, and Dona fitted out gunboats to chase the frigate. Amid these disorders, Mary laid before the States-General a long statement of her claims, to which the Princess Amelia prepared a reply, and Mary another rejoinder. At length, in October 1659, the States-General addressed a remonstrance to Louis XIV, complaining of Mary's action, and requesting that Louis would appoint judges who should compose the strife. To a request that she should accept an accommodation Mary returned an evasive answer. But Louis's suggestion that Dona should deliver Orange into his hands, coupled with the threats of her opponents in Orange to deprive her of her dower, reduced her to a more compliant mood. She made an offer (although she afterwards refused to confirm it) of fifty thousand florins to Dona if he would relinquish the government of Orange, and undertook to send a special messenger to induce Louis to desist from his projected attack. She was too late. The citadel capitulated to Louis's forces on 25 March 1660. Mary tried hard to justify herself in having called in French interference, and laid the blame on Dona.

But relief from her troubles was found in the restoration of her brother to the throne. Charles with his two brothers had joined Mary at Breda, and the young Prince of Orange was sent for by his mother to see his uncle. On 14 May 1660 Mary informed the States-General officially of the invitation to Charles from the English parliament, and she took part in the festivities which followed at the Hague, and accompanied Charles to Scheveling, whence he sailed for England.

Henceforth Mary and her son, now fifth in succession to the crown of England, were accorded in Holland royal honours. On 29 May she celebrated at the Hague the birthday of her brother; and in the evening bonfires were lighted throughout the city. In June she and her son were elaborately entertained for four days at Amsterdam, and left under an escort of armed citizens. Similar honours awaited them at Haarlem, which they visited by special invitation on 18 June. On the 22nd they left for Leyden, and on the 25th departed for the Hague, where they also had a state reception. Mary availed herself of these manifestations of loyalty to open negotiations with some of the leading men in Holland for the reinstatement of her son in his father's dignities when he should come of age. The states of Zealand, Friesland, and Over-Yssel viewed the proposal with favour; Holland required further time for deliberation. But on 25 Sept. 1660 the states of Holland and West Friesland accepted the charge of William's education, and immediately settled upon him a pension of forty thousand florins, and promised to proceed at once to consider the question of his reinstatement. At Mary's request the pensioner of Holland and the principal magistrates of certain towns which she named were appointed to watch over his education; but offence was given to several towns which were attached to his interests—Leyden among


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Mary others — because their magistrates were not among the commissioners.

On 30 Sept. 1660 Mary set sail for England. The kindness shown by her to her brothers in exile insured her a hearty welcome in London. But, much to her chagrin, she found that her former maid of honour, Anne Hyde [q. v.], was not only the acknowledged wife of the Duke of York, but mother of a prince of the blood royal. She therefore resolved to curtail her visit. London, moreover, did not agree with her, and she seldom stirred abroad. She attended the public service of Whitehall Chapel, whither all flocked who wished to see her, and gave a private reception at Whitehall to Elias Ashmole [q. v.] for the purpose of seeing some anatomical curiosities. She acknowledged a present of 10,000l. sent her by the parliament in a letter dated 7 Nov., and she asked for her long promised dower of 40,000l.,which had not been paid. The king appointed a commission to report upon the matter. In November 1660, when a general embassy from the United Provinces arrived to obtain a renewal of the alliance between Holland and England, the deputy from Zealand waited upon her with special assurances of respect (cf. her letter, 15 Nov.) A few weeks later the deputies of the United Provinces requested her to use her influence with her mother in removing some difficulties in the completion of their treaty. Mary, who was very unwell, was just able on 14 Dec. to dictate an epistle on the subject to her secretary, Oudart. On 20 Dec. the court was thrown into great alarm by a report that she was dangerously ill of the small-pox. Henrietta Maria, after vainly endeavouring to obtain access to her daughter in order to persuade her to receive in her last moments the rites of the Roman catholic church, insisted that at least her own French physician should be admitted to consultation, and this request was granted, unfortunately as it was afterwards proved, since he was one of the warmest advocates of the blood-letting treatment, under which the princess ultimately sank. Still retaining the perfect possession of her faculties, Mary made her will on the day of her death, 24 Dec. 1660. She was privately interred on the 29th in Henry VII's Chapel, Westminster Abbey, near her brother Henry, duke of Gloucester [q. v.], as she had wished. Collections of verses upon her death were published by the universities of Oxford and Cambridge in 1661. An apparently unfounded report was circulated at the time of Mary's death that she was privately married to Jermyn.

