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38 against legalized oppression. In every case the impelling power has been the same, a sense of discord between the man's imaginary ideal and the actual environment in which these evils and disorders have existed. Others, his commonplace companions, have been content to go with the world around them—to be kind slave-holders, honourable duellists, moderate oppressors—and they have felt no pangs of conscience. But by a few, a chosen few, there has been acquired a keener sense of the ideal of moral harmony, a keener eye for detecting moral disorder, and an abhorrence of it which will not permit them to live in peace amid such evils: they must either die or mend them.

They often do die in mending them; but while in the process of dying, or preparing for death—with all deference to the clergyman who lately maintained that "if there is no hereafter, and if the only reward of self-sacrifice and the only punishment of crime are those which happen in the present life, it would have been far better to have been Fouché than Paul"—they have at least a peace of mind which they could not have attained by conformity with the world. The grosser conscience that "worked" well enough in their companions would not have "worked" in them. Even, therefore, though they appear to be exceptions to the rule that tests truth by its "working," they are not really exceptional. They have been in discord with the world but in concord with themselves. Often they prove to others the truth of their conceptions by raising up the world to their level, and by pointing to the moral order which has issued from the fulfilment of their ideas. But in any case, though they may fail for a time or (apparently) for all time, they have had in themselves a sufficient test of the truth of their ideas: they have followed their conscience and they have found that this course "worked"—that is to say, suited and


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 novel organ has lately been erected by the Prince Brancaforte, upon a hill in his park, near Messina: it is supplied with wind by a wind-mill, and can be distinctly heard two or three miles distant."

Probably the Italian prince thought that he had hit upon a novelty when he erected his wind-mill organ; but we now find that his device had been anticipated more than eighteen hundred years before.

Organs were early introduced into the Christian Church—indeed at a much earlier period than is commonly assigned. According to Julianus, a Spanish bishop who flourished in 450, they were in use in his time. Aldhelm the Anglo-Saxon, who died in 709, mentions them, and speaks of the gilding of the external pipes. This passage in the De Laude Virginum, as Mr. Sharon Turner justly observes, is alone sufficient to refute the generally received story of Muratori, that


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Letter 4] developed their nature—as no other course could have worked for them. But in order thus to hear and obey the voice of conscience and to discern its highest truths, how much of faith, how much of imagination has been needed!

But this digression about Conscience has led me a little astray from my subject, which was "the knowledge of persons:" I must return to it in my next letter.


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During the forty-five years that have elapsed since the close of the Civil War a large number of sailing ships have been built for the California trade, and it is a notable fact that only two of these vessels made the passage from an Atlantic port to San Francisco in less than one hundred days. The Seminole, built by Maxon & Fish at Mystic, Connecticut, in 1865, arrived at San Francisco from New York, March 10, 1866, in 96 days, and the Glory of the Seas, already mentioned as the last ship built by Donald McKay, made the same voyage, arriving at San Francisco, January 18, 1874, in 94 days.

The two most successful ships in after years were the David Crocket and Young America. Both were built in

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A Abbot Lawrence, medium clipper ship, 255, 256, 258 Abergeldie, British clipper ship, 205 Abrahams, J., builder, Bal- timore, 357, 362 Abrahams & Ashcroft, own- ers, Baltimore, 357 Achilles, British iron screw steamer, 332 Ackley, Samuel, builder N. Y., 16, 17 Ada, Brit, clipper ship, tea- trade, 325-6, 371 Adamson & Bell, China merchants, 325 Adelaide, packet ship, 44 ——clipper ship, 298, 360 ——British iron screw steamer, 286 Admiral Gardner, Brit. E. Indiamen, 25 Adriatic, Collins Line S. S., 49, 250; med. clipper ship, 258 Ajax, Brit, iron screw steamer, 332 Akbar, clipper ship, China trade, 62, 138 Alarm, Cal. clipper ship, 289, 299, 363 Albert Gallatin, packet ship, 42, 48, 142 Albion, packet ship, 38 Alert, Cal. clipper ship, 350

Alexander Marshall, packet ship, 41 Alfred, Brit, ship, 36-37 Alhambra, med. clipper ship, 258, 291 Allen, Wm. H., N. Y. packet captain, 44 Alliance, U. S. frigate, 1778, 6,7 Alsop & Co., S. Francisco, agents of Challenge, 187 Amelia Packet, Brit, barque, 180 America, Brit, fifty-gun frigate, built at Ports- mouth, N. H., 9 Amos Lawrence, med. clip- per ship, 255 Amphitrite, Cal. clipper ship, 232, 256 Andrew Jackson, Cal. med. clipper ship, 253, 295; 362; 89 days to S. Fran- cisco, 144, 178, 296, 300, 369; other records, 247, 295, 297, 298, 368 Andrews, Capt., later ship, 341; Red Gauntlet, 359 Anglo-American, packet ship, 56 Anglo-Saxon, packet ship, 56 Angola, clipper schooner, opium trade, 58 Ann McKim, first clipper ship built, 60-2 Antarctic, ship, 66

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404 William Tell, packet ship, 41, 47 William Thompson, packet ship, 38 Williams, J., & Son., build- ers, Williamsburg, N. Y., 136, 152, 349, 352 ——Jabez, builder, N. Y., 216, 355 ——Capt. John E., An- drew Jackson, 247, 295, 362 —— & Guion, owners, 304 Willis, Capt., Cal. clippers, 351, 361 Wilson, W., & Sons, owners, Baltimore, 356, 357 Windhover, Brit, clipper ship, tea trade, 332, 336, 346, 372 Windsor, Brit. E. India- man, 32 Windsor Castle, Brit, ship, 36 Winged Arrow, clipper ship, 299, 300 Winged Racer, Cal. clipper ship, 216, 344, 355, 367 Winsor, Capt. C. F., 344, 351, 354, 356 Witch of the Wave, Cal. clipper ship, 152, 153, 166-72 (trip on), 173, 353; records, 206, 299 Witchcraft, Cal. clipper ship, 136, 140, 211, 302, 350; records, 178, 248, 296, 365, 366, 367 Wizard, Cal. clipper ship, 216, 355 Wolfe, W. A. & A. Foster, Jr., N. Y., owners of Courier, 54 Woodhouse, Capt. Philip, packet ships, 43 Woodside, Capt., Wizard, 355 Wooton, Jas. A., packet ship captain, 44 Wylo, Brit, clipper ship, tea trade, 332, 372 Wyteerhoven, Capt., 343 Y Yang-tze, Brit, clipper ship, tea trade, 322, 333, 347, 371. Yorkshire, packet ship, 41. 46, 48, 89 Yorktown, packet ship, 48 Young America, Cal. clip- per ship, 84, 232, 233-4, 301, 306, 337, 360; rec- ords, 233-4, 297-300, 367- 70 z Zerega, Capt., Queen of Clippers, 359 Zerega & Co., owners, N. Y., 56, 359

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Author:Hero of Alexandria

Works

 * Pneumatica
 * Automata,
 * Mechanica,
 * Metrica,
 * On the Dioptra,.
 * Belopoeica,
 * Catoptrica,

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Rh sometimes longer than spars and rigging would stand, with only brawn, capstans and watch tackles to handle it, the crew was a far more important factor on board a sailing ship than in the present era of steel spars, wire rigging, double topsail, and topgallant yards, donkey engines and steam winches. Indeed, all the conditions were quite different from anything known at the present time and required a type of men, both forward and aft, that do not sail upon the ocean to-day.

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238 p. 245) contributed his famous excursus on the allegory in the First Canto of the Inferno, and numerous other issues remain to testify, Dante's own countrymen were eager "to pay honours almost divine" to his memory. "The last age," writes Hobhouse, in 1817 (note 18 to Canto IV. of Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, Poetical Works, 1899, 496), "seemed inclined to undervalue him The present generation has returned to the ancient worship, and the Danteggiare of the northern Italians is thought even indiscreet by the more moderate Tuscans." Dante was in the air. As Byron wrote in his Diary (January 29, 1821), "Read Schlegel [probably in a translation published at Edinburgh, 1818]. Not a favourite! Why, they talk Dante, write Dante, and think and dream Dante at this moment (1821), to an excess which would be ridiculous, but that he deserves it."

There was, too, another reason why he was minded to write a poem "on the subject of Dante." There was, at this time, a hope, if not a clear prospect, of political change—of throwing off the yoke of the Bourbon, of liberating Italy from the tyrant and the stranger. "Dante was the poet of liberty. Persecution, exile, the dread of a foreign grave, could not shake his principles" (Medwin, Conversations, 1824, p. 242). The Prophecy was "intended for the Italians," intended to foreshadow as in a vision "liberty and the resurrection of Italy" (ibid, p. 241). As he rode at twilight through the pine forest, or along "the silent shore Which bounds Ravenna's immemorial wood," the undying past inspired him with a vision of the future, delayed, indeed, for a time, "the flame ending in smoke," but fulfilled after many days, a vision of a redeemed and united Italy.

