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18
 * 9 Anne, c. 19.
 * An Act for the better preventing of excessive and deceitful Gaming.
 * 9 Anne, c. 26.
 * An Act, the title of which begins with the words. "An Act for rendring the Proceedings," and ends with the words, "in Corporations and Boroughs."
 * 10 Anne, c. 8.
 * An Act for settling the Precedence of the most Excellent Princess Sophia, Electress and Dutchess Dowager of Hanover, of the Elector Her Son, and of the Electoral Prince the Duke of Cambridge.
 * 10 Anne, c. 10.
 * An Act, the title of which begins with the words, "An Act to "prevent the disturbing" and ends with the words, "against irregular Baptisms and Marriages."
 * 10 Anne, c. 28.
 * An Act . . . for making the pleading of Deeds of Bargain and Sale enrolled and of Fee Farm Rents more easie.
 * 10 Anne, c. 31.
 * An Act for the more effectual preventing fraudulent Conveyances in order to multiply Votes for electing Knights of Shires to serve in Parliament.
 * 13 Anne, c. 6.
 * An Act for taking away Mortuaries within the Dioceses of Bangor, Landaff, St. David's, and St. Asaph, and giving a Recompense therefore to the Bishops of the said respective Dioceses. . ..
 * 13 Anne, c. 11.
 * An Act for the better Maintenance of Curates within the Church of England, and for preventing any Ecclesiastical Persons from buying the next Avoidance of any Church Preferment.
 * 13 Anne, c. 13.
 * An Act, the title of which begins with the words "An Act for rendring more effectual," and ends with the words, "Benefices belonging to Papists. . . ."
 * An Act . . . for making the pleading of Deeds of Bargain and Sale enrolled and of Fee Farm Rents more easie.
 * 10 Anne, c. 31.
 * An Act for the more effectual preventing fraudulent Conveyances in order to multiply Votes for electing Knights of Shires to serve in Parliament.
 * 13 Anne, c. 6.
 * An Act for taking away Mortuaries within the Dioceses of Bangor, Landaff, St. David's, and St. Asaph, and giving a Recompense therefore to the Bishops of the said respective Dioceses. . ..
 * 13 Anne, c. 11.
 * An Act for the better Maintenance of Curates within the Church of England, and for preventing any Ecclesiastical Persons from buying the next Avoidance of any Church Preferment.
 * 13 Anne, c. 13.
 * An Act, the title of which begins with the words "An Act for rendring more effectual," and ends with the words, "Benefices belonging to Papists. . . ."
 * 13 Anne, c. 11.
 * An Act for the better Maintenance of Curates within the Church of England, and for preventing any Ecclesiastical Persons from buying the next Avoidance of any Church Preferment.
 * 13 Anne, c. 13.
 * An Act, the title of which begins with the words "An Act for rendring more effectual," and ends with the words, "Benefices belonging to Papists. . . ."
 * 13 Anne, c. 13.
 * An Act, the title of which begins with the words "An Act for rendring more effectual," and ends with the words, "Benefices belonging to Papists. . . ."
 * 13 Anne, c. 13.
 * An Act, the title of which begins with the words "An Act for rendring more effectual," and ends with the words, "Benefices belonging to Papists. . . ."
 * }


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1896.