Mary is said to have admired the writings of Jeremy Taylor. In 1660 the bishop dedicated to her his 'Worthy Communicant.'

At Windsor Castle are three portraits of Mary by Vandyck: (1) With her father, mother, and brother Charles; of this picture copies are in the collections of the Duke of Devonshire, the Duke of Northumberland, and the Earl of Clarendon. (2) With her brothers Charles and James, full-length standing figures. (3) With her brothers and sisters, Charles, James, Elizabeth, and Anna, dated 1637. There is also at Windsor a picture by G. Janssens, representing Mary dancing with Charles II at a ball given at the Hague on the eve of the Restoration. Vandyck also admirably commemorated her betrothal to Prince William of Orange, when he painted the two children in a group at full length, formerly at Dalkeith Palace, but now at Amsterdam, the prince holding her hand, on which is an engagement ring. A single portrait of Mary by the same artist, somewhat similar in detail, has been engraved by Faithorne, Van Dalen, Vaillant, Queeboren, H. Hondius, and De Jode. The Earl of Clarendon possesses an early portrait of three-quarters length, which is described by Lady Theresa Lewis in 'Clarendon and his Contemporaries' (iii. 369). Another juvenile portrait of the princess, painted at the age of nine or ten, is at Combe Abbey, Warwickshire, the seat of the Earl of Craven. The Earl of Crawford has a life-size portrait of Mary by Sir Peter Lely; and a fine portrait of her by Hannemann, which was engraved by Faithorne, is at Hampton Court, a duplicate being in the possession of Earl Spencer. About 1644 she was painted at the Hague, with the Prince and Princess of Orange, her husband, and others, by Isackson. The picture was engraved by Persyn, and a copy of this scarce print is in a volume of German ballads on the thirty years' war in the British Museum. Another portrait of her by Honthorst was engraved by Van Queeboren, C. Visscher, and Suyderhoef. There are miniatures of the princess by P. Oliver, by an unknown artist, and by Hoskins, belonging respectively to Mr. Robert Maxwell Witham, the Earl of Galloway, and the Duke of Buccleuch. Engraved portraits of her at various ages were executed by Hollar in the rare volume entitled 'The True Effigies of. . . King Charles,' &c, 4to, London, 1641 (copied by Richardson), by E. Smith, and C. Danckerts. There is also a print of her by De Jode in 'Monarchy Revived,' which was likewise engraved by Cooper.


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Mary

 MARY (1723–1772), princess of Hesse, fourth daughter of George II by Queen Caroline, born at Leicester House on 22 Feb. 1722-3, was married to Frederic, hereditary prince, afterwards landgrave, of Hesse Cassel, by proxy, the Duke of Cumberland representing the prince, in the Chapel Royal St. James s, on 8 May 1740, and afterwards to the prince in person at Cassel, apparently at the end of June. Bielfeld, who saw her at a fancy dress ball at Herrenhausen in the following October, describes her as tall, and handsome enough for a painter's model (faite à peindre). Horace Walpole characterises her as 'the mildest and gentlest of her race, and her husband as a boor and a brute, who treated her 'with great inhumanity,' In 1754 she was separated from him in consequence of his conversion to the Roman catholic faith, and thenceforth resided ordinarily with her children at Hanau. On the invasion of Hesse Cassel by the French in 1757 she fled with her father-in-law, the Landgrave William VIII, to Hamburg, where they were at first in such straits that Pitt anticipated the meeting of parliament by a remittance of 20,000l. to provide for their immediate personal expenses. In the following year a life annuity of 5,000l. was settled on the princess. On the death of her father-in-law, at Rinteln, 1 Feb. 1760, she became regent of Hanau, which she ably administered. She died at Hanau on 14 Jan. 1772, and was buried in the protestant church, now the Marienkirche, on 1 Feb. The news of her death reached London on 25 Jan., and eclipsed the gaiety of the town, not a few ladies of fashion staying away from the opening of the Pantheon on the 27th for want of mourning. She left the bulk of her property to her two younger sons, Charles and Frederic, who also succeeded to her pension and lived to immense ages. Her eldest son, William, succeeded his father as landgrave in 1785.

