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184 of Whitby, to sing the story of creation. A pervasive monastic atmosphere also surrounds the visions of hell and purgatory, which were to continue so typically characteristic of monastic Christianity.

What knowledge, sacred and profane, came to the Anglo-Saxons with Christianity? Quite properly learned were Augustine and the other organizers of the English Church. Two generations after him, the Greek monk Theodore was sent by the Pope to become Archbishop of Canterbury, complete Augustine's work, and instruct the English monks and clergy. Theodore was accompanied by his friend Hadrian, as learned as himself. Their labours finally established Roman Christianity in England. The two drew about them a band of students, and formed at Canterbury a school of sacred learning, where liberal studies were conducted by these foreigners with a knowledge and intelligence novel in Great Britain. In the north, Benedict Biscop, a Northumbrian, promoted the ends of Roman Catholicism and learning by establishing the monasteries of Wearmouth and Jarrow under the monastic regula of St. Benedict of Nursia, as modified by the practices of continental monasteries in the seventh century. He had been in Italy, and brought thence many books. It was among these books that Bede grew up at Jarrow.

Thus strong currents of Roman ecclesiasticism and liberal knowledge reached England. On the other hand, Irish monastic Christianity had already made its entry in the south-western part of Great Britain, and with greater strength established itself in the north, converting multitudes to the Faith and instructing such as would learn. The Irish teaching had been eagerly received by those groups of Anglo-Saxons who henceforth were to prosecute their studies with the aid of the further knowledge and discipline brought from the Continent by Theodore. Some of them had even journeyed to Ireland to study.

From this dual source was drawn the education of

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CHAP. IX Aldhelm. He was born in Wessex about the year 650, and was nephew of the powerful King Ini. He became abbot of Malmesbury in 675. An Irish monk was his first teacher; his second, the learned Hadrian. From the two he received a broader education than any Anglo-Saxon had possessed before him. Always holding in view the perfecting of his sacred knowledge, he studied grammar and kindred topics, produced treatises himself, and as a Catholic student and teacher was a true forerunner of the greatest scholar among his younger contemporaries, Bede.

Bede the Venerable, and we may add the still beloved, was Aldhelm's junior by some twenty-five years. He was born in 673 and died in 735. He passed his whole life reading, teaching, and writing in the Cloister of Jarrow near where he was born, and not far from where, beneath the "Galilee" of Durham Cathedral, his bones have long reposed. Back of him was the double tradition of learning, the Irish and the Graeco-Roman. Through a long life of pious study, Bede drew into his mind, and incorporated in his writings, practically the total sum of knowledge then accessible in western Europe. He stands between the great Latin transmitters (Boëthius, Cassiodorus, Gregory and Isidore) and the epoch known as the Carolingian. He was himself a transmitter of knowledge to that later time. If in spirit, race, epoch and circumstances, Aldhelm was Bede's direct forerunner, Bede had also a notable predecessor in Isidore. The writings of the Spanish bishop contributed substance and suggestions of plan and method to the Anglo-Saxon monk, whose works embrace practically the same series of topics as Isidore's, whose intellectual interests also, and attitude toward the Church Fathers, appear the same. But Bede was the more genial personality, and could not help imbuing his compositions with something from his own temperament. Even in his Commentaries upon the books of Scripture, which were made up principally of borrowed allegorical interpretations, there is common sense and some endeavour to present the actual meaning and

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usitatam Anglicam sermocinationem, studentes aliis prodesse edificando ad fidem lectione huius narrationis quibus-cumque placuerit huic operi operam dare, siue legendo, seu Audiendo; quia estimo non esse ingratum fidelibus.

Nam memini me in duobus anterioribus libris posuisse passiones uel uitas sanctorum ipsorum, quos gens ista caelebre colit cum ueneratione festi diei, et placuit nobis in isto codicello ordinare passiones etiam uel uitas sanctorum illorum quos non uulgus sed coenobite officiis uenerantur.

Nec tamen plura promitto me scripturum hac lingua, quia nec conuenit huic sermocinationi plura inseri; ne forte despectui habentur margarite christi.

Ideoque reticemus de libro uitæ patrum, in quo multa subtilia habentur quæ non conueniunt aperiri laicis, nec nos ipsi ea quimus implere.

Illa uero que scripturus sum suspicor non offendere audientes, sed magis fide torpentes recreare hortationibus, quia martyrum passiones nimium fidem erigant languentem.

Unum cupio sciri hoc uolumen legentibus, quod nollem alicubi ponere duos imperatores siue cesares in hac narratione simul, sicut in latinitate legimus; sed unum imperatorem in persecutione martyrum ponimus ubique; Sicut gens nostra uni regi subditur, et usitata est de uno rege non de duobus loqui.

Nec potuimus in ista translatione semper uerbum ex uerbo transferre, sed tamen sensum ex sensu, sicut inuenimus in sancta scriptura, diligenter curauimus uertere Simplici et aperta locutione quatinus proficiat Audientibus.

Hoc sciendum etiam quod prolixiores passiones breuiamus uerbis, non adeo sensu, ne fastidiosis ingeratur tedium si tanta prolixitas erit in propria lingua quanta est in latina; et non semper breuitas sermonem deturpat sed multotiens honestiorem reddit.

Non mihi inputetur quod diuinam scripturam nostrae lingue infero, quia arguet me praecatus multorum fidelium et maxime æþelƿerdi ducis et æðelmeri nostri, qui ardentissime nostras interpretationes Amplectuntur lectitando; sed decreui modo quiescere post quartum librum A tali studio, ne superfluus iudicer.

⁊ ic gescge þe leof ·  ic hæbbe nu gegaderod on þyssere béc þæra halgena þroƿunga þe me to onhagode on englisc to aƿendene · for þan þe ðu leof sƿiðost ⁊ æðelmær sƿylcera geƿrita me bædon · ⁊ of handū gelæhton eoƿerne geleafan to getrymmenne · mid þære gerecednysse · þe ge on eoƿrum gereorde næfdon ǽr.

Þu ƿast leof  [þæt @ Skeat] ƿe aƿendon on þam tƿā ærrum bocum þæra halgena þroƿunga ⁊ lif · þe angel-cynn mid freols-dagū ƿurþað.

Nu ge-ƿearð us  ƿe þas bóc be þæra halgena ðroƿungū ⁊ life · gedihton þe mynster-menn mid heora þenungū betƿux him ƿurðiað ·

Sū ƿitega clypode þurh þon̅ halgan gast ⁊ cƿæð · Mirabilis deus in sanctis suis · et cet.

Ƿundorlic is god on his halgū · he sylf forgifð mihte ⁊ strengðe his folce · gebletsod ís hé god.

Ƿe aƿritað fela ƿundra on þissere béc · forþan þe god is ƿundorlic on his halgū sƿa sƿa ƿe ǽr sædon · ⁊ his halgena ƿundra ƿurðiað hine · forþan þe hé ƿorhte þa ƿundra þurh hí.

Ic bidde nu on godes naman gif hƿa þas bóc aƿritan ƿille ·  he hí ƿél gerihte be þære bysne · ⁊ þǽr namare betƿux ne sette þonne ƿe aƿendon ·

·

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186 situation. But he disclaimed originality, as he says in the preface to his Commentary on the Hexaemeron, addressed to Bishop Acca of Hexham:

"Concerning the beginning of Genesis where the creation of the world is described, many have said much, and have left to posterity monuments of their talents. Among these, as far as our feebleness can learn, we may distinguish Basil of Caesarea (whom Eustathius translated from Greek to Latin), Ambrose of Milan, and Augustine, Bishop of Hippo. Of whom the first-named in nine books, the second following his footprints in six books, the third in twelve books and also in two others directed against the Manichaeans, shed floods of salutary doctrine for their readers; and in them the promise of the Truth was fulfilled: 'Whoso believeth in me, as the Scripture saith, out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water.…' But since these works are so great that only the rich may own them, and so profound that they may be fathomed only by the learned, your holiness has seen fit to lay on us the task of plucking from them all, as from the sweetest wide-flowering fields of paradise, what might seem to meet the needs of weaklings."

Bede was also a lovely story-teller. His literary charm and power appear in his Life of St. Cuthbert, and still more in his ever-famous Ecclesiastical History of the English People, so warm with love of mankind, and presenting so wonderful a series of dramatic stories animate with vital motive and the colour of incident and circumstance. Midway between the spontaneous genius of this work and the copied Scripture Commentary, stand Bede's grammatical, metrical, and scientific compositions, compiled with studious zeal. They evince a broad interest in scholarship and in nature. Still, neither material nor method was original. For instance, his De rerum natura took its plan and much of its substance from Isidore's work of the same name. Bede has, however, put in further matter and made his work less of a mere shell of words than Isidore's. For he

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CHAP. IX is interested in connecting natural occurrences with their causes, stating, for example, that the tides depend on the moon. In this work as in his other opera didascalica, like the De temporum ratione and his learned De arte metrica, he shows himself a more intelligent student than his Spanish predecessor. Yet he drew everything from some written source.

One need not wonder at the voluminousness of Bede's literary productions. Many of the writings emanating from monasteries are transcriptions rather than compositions. The circumstance that books, i.e. manuscripts, were rare and costly was an impelling motive. Isidore and Bede made systematic compilations for general use. They and their congeners would also make extracts from manuscripts, of which they might have but the loan, or from unique codices in order to preserve the contents. Such notes or excerpts might have the value of a treatise, and might be preserved and in turn transcribed as a distinct work. Yet whether made by a Bede or by a lesser man, they represent mainly the labour of a copyist.