"The poem," he says, in the Preface, "may be considered as a metrical experiment." In Beppo, and the two first cantos of Don Juan, he had proved that the ottava rima of the Italians, which Frere had been one of the first to transplant, might grow and flourish in an alien soil, and now, by way of a second venture, he proposed to acclimatize the terza rima. He was under the impression that Hayley, whom he had held up to ridicule as "for ever feeble, and for ever tame," had been the first and last to try the measure in English; but of Hayley's excellent translation of the three first cantos of the Inferno (vide post, p. 244, note 1), praised but somewhat grudgingly praised by Southey, he had only seen an extract, and of earlier experiments he was altogether ignorant. As a matter of fact, many poets had already essayed, but timidly and without perseverance, to "come to the test in the metrification" of the Divine Comedy. Some


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Rh twenty-seven lines, "the sole example in English literature of that period, of the use of terza rima, obviously copied from Dante" (Complete Works of Chaucer, by the Rev. W. Skeat, 1894, i. 76, 261), are imbedded in Chaucer's Complaint to his Lady. In the sixteenth century Sir Thomas Wyatt and Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey ("Description of the restless state of a lover"), "as novises newly sprung out of the schools of Dante, Ariosto, and Petrarch" (Puttenham's Art of Poesie, 1589, pp. 48-50); and later again, Daniel ("To the Lady Lucy, Countess of Bedford"), Ben Jonson, and Milton (Psalms ii., vi.) afford specimens of terza rima. There was, too, one among Byron's contemporaries who had already made trial of the metre in his Prince Athanase (1817) and The Woodman and the Nightingale (1818), and who, shortly, in his Ode to the West Wind (October, 1819, published 1820) was to prove that it was not impossible to write English poetry, if not in genuine terza rima, with its interchange of double rhymes, at least in what has been happily styled the "Byronic terza rima." It may, however, be taken for granted that, at any rate in June, 1819, these fragments of Shelley's were unknown to Byron. Long after Byron's day, but long years before his dream was realized, Mrs. Browning, in her Casa Guidi Windows (1851), in the same metre, re-echoed the same aspiration (see her Preface), "that the future of Italy shall not be disinherited." (See for some of these instances of terza rima, Englische Metrik, von Dr. J. Schipper, 1888, ii. 896. See, too, The Metre of Dante's Comedy discussed and exemplified, by Alfred Forman and Harry Buxton Forman, 1878, p. 7.)

The MS. of the Prophecy of Dante, together with the Preface, was forwarded to Murray, March 14, 1820; but in spite of some impatience on the part of the author (Letter to Murray, May 8, 1820, Letters, 1901, v. 20), and, after the lapse of some months, a pretty broad hint (Letter, August 17, 1820, ibid, p. 165) that "the time for the Dante would be good now as Italy is on the eve of great things," publication was deferred till the following year. Marino Faliero, Doge of Venice, and the Prophecy of Dante were published in the same volume, April 21, 1821.

The Prophecy of Dante was briefly but favourably noticed by Jeffrey in his review of Marino Faliero (Edinb. Rev., July, 1821, vol. 35, p. 285). "It is a very grand, fervid, turbulent, and somewhat mystical composition, full of the highest sentiment and the highest poetry; but disfigured by many faults of precipitation, and overclouded with many obscurities. Its great fault with common readers


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240 will be that it is not sufficiently intelligible.... It is, however, beyond all question, a work of a man of great genius."

Other notices of Marino Faliero and the Prophecy of Dante appeared in Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine, April, 1821, vol. 9, pp. 93-103; in the Monthly Review, May, 1821, Enlarged Series, vol. 95, pp. 41-50; and in the Eclectic Review, June 21, New Series, vol xv. pp. 518-527.


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244 by Horace, as well as the Prophecies of Holy Writ. The measure adopted is the terza rima of Dante, which I am not aware to have seen hitherto tried in our language, except it may be by Mr. Hayley, of whose translation I never saw but one extract, quoted in the notes to Caliph Vathek; so that—if I do not err—this poem may be considered as a metrical experiment. The cantos are short, and about the same length of those of the poet, whose name I have borrowed and most likely taken in vain.

Amongst the inconveniences of authors in the present day, it is difficult for any who have a name, good or bad, to escape translation. I have had the fortune to see the fourth canto of Childe Harold translated into Italian versi sciolti—that is, a poem written in the Spenserean stanza into blank verse, without regard to the natural divisions of the stanza or the sense. If the present poem, being on a national topic, should chance to undergo the same fate, I would request the Italian reader to remember that when I have failed in the imitation of his great "Padre Alighier," I have failed in imitating that which all study and few understand, since to this very day it is not yet settled what was the meaning of the allegory in the


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Rh first canto of the Inferno, unless Count Marchetti's ingenious and probable conjecture may be considered as having decided the question.

He may also pardon my failure the more, as I am not quite sure that he would be pleased with my success, since the Italians, with a pardonable nationality, are particularly jealous of all that is left them as a nation—their literature; and in the present bitterness of the classic and romantic war, are but ill disposed to permit a foreigner even to approve or imitate them, without finding some fault with his ultramontone presumption. I can easily enter into all this, knowing what would be thought in England of an Italian imitator of Milton, or if a translation of Monti, Pindemonte, or Arici, should be held up to the rising generation as a model for their future poetical essays. But I perceive that I am deviating into an address to the Italian reader, where my business is with the English one; and be they few or many, I must take my leave of both.


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 CANTO THE FIRST.

more in Man's frail world! which I had left

So long that 'twas forgotten; and I feel

The weight of day again,—too soon bereft

Of the Immortal Vision which could heal

My earthly sorrows, and to God's own skies

Lift me from that deep Gulf without repeal,

Where late my ears rung with the damnéd cries

Of Souls in hopeless bale; and from that place

Of lesser torment, whence men may arise

Pure from the fire to join the Angelic race;

Midst whom my own bright Beatricē blessed

My spirit with her light; and to the base

Of the Eternal Triad! first, last, best,

Mysterious, three, sole, infinite, great God!

Soul universal! led the mortal guest,


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248 Unblasted by the Glory, though he trod

From star to star to reach the almighty throne.

Oh Beatricē! whose sweet limbs the sod

So long hath pressed, and the cold marble stone,

Thou sole pure Seraph of my earliest love,

Love so ineffable, and so alone,

That nought on earth could more my bosom move,

And meeting thee in Heaven was but to meet

That without which my Soul, like the arkless dove,

Had wandered still in search of, nor her feet

Relieved her wing till found; without thy light

My Paradise had still been incomplete.

Since my tenth sun gave summer to my sight

Thou wert my Life, the Essence of my thought,

Loved ere I knew the name of Love, and bright

Still in these dim old eyes, now overwrought

With the World's war, and years, and banishment,

And tears for thee, by other woes untaught;


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CANTO 1.] For mine is not a nature to be bent

By tyrannous faction, and the brawling crowd,

And though the long, long conflict hath been spent

In vain,—and never more, save when the cloud

Which overhangs the Apennine my mind's eye

Pierces to fancy Florence, once so proud

Of me, can I return, though but to die,

Unto my native soil,—they have not yet

Quenched the old exile's spirit, stern and high.

But the Sun, though not overcast, must set

And the night cometh; I am old in days,

And deeds, and contemplation, and have met

Destruction face to face in all his ways.

The World hath left me, what it found me, pure,

And if I have not gathered yet its praise,

I sought it not by any baser lure;

Man wrongs, and Time avenges, and my name

May form a monument not all obscure,

Though such was not my Ambition's end or aim,

To add to the vain-glorious list of those

Who dabble in the pettiness of fame,

And make men's fickle breath the wind that blows

Their sail, and deem it glory to be classed

With conquerors, and Virtue's other foes,

In bloody chronicles of ages past.

I would have had my Florence great and free;

Oh Florence! Florence! unto me thou wast


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250 Like that Jerusalem which the Almighty He

Wept over, "but thou wouldst not;" as the bird

Gathers its young, I would have gathered thee

Beneath a parent pinion, hadst thou heard

My voice; but as the adder, deaf and fierce,

Against the breast that cherished thee was stirred

Thy venom, and my state thou didst amerce,

And doom this body forfeit to the fire.

Alas! how bitter is his country's curse

To him who for that country would expire,

But did not merit to expire by her,

And loves her, loves her even in her ire.

The day may come when she will cease to err,

The day may come she would be proud to have

The dust she dooms to scatter, and transfer

Of him, whom she denied a home, the grave.

But this shall not be granted; let my dust

Lie where it falls; nor shall the soil which gave

Me breath, but in her sudden fury thrust

Me forth to breathe elsewhere, so reassume

My indignant bones, because her angry gust

Forsooth is over, and repealed her doom;

No,—she denied me what was mine—my roof,

And shall not have what is not hers—my tomb.