The princess figures in a group of George II's children belonging to the Duke of Devonshire.

 MARY, (1770-1857). [See under, second , 1776–1834.]

 MARY (fl. 1802). [See under .]

 MARYBOROUGH, (d. 1632). [See .]

 MASCALL, EDWARD JAMES (d. 1832), collector of customs, entered the civil service probably in 1779. He was appointed examiner of the outport quarter books on 12 Jan. 1813, and collector of customs for the port of London, at a salary of 1,500l. per annum, on 9 Oct. 1816. His books on the customs, which were sanctioned by the commissioners, did much to extend among merchants a knowledge of the numerous changes made between 1784 and 1817. He died at Yately Cottage, Hampshire, on 6 March 1832, after an illness of six weeks. Mascall married, on 19 Sept. 1793, at Croydon. Juliana Anne, eldest daughter of Robert Dalzell of Tidmarsh, Berkshire. She died on 24 July 1823.

Mascall published: 1. 'The Consolidation of the Customs and other Duties,' London, 1787, 8vo. 2. 'A Practical Book of Customs,' London, 1799, 4to; 2nd edit. 1801, 8vo. 3. 'A Digest of the Duties of Customs and Excise,' &c, London, 1812, 8vo; &c.

 MASCALL, LEONARD (d. 1589), author and translator, was a member of an old family settled at Piumstead, Sussex, and became clerk of the kitchen in the household of Matthew Parker, archbishop of Canterbury. It has been erroneously stated that he was the first person who brought


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Mascall carp and pippins into England. He died at Farnham Royal, Buckinghamshire, and was buried there on 10 May 1589.

The works written by, or generally attributed to, him are: 1. 'A Booke of the Arte and maner howe to plant and gratte all sortes of trees, howe to set stones, and sowe Pepines to make wylde trees to graffe on. . . . With divers other new practise, by one of the Abbey of Saint Vincent in Fraunce. . . . With an addition ... of certaine Dutch practises, set forth and Englished by L. Mascall,' black letter, London [1572], 4to. Dedicated to Lord St. John of Bletsho. Other editions appeared in 1575, 1580 (?), 1582, 1590, 1592, 1596, and 1652. 2. 'The Husbandlye ordring and Gouernmente of Poultrie. Practised by the Learnedste, and such as haue bene knowne skilfullest in that Arte, and in our tyme,' Lond. 1581, 8vo; dedicated to Katherine, wife of James Woodford, esq., and chief clerk of the kitchen to Queen Elizabeth. 3. 'A profitable boke declaring dyvers approoved remedies, to takeout spottes and staines, in Silkes, Velvets, Linnnen [sic] and Woollen clothes. With divers colours how to die Velvets and Silkes. . . . Taken out of Dutche, and englished by L. M.,' London, 1583 and 1605, 4to. 4. 'Prepositus his Practise, a Worke. . . for the better preservation of the Health of Man. Wherein are approved Medicines, Receiptes and Ointmentes. Translated out of Latin into English by L[eonard?] M[ascall?],' London, 1588, fol. 5. 'A Booke of Fishing with Hooke & Line [taken from that of Dame Juliana Berners, and of all other instruments thereunto belonging. Another of sundrie Engines and Trappes to take Polcats, Buzards, Rattes, Mice, and all other Kindes of Vermine. . . . Made by L. M[ascall],' London, 1590, 4to; reprinted London, 1000, 4to, and again, with preface and glossary by Thomas Satchell, London, 1884. 6.'The first Book of Cattel; wherein is shewed the gouernment of Oxen, Kine, Calues, and how to vse Bulles and other cattel to the yoake and fell; with remidies. The second booke treateth of the gouernment of horses, gathered by L.M. The third booke intreateth of the ordering of sheep and goates, hogs and dogs; with such remidies to help most diseases as may chaunce vnto them,' London, 1596, 4to, dedicated to Lord Edward Montagu; reprinted in 1600, 1605, 1620, 1633, 1662, and 1680, the latter edition being entitled 'The Countreyman's Jewel, or the Government of Cattel,' &c.