Bede's writings were all in Latin, and were intended for the instruction of monks. They played a most important rôle in the transmission of learning, sacred and profane, in Latin form. For its still more popular diffusion, translations into the vernacular might be demanded. Such at all events were made of Scripture; and perhaps a century and a half after Bede's death, the translation of edifying Latin books was undertaken by the best of Saxon kings. King Alfred was born in 849 and closed his eyes in 901. In the midst of other royal labours he set himself the task of placing before his people, or at least his clergy, Anglo-Saxon versions of some of the then most highly regarded volumes of instruction. The wise Pastoral Care of Gregory the Great; his Dialogues, less wise according to our views;

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188 the Histories of Orosius and Bede; and that philosophic vade-mecum of the Middle Ages, the De consolatione philosophiae of Boëthius. Of these, Alfred translated the Pastoral Care and the De consolatione, also Orosius; the other works appear to have been translated at his direction. Alfred's translations contain his own reflections and other matter not in the originals. In rendering Orosius, he rewrote the geographical introduction, inserted a description of Germany and accounts of northern Europe given by two of his Norse liegemen, Ohthere and Wulfstan. The alertness of his mind is shown by this insertion of the latest geographical knowledge. Other and more personal passages will disclose his purpose, and illustrate the manner in which his Christianized intelligence worked upon trains of thought suggested perhaps by the Latin writing before him.

Alfred's often-quoted preface to Gregory's Pastoral Care tells his reasons for undertaking its translation, and sets forth the condition of England. He speaks of the "wise men there formerly were throughout England, both of sacred and secular orders," and of their zeal in learning and teaching and serving God; and how foreigners came to the land in search of wisdom and instruction. But "when I came to the throne," so general was the decay of learning in England "that there were very few on this side of the Humber who could understand their rituals in English, or translate a letter from Latin into English; and I believe there were not many beyond the Humber.… Thanks be to God Almighty that we have any teachers among us now." Alfred therefore commands the bishop, to whom he is now sending the copy, to disengage himself as often as possible from worldly matters, and apply the Christian wisdom God has given him. "I remembered also how I saw, before it had been all ravaged and burnt, how the churches throughout the whole of England stood filled with

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Rh paid money. My greatest reassurance was, that he was coming to Barnard's Inn, not to Hammersmith, and consequently would not fall in Bentley Drummle's way. I had little objection to his being seen by Herbert or his father, for both of whom I had a respect; but I had the sharpest sensitiveness as to his being seen by Drummle, whom I held in contempt. So, throughout life, our worst weaknesses and meannesses are usually committed for the sake of the people whom we most despise.

I had begun to be always decorating the chambers in some quite unnecessary and inappropriate way or other, and very expensive those wrestles with Barnard proved to be. By this time, the rooms were vastly different from what I had found them, and I enjoyed the honour of occupying a few prominent pages in the books of a neighbouring upholsterer. I had got on so fast of late, that I had even started a boy in boots—top boots—in bondage and slavery to whom I might be said to pass my days. For, after I had made this monster (out of the refuse of my washerwoman's family) and had clothed him with a blue coat, canary waistcoat, white cravat, creamy breeches, and the boots already mentioned, I had to find him a little to do and a great deal to eat; and with both of these horrible requirements he haunted my existence.

This avenging phantom was ordered to be on duty at eight on Tuesday morning in the hall (it was two feet square, as charged for floorcloth), and Herbert suggested certain things for breakfast that he thought Joe would like. While I felt sincerely obliged to him for being so interested and considerate, I had an odd half-provoked sense of suspicion upon me, that if Joe had been coming to see him, he wouldn't have been quite so brisk about it.

However, I came into town on the Monday night to be ready for Joe, and I got up early in the morning, and caused the sitting-room and breakfast-table to assume their most splendid appearance. Unfortunately the morning was drizzly, and an angel could not have concealed the fact that Barnard was shedding sooty tears outside the window, like some weak giant of a Sweep.

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CHAP. IX treasures and books, and there was also a great multitude of God's servants, but they had very little knowledge of books, for they could not understand anything of them because they were not written in their own language." It therefore seemed wise to me "to translate some books which are most needful for all men to know, into the language which we can all understand, and … that all the youth now in England of free men, who are rich enough to be able to devote themselves to it, be set to learn so long as they are not fit for any other occupation, until that they are well able to read English writing: and let those be afterwards taught more in the Latin language who are to continue learning and be promoted to a higher rank."

In the De consolatione of Boëthius, the antique pagan thought, softened with human sympathy, and in need of such comfort and assurance as was offered by the Faith, is found occupied with questions (like that of free-will) prominent in Christianity. The book presented meditations which were so consonant with Christian views that its Christian readers from Alfred to Dante mistook them for Christian sentiments, and added further meanings naturally occurring to the Christian soul. Alfred's reflections in his version of the De consolatione are very personal to Saxon Alfred and show how he took his life and kingly office:

"O Philosophy, thou knowest that I never greatly delighted in covetousness and the possession of earthly power, nor longed for this authority"—so far Boëthius, and now Alfred himself: "but I desired instruments and materials to carry out the work I was set to do, which was that I should virtuously and fittingly administer the authority committed unto me. Now no man, as thou knowest, can get full play for his natural gifts, nor conduct and administer government, unless he hath fit tools, and the raw material to work upon. By material I mean that which is necessary to the exercise of natural powers; thus a king's raw material and instruments of rule are a well-peopled land, and he must have men of prayer, men of war, and men of work. As thou knowest, without these tools no king may display his special talent. Further, for his materials he must have means of support for the three classes above spoken of,

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228 As the time approached I should have liked to run away, but the Avenger pursuant to orders was in the hall, and presently I heard Joe, on the staircase. I knew it was Joe, by his clumsy manner of coming upstairs—his state boots being always too big for him—and by the time it took him to read the names on the other floors in the course of his ascent. When at last he stopped outside our door, I could hear his finger tracing over the painted letters of my name, and I afterwards distinctly heard him breathing in at the keyhole. Finally he gave a faint single rap, and Pepper—such was the compromising name of the avenging boy—announced "Mr. Gargery!" I thought he never would have done wiping his feet, and that I must have gone out to lift him off the mat, but at last he came in.

"Joe, how are you, Joe?"

"Pip, how you, Pip?"

With his good honest face all glowing and shining, and his hat put down on the floor between us, he caught both my hands and worked them straight up and down, as if I had been the last-patented Pump.

"I am glad to see you, Joe. Give me your hat."

But Joe, taking it up carefully with both hands, like a bird's-nest with eggs in it, wouldn't hear of parting with that piece of property, and persisted in standing talking over it in a most uncomfortable way.

"Which you have that growed," said Joe, "and that swelled, and that gentle-folked;" Joe considered a little before he discovered this word; "as to besure you are a honour to your king and country."

"And you, Joe, look wonderfully well."

"Thank God," said Joe, "I'm ekerval to most. And your sister, she's no worse than she were. And Biddy, she's ever right and ready. And all friends is no backerder, if not no forarder. 'Ceptin' Wopsle: he's had a drop."

All this time (still with both hands taking great care of the bird's-nest), Joe was rolling his eyes round and round the room, and round and round the flowered pattern of my dressing-gown.

"Had a drop, Joe?"

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Rh "Why yes," said Joe, lowering his voice, "he's left the Church and went into the playacting. Which the playacting have likewise brought him to London along with me. And his wish were," said Joe, getting the bird's-nest under his left arm for the moment, and groping in it for an egg with his right; "if no offence, as I would 'and you that."

I took what Joe gave me, and found it to be the crumpled playbill of a small metropolitan theatre, announcing the first appearance, in that very week, of "the celebrated Provincial Amateur of Roscian renown, whose unique performance in the highest tragic walk of our National Bard has lately occasioned so great a sensation in local dramatic circles."

"Were you at his performance, Joe?" I inquired.

"I were," said Joe, with emphasis and solemnity.

"Was there a great sensation?"

"Why," said Joe, "yes, there certainly were a peck of orange-peel. Partickler when he see the ghost. Though I put it to yourself, sir, whether it were calc'lated to keep a man up to his work with a good hart, to be continiwally cutting in betwixt him and the Ghost with 'Amen!' A man may have had a misfortun' and been in the Church," said Joe, lowering his voice to an argumentative and feeling tone, "but that is no reason why you should put him out at such a time. Which I meantersay, if the ghost of a man's own father cannot be allowed to claim his attention, what can, Sir? Still more, when his mourning 'at is unfortunately made so small as that the weight of the black feathers brings it off, try to keep it on how you may."

A ghost-seeing effect in Joe's own countenance informed me that Herbert had entered the room. So, I presented Joe to Herbert, who he held out his hand; but Joe backed from it, and held on by the bird's-nest.

"Your servant, Sir," said Joe, "which I hope as you and Pip"—here his eye fell on the Avenger, who was putting some toast on table, and so plainly denoted an intention to make that young gentleman one of the family, that I frowned it down and confused him more—"I meantersay, you two gentlemen—which I hope as you gets your elths

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230 in this close spot? For the present may be a wery good inn, according to London opinions," said Joe, confidentially, "and I believe its character do stand i; but I wouldn't keep a pig in it myself—not in the case that I wished him to fatten wholesome and to eat with a meller flavour on him."

Having borne this flattering testimony to the merits of our dwelling-place, and having incidentally shown this tendency to call me "sir," Joe, being invited to sit down to table, looked all round the room for a suitable spot on which to deposit his hat—as if it were only on some few very rare substances in nature that it could find a resting-place—and ultimately stood it on an extreme corner of the chimney-piece, from which it ever afterwards fell off at intervals.

"Do you take tea, or coffee, Mr. Gargery?" asked Herbert, who always presided of a morning.

"Thankee, Sir," said Joe, stiff from head to foot, "I'll take whichever is most agreeable to yourself."

"What do you say to coffee?"

"Thankee, Sir," returned Joe, evidently dispirited by the proposal, "since you are so kind as to make chice of coffee, I will not run contrairy to your own opinions. But don't you never find it a little 'eating?"

"Say tea, then," said Herbert, pouring it out.

Here Joe's hat tumbled off the mantel-piece, and he started out of his chair and picked it up, and fitted it to the same exact spot. As if it were an absolute point of good breeding that it should tumble off again soon.

"When did you come to town, Mr. Gargery?"

"Were it yesterday afternoon?" said Joe, after coughing behind his hand as if he had had time to catch the whooping-cough since he came. "No it were not. Yes it were. Yes. It were yesterday afternoon" (with an appearance of mingled wisdom, relief, and strict impartiality).

"Have you seen anything of London, yet?"