Too long her arméd wrath hath kept aloof

The breast which would have bled for her, the heart

That beat, the mind that was temptation proof,


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CANTO I.] The man who fought, toiled, travelled, and each part

Of a true citizen fulfilled, and saw

For his reward the Guelfs ascendant art

Pass his destruction even into a law.

These things are not made for forgetfulness,

Florence shall be forgotten first; too raw

The wound, too deep the wrong, and the distress

Of such endurance too prolonged to make

My pardon greater, her injustice less,

Though late repented; yet—yet for her sake

I feel some fonder yearnings, and for thine,

My own Beatricē, I would hardly take

Vengeance upon the land which once was mine,

And still is hallowed by thy dust's return,

Which would protect the murderess like a shrine,

And save ten thousand foes by thy sole urn.

Though, like old Marius from Minturnæ's marsh

And Carthage ruins, my lone breast may burn

At times with evil feelings hot and harsh,

And sometimes the last pangs of a vile foe

Writhe in a dream before me, and o'erarch

My brow with hopes of triumph,—let them go!

Such are the last infirmities of those

Who long have suffered more than mortal woe,

And yet being mortal still, have no repose

But on the pillow of Revenge—Revenge,

Who sleeps to dream of blood, and waking glows

With the oft-baffled, slakeless thirst of change,

When we shall mount again, and they that trod

Be trampled on, while Death and Até range


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252 O'er humbled heads and severed necksGreat God!

Take these thoughts from me—to thy hands I yield

My many wrongs, and thine Almighty rod

Will fall on those who smote me,—be my shield!

As thou hast been in peril, and in pain,

In turbulent cities, and the tented field—

In toil, and many troubles borne in vain

For Florence,—I appeal from her to Thee!

Thee, whom I late saw in thy loftiest reign,

Even in that glorious Vision, which to see

And live was never granted until now,

And yet thou hast permitted this to me.

Alas! with what a weight upon my brow

The sense of earth and earthly things come back,

Corrosive passions, feelings dull and low,

The heart's quick throb upon the mental rack,

Long day, and dreary night; the retrospect

Of half a century bloody and black,

And the frail few years I may yet expect

Hoary and hopeless, but less hard to bear,

For I have been too long and deeply wrecked

On the lone rock of desolate Despair,

To lift my eyes more to the passing sail

Which shuns that reef so horrible and bare;

Nor raise my voice—for who would heed my wail?

I am not of this people, nor this age,

And yet my harpings will unfold a tale

Which shall preserve these times when not a page

Of their perturbéd annals could attract

An eye to gaze upon their civil rage,

Did not my verse embalm full many an act

Worthless as they who wrought it: 'tis the doom

Of spirits of my order to be racked

In life, to wear their hearts out, and consume

Their days in endless strife, and die alone;

Then future thousands crowd around their tomb,

And pilgrims come from climes where they have known

The name of him—who now is but a name,

And wasting homage o'er the sullen stone,


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CANTO I.] Spread his—by him unheard, unheeded—fame;

And mine at least hath cost me dear: to die

Is nothing; but to wither thus—to tame

My mind down from its own infinity—

To live in narrow ways with little men,

A common sight to every common eye,

A wanderer, while even wolves can find a den,

Ripped from all kindred, from all home, all things

That make communion sweet, and soften pain—

To feel me in the solitude of kings

Without the power that makes them bear a crown—

To envy every dove his nest and wings

Which waft him where the Apennine looks down

On Arno, till he perches, it may be,

Within my all inexorable town,

Where yet my boys are, and that fatal She, This lady, whose name was Gemma, sprung from one of the most powerful Guelph families, named Donati. Corso Donati was the principal adversary of the Ghibellines. She is described as being "Admodum morosa, ut de Xantippe Socratis philosophi conjuge scriptum esse legimus," according to Giannozzo Manetti. But Lionardo Aretino is scandalised with Boccace, in his life of Dante, for saying that literary men should not marry. "Qui il Boccaccio non ha pazienza, e dice, le mogli esser contrarie agli studj; e non si ricorda che Socrate, il puì nobile filosofo che mai fusse, ebbe moglie e figliuoli e ufici nella Repubblica nella sua Città; e Aristotile che, etc., etc., ebbe due moglie in varj tempi, ed ebbe figliuoli, e ricchezze assai.—E Marco Tullio—e Catone—e Varrone—e Seneca—ebbero moglie," etc., etc. [Le Vite di Dante, etc., Firenze, 1677. pp. 22, 23]. It is odd that honest Lionardo's examples, with the exception of Seneca, and, for anything I know, of Aristotle, are not the most felicitous. Tully's Terentia, and Socrates' Xantippe, by no means contributed to their husbands' happiness, whatever they might do to their philosophy—Cato gave away his wife—of Varro's we know nothing—and of Seneca's, only that she was disposed to die with him, but recovered and lived several years afterwards. But says Lionardo, "L'uomo è animale civile, secondo piace a tutti i filosofi." And thence concludes that the greatest proof of the animal's civism is "la prima congiunzione, della quale multiplicata nasce la Città."

[There is nothing in the Divina Commedia, or elsewhere in his writings, to justify the common belief that Dante was unhappily married, unless silence may be taken to imply dislike and alienation. It has been supposed that he alludes to his wife, Gemma Donati, in the Vita Nuova, § 36, "as a young and very beautiful lady, who was gazing upon me from a window, with a gaze full of pity," "who remembered me many times of my own most noble lady," whom he consented to serve "more because of her gentle goodness than from any choice" of his own (Convito, ii. 2, 7), but there are difficulties in the way of


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254 Their mother, the cold partner who hath brought

Destruction for a dowry—this to see

And feel, and know without repair, hath taught

A bitter lesson; but it leaves me free:

I have not vilely found, nor basely sought,

They made an Exile—not a Slave of me.


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374 and decimal parts of a foot the depths from the under side of the upper deck to the ceiling at the limber strake. In the case of a break in the upper deck, the depths are to be measured from a line stretched in a continuation of the deck. Breadths: Divide each of those three depths into five equal parts, and measure the inside breadths at the following points—viz., at one fifth and at four fifths from the upper deck of the foremost and aftermost depths, and at two fifths and four fifths from the upper deck of the midship depth. Length: At half the midship depth, measure the length of the vessel from the after part of the stem to the fore part of the stern-post; then, to twice the midship depth add the foremost and the aftermost depths; add together the upper and lower breadths at the foremost division, three times the upper breadth, and the lower breadth, at the midship division and the upper and twice the lower breadth at the after division, for the sum of the breadths; then multiply the sum of the depths by the sum of the breadths, and this product by the length, and divide the final product by three thousand five hundred, which will give the number of tons for register" (Young's Marine Dictionary, 1846).

In 1854 this rule was changed by the Merchant Shipping Act, which provided that the actual cubic contents of a vessel's hull should be measured, a registered ton being reckoned as 100 cubic feet. This is known as the Moorsom system, and is still in use and likely to continue. It was adopted by the United States in 1865; Denmark, 1867; Austria, 1871; Germany, France, and Italy, 1873; Spain, 1874; and Sweden, 1875.

The old practice of calculating tonnage in the United States was adapted from the English, and the mode of measurement was as follows:

The length was measured on deck from the fore part of the stem to the after part of the stern-post; the breadth from outside to outside planking at the broadest part of the vessel; the depth of the hold from the plank on deck to the ceiling of the hold. This last measurement was not used, the depth of a vessel for tonnage purposes being assumed to be one half of her breadth. In order

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 Rh an old and celebrated ship-building family of Scituate, their great-grandfather having been a shipbuilder of note in colonial times, while their grandfather, James Briggs, was the builder of the famous Columbia, in 1773. After his death the yard was continued by his sons, Henry and Gushing, who built some of the finest ships sailing out of Boston, besides many of the New Bedford and Nantucket whalers, during the first half of the last century. The brothers E. & H. O. Briggs, who established their yard at South Boston in 1848, were the sons of Gushing Briggs, and they possessed the skill in design and thorough knowledge of construction for which the family had long been famous among the merchants and underwriters of Boston.

At Medford, on the Mystic, Thatcher Magoun established his shipyard in 1802, and there built the brig Mt. Etna, of 187 tons, in 1803, followed by other merchant vessels as well as privateers for the War of 1812. The Avon, the most famous of these privateers, was launched in twenty-six days after her keel was laid. In 1822, Mr. Magoun built the Amethyst, Emerald, Sapphire, and Topaz, ships of about 350 tons, for the Boston and Liverpool Packet Company, which ran for a few years between Boston, Charleston, S. C., and Liverpool, and home direct to Boston. One of the novel features of this line was the arrangement as to agents, their office being at the end of India Wharf, but in Liverpool each ship had a separate agent, as it was imagined that four agents would attract so many times the more business. It is evident that the promoters of this line had something to learn

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52 concerning Liverpool ship-brokers and their system of working freights, for the enterprise was not successful.