He also drew up the 'Registrant parochiæ de Farnham Royal comit. Buckingh,,' completed 25 June 1573, in which he inserted Cromwell's injunctions concerning parish registers, and prefixed some English verses on the subject.

 MASCALL, ROBERT (d. 1416), bishop of Hereford, was born at Ludlow, Shropshire, where at an early age he became a Carmelite friar. Thence he proceeded to Oxford, where his industry gained him distinction, first in philosophy, in which he took Aristotle as his guide, and afterwards in theology. Probably in 1400 Henry IV appointed Mascall his confessor, in succession to William Syward, and on 21 Jan. 1401 granted him custody of the temporalities of the bishopric of Meath, which had been vacant since the death of Alexander de Balscot on 10 Nov. 1400 (, Fœdera, ill. iv. 190). He was exempted from the penalties attached to absenteeism, but in 1402 the see was filled by the appointment of Robert Montain, and various sums were granted Mascall for his maintenence at court (ib. iv. i. 17). On j 26 May 1402 he witnessed an instrument appointing John Peraunt and others to negotiate a marriage between Prince Henry and Catherine, daughter of Eric IX, king of Sweden (ib. p. 28; cf. Royal Letters, ed. Hingeston, No. xxviii.) On 2 July 1404 Mascall was promoted to the see of Hereford by papal provision, receiving back the temporalities on 25 Sept, 1404 (, i. 463;, iv. i. 72). Le Neve states that he made his profession of obedience in the church of Coventry on 28 Sept.; but according to the 'Royal Letters' Mascall had been sent on some mission to the continent, and on his return from Middleburg was attacked by pirates; the crew made some resistance and were flung into the sea; 'our most dearly beloved in God, Brother Robert Mascall, lately our confessor,' was thrown into prison at Dunkirk, and refused release except for a ransom ruinous to his estate (Royal Letters, ed. Hingeston, No, cxiii., dated 10 Sept. 1404, and No. cxv., dated 10 Sept. 1404;, pp. 465–6). The king's envoys to the court of Burgundy, Croft, Lysle, and De Ryssheton, made repeated demands for his release, and Henry himself wrote to the Duchess of Burgundy with the same object (Royal Letters, Nos, cxiii. cxxiii. cxl.); the demand was apparently complied with.


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Mascarene Mascall received the same favour from Henry V as from his father; in 1413 he took part in the condemnation of Cobham (cf., Acts and Monuments, iii. 337), and in 1415 he was appointed one of the delegates to the council of Constance. In the same year he was granted 'pardonatio de omnibus proditionibus murdris, etc.' (Cal. Patent Rolls, p. 264 b). He died on 22 Dec. 1416, and his will, dated 23 Nov. 1416, was proved on 17 Jan. 1417. According to Weever, Godwin, Newcourt, Stow, Willis, and Le Neve, he was buried in the church of the White Friars, London, which he is said to have adorned with its choir, presbytery, and belfry; but Gough (Sepulchral Monuments, vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 49*), following Bishop Kenneths correction of Godwin, argues that this is a mistake for Ludlow, where Mascall's will directed that he should be buried. According to Weever, he was 'a man for his good learning and good life admired and beloved of all men.'