"Why, yes, Sir," said Joe, "me and Wopsle went off straight to look at the Blacking Ware'us. But we didn't

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Rh find that it come up to its likeness in the red bills at the shop doors: which I meantersay," added Joe, in an explanatory manner, "as it is there drawd too architectooralooral."

I really believe Joe would have prolonged this word (mightily expressive to my mind of some architecture that I know) into a perfect Chorus, but for his attention being providentially attracted by his hat, which was toppling. Indeed, it demanded from him a constant attention, and a quickness of eye and hand, very like that exacted by wicket-keeping. He made extraordinary play with it, and showed the greatest skill; now, rushing at it and catching it neatly as it dropped; now, merely stopping it midway, beating it up, and humouring it in various parts of the room and against a good deal of the pattern of the paper on the wall, before he felt it safe to close with it; finally splashing it into the slop-basin, where I took the liberty of laying hands upon it.

As to his shirt-collar, and his coat-collar, they were perplexing to reflect upon—insoluble mysteries both. Why should a man scrape himself to that extent, before he could consider himself full dressed? Why should he suppose it necessary to be purified by suffering for his holiday clothes? Then he fell into such unaccountable fits of meditation, with his fork midway between his plate and his mouth; had his eyes attracted in such strange directions; was afflicted with such remarkable coughs; sat so far from the table, and dropped so much more than he ate, and pretended that he hadn't dropped it; that I was heartily glad when Herbert left us for the city.

I had neither the good sense nor the good feeling to know that this was all my fault, and that if I had been easier with Joe, Joe would have been easier with me. I felt impatient of him and out of temper with him; in which condition he heaped coals of fire on my head.

"Us two being now alone, Sir"—began Joe.

"Joe," I interrupted, pettishly, "how can you call me Sir?"

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232 faintly like reproach. Utterly preposterous as his cravat was, and as his collars were, I was conscious of a sort of dignity in the look.

"Us two being now alone," resumed Joe, "and me having the intentions and abilities to stay not many minutes more, I will now conclude—leastways begin—to mention what have led to my having had the present honour. For was it not," said Joe, with his old air of lucid exposition, "that my only wish were to be useful to you, I should not have had the honour of breaking wittles in the company and abode of gentlemen."

I was so unwilling to see the look again, that I made no remonstrance against this tone.

"Well, Sir," pursued Joe, "this is how it were. I were at the Bargemen t'other night, Pip;" whenever he subsided into affection, he called me Pip, and whenever he relapsed into politeness he called me Sir; "when there come up in his shay-cart Pumblechook. "Which that same identical," said Joe, going down a new track, "do comb my 'air the wrong way sometimes, awful, by giving out up and down town as it were him which ever had your infant companionation and were looked upon as a playfellow by yourself."

"Nonsense. It was you, Joe."

"Which I fully believed it were, Pip," said Joe, slightly tossing his head, "though it signify little now, Sir. Well, Pip; this same identical, which his manners is given to blusterous, come to me at the Bargemen (wot a pipe and a pint of beer do give refreshment to the working-man, Sir, and do not over stimulate), and his word were, 'Joseph, Miss Havisham she wish to speak to you.'"

"Miss Havisham, Joe?"

"'She wished,' were Pumblechook's word, 'to speak to you.'" Joe sat and rolled his eyes at the ceiling.

"Yes, Joe? Go on, please."

"Next day, Sir," said Joe, looking at me as if I were a long way off, "having cleaned myself, I go and I see Miss A."

"Miss A., Joe? Miss Havisham?"

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Rh "Which I say, Sir," replied Joe, with an air of legal formality, as if he were making his will, "Miss A., or otherways Havisham. Her expression air then as follering: 'Mr. Gargery. You air in correspondence with Mr. Pip?' Having had a letter from you, I were able to say 'I am.' (When I married your sister, Sir, I said 'I will;' and when I answered your friend, Pip, I said, 'I am.') 'Would you tell him, then,' said she, 'that which Estella has come home, and would be glad to see him.'"

I felt my face fire up as I looked at Joe. I hope one remote cause of its firing, may have been my consciousness that if I had known his errand, I should have given him more encouragement.

"Biddy," pursued Joe, "when I got home and asked her fur to write the message to you, a little hung back. Biddy says, 'I know he will be very glad to have it by word of mouth, it is holiday-time, you want to see him, go!' I have now concluded, Sir," said Joe, rising from his chair, "and, Pip, I wish you ever well and ever prospering to a greater and greater height."

"But you are not going now, Joe?"

"Yes I am," said Joe.

"But you are coming back to dinner, Joe?"

"No I am not," said Joe.

Our eyes met, and all the "Sir" melted out of that manly heart as he gave me his hand.

"Pip, dear old chap, life is made of ever so many partings welded together, as I may say, and one man's a blacksmith, and one's a whitesmith, and one's a goldsmith, and one's a coppersmith. Diwisions among such must come, and must be met as they come. If there's been any fault at all to-day, it's mine. You and me is not two figures to be together in London; nor yet anywheres else but what is private, and beknown, and understood among friends. It ain't that I am proud, but that I want to be right, as you shall never see me no more in these clothes. I'm wrong in these clothes. I'm wrong out of the forge, the kitchen, or off th' meshes. You won't find half so much fault in me if you think of me in my forge dress, with my

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234 hammer in my hand, or even my pipe. You won't find half so much fault in me if, supposing as you should ever wish to see me, you come and put your head in at the forge window and see Joe the blacksmith, there, at the old anvil, in the old burnt apron, sticking to the old work. I'm awful dull, but I hope I've beat out something nigh the rights of this at last. And so bless you, dear old Pip, old chap,  bless you!"

I had not been mistaken in my fancy that there was a simple dignity in him. The fashion of his dress could no more come in its way when he spoke these words, than it could come in its way in Heaven. He touched me gently on the forehead, and went out. As soon as I could recover myself sufficiently, I hurried out after him and looked for him in the neighbouring streets; but he was gone.

was clear that I must repair to our town next day, and in the first flow of my repentance it was equally clear that I must stay at Joe's. But, when I had secured my box-place by to-morrow's coach, and had been down to Mr. Pocket's and back, I was not by any means convinced on the last point, and began to invent reasons and make excuses for putting up at the Blue Boar. I should be an inconvenience at Joe's; I was not expected, and my bed would not be ready; I should be too far from Miss Havisham's, and she was exacting and mightn't like it. All other swindlers upon earth are nothing to the self-swindlers, and with such pretences did I cheat myself. Surely a curious thing. That I should innocently take a bad half-crown of somebody else's manufacture, is reasonable enough; but that I should knowingly reckon the spurious coin of my own make, as good money! An obliging stranger, under pretence of compactly folding up my banknotes for security's sake, abstracts the notes and gives me nutshells; but what is his sleight of hand to mine, when

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 истрачивать (dur of истра́тить).

истра́чу See истра́тить.

исчеза́ть (dur of исче́знуть) to disappear. Куда́ он исчеза́ет ка́ждый ве́чер? Where does he disappear every evening?

исче́знуть (pct of исчеза́ть) to disappear. Куда́ исче́зла моя́ су́мка? Where did my pocketbook disappear to?

ита́к so. Ита́к, вы нас покида́ете? So you're leaving us, eh? • well. Ита́к, до свида́ния! Well, good-by then. • well then. Ита́к, нам на́до распроща́ться. Well then, we'll have to part. □ Ита́к, вам тепе́рь поня́тно, что на́до де́лать? You know what you have to do now, don't you?

И.Т.Д. (written abbreviation for и так да́лее) etc.

ито́г total. Ско́лько у вас получа́ется в ито́ге? What total did you get? • addition. У вас, очеви́дно, кака́я-то оши́бка в ито́ге. Apparently there's some mistake in your addition. □ подвести́ ито́ги to total up. Вот счета́, подведи́те ито́ги. Total up these bills. • to take stock. Мы подвели́ ито́ги на́шему шестиме́сячному пребыва́нию здесь. We've taken stock of our six month's stay. □ В ито́ге получи́лась ерунда́. It added up to so much nonsense.

итти See идти́.

их (/gap of он/).

ишь □ Ишь, како́й пры́ткий! Keep your shirt on. • Ишь-ты, так я тебе́ и скажу́ её а́дрес. So you think I'm going to tell you her address, huh? That's what you think!

ищу́ See иска́ть.

ию́ль (М) July.

ию́нь (М) June.

К
к (/with d/) to. Она́ подошла́ к окну́. She came to the window. — Призыва́ю к поря́дку. I call this meeting to order. — К како́й па́ртии он принадлежи́т? What political party does he belong to? — Э́та шля́па вам к лицу́. This hat is becoming to you — Они́ пригласи́ли нас к обе́ду. They invited us to dinner. — Его́ стара́ния ни к чему́ не привели́. His efforts came to nothing. — Я не могу́ привы́кнуть к э́тому шу́му. I can't get used to this noise. • against. Не прислоня́йтесь к стене́, кра́ска ещё не вы́сохла. Don't lean against the wall; the paint still isn't dry. • towards. К утру́ потепле́ло. The cold let up towards morning. — Мы к ве́черу бу́дем на ме́сте. We'll be there towards evening. — У него́ я́вная скло́нность к преувеличе́ниям. He has a decided tendency towards exaggeration. • by. К тому́ вре́мени рабо́та бу́дет уже́ зако́нчена. By that time the work will already be finished. • around. Я приду́ к шести́ часа́м. I'll come around six. • for. У нас сего́дня к обе́ду пиро́г с капу́стой. We have cabbage pie for dinner. — Он гото́вится к экза́менам. He's studying for his exams. — Он о́чень тре́бователен к себе́. He sets a high standard for himself. • at. Мой маши́на к ва́шим услу́гам. My car is at your disposal. □ к несча́стью unfortunately. К несча́стью, бы́ло уже́ по́здно. Unfortunately, it was too late. к сожале́нию unfortunately. Я, к сожале́нию, не смогу́ прийти́. Unfortunately, I won't be able to come. к сро́ку on time. Бою́сь, что мы не спра́вимся к сро́ку. I'm afraid we won't get this work finished on time. к сча́стью luckily. К сча́стью до́ктор был до́ма. Luckily the doctor was at home. к тому́ же and besides. К тому́ же, он не осо́бенно умён. And besides, he's not very smart. к чему́ what for. К чему́ вы э́то говори́те? What are you saying that for? □ Обрати́тесь к милиционе́ру. Ask a policeman. • Возьми́те пирожо́к к су́пу. Have a pirozhok with your soup. • Приходи́те к нам чай пить. Come over for tea. • У него́ страсть к посло́вицам. He loves to quote proverbs. • Я приму́ ва́ши указа́ния к све́дению. I'll keep your suggestions in mind. • Я присоединя́юсь к ва́шему предложе́нию. I second your motion. • Он к вам о́чень хорошо́ отно́сится. He likes you very much.