Another Liverpool Line was started in Boston in 1828, and the ships Boston, Lowell, Liverpool, Plymouth, and Trenton of this line were built by Mr. Magoun. He also built between 1822 and 1829, the ships Lucilla, 369 tons, owned by Daniel P. Parker; Brookline, 376 tons, and Courser, 300 tons, owned by Henry Oxnard; and the Margaret Forbes, 398 tons, owned by Bryant & Sturgis, all sailing out of Boston. Other Medford ship-builders were Sprague & James, Isaac Taylor, Hayden & Cudworth, J. O. Curtis, Waterman & Elwell, Samuel Lapham, and Paul Curtis. Their ships were known all over the world as fine, well-built vessels. In 1845 one quarter of all the shipwrights in Massachusetts were employed in Medford, and 9660 tons of shipping were launched from its building yards.

The leading ship-builder at Newburyport was John Currier, Jr., who from 1831 to 1843 built the ships Brenda, Republic, Oberlin, St. Clair, Leonore, and Columbus for the Black Ball Line, and in 1836 the Talbot, Flavio, Navigator, Huntress, Strabo, and Virginia, ranging from 339 to 365 tons, as well as several barques, brigs, and schooners. The firms of George W. Jackman and Currier & Townsend had not been formed at this date.

Portsmouth, New Hampshire, was also noted for her ships and seamen, the principal builders in 1840 being George Eaynes, Fernald & Pettigrew, and Toby & Littlefield, while the Shackfords and Salters had been sea-captains for generations. Mr.

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Articles of Agreement had, made, concluded and agreed upon June 6, In the Second year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord and Lady, William and Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc., Anno Domini 1690, between the Right Rev. Father in God, John [Hough] Lord Bishop of Oxford, President of the College of St. Mary Magdalen in the University of Oxford, and the Scholars of the said College on their part, and Renatus Harris, of the City of London, Organ-maker on the other part, in manner following, that is to say:

Imprimis, It is covenanted, concluded and agreed upon by and between the said parties to these presents, and me the said Renatus Harris, in consideration of the money to be paid unto him as hereinafter mentioned, doth for himself, his executors and administrators, covenant and


text:
User talk:Erasmo Barresi/1

=What is Wikisource=

Erasmo, This is your first question on your youtube questions and I think you already know the clear answer is already here: http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Wikisource:What_is_Wikisource%3F —Maury (talk) 06:07, 4 January 2013 (UTC)

Perspective
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Global

1 Facebook - facebook.com

2 Google - google.com

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6 Wikipedia - wikipedia.org

7 Windows Live - live.com

8 Amazon.com - amazon.com

—Maury (talk) 12:03, 5 January 2013 (UTC)

title: User talk:Erasmo Barresi/1


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 grant to and with the said President and Scholars and their successors, by these presents, that he the said Renatus Harris, his servants, workmen and assigns, shall and will in good and workmanlike manner put the great and choir organs in, Magdalen College aforesaid into sound, good and perfect repair in all ill parts and defects whatsoever, and shall new work and repair the three bellows and make them strong, staunch and good; and all the wood-trunks and conveyances of wind shall repair, make good and staunch, and shall new work and amend all the defects in the sound-boards, and make them staunch and sound, and shall and will make new pallets, springs and wind-chest to the soundboards of the said organs, and shall and will make good and serviceable all the movements and roller-boards of the said organs, and shall make two sets of keys of good ebony and ivory, their fall to be as little as can be to give the pipes their due tone, and the touch to be ready, soft and even under the finger.

Item, That the said Benatus Harris, his servants, workmen or assigns, shall and will make to the great organ a new great twelfth of metal, a cedirne of metal, and a furniture of three ranks and a cymbal of two ranks, and shall and will repair, well voice, and tune, in the great organ, the open diapason, principal of metal, stop-diapason of wood, fifteenth of metal; which great organ shall consist of five hundred sixty


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 and one pipes: and make to the choir organ a new flute of metal and nason of metal, and repair, well voice and tune in the choir organ the principal, stop-diapason and fifteenth, which said choir organ shall consist of two hundred and fifty pipes; and if the said new pipes or stops to be made in the said organs shall not be liked, or approved of, by such organist as the said President and Scholars shall appoint to inspect the same, that then the said Renatus Harris, his executors or assigns, shall take down such stops and pipes as shall be disliked of as aforesaid, and put in their places such new ones as shall be approved of under the same conditions as are hereby agreed to. And if any pipe or pipes belonging to the above-named stops cannot be made to speak well and bear a good tone, strong, clear and sweet, either through want of substance or any other defect; that then in such case the said Renatus Harris, his executors or assigns, shall and will put in new serviceable pipes in the places of such as shall be found so deficient and not useful; and that the said Renatus Harris, his executors or assigns, shall and will alter the pitch of the said organs half a note lower than they now are: and the said organs, being now Gamut in Do, Sol, Re, the said Renatus Harris, his executors or assigns, shall and will in good workmanlike manner completely finish on or before the Feast of All Saints' next ensuing the date hereof.


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 Item, In consideration of the said work and workmanship to be done and performed as aforesaid, the said President and Scholars, for them and their successors, do covenant and grant to and with the said Renatus Harris, his executors, administrators and assigns, by these presents, that the said President and Scholars, or their successors or assigns, shall or will pay or cause to be paid to the said Renatus Harris, his executors or assigns, the sum of One Hundred and Fifty Pounds of lawful money of England, as followeth, viz., ten pounds at or before the sealing hereof, forty pounds on the Feast of the Nativity of Christ next ensuing, and one hundred pounds, being the remainder thereof, on the Feast of St. John Baptist, which shall be in the year of our Lord God 1691. For witness thereof, to the one part of these presents the said President and Scholars have put their common seal, and to the other part thereof the said Renatus Harris hath set his hand and seal, the day and year above written.


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Father Smith's settlement in this country at the Restoration, and of Harris's arrival from France soon after that event, all that could be gleaned at this distance of time I have told in my "History of the Organ."

The first organ erected by Smith in this country was at the Chapel Royal of Whitehall. If it was the organ alluded to by Pepys, it must have been put up before July 8, 1660, when the gossiping old diarist speaks of having heard service performed in the royal chapel, "with the organs and singing men in surplices." That Smith enjoyed the patronage of royalty is a question beyond dispute. He was appointed "organ-maker in ordinary" to the king, and at one time occupied apartments in Whitehall, called, in an old plan, "the organ-builder's work-house."


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 The origin of the quarrel between this old worthy and Renatus Harris arose, probably, through the famous contest, or "battle of the organs" as it was termed, at the Temple Church, in which, as is well-known, the former gained the day. That a bitter enmity afterwards existed between these two builders, we may infer from the documents I am now about to produce for the first time. But first, of the circumstances connected with the dispute concerning the Temple organ.

When engaged in collecting materials for my notice of Father Smith, I was very desirous of obtaining some authentic particulars concerning this memorable dispute from the books of the Societies of the Temple; but, after several interviews with the Treasurer and other authorities, I was told that nothing could be discovered among the records—the matter was evidently of too trivial a nature to induce the slightest research. This is now the less to be regretted, since a gentleman connected with the Temple, Edmund Macrory, Esq., M.A., has succeeded in bringing to light the documents that I was in search of, and has given them to the world in a charming little brochure, entitled, "A Few Notes on the Temple Organ." From the new


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 information furnished by these discoveries, I avail myself of the following particulars.

In the latter part of the year 1682, the treasurers of the Societies of the Temple had some conversation with Smith respecting the erection of an organ in their church. Subsequently Harris (who had some warm supporters among the Benchers of the Inner Temple) was introduced to their notice, and both these eminent artiste were backed by the recommendations of such an equal number of powerful friends and celebrated organists, that the Benchers were unable to determine among themselves which to employ. They therefore (as appears by an order in the books of the Temple, dated February, 1682) proposed that:

"If each of these excellent artists would set up an organ in one of the halls belonging to either of the societies, they would have erected in their church that which, in the greatest number of excellencies, deserved the preference.

Smith, believing that he had received the order for the organ, felt, of course, much annoyed at the introduction of Harris on the scene. He accordingly obtained from five of the tradesmen in the employment of the Temple a memorial or memorandum, which was presented to the Benchers of the Middle Temple, and is as follows:

", That I, Wm. Cleave, of the Parish of the Savoy in ye Strand, Surveyor,


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 with divers other workmenn whose names are herevnder also subscribed, was present and did heare Sr Francis Whitens, Knt., and then Treasurer of the Middel Tempell, London, and Sr Thomas Robinson, then also Treasurer of the Inner Tempell, both of them being in the Tempell Church together, in the month of September last, give full ordre and directions vnto Mr. Bernard Smith, the King's Organ Maker, to make an organ for the Tempell Church, and then also gave ordres to the said Smith to take care of and give directions for the setting up of the Organ Loft in the Tempell Church as the said Smith should judg most convenient, and accordingly the said Smith did give directions how and in what manner the said Organ Loft should be made, and the same was made and sett vpp accordingly, and that then neither Reny Harris, nor any other person whatsoever, was ever mentioned to have any Ordres or Directions to make any Organ for the Tempell Church, or in the least mentioned to stand in competition with the said Smith for or about making of the same, and this wee, whose Names are herevnto subscribed, shall be at all times ready to attest vpon oath, when that there shall be occasion, as witness our hands this eight day of May In the year of our Lord one thousand Six hundred Eighty and three."