Villiers de St. Etienne (Bibliotheca Carmel.) attributes to Mascall the following works: 1. 'Sermones coram Rege lib. i.' 2. 'Sermones vulgares lib. i.' 3. ' De Legationibus suis lib. V 4. ' Sermones Herefordences et Salopiences lib. i.; ' this was directed against Sir John Oldcastle, who was making special efforts to spread lollardism in his Herefordshire estates. Tanner mentions a ' Liber contra Oldocastellum,' which may be identical with the last-mentioned work.

 MASCARENE, PAUL (1684–1760), lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia, son of Jean Mascarine and Margaret de Salavy, his wife, was born at Castras, province of Languedoc, France, in 1684. His father, a protestant, left France at the revocation of the edict of Nantes, and Paul fell to the charge of his grandmother. At the age of twelve he found his way to Geneva, where he was educated. Afterwards he came to England, where he was naturalised in 1706. In 1708 he was appointed second lieutenant in Lord Montague's regiment, then in garrison at Portsmouth, and on 1 April 1710 captain in Colonel Wanton's regiment of foot, ordered to he raised in New England for service in the West Indies. He served with this regiment, under Colonel Nicholson, at the taking of Port Royal, Acadia (Nova Scotia), which was renamed Annapolis Royal. He commanded the grenadiers at the storming of Port Royal, and mounted the first guard in that place, receiving a brevet majority for his services. Wanton's regiment was disbanded at the peace of Utrecht, but on 12 Aug. 1716 Mascarene was made captain of an independent company of foot, to garrison Placentia, Newfoundland. The company was afterwards incorporated with Colonel Philips's regiment (40th foot). In 1720 he was appointed third on the list of councillors on the first formation of the board at Annapolis Royal, and sent home to the plantation office and the board of ordnance very complete descriptions of the province, with suggestions for its settlement and defence. He was employed with the governors of Massachusetts and New Hampshire in negotiations with the Eastern Indians, which ended in the treaty of 1725–6. In 1739 he became major of Philips's regiment, and in 1740 was appointed lieutenant-governor of Annapolis, a military appointment, and administered the government of the province (Governor Philips residing in England) until the arrival of Governor Cornwallis in 1749. He became lieutenant-colonel of Philips's regiment in 1742, and applied for the lieutenant-governorship of the province, urging his long acquaintance with the Indians and Acadians, he being then the only officer there who had been present at the taking of Annapolis. In 1744 he was appointed lieutenant-governor, but received no salary, as the governor (Philips) pleaded inability to pay. For years Mascarene appears to have provided for the food and clothing of the regiment at his own cost. In May 1744 he defended the fort against a force of Indians, under M. Le Loutre, who burned the town, scalped some of the English inhabitants, and drove off the cattle. Later in the same year he was attacked by a considerable French force from Louisburg, under M. Du Vivier, and notwithstanding the remonstrances of his officers, who had lost heart, and the abject state of wretchedness to which the garrison was reduced by neglect at home, he held the place and beat off the enemy. When Cornwallis arrived,


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 Mascarene came to meet him at Chebuctoo, and was sworn in senior member of the council. Cornwall is reported that 'no regiment in any service was ever reduced to the condition in which I found this unfortunate battalion.' In 1751 Mascarene was sent by Cornwallis on special duty to New England, and was employed with General Shirley in conciliating the Indian tribes of Western Acadia. Soon after he retired on account of age, and resided at Boston until his death. He became a major-general in 1758, and died at Boston, Massachusetts, on 22 Jan. 1760. He appears to have been a man of considerable education and talent, whose ability and uprightness won for him the confidence of the French Acadians and Indians alike. No man ever served his country better, and none received less support or reward from home. A portrait of him in armour is extant.

Mascarene married Elizabeth Perry, a Boston lady, and by her left a son and daughter, from whom the colonial families of Hutchinson and Snelling are descended.