-ка (added to imperatives and some other words). □ ну́-ка well. Ну́-ка покажи́, чему́ ты У́чишься в шко́ле. Well, let's see what you've learned at school. □ *Уходи́те-ка по-добру́ по-здорову. Get out of here now if you don't want any trouble.

кабачо́к (-чка) squash.

кабине́т study. Лу́чшая ко́мната в до́ме э́то кабине́т отца́. Father's study is the best room in the house. • private office. Э́та ко́мната ря́дом с кабине́том дире́ктора. This room is next to the manager's private office. • laboratory. В на́шей шко́ле замеча́тельный физи́ческий кабине́т. We have a wonderful physics laboratory at school. □ космети́ческий кабине́т beauty parlor. В космети́ческих кабине́тах от посети́тельниц отбо́ю нет. The beauty parlors are full of customers.

каблу́к (-а) heel. У меня́ каблуки́ сто́птаны. My heels are run down. — На высо́ких каблука́х вы там не пройдёте. You won't be able to walk through there on high heels.

кавале́рия cavalry.

Кавка́з Caucasus.

кавы́чки (-чек P) quotation marks. Здесь не ну́жно кавы́чек. You don't need quotation marks here.

ка́дка barrel. Я напо́лнил ка́дку водо́й. I filled the barrel with water.

ка́дры (-ов P) personnel. Подгото́вка ка́дров одна́ из важне́йших пробле́м на́шей промы́шленности. The training of personnel is one of the most important problems of our industry. □ За после́дние го́ды происходи́л бы́стрый рост техни́ческих ка́дров. The number of technicians has grown rapidly in the past few years.

ка́ждый every. Я ка́ждый день встаю́ в шесть часо́в. I get up every day at six in the morning. — Часы́ бьют ка́ждые полчаса́. The clock strikes every half hour. — Не в ка́ждом го́роде есть така́я на́бережная. Not every city can boast of such a waterfront. — Он де́лает нам замеча́ния на ка́ждом ша́гу. He lectures us every chance he gets. • everyone. Он говори́т об э́том во́ем и ка́ждому. He talks about


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 it to everyone. • each. Каждый из вас должен заполнить этот бланк. Each of you must fill out this form. • each one. Я поговорю с каждым из них в отдельности. I'll talk to each one individually. □ Я не позволю всякому и каждому вмешиваться в мой дела. I won't let every Tom, Dick, and Harry butt into my business.

кажусь See казаться.

казак (-а, P казаки) Cossack.

казарма barracks. Казарма теперь пустая: солдаты на манёврах. The barracks are empty now; the soldiers are on maneuvers.

казаться (кажусь, кажется) to seem. Работа вначале казалась трудной. At first, the work seemed difficult. • to look. Она кажется моложе своих лет. She doesn't look her age. • to look like. Смотрите, проясняется, a казалось, дождь пойдёт. See, it looked like rain and now it's clearing up. — Она кажется ребёнком рядом с ним. Next to him she looks like a child. • to think. Мне казалось, что я сам могу с этим справиться. I thought I could handle it myself. — Казалось, он должен был бы радоваться вашим успехам. You'd think he'd be glad you're doing so well. □ кажется seems. Он, кажется, очень толковый парень. He seems to be a very capable fellow. • looks. Кажется, такой тихоня, a посмотрите, как разошёлся. He looks so shy, but see how he's carrying on. • I believe. Вы, кажется, из Нью Иорка? I believe you're from New York, aren't you?

казначей treasurer.

казнить (both dur and pct) to execute. Преступник был казнён. The criminal was executed.

казнь (F) execution. □ смертная казнь capital punishment.

как how. Как вы нас нашли? How did you find us? — Как вам понравилась эта пьеса? How did you like the play? — Как ваше горло сегодня? How is your throat today? — Как поживаете? How are you? • what. Как это (называется) по-английски? What is that called in English? — Как его зовут? What's his name? — Как ваше имя отчество? What is your first name and your patronymic? — Как! Вы этого не знали? What! You didn't know it? — Как! И вы против меня? What! Are you against me, too? — "Почему вы не писали?" "Как не писал? Я вам три письма послал". "Why didn't you write?" "What do you mean I didn't write? I sent you three letters." • that. Удивительно, как вы его не заметили. It's amazing that you didn't notice him. — Смотрите, как бы он вас не подвёл! Watch out that he doesn't get you into trouble! • as. Вы, как врач, сразу поймёте. You, as a physician, will understand it at once. — Он был со мной холоден, как лёд. He was cold as ice to me. — Как она ни умна, ей всё же не мешает кой-чему подучиться. Clever as she is, she still has a few things to learn. — Я вам это, как друг, советую. I'm advising you as a friend. • but. Нигде, как в Москве, я не едал таких булок. Nowhere but in Moscow have I eaten such rolls. • like. Море, как зеркало. The sea is like a mirror. • when. Как пойдёте в город, прихватите кило сахару. When you're in town bring back a kilo of sugar. • as soon as. Как узнаете что-нибудь, сейчас же напишите мне. As soon as you find out something, write me immediately. • once. Уж он как заупрямится, никого слушать не станет. Once he makes up his mind to become stubborn, he won't listen to anybody. □ вот как really. Вот как! А я не знал. Really? I didn't know. как будто as if. Вы опять послали телеграмму? Как будто это поможет! Did you send a telegram again? As if that'll help! • it seems. Он как будто собирался прийти. It seems to me he intended to come. как бы as if. Он, как бы невзначай, прошёл мимо неё. He passed her as if it were by chance. как бы не так I should say not. "Вам это даром дали?" "Да, как бы не так! Три целковых пришлось заплатить". "Did you get it free?" "I should say not; I had to pay three bucks for it." — "Он извинился?" "Как бы не так!" "Did he apologize?" "I should say not!" как бы то ни было anyway. Как бы то ни было, а я своё обещание исполню. I'll keep my promise anyway. как вдруг when suddenly. Я уже собирался лечь, как вдруг раздался звонок. I was already on my way to bed when suddenly the bell rang. как видно it seems. Как видно, не судьба нам вместе работать. It seems it's not in the cards for us to work together. как же why, yes! "Вы слышали последнюю речь Сталина?" "Как же! Конечно!" "Did you hear the last speech of Stalin?" "Why, yes! Of course!" • why, certainly. "Вы придёте на собрание?" "А то как же?" "Will you come to the meeting?" "Why, certainly." как можно больше as many as you can. Принесите как можно больше карандашей. Bring as many pencils as you can. как можно скорее as quickly as possible. Сделайте это как можно скорее. Do it as quickly as possible. как нарочно as if on purpose. Как нарочно, потух свет. The light's gone out as if on purpose. как-нибудь (§28) sometime. Зайдите ко мне как-нибудь. Drop in to see me sometime. • somehow. Ничего, я как-нибудь с этим справлюсь. Never mind; I'll manage somehow. как-никак anyway. Как-никак он ваш начальник! Anyway, he's your boss! как раз just. Как раз сегодня он мне говорил о вас. Why, he just spoke to me about you today. — Вы пришли как раз во-время, поезд сейчас тронется. You came just in time; the train will start any minute now. — Ваши перчатки мне как раз. Your gloves just fit me. как-то (§23) somehow. Он как-то всё увиливает от прямого ответа. Somehow he always gets out of giving a straight answer. • once. Я как-то уже говорил об этом. I once spoke about it. как только as soon as. Я выеду, как только получу от вас известие. As soon as I get any news from you, I'll start out. — Как только я его увидел, я понял, что что-то случилось. As soon as I saw him, I understood that something had happened. как-то раз once. Помню, как-то раз отправились мы по грибы и заблудились. I remember once we went out to pick mushrooms and got lost. никто как no one else but. "Кто бы это мог сделать?" "Никто, как ваш сын". "Who could have done it?" "No one else but your own son." □ Боюсь, как бы не случилось чего с ним! I'm afraid that maybe something happened to him. • Как есть


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 ничего не понимаю во всей этой истории. I don't understand a single thing in this story. • Как-то он отнесётся к этому? I wonder how he'll take it. • Мне сегодня как-то не по себе. I don't feel quite myself today. • Как-нибудь хорошего словаря не составишь, над этим нужно серьёзно работать. You can't make a good dictionary in a slipshod manner; you've got to work seriously. • Как уехал, так от него ни слуху ни духу. There's been no word from him since he left. • Уже три года, как её мать умерла. Her mother has been dead three years now. • Как бы ему сообщить это поскорее? I wonder what would be the quickest way of letting him know about it. • Я сам видел, как он опустил письмо в ящик. I saw him drop the letter into the mailbox myself. • Он мечтает о том, как вернётся домой. He dreams of returning home. • Он как вскочит, да как стукнет кулаком по столу. Suddenly he jumped up and banged the table with his fist. • Она, прелесть, как танцует. She dances wonderfully. • Как мне у вас хорошо! You certainly make me feel wonderful in your house. • "Вы не согласны, что она красавица?" "Ну знаете, как на чей вкус!" "You don't agree that she's a beauty?" "Well, you know, everyone to his own taste." • "Это новое расписание очень удобно". "Как кому, мне — нет". "This new timetable is very convenient." "Maybe for some people, but not for me." • *Что вы ходите, как в воду опущенный? Why are you so down in the dumps? • *Исчез, как в воду канул. He's disappeared into thin air. • Как это вы позволяете ему класть ноги на стол? Why do you allow him to put his feet on the table? • Как же мне теперь быть? What am I to do now? • Вот уж целый час, как я вас жду. I've already been waiting for you a whole hour.