"The above memorandum," says Mr. Macrory, "had not the effect which Smith desired, for a


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338 works, alas! I see a great heap. But yet, through Thy mercy, I trust to be in the number of them to whom Thou wilt not impute their sins, but wilt take and accept me for righteous and just, and to be the inheritor of everlasting life. Thou, merciful Lord, wast born for my sake; Thou didst suffer both hunger and thirst for my sake; all Thy holy actions and works Thou wroughtest for my sake; Thou sufferedst both grievous pains and torments for my sake; finally, Thou gavest Thy most precious body and blood to be shed on the cross for my sake. Now, most merciful Saviour, let all these things profit me that Thou hast freely done for me, which hast given Thyself also for me. Let Thy blood cleanse and wash away the spots and foulness of my sins. Let Thy righteousness hide and cover my unrighteousness. Let the merits of Thy passion and blood-shedding be satisfaction for my sins. Give me, Lord, Thy grace, that the faith in my salvation in Thy blood waver not, but may ever be firm and constant; that the hope of Thy mercy and life everlasting never decay in me; that love wax not cold in me; finally, that the weakness of my flesh be not overcome with fear of death. Grant me, merciful Saviour, that when death hath shut up the eyes of my body, yet the eyes of my soul may still behold and look upon Thee; and when death hath taken away the use of my tongue, yet my heart may cry and say unto Thee, Lord, into Thy hands I commend my soul. Lord Jesu, receive my spirit. Amen.'


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1540.] With these words upon his lips perished a statesman whose character will for ever remain a problem. For eight years his influence had been supreme with the King—supreme in Parliament—supreme in Convocation; the nation, in the ferment of revolution, was absolutely controlled by him; and he has left the print of his individual genius stamped indelibly, while the metal was at white heat, into the constitution of the country. Wave after wave has rolled over his work. Romanism flowed back over it under Mary. Puritanism, under another even grander Cromwell, overwhelmed it. But Romanism ebbed again, and Puritanism is dead, and the polity of the Church of England remains as it was left by its creator.

And not in the Church only, but in all departments of the public service, Cromwell was the sovereign guide. In the Foreign Office and the Home Office, in Star Chamber and at council table, in dockyard and law court, Cromwell's intellect presided—Cromwell's hand executed. His gigantic correspondence remains to witness for his varied energy. Whether it was an ambassador or a commissioner of sewers, a warden of a company or a tradesman who was injured by the guild, a bishop or a heretic, a justice of the peace, or a serf crying for emancipation, Cromwell was the universal authority to whom all officials looked for instruction, and all sufferers looked for redress.


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340 Hated by all those who had grown old in an earlier system—by the wealthy, whose interests were touched by his reforms—by the superstitious, whose prejudices he wounded—he was the defender of the weak, the defender of the poor, defender of the 'fatherless and forsaken;' and for his work, the long maintenance of it has borne witness that it was good—that he did the thing which England's true interests required to be done.

Of the manner in which that work was done it is less easy to speak. Fierce laws fiercely executed—an unflinching resolution which neither danger could daunt nor saintly virtue move to mercy—a long list of solemn tragedies—weigh upon his memory. He had taken upon himself a task beyond the ordinary strength of man. His difficulties could be overcome only by inflexible persistence in the course which he had marked out for himself and for the State; and he supported his weakness by a determination which imitated the unbending fixity of a law of nature. He pursued an object, the excellence of which, as his mind saw it, transcended all other considerations—the freedom of England and the destruction of idolatry: and those who from any motive, noble or base, pious or impious, crossed his path, he crushed, and passed on over their bodies.

Whether the same end could have been attained by gentler methods is a question which many persons suppose they can answer easily in the affirmative. Some diffidence of judgment, however, ought to be taught by the recollection that the same end was purchased in


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1540.] every other country which had the happiness to attain to it at all, only by years of bloodshed, a single day or week of which caused larger human misery than the whole period of the administration of Cromwell. Be this as it will, his aim was noble. For his actions he paid with his life; and he followed his victims by the same road which they had trodden before him, to the high tribunal, where it may be that great natures who on earth have lived in mortal enmity may learn at last to understand each other.

Two days after, Barnes, Garret, and Jerome died bravely at the stake, their weakness and want of wisdom all atoned for, and serving their Great Master in their deaths better than they had served Him in their lives. With them perished, not as heretics, but as traitors, the three Romanizing priests. The united executions were designed as an evidence of the even hand of the council. The execution of traitors was not to imply an indulgence of heresy; the punishment of heretics should give no hope to those who were disloyal to their King and country. But scenes of such a kind were not repeated. The effect was to shock, not to edify. The narrow theory could be carried out


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342 to both its cruel extremes only where a special purpose was working upon passions specially excited. to the two divisions of the Government who pretended to have received offence. The scene was as painful as it was monstrous. Both groups of sufferers were obstinate or constant; both alike complained of the mode of sentence under which they were condemned. They had never been called to answer for their supposed offences; and Christians under grace, they said, were now worse off than Jews under the law. The law would have no man die unless he were first heard in his defence, and Heathen and Christian, sage and emperor, the whole world, except England, observed the same rule.'Here in England, if two witnesses will swear and affirm before the council that they have heard a man speak against his duty to his King, or contrary to the articles of religion, that man may be condemned to suffer death, with the pains appointed by the law, although he be absent or ignorant of the charge, and without any other form of proof. Innocence is no safeguard when such an opening is offered to malice or revenge. Corruption or passion may breed false witness; and the good may be sacrificed, and the wicked, who have sworn away their lives, may escape with impunity. There is no security for any man, unless the person accused is brought face to face with the witnesses who depose against him.'Of the iniquity of the system no other evidence is needed than these executions just passed. One who suffered for treason declared that he had never spoken good or bad of the Pope's authority, nor could he tell how he had provoked the King's displeasure, unless it were, that ten years ago his opinion was required on the divorce of Queen Catherine, the Emperor's aunt, and he had said he considered her the King's lawful wife. The rest spoke equally firmly and equally simply, and such loud murmurs rose among the people, and their natural disposition to turbulence was so excited, that had there been any one to lead them, they would have broken out into dangerous sedition. Inquiries were made instantly into the origin of the riot. The names of those who have repeated the words of the sufferers have been demanded, and this, I suppose, will be made the occasion of a worse butchery. It is no easy thing to keep a people in revolt against the Holy See and the authority of the Church, and yet free from the infection of the new doctrines—or, on the other hand, if they remain orthodox, to prevent them from looking with attachment to the Papacy. But the council here will have neither the one nor the other. They will have their ordinances obeyed, however often they change them, and however little the people can comprehend what they are required to believe.'—Marillac to Francis I., Aug. 6, 1540: ''MS. Bibliot. Impér. Paris.''


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 our art, as the best means of internally strengthening ourselves to resist the external prejudice.

The establishment of this College, then, is of the highest importance in bringing forward the peculiar claims of the church musician. We are a body of musicians gathered together for one specific purpose, and bound by one common tie to advance as far as may be the honourable calling of Professor of Music, more especially as relates to the important office of organist, and to claim the proper recognition of his true position in society. Let us, then, never forget the object for which this institution has been founded.

Without further preface, I shall commence my subject, which may be considered as an "unwritten chapter" in the history of the organ.

We are sometimes inclined to overrate the progress of our own time in any branch of knowledge, and to believe that no previous age, nation or individual, has ever arrived at the same degree of


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 as ourselves. This may be true in some measure as regards the art of organ building, but it must not be forgotten that in early times there lived men famous in this craft—men who devoted their lives and genius to its improvement, and whose names ought surely to be handed down, and a place assigned them, in the roll of those who have honourably contributed to the advancement of the art they professed.

The works of the mediæval organ builders which once resounded in our abbeys and cloisters—those monuments of Gothic art now fast mouldering into dust—have, it is true, long since passed away; but records of many of those works exist, and such records as can now be recovered from their oblivion, may perhaps furnish useful subjects of reflection to the present generation.

The early history of the organ, I need scarcely tell you, is involved in great obscurity, and the more we attempt to investigate the facts that have come down


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 to us, and to reconcile conflicting statements, the more perplexed does the subject appear.

As regards the origin of this noble instrument, we may safely assume it to have been the simple series of reeds of various lengths, blown into by the mouth of the performer at the upper ends, and known as the Pipes of Pan. The Greek and Latin shepherds made this primitive instrument of strong reeds, or some other suitable wood. It consisted originally of seven or eight reeds of graduated length, fastened together with wax. The number was afterwards extended to ten or twelve. The Syrinx or Pipes of Pan, by its form and arrangement, may be regarded as the first kind of organ building; for here were a number of pipes placed together in ranks, according to their succession of tones, and sounded by wind.