 MASCHIART, MICHAEL (1544–1598), Latin poet, born in St. Thomas's parish, Salisbury, in 1544, became scholar of Winchester College in 1557, and a probationary fellow of New College, Oxford, 29 Jan. 1560, and perpetual fellow in 1562. He was admitted B.C.L. in 1567, and licensed D.C.L. 13 Oct. 1573, and was made an advocate of Doctors' Commons in 1575. In April 1572 he was appointed by his college vicar of Writtle in Essex, where he died and was buried in December 1598. Wood calls him ‘a most excellent Latin poet of his time, … an able civilian, and excellent in all kind of human learning;’ but it seems doubtful whether the ‘Poemata Varia’ attributed to him were ever published. Camden quotes from him a description of Clarendon Park, near Salisbury (, Britannia, Holland's translation, 1610, p. 250).

 MASERES, FRANCIS (1731–1824), mathematician, historian, and reformer, born in London 15 Dec. 1731, was descended from a family originally French, which came over to England after the revocation of the edict of Nantes. His father, Peter Abraham Maseres, settled as a physician in Broad Street, Soho, London, and then moved to a house in Rathbone Place; his mother was Magdalene, daughter of Francis du Pratt du Clareau. He was educated at Kingston-upon-Thames by the Rev. Richard Wooddeson, who also trained George Hardinge, Edward Lovibond, George Steevens and Gilbert Wakefield, and on 4 July 1748 he was admitted at Clare College, Cambridge, as pensioner and pupil to Mr. Courtail, his brother, Peter Maseres, being also admitted on the same day. They graduated B.A. in 1752, Peter being first junior optime in the tripos of that year, while Francis obtained the distinction of fourth wrangler in the same list. On the institution in 1752 of chancellor's classical medals by the Duke of Newcastle, Francis won the first medal and received it from the duke in person. On 23 Jan. 1752 he was admitted a scholar of the foundation of Joseph Diggons, and on 24 Sept. 1756—after he had taken the degree of M.A. in 1755—he became a fellow of Lord Exeter's foundation. This fellowship he resigned in August 1759, although he might have kept it a year longer, and this step, as well as the length of time during which he had to wait for these prizes, no doubt arose from the fact that he was not in pecuniary need. In 1750 Maseres was admitted at the Inner Temple, and in 1758 he was called to the bar from that inn, where he afterwards became bencher 1774, reader 1781, and treasurer 1782. It is life was bound up with the Temple; he is introduced by Charles Lamb in his 'Essay on the Old Benchers of the Inner Temple' as walking 'in the costume of the reign of George the Second,' and he persevered until the end of his days in wearing the 'three-cornered hat, tye wig, and ruffles.' His rooms were at 5 King s Bench Walk, where he lived in a style described by Lamb in a letter written to [q. v.] in April 1801, and although out of term he used to dine at his house in Rathbone Place, he always returned to the Temple to sleep. For a time he went the western circuit, but, as he confessed, with little success, and he then became a common pleader in the city of London. From 1766 to 1709 he filled the post of attorney-general of Quebec with such zeal and dignity that on his return to England he was requested by the protestant settlers in that city to act as their agent. Thomas Hutchinson called upon