какао (indecl N) cocoa.

каков (-ва, -во, -вы/sh forms only/) how. "Ну, какова новая работница?" "Молодец! Ударница!" "Well, how's your new worker?" "Wonderful! She's tops!" — Можете себе представить, каково было моё удивление. You can just imagine how surprised I was. □ *Каков поп, таков и приход. Like teacher, like pupil. • Вы уже знаете каковы были результаты совещания? Do you already know the results of the conference? • "А какова она собой?" "Красавица!" "What does she look like?". "She's beautiful!"

какой what. На каком пароходе вы приехали? What ship did you arrive on? — Какой у вас ежегодный прирост скота? What is the annual breeding rate of your livestock? — Какой он национальности? What is his nationality? — На какой остановке вы сходность? What stop do you get off at? — Не понимаю, какая тут разница. I don't understand what the difference is. — Какое совпадение! What a coincidence! • which. Какая комната вам больше нравится? Which room do you like better? • any. А не будет ли какой закуски? Won't there be any appetizer? □ какой-либо See какой-нибудь. какой-нибудь (§23) some. Чтоб руководить делом, надо иметь о нём хоть какое-нибудь представление. You've got to have at least some idea of what it's all about if you want to run the business. • a. Дайте мне какую-нибудь хорошую русскую грамматику. Give me a good Russian grammar. • any kind. "Какой вы хотите галстук?" "Всё равно, какой-нибудь". "What kind of a tie do you want?" "It makes no difference; any kind will do." • any. Какой-нибудь дурак ему всякой ерунды наплетёт, а он и поверит. Any fool can tell him any kind of nonsense and he'll believe it immediately. — А вы какие-нибудь русские книги читали? Have you read any Russian books? какой-то (§23) an. Вас там какой-то американец спрашивает. There's an American there who wants you. • kind of. Он какой-то грустный сегодня. He's kind of sad today. • some. Он изобрёл какое-то новое средство против насморка. He discovered some new drug for colds. — Какая-то добрая душа подобрала меня на дороге. Some kind person gave me a lift on the road. смотря какой it depends. "Вы пойдёте с нами?" "Смотря какая будет погода". "Will you go with us?" "It all depends on the weather." □ Написать-то я ему написал, но какой-то будет ответ? Yes, I wrote to him, but I wonder what his answer will be. • Я вам киплю икру самую лучшую, какую только найду. I'll buy you the best caviar I can find. • До деревни осталось всего каких-нибудь два-три километра. We have only about two to three kilometers to go to get to the village. • Ну, какой он учёный! просто шарлатан! He's no scholar; he's just a fake. • Какое тут гулянье? У меня работы по горло. I have no time to fool around; I'm up to my ears in work. • "У вас были неприятности?" "Ещё какие!" "Did you have some trouble?" "I'll say I did!" • Она хоть какого женоненавистника очарует. There isn't a woman-hater alive she couldn't get. • Он обиделся неизвестно по какой причине. He took offense for some unknown reason. • *Я не соглашусь ни за какие коврижки. I wouldn't agree to that for all the tea in China. • "Дочитали книжку?" "Какое! И до второй главы не дошёл". "Did you read the book through?" "Lord, no! I didn't even get to the second chapter."

калека (M, F) cripple. Он попал под машину, и теперь калека на всю жизнь. He was run over by a car and now he's a cripple for life.

календарь (M) calendar. На дворе тепло, как в мае, а по календарю февраль месяц. It's as warm as if we were in May, but the calendar shows February.

калоши (калош P) rubbers. Заливка калош. Rubbers repaired.

кальсоны (кальсон P) (men's) drawers.

каменный stone. У нас в деревне только один каменный дом. We've only one stone house in our village. • of stone. Неужели вам не жалко? Прямо каменный какой-то. Have you no pity? You must have a heart of stone. □ каменный уголь coal. □ Что ты стоишь, как каменный? Скажи что-нибудь! Why are you standing there like a statue? Say something!

камень (-мня, P камни, камней) stone. Эту улицу собираются вымостить камнем. They're planning to pave this street with stone. — Он подарил ей кольцо с драгоценным камнем. He gave her a ring with a precious stone. • flint. Мне нужен новый камень для зажигалки. I need a new flint for my lighter. □ *После бомбёжки в городе не осталось камня на камне. The whole town was a ruin after the bombing. • Я получил письмо, и у меня камень с сердца свалился. It was a load off my mind when I received the letter. • Я в конце концов согласился — сердце не камень. I finally agreed. After all, I've got a heart.


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 , J., concurring F.3d 693, 706–707 (CA2 1998) (court did not require that noninfringing uses be “predominant,” it merely found that they were predominant, and therefore provided no analysis of Sony’s boundaries); but see ante, at 944, n. 1 (, J., concurring); see also A&M Records v. Napster, Inc., 239 F.3d 1004, 1020 (CA9 2001) (discussing Sony); Cable/Home Communication Corp. v. Network Productions, Inc., 902 F.2d 829, 842–847 (CA11 1990) (same); Vault Corp. v. Quaid Software, Ltd., 847 F.2d 255, 262 (CA5 1988) (same); cf. Dynacore Holdings Corp. v. U.S. Philips Corp., 363 F.3d 1263, 1275 (CA Fed. 2004) (same); see also Doe v. GTE Corp., 347 F.3d 655, 661 (CA7 2003) (“A person may be liable as a contributory infringer if the product or service it sells has no (or only slight) legal use”).

Instead, the real question is whether we should modify the Sony standard, as MGM requests, or interpret Sony more strictly, as I believe ’s approach would do in practice. Compare ante, at 944–948 (concurring opinion) (insufficient evidence in this case of both present lawful uses and of a reasonable prospect that substantial noninfringing uses would develop over time), with Sony, 464 U.S., at 442–447 (basing conclusion as to the likely existence of a substantial market for authorized copying upon general declarations, some survey data, and common sense).

As I have said, Sony itself sought to “strike a balance between a copyright holder’s legitimate demand for effective—not merely symbolic—protection of the statutory monopoly, and the rights of others freely to engage in substantially unrelated areas of commerce.” Id., at 442. Thus, to determine whether modification, or a strict interpretation, of Sony is needed, I would ask whether MGM has shown that Sony incorrectly balanced copyright and new-technology interests. In particular: (1) Has Sony (as I interpret it) worked to protect new technology? (2) If so, would modification or strict interpretation significantly weaken that protection? (3) If


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 I'm no man to let a fatherless girl run into such trouble. Don't cry, Maggie. Get me some supper, and I'll hitch up and see what we can do now."

"What can we do, Wesley?"

"I don't just know. But we've got to do something. Kate Comstock will be a handful, while Elnora will be two, but between us we must see that the girl is not too hard pressed about money, and that she is dressed so she is not ridiculous. She's saved us the wages of a woman many a day; can't you make her some decent dresses, Maggie?"

"Well, I'm not just what you call expert, but I could beat Kate Comstock all to pieces. I know that skirts should be pleated to the band instead of gathered, and full enough to sit in, and short enough to walk in. I could try. There's patterns for sale. Let's go right away, Wesley."

"Well, set me a bite of supper, while I hitch up."

Margaret Sinton started for the cupboard when she remembered that Wesley had worked all day and was hungry as usual, so she built a fire, made coffee, and fried ham and eggs. She set out pie and cake and had enough for a hungry man by the time the carriage was at the door, but she had no appetite. She dressed while Wesley ate, put away the food while he dressed, and then they drove toward the city through the beautiful September evening, and as they went they planned for Elnora. The only trouble was, not whether they were generous enough to get what she needed, but whether she

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 would accept what they got, and what her mother would say.

They went to a large dry goods store and when a clerk asked what they wanted to see neither of them knew, so they stepped to one side and held a whispered consultation.

"What had we better get, Wesley?"

"Dresses," said Wesley promptly.

"But how many dresses, and what kind?"

"Blest if I know!" exclaimed Wesley. "I thought you would manage that. I know about some things I'm going to get."

At that instant several schoolgirls came into the store and approached them.

"There!" exclaimed Wesley breathlessly. "There, Maggie! Like them! That's what she needs! Buy like they have!"

Margaret stared. What did they wear? They were rapidly passing, they seemed to have so much, and she could not decide so quickly. Before she knew it she was among them.

"I beg your pardon, but won't you wait one minute?" she asked.

The girls stopped with wondering faces.

"It's your clothes," explained Mrs. Sinton. "You look just beautiful to me. You look exactly as I should have wanted to see my girls. They both died of diphtheria when they were little, but they had yellow hair, dark eyes and pink cheeks, and everybody thought they

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 were lovely. If they had lived, they'd been near your age now, and I'd want them to look like you."

There was nothing but sympathy in every girl face before Margaret Sinton.

"Why, thank you!" said one of them. "We are very sorry for you."

"Of course, you are," said Margaret. "Everybody always has been. And because I can't ever have the joy of a mother in thinking for my girls and buying pretty things for them, there is nothing left for me but to do what I can for some one who has no mother to care for her. I know a girl, who would be just as pretty as any of you, if she had the clothes, but her mother does not think about her, so I got to mother her some myself."

"She must be a lucky girl," said another.

"Oh, she loves me," said Margaret, "and I love her. I want her too look just like you do. Please tell me about your clothes. Are these the dresses and hats you wear to school?" What kind of goods are they, and where do you buy them?"

The girls began to laugh and cluster around Margaret. Wesley Sinton strode down the store with his head high in pride of her, but his heart was sore over the memory of two little faces under Brushwood sod. He inquired his way to the shoe department.

"Why, every one of us have on gingham or linen dresses," they said, "and they are our school clothes."

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 should be bright and pretty, but simple and plain, and until cold weather they should wash.

"I'll tell you," said Ellen Brownlee, "my father owns this store, I know all the clerks. I'll take you to Miss Hartley. You tell her just how much you want to spend, and what you want to buy, and she will know how to get the most for your money. I've heard papa say she was the best clerk in the store for people who didn't know precisely what they wanted."