To obviate the fatiguing motion of the head or hands, by inflating the pipes in some other manner, seems to have been the object of desired attainment for


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. At length this was accomplished. Among the Cicilian antiquities discovered in Syria, and recently brought to this country by Mr. W. B. Barker, is the portion of a figure playing upon a musical instrument of singular curiosity and interest. This instrument, of which I have here a drawing, forms a connecting link between the pipes of Pan and the organ.


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 Let us examine it. It consists of a vertical row of pipes, the length unknown, as the lower portion is wanting; they are inserted into a small air-chest, which appears inflated in the middle part. The right hand is operating upon it with a kind of cushion or compress, by which the performer forces the air into the pipes, and which he seems to apply to different parts of the instrument at will. There appears to have been a prolongation of the central part of the instrument across the left arm: the loss of this is much to be lamented, as that would have shown us more of its construction, and also how the left hand was employed in playing it. This curious relic may be looked upon as the earliest attempt to combine the pneumatic chest with the Pandean organ, which still retains its place on the breast of the player, though he no longer operates upon it with his mouth.

I need hardly say that this monument


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 is of the highest importance in the history of the organ. It has never been pointed out by any musical writer, and I may fairly take to myself the credit of giving it a place in our musical history.

An enigmatical description of the organ by Julian the philosopher—or, as some call him, the Apostate—first noticed by Ducange, has frequently been cited by modern writers. Burney misunderstood it, and Fétis has given it quite a wrong meaning. The enigma is this: "I see a row of reeds; surely from another and a brazen soil have they quickly sprung. Nor are they agitated by our winds, but a blast rushing from a cavern of bull’s-hide makes its way from below the root of reeds with many openings; and a highly gifted man with nimble fingers handles the yieldling rods of the pipes, while they, softly vibrating, press out the sound."


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Rh it at first. Yet increasing knowledge and experience tell us that there are a few, perhaps many, who are rescued from the sins and frivolities of this life, and induced to look upon the great question of eternity with becoming seriousness, by reading good books. For the vast majority of nominal Christians, wealth and pleasure seekers, dress and fashion worshippers, there seems to be no hope. I do not condemn them. Elijah despaired of Israel, and thought that he alone would be saved, but God humbled him by telling him that He had reserved seven thousand men who had not bowed the knee to Baal, and whose lips had not kissed him. If, therefore, in the evil days of Ahab and Jezabel, seven thousand could be reserved, can we count those by millions who may be reserved in our days? Still it is a mad world. The masses of the people who live by their labour are beginning to know too much for their employers. They want their fair share of the wealth of the world, and therefore they strike, and revolt, and throw everything into confusion. Nine-tenths of them, if they had the share they covet, would squander it in taverns, and then abuse their employers as loudly as before. Woe to the world! Woe to the rich who hoard up their money, and who do nothing for their unfortunate fellow-creatures! Woe to the poor who, to gratify the desires, and the craving for popularity, of their pestilent, self-constituted leaders, refuse to work for fair remuneration, and let their wives and children starve! What more shall I say, Doctor? Is it not a mad world? and would it not be well if it could be blotted out of existence?'

'In that case,' said he, 'what would become of the millions yet unborn, who might be destined to be reserved for the blessed life ? But tell me something about yourself. Who are you, in the name of wonder? Are you a


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236 Daniel come to judgment, or a Saint John the Divine, with another Book of Revelation for us?'

'I pretend to be nothing, sir. If I am allowed to do some little good to my fellow-men, I am only the weakest and most humble of all instruments for so doing. I hate egoism and self-laudation, although I may be unconsciously guilty of it, but it may gratify you to know that I do not owe a farthing to any man, and if I have wronged any, or forgotten anything, I am willing to make all the amends in my power. I am not given to secret vices, nor am I close-fisted, or close-minded. I feel the inestimable happiness of being able to approach all men with innocence, peace, and good-will. How does that man feel who meets another whom he has cruelly robbed, or whose home he has basely dishonoured? But, for all this, I confess with shame that I am overflowing with faults. My imagination is too vivid, and my temper is choleric when suddenly thwarted and opposed in ridiculously small matters: a false accusation or a false suspicion drives me mad. I try hard to keep myself from idols: my dreams are often encouragements, and still more often temptations: youth bewitches me; beauty overpowers me; music and the artistic pleasures of the world enchant me; but I constantly hear a voice warning me to beware.'

'Well,' said the Doctor, as he pulled up his horses at the hospital gate, 'thank you, you have been explicit. Thirty miles under ground in less than an hour, and the horses as fresh as when they started! Florian! Mancus! some of you, come here!'

'Go,' he continued, addressing me, 'into the sitting-room or to your bed, and stay there till I come, or send for you: I have my hands full. Florian, another team of horses—this carriage will do. I shall want a dog-kennel, a coil of wire, posts to mark the ground, ropes to keep the public from


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Rh pressing, for the news must be spreading now; and don't forget two of the best magazine blunderbusses loaded with ten charges each; and if you forget to put in the bullets, look out for the bastinado!'

'For the love of Heaven, my honoured master——' said the alarmed and affectionate servant.

'You rascal!' roared the Doctor, 'be off—obey my commands, see that you forget nothing. Go in, Ubertus; the Demon has ordered out his balloon; you have only a few hours left; if he should come for you before this business is settled, we may go and jump into the Dark River. Go in, sir, I beg of you!'

I went in accordingly, and threw myself upon a couch which I knew would not sting me; but if it did not, my own thoughts did. What could this extraordinary personage mean by his dog-kennel, and his coil of wire? Patience! patience! I should soon know. In the meantime, let my thoughts be pleasant. I anticipated certain death. No power on earth could save me now, unless—but I count it almost blasphemy to breathe that Name, a Name holy above all names, that is so often blasphemously spoken by the most unclean lips. To die was nothing; I had nearly attained man's allotted period; but to die in that pit of darkness, to be cast out, to be abandoned to wretchedness and despair! I could not endure the thought, and yet I must await the bitter end. 'Courage—hope—hope—courage!' These words I repeated to myself about five hundred times.

After the lapse of two or three hours, I heard the sound of approaching footsteps, and a strange servant, whom I had not seen before, entered the room. He was a grim, stern old man, with a hooked nose, a cramped, low forehead, and eyes like small round shells of mother-of-pearl. He was a most extraordinary object, like the ghost of a Chinese Mandarin very far gone in his dotage. He


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238 himself as the Mancus, the Wonder of Pandapolis, the renowned inventor of Anti-bluebottle Pills and Parabolical Ointment, and requested me to rise at once and accompany him.

Who had sent him? Where was his warrant? I had an important appointment in another hour or two. I dared not stir without an order from Doctor Julius.

'Tush!' he answered testily, 'this is trifling—Julius is waiting for you. Florian is away—they are all away. They all rushed off to see the grand duel. The whole city will be present. But I don't care. Buy some of my pills; you'll want 'em, and ointment too. Julius is waiting. Julius is rough and ready, and can keep the Demon quiet. Good thing for you. Are you coming or not? Poor fool—to fight with Partigan! As well blow himself up with an earthquake. But wait till you are my age, wait till you are five thousand years old. Your blood won't be so hot—he! ha! ho! Come along; all isn't well that doesn't end well. Julius has got you in hand. Julius is a genius, and leads us all by the nose. Come; dear, dear, how the time slips away. I'm to be renewed in seven years, then I'll be young again—ugh, ugh, ugh! Buy some of my pills; they're better than Blowhard's; only a guinea a box.'

While the querulous old creature rattled on in this way, I was getting myself ready. It did not take me long to my face a dry polish, to comb my hair with my lingers, and brush my clothes with my pocket-handkerchief. We at last issued forth into the street, where we found Doctor Julius, seated in his buggy, waiting for me impatiently, took my place without saying a word, and away we drove.

Our journey was a comparatively short one. A rapid drive through half a dozen streets, and then into a magnificent, brilliantly-lighted corridor which seemed to be more than two miles in length. It was thronged with people, all


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 Systems of Lenses, Perceval's Optics, etc., which are excellent as furnishing material for purely mathematical students working up for examinations ; but the manner in which the various problems are dealt with is in many cases ill adapted for application in practice, while certain matters of the highest importance are ignored altogether.

As a matter of fact there is not an English work on geometrical optics extant by whose guidance an ordinary photographic lens could be worked out in all particulars. Professor Silvanus Thompson's account of Von Seidel's system does not, however, give the impression that the latter's methods and notation are at all easy to comprehend, but certain it is that his system has been successfully employed for very many years by numerous mathematicians and opticians of the highest rank on the Continent, while the foundation-stone of English optical science has been left unbuilt upon.

I here allude to the all-important work which was done about thirty years before that of Von Seidel by Sir George Airy, and still more by Henry Coddington. Sir G. Airy published some highly important papers in 1827 in the Cambridge Philosophical Transactions on “The Spherical Aberration of Eye-pieces of Telescopes,” and another paper on the Achromatism of the same.