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 him in November 1774 and mentions that he had been appointed one of the judges for India, but that as somebody younger than himself was named before him, he refused the post,' though a most lucrative employ,' whereupon the lord chancellor obtained for him the place of cursitor baron of the exchequer, worth between 300/. and 400l. a year (Diary, i. 273). He filled this position from August 1773 until his death in 1824, a length of tenure without parallel in the records of the law, and he is said to have refused his consent to an augmentation of his salary. The recorder of London appointed him as his deputy on 16 Feb. 1779, but he resigned the post in 1783, and in 1780 the court of common council elected him senior judge of the sheriffs' court in the city of London, an office which he held until 1822. Maseres was a zealous protestant and whig and a warm advocate for reforms in the church of England, but he was not in favour of a wide scheme of electoral reform. He wore his wig and gown on a visit to Cobbett in Newgate, to show his abhorrence of the sentence which had been inflicted on the prisoner; and through sympathy with the sacrifice of position and profit by Theophilus Lindsey, he adopted in later life the principles of unitarianism, and suggested an important variation which was inserted in the Reformed Liturgy in 1793. Bentham designates him 'the public-spirited constitutionalist, and one of the most honest lawyers England ever saw;' and in another passage called him ' an honest fellow who resisted Lord Mansfield's projects for establishing despotism in Canada. There was a sort of simplicity about him which I once quizzed and then repented.' He inherited great wealth, partly from his father and partly from his bachelor brother, and he was very liberal with his money, especially in assisting the publications of others. It was his delight to entertain his friends in his rooms in London or in his country house at Reigate, and his conversation abounded in anecdote and information, particularly in the incidents of English history from 1040 to his own date. He kept up his taste for the classics. Homer he knew by heart, and Horace was at his fingers' ends. Lucan was his favourite next to Homer in ancient literature; among English writers he felt great admiration for Milton, and was thoroughly conversant with the works of Hobbes. He spoke French fluently, but it was the language in idiom and expression which his ancestors had brought over to England. A good chess-player, of such admirable sang-froid as never to exhibit any sign of victory or defeat, he combated Philidor, who was blindfolded, at the chess club in St. James's Street, and it was two hours before he was beaten. After a long and happy life he died at his house, Church Street, Reigate, on 19 May 1824, and his character was recorded in a Latin inscription on a monument placed in the church by the Rev. [q. v.] He left 30,000l. to his relatives the Whitakers, and the balance of his fortune to Fellowes. His library came by his will to the Inner Temple, and three of the manuscripts contained in it are described in the Hist. MSS. Comm. 11th Rep. App. pt. vii. v. 304; his unsold works in sheets passed to [q. v.] He endowed a Sunday-afternoon service at Reigate with funds producing 27l. 6s. per annum. He left nothing to his college, and there is a tradition that his original will included a legacy for it, but that, as he was never asked by its heads to sit for his portrait, he cancelled the bequest. An excellent portrait of him at the age of eighty-three was drawn by Charles Hayter in 1815 and engraved by Philip Audinet. He was elected F.R.S. on 2 May 1771.

Priestley wrote of Maseres that his works in mathematics are 'original and excellent' (, Life and Corresp. of Priestley, ii. 490). Frend and he set themselves against the rest of the world. They rejected negative quantities and 'made war of extermination on all that distinguishes algebra from arithmetic' (, Schola Acad. pp. 72, 141). Their leading idea seems to have been to calculate more decimal places than any one would want and to reprint the works of all who had done the same thing' (Astronom. Soc. Monthly Notices, v. 148). His mathematical treatises were:
 * 1) 'Dissertation on the use of the Negative Sign in Algebra,' 1768.
 * 2) 'Elements of Plane Trigonometry,' 1760.
 * 3) 'Scriptores Logarithmici,' a collection of tracts on logarithms, vol. i. 1791, ii. 1791, iii. 1796, iv. 1801, v. 1804, vi. 1807.
 * 4) 'Doctrine of Permutations and Combinations,' 1795.
 * 5) 'Appendix to Frend's Principles of Algebra,' 1798.
 * 6) 'Tracts on the Resolution of affected Algebraick Equations by Halley's, Raphson's, and Sir Isaac Newton's Methods of Approximation,' 1800.
 * 7) 'Tracts on the Resolution of Cubick and Biquadratick Equations,' n.d. [1803].
 * 8) 'Scriptores Optici,' 1823, a reprint, with the assistance of Babbage, of the writings of James Gregory and others.

Maseres, as intimately connected with North America, wrote:  'Considerations on the expediency of admitting Representatives from the American Colonies to the House of Commons,' 1770.  'Collection of Commissions and other Public Instruments relating to Quebec since 1760,' London, 1772.