"That's the very thing," agreed Margaret. "But be-before you go, tell me about your hair. Elnora's hair is bright and wavy, but yours is silky as hackled flax. How do you do it?"

"Elnora?" asked four girls in concert.

"Yes, Elnora is the name of the girl I want these things for."

"Did she come to the high school to-day?" questioned one of them.

"Was she in your classes?" demanded Margaret without reply.

Four girls stood silent and thought fast. Had there been a strange girl among them, and had she been overlooked and passed by with indifference, because she was so very shabby? If she had appeared as much better than they, as she had looked worse, would her reception have been the same?

"There was a strange girl from the country in the Freshman class to-day," said Ellen Brownlee, "and her name was Elnora."

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 "That was the girl," said Margaret.

"Are her people so very poor?" questioned Ellen.

"No, not poor at all, come to think of it," answered Margaret. "It's a peculiar case. Mrs. Comstock had a great trouble and she let it change her whole life and make a different woman of her. She used to be lovely, now she is forever saving and scared to death for fear they will go to the poorhouse; but there is a big farm, covered with lots of good timber. The taxes are high for women who can't manage to clear and work the land. There ought to be enough to keep two of them in good shape all their lives, if they only knew how to do it. But no one ever told Kate Comstock anything, and never will, for she won't listen. All she does is droop all day, and walk the edge of the swamp half the night, and neglect Elnora. If you girls would make life just a little easier for her, it would be the finest thing you ever did."

All of them promised they would.

"Now tell me about your hair," persisted Margaret Sinton.

So they took her to a toilet counter, and she bought the proper hair soap, also a nail file, and cold cream, for use after windy days. Then they left her with the experienced clerk, and when at last Wesley found her she as loaded with bundles and the glint of other days was in her beautiful eyes. Wesley carried some packages also.

"Did you get any stockings?"' he whispered.

"No, I didn't," she said. "I was so interested in dresses and hair ribbons and a—a hat" she

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 and glanced at Wesley. "Of course, a hat!" prompted Wesley. "That I forgot all about those horrible shoes! She's got to have decent shoes, Wesley."

"Sure!" said Wesley. "She's got decent shoes. But the man said some brown stockings ought to go with them. Take a peep, will you!"

Wesley opened a box and displayed a pair of thick-soled, beautifully shaped brown walking shoes of low cut. Margaret cried out with pleasure.

"But, do you suppose they are the right size, Wesley? What did you get?"

"I just said for a girl of sixteen with a slender foot."

"Well, that's about as near as I could come. If they don't fit when she tries them, we will drive straight in and change them. Come on, now, let's get home."

All the way they discussed how they should give Elnora their purchases and what Mrs. Comstock would say.

"I am afraid she will be awful mad," said Margaret Sinton tremulously.

"She'll just rip!" replied Wesley graphically. "But if she wants to leave the raising of her girl to the neighbours, she needn't get fractious if they take some pride in doing a good job. From now on I calculate Elnora shall go to school; and she shall have all the clothes and books she needs, if I go around on the back of Kate Comstock's land and cut a tree, or drive off a calf to pay for them. Why I know one tree she owns that would put Elnora in heaven for a year. Just think of it, Margaret! It's not fair. One third of what is there belongs to Elnora by law,

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 and if Kate Comstock raises a row I'll tell her so, and see that the girl gets it. You go to see Kate in the morning, and I'll go with you. Tell her you want Elnora's pattern, that you are going to make her a dress, for helping us. And sort of hint at a few more things. If Kate balks, I'll take a hand and settle her. I'll go to law for Elnora's share of that land and sell enough to educate her."

"Why, Wesley Sinton, you're perfectly wild."

"I'm not! Did you ever stop to think that such cases are so frequent there have been laws made to provide for them? I can bring it up in court and force Kate to educate Elnora, and board and clothe her till she's of age, and then she can take her share."

"Wesley, Kate would go crazy!"

"She's crazy now. The idea of any mother living with as sweet a girl as Elnora, and letting her suffer till I find her crying like a funeral. It makes me fighting mad. All uncalled for. Not a grain of sense in it. I've offered and offered to oversee clearing her land and working her fields. Let her sell a good tree, or a few acres. Something is going to be done, right now. Elnora's been fairly happy up to this, but to spoil the school life she's planned is to ruin all her life. I won't have it! If Elnora won't take these things, so help me, I'll tell her what she is worth, and loan her the money and she can pay me back when she comes of age. I am going to have it out with Kate Comstock in the morning. Here we are! You open up what you got while I put away the horses, and then I'll show you."

When Wesley came from the barn Margaret had four

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190 which are his instruments; and these means are land to dwell in, gifts, weapons, meat, ale, clothing, and what else soever the three classes need. Without these means he cannot keep his tools in order, and without these tools he cannot perform any of the tasks entrusted to him. [I have desired material for the exercise of government that my talents and my power might not be forgotten and hidden away ] for every good gift and every power soon groweth old and is no more heard of, if Wisdom be not in them. Without Wisdom no faculty can be fully brought out, for whatsoever is done unwisely can never be accounted as skill. To be brief, I may say that it has ever been my desire to live honourably while I was alive, and after my death to leave to them that should come after me my memory in good works."

The last sentence needs no comment. But those preceding it will be illuminated by another passage inserted by Alfred:

"Therefore it is that a man never by his authority attains to virtue and excellence, but by reason of his virtue and excellence he attains to authority and power. No man is better for his power, but for his skill he is good, if he is good, and for his skill he is worthy of power, if he is worthy of it. Study Wisdom then, and, when ye have learned it, contemn it not, for I tell you that by its means ye may without fail attain to power, yea, even though not desiring it."

Perhaps from the teaching of his own life Alfred knew, as well as Boëthius, the toil and sadness of power: "Though their false hope and imagination lead fools to believe that power and wealth are the highest good, yet it is quite otherwise." And again, speaking of friendship, he says that Nature unites friends in love, "but by means of these worldly goods and the wealth of this life we oftener make foes than friends," which doubtless Alfred had discovered, as well as Marcus Aurelius. Perhaps the Saxon king knew wherein lay peace, as he makes Wisdom say: "When I rise aloft with these my servants, we look down upon the storms of this world, even as the eagle does when he soars in stormy weather above the clouds, where no storm can harm him." The king was thinking of man's peace with God.

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CHAP. IX

Christianity came to the cities of Provincia and the chief Roman colonies of Gaul (Lyons, Trèves, Cologne) in the course of the original dissemination of the Faith. There were Roman, Greek, or Syrian Christians in these towns before the end of the second century. Early Gallic Christianity spoke Greek and Latin, and its rather slow advance was due partly to the tenacity of Celtic speech even in the cities; while outside of them heathen speech and practices were scarcely touched. Through Gaul and along the Rhine, the country in the main continued heathen in religion and Celtic or Germanic in speech during the fifth century. The complete Latinizing of Gaul and the conversion of its rural population proceeded from the urban churches, and from the labours and miracles of anchorites and monks. In contrast with the decay of the municipal governments, the urban churches continued living institutions. Their bishops usually were men of energy. The episcopal office was elective, yet likely to remain in the same influential family, and the bishop, the leading man in the town, might be its virtual ruler. He represented Christianity and Latin culture, and when Roman officials yielded to

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192 Teutonic conquerors, the bishop was left as the spokesman of the Gallo-Roman population. Thus the Gallic churches, far from succumbing before the barbarian invasions, rescued and appropriated the derelict functions of government, and emerged aggrandized from the political and racial revolution. In the year 400 the city of Trèves was Latin in speech and Roman in government; in the year 500 the Roman government had been overthrown, and a German-speaking population predominated in what was left of the city, but the church went on unchanged in constitution and in language.

There was constant intercourse between Teutons and Romans along the northern boundaries of the Empire. In the Danube regions many of the former were converted. The Goths, through the labours of Ulfilas and others in the fourth century, became Arian Christians; their conversion was of moment to themselves and others, but destiny severed the continuity of its import for history. In the provinces of Rhaetia, Vindelicia, and Noricum there were Christians, some of them Teutons, as early as the time of Constantine. For the next century, when disruption of the Empire was in full progress, the Life of St. Severinus by Eugippius, his disciple, gives the picture. Bits and fragments of Roman government endured; letters were not quite quenched; but Alemanni and Rugii moved as they would, marauding, besieging, and destroying. Everywhere there was uncertainty and confusion, and yet civilized Roman provincials still clung to a driven life. Through this mountain land, the monk Severinus went here and there, barefoot even in ice and snow, austere, commanding. He encouraged the townspeople to maintain decency and courage; he turned the barbarians from ruthlessness. Clear-seeing, capable, his energies shielded the land. He was an ascetic who took nothing for himself, and won men to the Faith by this guarantee of disinterestedness. So he shepherded his harrowed flocks, and more than once averted their destruction. But his arm was too feeble; after his death even his cell was plundered, while the confusion swept on.

Such were fifth-century conditions on the northern

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CHAP. IX boundary of what had been the Empire, conditions amid which the culture and doctrine germane to Christianity went down, although the Faith still glimmered here and there. Farther to the west, the Burgundians had gained a domicile in a land sparsely tenanted by Roman and Catholic provincials. Here on the left bank of the Rhine, in the neighbourhood of Worms, this people accepted the Christianity which they found. Afterwards, in the year 430, their heathen kin on the right bank were baptized as a people; for they hoped, through aid from fellow-Christians, to ward off the destruction threatening from the Huns. Yet five years later they were overthrown by those savage riders—an overthrow out of which was to rise the Nibelungenlied. The Burgundian remnants found a new home by the Rhone.

The Christianity of Burgundians and Goths was subject to the vicissitudes of their fortunes. The permanent conversion to Catholicism of the great masses of the Germans commenced somewhat later, when the turmoil of fifth-century migration was settling into contests for homes destined to prove more lasting. Its beginning may be dated from the baptism of Clovis as a Catholic on Christmas Day in the year 496. His retainers followed him into the consecrated water. By reason of the king's genius for war and politics, this event was the beginning of the final triumph of Catholicism.