Then Henry Coddington took up the work, and by the aid of some very ingenious devices of his own contrivance greatly added to the simplicity and universality of the formulæ arrived at by Airy. In 1829 he published his labours under the title, A Treatise on the Reflection and Refraction of Light, which, although still the best work on geometrical optics from the practical optician's point of view, nevertheless contains many shortcomings, which I attribute chiefly to the fact that he had not had very much practical acquaintance with lenses and their properties. It is therefore with much diffidence that I venture to criticise and to supplement many of his methods and formulæ, especially when I feel sure that had it not been for his labours this treatise would never have been undertaken.

Another very important work on geometrical optics, now very little known, was Eichard Potter's Elementary Treatise on Optics, Part II. of which, published in 1851, contains certain formulæ for spherical aberration of the third approximation.

I may here state that the invention of the “Cooke” lenses for photography was not of a haphazard nature, but occurred in this way. I had been studying Coddington's work very carefully and did not feel quite satisfied with his method of working out the curvature


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Rh hurrying and scurrying in one direction. They all seemed to gaze on the Doctor and me, as we passed them, with surprise, partly vacant and partly contemptuous, and chattered to each other like apes. To some we were objects of wonder and unbounded curiosity. The news of the recent parliamentary proceedings had spread like wildfire. 'There go Doctor Julius and his friend Ubustus, who's going to fight Sir Dashmy Partigan—won't he get skivered!' I heard them saying to each other.

The crowd became thicker and thicker, and it was with difficulty we could force our way through it. It consisted of the representatives of all nations of the world, soldiers, civilians, rich ladies and gentlemen in their carriages, paladins, and emperors on horseback; coal-heavers, and beggars on crutches. Several times our progress was stopped by the crowd, who began fighting among themselves, and many a coarse oath came to my ears as the swearer was dashed to the earth, and trampled on as he lay. At length we reached a square open space at the end of the street, which was guarded from intrusion by a number of the black police, assisted by a strong detachment of Larrikin Guards. The Doctor led me into this quadrangle, and to one side of it, concealed from observation, where I saw at a little distance an object like a dog-kennel, covered by imitations of green forest bushes. He was careful to guide me round at the back of this, and to some distance at the other side of it. From this kennel I saw a long, almost invisible wire stretched to the nearest wall, about twelve inches above the ground. While wondering what this very peculiar display of demoniacal energy might mean, I followed the example of the Doctor, who had seated himself quietly on the floor; and while we waited, he took the opportunity of giving me the following instructions:

'You must do what I tell you to do, Ubertus. Obedience


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240 is your first duty—obedience unflinching and in silence: if qualms of conscience trouble you, put them in your pocket. Do not ask me a single question, or the magic spell will be broken, and we shall both be ruined. In this city all is fair in love and war; there is no such thing as treachery or deception. It is the virtue, the morality, of the place. To be virtuous, as you mean it, is to be vile, and to tell the truth an unpardonable crime. The old king who would not allow a liar to live would be hunted out of this quarter. You and I are at a low ebb just now; you took notice of the crowd in that brilliant avenue. Did you see their hangdog scowls at you as you passed them? They had no cheer for you or for me, nor a look of pity for you because, in their opinion, you are a doomed, an unsuccessful, a ruined man. They will not believe, until they see it, that either you or I can conquer Partigan. He is as powerful a magician as I am, and far more cruel and unscrupulous; up to this day he has carried everything before him. This day will decide who is to be master, he or I. There will be a split in the cabinet, and all on your account; see what your visit has brought about. The Demon will be wild, but he has only himself to blame for bringing you here. You are the principal in this day's business, and yet you must be content to act only as an auxiliary—I am the principal.'

At this moment Florian approached his master, and delivered to him a mysterious parcel, and he had scarcely done so when a thundering cheer from the long Avenue announced the arrival of some important persons.

'Here they come,' said the Doctor, 'we must make haste; go down on your hands and knees!'

I had to bite my tongue to keep myself from asking the reason of this strange order.

'Pretend to be eating the grass, if you can find any touts, and, as you value your life, do not stir more


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 committee composed of Masters of the Bench of both Societies was appointed in May, 1683, to decide upon the instrument to be retained for the use of the Temple Church; and in about a year or fourteen months after, each competitor, with the utmost exertion, of his abilities, had an instrument ready for trial. When Harris had completed his instrument, he presented a petition to the Benchers of the Inner Temple, stating that his organ was ready for trial, and praying that he might be permitted to set it up in the Church on the south side of the communion table. An order was accordingly made by the Benchers granting the permission he sought. This petition of Harris is dated the 26th May, 1684; and thereby the date of the completion of his instrument is established. It is almost certain that Smith's organ was ready previous to the above date, and that for some reason (possibly to avoid the necessity of revoicing, if he should be the successful competitor) he had obtained leave to depart from the order of February, 1682, so far as to place his organ in the Church, and this suggested to Harris the propriety of adopting the same expedient."

The musical reader is aware how Dr. Blow, and the celebrated Henry Purcell, were engaged to exhibit the powers of Smith's organ upon appointed days; and how Harris employed Baptist Draghi, one of the royal organists (not Baptist Lully as Burney says) for the same


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straight line with the back edge below the hip. (Ill. 54.) The back edge must never become hollow or concave. (Ill. 54.)

FOR PROMINENT HIPS take the gore pattern in which the front edge comes over the fullest part of the hips. Pin the pattern together and try it on the figure, to be sure which gore this is.

A simple alteration is made in this gore such as is made for a round abdomen. Take up a dart-shaped plait ¼ of an inch deep at the back edge of the gore, letting it slope to nothing at the hip. (Ill. 55.) If necessary in a skirt of many gores, the next gore toward the back can be altered in the same way. But the shape of the back gore should never be changed in altering the skirt pattern to fit the prominent hip. These principles can be applied to any gored skirt pattern.

ALTERING A CIRCULAR SKIRT FOR A PROMINENT ABDOMEN. If a woman has a slightly rounded or a decidedly prominent abdomen an alteration is necessary to give her extra length at the top. If this alteration is not made in cutting, the skirt will draw up in front and stand out in an ugly manner.

The amount of the alteration will depend on the prominence of the abdomen. It may be necessary to add from ½ an inch to 1½ inch to the skirt at the center-front, letting this allowance slope to nothing at the hip. (Ill. 56.) If the abdomen is decidedly prominent it is better to lay the skirt pattern on muslin first, mark the outline of the edge of the pattern with chalk or bastings and leave sufficient material beyond the outline to raise the waistline as much as necessary. It should fall in a straight line from the fullest part of the abdomen to the bottom. In extreme cases it may be necessary to put a dart at the center-front, but usually a slight easing into the belt of the skirt at the front will be sufficient.

In extending the top of the skirt you make the waistline smaller, so if the waistline was the correct size for you in the first place it will be necessary to increase the size of the new waistline to keep it to the original size of the pattern.

If only a small increase is needed, the skirt can be lifted a little at the back, which will increase the waist size. For a decidedly prominent abdomen slash the top of the muslin at three places to the hipline (Ill. 57.), lay the pattern on the muslin and mark the new outline on the top, separating the slashes sufficiently to make the new waistline the right size. (Ill. 57.) This will take a little width out of the lower edge of the skirt, for you will find it necessary to lay plaits in the pattern in order to make it lie flat on the material.

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 purpose. The circumstance of Harris's challenge to Smith to make certain additional stops is also well known and need not be dwelt upon here.

The contention now became tedious and disagreeable, at least to the Benchers of the Middle Temple, who first made choice of Smith's organ, as appears by the following extract from the books of that Society:

"'June 2, 1685. The Masters of the Bench at this Parliament taking into their Consideration the tedious Competition betweene the two Organ-makers about their fitting an Organ to the Temple Church, and having in several Termes and at severall Times compared both the Organs now standing in the said Church, as they have played severall Sundays one after the other, and as they have lately played the same Sunday together alternately at the same service. Now at the Suite of several Masters of the Barr and Students of this Society pressing to have a speedy determination of the said controversie; and in Justice to the said 'Workmen as well as for the freeing themselves from any Complaints concerning the same, doe unanimously in full Parliamt resolve and declare the Organ in the said Church made by Bernard Smith to bee in their Judgments, both for sweetnes and fulnes of Sound (besides ye extraordinary Stopps, quarter Notes, and other Rarityes therein) beyond comparison preferrable before the other of the said Organs made—by Harris, and that"


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 "the same is more ornamentall and substantiall, and bothe for Depthe of Sound and Strengthe fitter for the use of the said Church; And therefore upon account of the Excellency and Perfection of the said Organ made by Smith, and for that hee was the Workeman first treated with and employed by the Treors of both Societyes for the providing his Organ; and for that the Organ made by the said Harris is disernably too low and too weak for the said Church, their Marppes see not any Cause of further Delay or need of any reference to Musicians or others to determine the difference; But doe for their parts unanimously make choise of the said Organ made by Smith for the Use of these Societyes—and Mr. Treor is desired to acquainte the Treor and Masters of the Bench of the Inner Temple with this Declaration of their Judgments wth all respect desiring their Concurrence herein.'"