The baptism of Clovis and his followers was typical of early Teutonic conversions. King and tribal following acted as a unit. Christ gave victory; He was the mightier God: such was the crude form of the motive. Its larger scope was grasped by the far-seeing king. Believing in supernatural aid, he desired it from the mightiest source, which, he was persuaded, was the Christian God. It was to be obtained by such homage to Christ as heretofore the king had paid to Wuotan. Any doubt as to the sincerity of his belief presupposes a point of view impossible for a fifth-century barbarian. But to this sincere expectation of Christ's aid, to be gained through baptism, Clovis joined careful consideration of the political situation. Catholic Christianity was the religion of the Gallo-Roman population forming the

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42

From mosque an outcast, and to church a foe, Allah! of what clay didst thou form me so? Like skeptic monk, or ugly courtesan, No hopes have I above, no joys below.

Men's lusts, like house-dogs, still the house distress With clamor, barking for mere wantonness; Foxes are they, and sleep the sleep of hares; Crafty as wolves, as tigers pitiless.

Yon turf, fringing the margent of the stream, As down upon a cherub's lip might seem, Or growth from dust of buried tulip cheeks; Tread not that turf with scorn, or light esteem!


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138 pubescence. Leaves 3–10 in. long, imparipinnate; leaflets 3–8 pairs, 1–3 in. long, narrow-oblong to elliptical, sessile or very shortly petioled, acute, acutely serrate, membranous, upper larger than the lower; stipules large, leafy, toothed, deciduous. Panicles much branched, many-flowered, longer or shorter than the leaves. Flowers unisexual, minute, $1⁄10$ in. diam., sessile on the slender branches of the panicle. Ovary densely pilose. Capsule very small, $1⁄8$ in. long, sparingly silky when mature.—Raoul, Choix, 47; ''Hook. f. Fl. Nov. Zel. i. 79; Handb. N.Z. Fl. 60; Kirk, Forest Fl. t. 63; Students Fl.'' 139. Weinmannia rosaefolia, ''A. Gray, Bot. U.S. Expl. Exped.'' 671, t. 84.

Shrubs or trees. Leaves opposite, petiolate, simple or 3-foliolate or imparipinnate, stipulate. Flowers in terminal or axillary racemes. Calyx inferior, divided almost to the base into 4–5 imbricate segments. Petals 4–5, inserted under the margin of a perigynous disc. Stamens 8–10, inserted with the petals. Ovary free, ovoid or conic, 2-celled, 2-beaked; styles 2, subulate; ovules few or many in each cell, pendulous. Capsule small, coriaceous, 2-celled, septicidally 2-valved. Seeds oblong or reniform or subglobose, often hairy; embryo terete; albumen fleshy.

1. W. sylvicola, Sol. ex A. Cunn. Precur. n. 518.—An erect tree, usually from 25 to 50 ft. high, sometimes taller and reaching 60 70 ft.; trunk 1–3 ft. diam.; branchlets, petioles, and midribs of the leaves and inflorescence more or less pubescent or almost glabrous. Leaves 3-foliolate or imparipinnate, rarely 1-foliolate; leaflets 1 to 4 or 5 pairs or more, 1–2 in. long, obovate-oblong or ovate-oblong to lanceolate, narrowed below, acute or acuminate, coarsely serrate. Leaves of young trees pinnate, with numerous membranous leaflets; of old ones usually 3-foliolate, coriaceous. Stipules leafy, entire or toothed. Racemes 1–4 in. long, often numerous towards the ends of the branches, sometimes branched. Flowers very numerous, small, $1⁄12$ diam., white or pale-rose. Capsule usually glabrous, $1⁄5$–$1⁄6$ in. long. Seeds minute, with a tuft of hairs at each end.—Raoul, Choix, 47; ''Hook. f. Fl. Nov. Zel. i. 79; Handb. N.Z. Fl. 60; Kirk, Forest Fl. t. 72; Students Fl.'' 140. W. betulina and W. fuchsioides, ''A. Cunn. Precur.'' n. 516, 517.


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44

Hearts with the light of love illumined well, Whether in mosque or synagogue they dwell, Have their names written in the book of love, Unvexed by hopes of heaven or fears of hell.

One draught of wine outweighs the realm of Tús, Throne of Kobád and crown of Kai Kawús; Sweeter are sighs that lovers heave at morn, Than all the groanings zealot breasts produce.

Though Moslems for my sins condemn and chide me, Like heathens to my idol I confide me; Yea, when I perish of a drunken bout, I'll call on wine, whatever doom betide me.


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194 greater part of the Frankish king's subjects. He knew of Arian peoples; probably attempts had been made to draw him to their side. They constituted the great Teutonic powers at the time; for Theodoric was the monarch of Italy, and Arian Teutons ruled in southern France, in Spain, and Africa. Nevertheless, it was of paramount importance for the establishment of his kingdom that there should be no schism between the Franks and the Gallo-Roman people who exceeded them in number and in wealth and culture. Catholic influences surrounded Clovis; Catholic interests represented the wealth and prosperity of his dominions, and when he decided to be baptized he did not waver between the Catholic and the Arian belief. Thus the king attached to himself the civilized population of his realm. A common Catholic faith quickly obliterated racial antagonism within its boundaries and gained him the support of Catholic church and people in the kingdoms of his Arian rivals.

So under Clovis and his successors the Gallic Church became the Frankish Church, and flourished exceedingly. Tithes were paid it, and gifts were made by princes and nobles. Its lands increased, carrying their dependent population, until the Church became the largest landholder in the Merovingian realm. It was governed by Roman law, but the clergy were subject to the penal jurisdiction of the king. It was he that summoned councils, although he did not vote, and left ecclesiastical matters to the bishops, who were his liegemen and appointees. They recognized the king's virtually unlimited authority, which they patterned on the absolute power of the Roman Emperors and the prerogatives of David and Solomon. In fine, the Merovingian Church was a national church, subject to the king. Until the seventh century it was quite independent of the Bishop of Rome.

It is common knowledge—especially vivid with readers

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CHAP. IX of the famous Historia Francorum of Gregory of Tours—that, ethically viewed, the conduct of the Merovingian house was cruel, treacherous, and abominable; and likewise the conduct of their vassals. Frankish kings and nobles appear as men no longer bound by the ethics of the heathenism which they had foresworn, and as yet untouched by the moral precepts of the Christian code. Not Christianity, however, but contact with decadent civilization, and rapid increase of power and wealth, had loosened their heathen standards. Merovingian history leaves a unique impression of a line of rulers and dependents among whom mercy and truth and chastity were unknown. The elements of sixth-century Christianity which the Franks made their own were its rites, its magic, and its miracles, and its expectation of the aid of a God and His saints duly solicited. Here the customs of heathenism were a preparation, or themselves passed into Frankish Christianity. Nevertheless, the general character of Christian observances—baptism, the mass, prayer, the sign of the cross, the rites at marriage, sickness, and death—could not fail to impress a certain tone and demeanour upon the people, and impart some sense of human sinfulness. The general conviction that patent and outrageous crime would bring divine vengeance gained point and power from the terrific doctrine of the Day of Wrath, and the system of penances imposed by the clergy proved an excellent discipline with these rough Christians. Many bishops and priests were little better than the nobles, yet the Church preserved Christian belief and did something to improve morality. Everywhere the monk was the most striking object-lesson, with his austerities, his terror-stricken sense of sinfulness, and conviction of the peril of the world. No martial, grasping bishop, no dissolute and treacherous priest denied that the monk's was the ideal Christian life; and the laity stood in awe, or expectation, of the wonder-working power of his asceticism. Indeed monasticism was becoming popular, and the Merovingian period witnessed the foundation of numberless cloisters.

In the fifth and through part of the sixth century the Gallic monastery of Lerins, on an island in the Mediterranean, near Frejus, was a chief source of ascetic and Christian

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Milo

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Milo


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196 influence for Gaul. Its monks took their precepts from Syria and Egypt, and some of the zeal of St. Martin of Tours had fallen on their shoulders. As the energy of this community declined, Columban's monastery at Luxeuil succeeded to the work. The example of Columbanus, his precepts and severe monastic discipline, proved a source of ascetic and missionary zeal. With him or following in his steps came other Irishmen; and heathen German lands soon looked upon the walls of many an Irish monastery. But Columbanus failed, and all the Irish failed, in obedience, order, and effective organization. His own monastic regula, with all its rigour, contained no provisions for the government of the monasteries. Without due ordering, bands of monks dwelling in heathen communities would waver in their practices and even show a lack of doctrinal stability. Sooner or later they were certain to become confused in habit and contaminated with the manners of the surrounding people. These Irish monasteries omitted to educate a native priesthood to perpetuate their Christian teaching. The best of them, St. Gall (founded by Columbanus's disciple Gallus), might be a citadel of culture, and convert the people about it, through the talents and character of its founder and his successors. But other monasteries, farther to the east, were tainted with heathen practices. In fine, it was not for the Irish to convert the great heathen German land, or effect a lasting reform of existing churches there or in Gaul.

The labours of Anglo-Saxons were fraught with more enduring results. Through their abilities and zeal, their faculty of organization and capacity of submitting to authority, through their consequent harmony with Rome and the support given them by the Frankish monarchy, these Anglo-Saxons converted many German tribes, established permanent churches among them, reorganized the heterogeneous Christianity which they found in certain German lands, and were a moving factor in the reform of the Frankish Church. The most striking features of their work on the Continent were diocesan organization, the training of a native clergy, the establishment of monasteries under the Benedictine constitution, union with Rome, obedience to her commands, strenuous conformity to her law, and insistence on like

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The New International Encyclopædia/Baal

BAAL, bā'al. A word common to the Semitic languages, and signifying owner or possessor. It is applied to the ordinary social conditions. The owner of a house or a field is its Baal, and similarly the husband is the Baal to his wife. From such a usage the term came naturally to be applied to the patron deity of a place to whom, in a measure, the place belonged, since he presided over its destinies. This application of Baal is particularly appropriate in the case of people who had reached the agricultural stage, and who would naturally ascribe the ultimate ownership of the fields to the local deity, whose favor was shown by a rich return from the soil. Hence Baal became, among Canaanites and Phoenicians, the general term designating a local deity; and the complement, added to the term, would indicate what particular Baal was meant. Thus we have a Baal of Tyre, of Sidon, of Mount Hermon, of Peor, of Meon, of the Lebanon, etc. Again, a Baal might be distinguished by some special attribute, and this would then be added to the term; as, e.g. Baal-Berith, ‘Baal of the Covenant,’ Baal-zebub, ‘Baal of flies,’ and the like; and, lastly, we find Baal as a general term for ‘lord,’ used as a honorific adjunct to the real name of a deity, — as Baal-Gad, Baal-Zephon, — in which cases Gad and Zephon are names of gods. There were thus as many Baals as there were towns, or sanctuaries, or objects which had a religious significance. Still it is natural that certain Baals should become more prominent than others, and it might even happen that one should become the Baal par excellence. Thus in Babylonia, through a chain of development which we need not dwell upon here, the deity of one of the most ancient cities (Nippur) became the Baal or Bel of Babylonia, and was known to later ages simply as Bel; and again, in the West, the Baal of Tyre, whose name was Melkart, assumed at one time such prominence that his worship was introduced among the Hebrews by Ahab, and he is sometimes referred to in the Old Testament simply as Baal.

Another and rather curious development taken on by the Baal idea was the dissociation of the deity from any particular place; and this gives rise to such cults as that of Baal-Hamon and Baal-Shamem, which acquire prominence among the Phœnicians and their offshoots. The former may be the personification of the sun-god, though this is not certain; the latter is the god who dwells in heaven, and bears analogies, therefore, to the Greek Zeus. In tracing the religious development of ancient nations in general, we must make allowance for this tendency to form conceptions of divine powers which seem to reach out into higher spheres. The Baal-worship among the Hebrews, of which we hear

so much in the Book of Kings and in the Prophets, represents the adoption on the part of the Hebrews of the Canaanitish cults. In dispossessing the Canaanites, the Hebrews wished to assure themselves of the good-will of the numerous Baals; and since fertility of the soil was in the control of the Baals, as the Canaanites believed, the Hebrews, when they became agriculturists on Canaanitish soil, naturally took over the worship of the Baals at the various ancient sanctuaries of the land. In order to reconcile this departure with fidelity to the national deity. Jehovah himself was called Baal, and His name was thus associated with the cults at the altars and sanctuaries, which generally were erected on prominent spots, the so-called ‘high places,’ or in groves. With Elijah, a movement to purify Jehovah's worship of its foreign elements begins, which, taken up vigorously by the prophets of the Ninth and Eighth centuries B.C. leads to tentative attempts in Judæa, such as the reforms of King Josiah, to stamp out the Baal rites; but it is not until the new conditions brought about by the destruction of the southern kingdom that the hope of the Jehovists to establish Jerusalem as the only legitimate sanctuary of Jehovah is realized, and after the return of the exiles the worship is reconstructed on the lines laid down by such ‘purists’ as Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel.

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CHAP. IX in others. Their presentation of Christianity was orthodox, regular, and authoritative.

Some of these features appear in the work of the Saxon Willibrord among the Frisians, but are more largely illustrated in the career of St. Boniface-Winfried. Willibrord moved under the authority of Rome; the varying fortunes of his labours were connected with the enterprises of Pippin of Heristal, the father of Charles Martel. They advanced with the power of that Frankish potentate. But after his death, during the strife between Neustria and Austrasia, the heathen Frisian king Radbod drove back Christianity as he enlarged his dominion at the expense of the divided Franks. Later, Charles Martel conquered him, and the Frankish power reached (718) to the Zuyder Zee. Under its protection Willibrord at last founded the bishopric of Utrecht (734). He succeeded in educating a native clergy; and his labours had lasting result among the Frisians who were subject to the Franks, but not among the free Frisians and the Danes.

Evidently there was no sharp geographical boundary between Christianity and heathendom. Throughout broad territories, Christian and heathen practices mingled. This was true of the Frisian land. It was true in greater range and complexity of the still wider fields of Boniface's career. This able man surrendered his high station in his native Wessex in order to serve Christ more perfectly as a missionary monk among the heathen. He went first to Frisia and worked with Willibrord, yet refused to be his bishop-coadjutor and successor, because planning to carry Christianity into Germany.

Strikingly his life exemplifies Anglo-Saxon faculties working under the directing power of Rome among heathen and partly Christian peoples. On his first visit to Rome he became imbued with the principles, and learned the ritual, of the Roman Church. He returned to enter into relations with Charles Martell, and to labour in Hesse and Thuringia, and again with Willibrord in Frisia. Not long afterwards, at his own solicitation, Gregory II. called him back to Rome (722), where he fed his passion for punctilious conformity by binding himself formally to obey the Pope,

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198 follow the practices of the Roman Church, and have no fellowship with bishops whose ways conflicted with them. Gregory made him bishop over Thuringia and Hesse, and sent him back there to reform Christian and heathen communities. Thus Gregory created a bishop within the bounds of the Frankish kingdom—an unprecedented act. Nevertheless, Charles, to whom Boniface came with a letter from Gregory, received him favourably and furnished him with a safe conduct, only exacting a recognition of his own authority.

Boniface set forth upon his mission. In Hesse he cut down the ancient heathen oak, and made a chapel of its timber; he preached and he organized—the land was not altogether heathen. Then he proceeded to Thuringia. That also was a partly Christian land; many Irish-Scottish preachers were labouring or dwelling there. Boniface set his face against their irregularities as firmly as against heathenism. Again he dominated and reorganized, yet continued unfailing in energetic preaching to the heathen. Gregory watched closely and zealously co-operated.

On the death of the second Gregory in 731, the third Gregory succeeded to the papacy and continued his predecessor's support of the Anglo-Saxon apostle, making him archbishop with authority to ordain bishops. Many Anglo-Saxons, both men and holy women, came to aid their countryman, and brought their education and their nobler views of life to form centres of Christian culture in the German lands. Cloisters for nuns, cloisters for monks were founded. The year 744 witnessed the foundation of Fulda by Sturm under the direction of Boniface, and destined to be the very apple of his eye and the monastic model for Germany. It was placed under the authority of Rome, with the consent of Pippin, who then ruled. The reorganization rather than the conversion of Bavaria was Boniface's next achievement. The land long before had been partially Romanized, and now was nominally Christian. Here again Boniface acted as representative of the Pope, and not of Charles, although Bavaria was part of the Frankish empire.

The year 738 brought Boniface to Rome for the third

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90

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text:
Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Lansing, Robert

LANSING, ROBERT, an American public official, born in Watertown, N. Y., in 1864. He graduated from Amherst College in 1886 and was admitted to the bar in 1889. Until 1892 he practiced law in Watertown. In that year he was appointed associate counsel for the United States in the Bering Sea Arbitration, and was also counsel for the United States during the Bering Sea Claims Commission, from 1896 to 1897. From 1903 he was counsel for the United States under the Alaskan Boundary Tribunal, and served as special counsel for international proceedings. He was appointed counselor of the State Department in 1914, and in the following year he was appointed Secretary of State ad interim on June 9, 1915. On June 23 of the same year he was

Secretary of State. He was chosen by President Wilson as one of the commissioners to negotiate peace in Paris in 1918. He continued to act as Secretary of State on his return from Paris. His action in calling together the members of the Cabinet during President Wilson's illness occasioned the resentment of the President and on the latter's recovery in 1920 he practically asked for the resignation of Mr. Lansing. Severe criticisms made by him on the Treaty of Peace and the League of Nations Covenant were widely circulated and were never officially denied. It was generally conceded that he and the President were at variance in regard to the negotiations of the Treaty and to its final terms. On his retirement from office he continued the practice of law.


text:
Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Laocoön

LAOCOÖN (lā-ok'ō-on), according to classic legend, a priest of Apollo, afterward of Poseidon, in Troy, who married against the will of the former god, and who warned his countrymen against admitting the wooden horse into Troy. For one or both of these reasons he was destroyed along with his two sons by two enormous serpents which came up out of the sea. The subject is represented in one of the most famous works of ancient sculpture still in existence, a group discovered in 1506 at Rome, and purchased by Pope Julius II. for the Vatican. It was carried by Bonaparte to Paris in 1796, but recovered in 1814. According to Pliny, it was the work of the Rhodian artists, Agesander, Polydorus, and Athenodorus. The best authorities place its date at a little before 100 B. C.


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FFC 90

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92

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CHAP. IX time. He was now yearning to leave the fields already tilled, and go as missionary to the heathen Saxons. But Gregory sent him back to complete the reorganization of the Bavarian Church, and to this large field of action he added also Alemannia with its diocesan centre at Speyer. Here he came in conflict with Frankish bishops, firm in their secular irregularities. Yet again he prevailed, reorganized the churches, and placed them under the authority of Rome. Evidently the two Gregories had in large measure turned the energies of Boniface from the mission-field to the labours of reform.

On the death of Charles in 741 (and in the same year died Gregory, to be succeeded by the lukewarm Zacharias) his sons Carloman and Pippin succeeded to his power. The following year Carloman in German-speaking Austrasia called a council of his church (Concilium Germanicum primum) under the primacy of Boniface. Its decrees confirmed the reforms for which the latter had struggled:

"We Carloman, Duke and Prince of the Franks, in the year 742 of the Incarnation, on the 21st of April, upon the advice of the servants of God, the bishops and priests of our realm, have assembled them to take counsel how God's law and the Church's discipline (fallen to ruin under former princes) may be restored, and the Christian folk led to salvation, instead of perishing deceived by false priests. We have set up bishops in the cities, and have set over them as archbishop Bonifatius, the legate of St. Peter."

The council decreed that yearly synods should be held, that the possessions taken from the Church should be restored, and the false priests deprived of their emoluments and forced to do penance. The clergy were forbidden to bear arms, go to war, or hunt. Every priest should give yearly account of his stewardship to his bishop. Bishops, supported by the count in the diocese, should suppress heathen practices. Punishments were set for the fleshly sins of monks and nuns and clergy, and for the priestly offences of wearing secular garb or harbouring women. The Benedictine rule was appointed for monasteries. It was easier to make these decrees than carry them out against the opposition of such martial bishops as those of Mainz and Trèves, whose

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