So far so well, but the Benchers of the Inner Temple were not disposed to rest satisfied with the dictum of their brethren of the Middle Temple. Accordingly on the 22nd June, 1685, they made an order, in which, after expressing their dissatisfaction that such a resolution and determination should be made by the Benchers of the Middle Temple in a matter which equally concerned both houses, without a conference being first had with them, they declared:—

"'That it is high time, and appears to be"


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 absolutely necessary, that impartiall Judges (and such as are the best Judges of Musick) be forthwith nominated by both Houses, to determine the Controversie betweene the two Organ-makers, whose Instrument is the best, which this Society are ready to doe, and desire their Mastershippes of the Middle Temple to join with them therein, in order to the speedy putting an end to so troublesome a Difference,"

and appointed a Committee, of five members of their body, with instructions that they:—

"'or any three of them doe at a Conference deliver the answer above mentioned, and they are hereby empowered to enter into a Treaty with a like number of the Masters of the Bench of the Middle Temple, in order to the speedy settling this Affair.'"

"The Committee thus appointed"' says Mr. Macrory, "appear to have entered upon their duties immediately, and to have fully considered the subject of the organs, not only with respect to the appointment of the 'impartiall Judges,' but also the respective prices and number of pipes in each instrument, for, two days afterwards, an answer was sent from the Middle Temple, from which the following extracts are taken":—

"June 24th, 1685.—The Masters of the Bench of the Middle Temple now say:—

"1. That they cannot imagine how the Masters of the Inner Temple can pretend any ill


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30 Cut out the muslin in the new outline, baste it to the inside belt and try it on to be sure that it drops in a straight line and doesn't poke out or swing at the front.

If the muslin skirt falls in good lines cut a paper pattern with the corrected lines at the top and the right size at the waistline, using the original pattern to cut from. Don't cut from the muslin. Or you can cut directly from the original making the same allowance on your good material that you made in cutting the muslin.

ALTERING A CIRCULAR SKIRT PATTERN FOR A FIGURE WITH PROMINENT HIPS. Mark the hipline on the pattern seven inches below the normal waistline. At the hipline on the back edge of the pattern take up a dart-shaped plait ½ inch deep and taper it into nothing at a point just over the fullest part of the hip. (Ill. 58.) Slash the pattern from the upper edge to the hipline to make the pattern lie flat. (Ill. 58.) This will increase the size of the waist. The extra fulness can either be eased into the belt or taken up in a small dart when making the skirt. In cutting the skirt fill in the narrow edge above the plait, keeping the back edge straight. (Ill. 58.)

ALTERING A YOKE PATTERN. If your waist is large or small in proportion to your hips it will be necessary to alter the waist size of a circular yoke pattern. The alteration is very simple.

If the waist size is too small for you slash the yoke pattern from the upper edge to the hipline, making the slashes in three places. (Ill. 59.) In opening the yoke pattern on your material spread the upper edge until it is the right size for you. (Ill. 59.)

If the waistline is too large for you, make three dart-shaped plaits on the yoke pattern, laying the plaits on the upper edge and letting them taper to nothing at the hipline. (Ill. 60.) The depth of the plaits depends on the amount of alteration required.

ALTERING A DRAWERS PATTERN FOR A FIGURE WITH A LARGE ABDOMEN. If a woman has a large abdomen and cuts her drawers exactly by the pattern, her

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Rh abdomen will pull the drawers beyond the front. If the drawers are lifted at the back to correct this tendency, the entire garment will be made shorter.

In cutting drawers for a prominent abdomen allow an extra inch or two at the top, tapering the allowance away to nothing over the hip. In circular drawers the upper edge of the drawer pattern must he slashed and spread to give the drawers the original waistline, which is made smaller in making this allowance. This alteration is practically the same as altering the top of a circular skirt for this type of figure. (Ills. 56 and 57.)

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HE RIGHT SIDE. Most materials have a right and wrong side. In double-fold materials the right side is folded inside to protect it from becoming shop-worn. In materials where it is difficult to tell the right side from the wrong the selvedge is usually smoother on the right side than on the wrong side. In serge or diagonal weaves the twills run downward from left to right on the right side of the material.

SPONGING. Almost all the wool materials should be sponged before they are used. Sponging shrinks the material and if it were not done before the material was made up the material would shrink the first damp day and ruin the appearance and possibly the usefulness of the garment. Sponging also prevents the ordinary spotting from rain, drops of water, etc. It is a necessary protection to your material.

There are certain wool materials such as velours, duvetyn, wool plush and materials of similar character that should not be sponged. Very thin, open-meshed materials should not he sponged either, but most wool materials should be sponged either at the store where you buy them or at home. Most large shops will do the sponging for you, but it is easy to do it yourself.

If you are uncertain as to whether your material should be sponged or not experiment with a small piece of it first. If it shrinks too much or changes its a appearance or color, do not sponge it.

For sponging you will need a large table and ironing blanket and a strip of heavy unbleached muslin the width of your material and one-half its length.

Before sponging your material cut off the selvedge or clip it at intervals. Lay your material face down on the table. Wet the muslin with cold water and wring it out. Spread it out, pulling out all the wrinkles and lay it over half of your material. Fold the other half of the material over it, roll the material and sponging cloth together in a tight roll and let it lie overnight, covered with a piece of muslin and some newspapers so that the moisture will be retained.

In the morning unroll the material, pressing it dry on the wrong side as you unroll it. In sponging material of double width open it out its full width and sponge it in the same way, using a double width of muslin for the shrinking process.

The heavier wash materials of the cotton and linen order should be shrunk in the same way before they are made up.

Voiles, fine mulls, organdies, Swisses, etc., are not to be shrunk, for the shrinking changes them too much and they are not as pretty afterward.

STEAMING. Certain wool materials, such as velours and duvetyn should, be steamed instead of sponged. Use the same table, ironing blanket and unbleached muslin as for sponging. Lay the material face down on the blanket as for sponging. Wet the muslin and lay it over the material as for sponging. Hold an iron so that it just touches the material enough to let the steam go through the material. Pass it over the muslin, but do not let it rest on it or it will mark the material. It must just touch the muslin.

NAP OR PILE. Velvet, velveteen, panne velvet, corduroy and plush, and a few wool materials like broadcloth have a distinct pile or nap. Except in the case of a kimono sleeve garment the nap or pile must run the same way in every part of the garment. In materials with a pile such as velvet, velveteen, corduroy or plush, the material must be used with the pile running up so that the nap will fall out and show the full richness and

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 depth of color. If the pile ran down it would flatten down and lose its appearance of thickness and depth.

With panne velvet in which the pile is purposely flattened the pile should run down.

You can tell which is up and which is down by running your hand across the material. When the material feels rough the pile is running up, and when it feels smooth under your hand it is running down.

Some velvets have straight pile with no up or down. They can be cut either way.

In broadcloth the nap must run down, otherwise it will roughen up, become woolly and wear badly.

In all materials with a nap or pile the material takes the light one way with the pile running down, and another way with the pile running up, so that if all parts of the garment were not cut with the pile running the same way the garment would look as though it were made from two shades of the same material.

In kimono sleeve garments that are cut without a seam on the shoulder or in one piece it is impossible to have the nap or pile run the same way at the front and back. Get the best effect possible at the front, the back is less noticeable. In the pile fabrics let the pile run up in the front, in broadcloth and panne velvet have the pile run down in the front.

CUTTING STRIPES AND PLAIDS. Stripes, plaids and figured materials require more care in cutting than plain materials.

AN IRREGULAR PLAID can rarely be used on the bias, consequently the ways of making it up are limited. A dress made of irregular plaid requires more material than one made of regular plaid. The darkest stripes should run across the bottom with the lighter tones up, as the shading in this direction is better.

It must always be borne in mind throughout the cutting, that all pieces of the pattern must be placed with the upper part in the same direction on the material. An amateur had better use an even plaid.

In the beginning decide which stripe, plaid or figure is best for the center of the front and back.

In making a waist of striped or plaid material the stripes or plaids must match. It is advisable to cut and fit your waist lining first, if you are using one. Then if alterations were made you can alter the pattern of the outside waist before cutting your material. If you altered it afterward the alteration would spoil your arrangement of the stripe or plaid.

A plaid waist should be cut with as few pieces as possible. It can be made either on the straight or the bias of the material. Before you cut out your material decide which stripe, plaid or figure will look best at the center front and center back. In considering the position of the lines of the stripes and plaids you must consider the crosswise as well as the lengthwise lines of the material so that it will look well on the figure. In a plaid waist match the heavy lines of the plaid where the waist is joined at the underarm seam. (Ill. 61.) Arrange the plaids

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