 * 1 Geo. 1. Stat. 2. c. 6.
 * An Act for preventing Tumults and riotous Assemblies, and for the more speedy and effectual punishing the Rioters.
 * 1 Geo. 1. Stat. 2. c. 6.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act for making perpetual an Act" and ends with the words "Payment of Tithes and Church-Rate. . ."
 * 1 Geo. 1. Stat. 2. c. 10..
 * An Act for making more effectual her late Majesties gracious Intention for augmenting the Maintenance of the Poor Clergy.
 * 1 Geo. 1. Stat. 2. c. 38.
 * An Act for enlarging the time of Continuance of Parliaments, appointed by an Act made in the Sixth Year of the Reign of King William and Mary, intituled "An Act for the frequent meeting" and calling of Parliaments."
 * 1 Geo. 1. Stat. 2. c. 54.
 * An Act for the more effectual securing the Peace of the Highlands in Scotland.
 * 1 Geo. 1. Stat. 2. c. 56.
 * An Act to disable any Person from being chose a Member of or from sitting and voting in the House of Commons, who has any Pension for any Number of Years from the Crown.
 * 3 Geo. 1. c. 8.
 * An Act for redeeming several Funds of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England pursuant to former Provisoes of Redemption . . . . .; and for other Purposes in this Act mentioned.
 * 3 Geo. 1. c. 10.
 * An Act for the better collecting and levying the Revenue of the Tenths of the Clergy.
 * 3 Geo. 1. c. 15.
 * An Act for the better regulating the Office of Sheriffs, and for ascertaining their Fees, and the Fees for suing out their Patents and passing their Accompts.
 * 4 Geo. 1. c. 11.
 * An Act . . . for declaring the Law upon some Points relating to Pirates.
 * }
 * 1 Geo. 1. Stat. 2. c. 56.
 * An Act to disable any Person from being chose a Member of or from sitting and voting in the House of Commons, who has any Pension for any Number of Years from the Crown.
 * 3 Geo. 1. c. 8.
 * An Act for redeeming several Funds of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England pursuant to former Provisoes of Redemption . . . . .; and for other Purposes in this Act mentioned.
 * 3 Geo. 1. c. 10.
 * An Act for the better collecting and levying the Revenue of the Tenths of the Clergy.
 * 3 Geo. 1. c. 15.
 * An Act for the better regulating the Office of Sheriffs, and for ascertaining their Fees, and the Fees for suing out their Patents and passing their Accompts.
 * 4 Geo. 1. c. 11.
 * An Act . . . for declaring the Law upon some Points relating to Pirates.
 * }
 * 3 Geo. 1. c. 15.
 * An Act for the better regulating the Office of Sheriffs, and for ascertaining their Fees, and the Fees for suing out their Patents and passing their Accompts.
 * 4 Geo. 1. c. 11.
 * An Act . . . for declaring the Law upon some Points relating to Pirates.
 * }
 * 4 Geo. 1. c. 11.
 * An Act . . . for declaring the Law upon some Points relating to Pirates.
 * }
 * }
 * }

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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 Rh was obtained of this interesting pastime, as we halted for dinner at the station. They plunged and leaped wildly in the rushing waters—men pulling women headlong—their hair white with soap, recalling a pet poodle—and vice versa—children screaming, dogs barking—the sides of the ditches closely lined by people of the same class, in full enjoyment of the scene.

Aguas Calientes is distant about seventy-five miles from Zacatecas,

and was founded in 1575 on a grant made by Philip II. of Spain, with a view to rendering the country safe for travelers to and from the mining regions. The grant extended five leagues on all sides from the first chapel erected. This was a small adobe building on the site of the church of San Diego, an ancient edifice with a convent adjoining, which is now converted into a scientific and literary institute.


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20
 * 5 Geo. 1. c. 8.
 * An Act for the more effectual Relief of such Wives and Children as are left by their Husbands and Parents upon the Charge of the Parish.
 * 5 Geo. 1. c. 11.
 * An Act against clandestine running of uncustomed Goods and for the more effectual preventing of Frauds relating to the Customs
 * 5 Geo. 1. c. 20.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act for settling certain yearly Funds," and ends with the words "and Expences concerning those Equivalents."
 * 5 Geo. 1. c. 29.
 * An Act for making more effectual the Laws appointing the Oaths for security of the Government, to be taken by Ministers and Preachers in Churches and Meeting-houses in Scotland.
 * 5 Geo. 1. c. 30.
 * An Act for amending and making more effectual the Laws for repairing the Highways, Bridges, and Ferries in that Part of Great Britain called Scotland.
 * 6 Geo. l. c. 11.
 * An Act for laying a Duty upon Wrought Plate.
 * 7 Geo. 1. c. 27.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act for raising a sum," and ends with the words "which shall have been made upon the said Annuities . . ."
 * 8 Geo. 1. c. 2.
 * An Act . . . for suppressing Lotteries denominated Sales, and other private Lotteries.
 * 8 Geo.l. c. 24.
 * An Act for the more effectual suppression of Piracy.
 * 9 Geo. 1 c..
 * An Act for amending the Laws relating to the Settlement, Imployment, and Relief of the Poor.
 * 9 Geo. l. c. 19..
 * An Act . . . to prevent Foreign Lotteries being carried on in this Kingdom . . . and for limiting the Times of Continuance of Commissioners for forfeited Estates in England and Scotland respectively.
 * }
 * 7 Geo. 1. c. 27.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act for raising a sum," and ends with the words "which shall have been made upon the said Annuities . . ."
 * 8 Geo. 1. c. 2.
 * An Act . . . for suppressing Lotteries denominated Sales, and other private Lotteries.
 * 8 Geo.l. c. 24.
 * An Act for the more effectual suppression of Piracy.
 * 9 Geo. 1 c..
 * An Act for amending the Laws relating to the Settlement, Imployment, and Relief of the Poor.
 * 9 Geo. l. c. 19..
 * An Act . . . to prevent Foreign Lotteries being carried on in this Kingdom . . . and for limiting the Times of Continuance of Commissioners for forfeited Estates in England and Scotland respectively.
 * }
 * An Act for the more effectual suppression of Piracy.
 * 9 Geo. 1 c..
 * An Act for amending the Laws relating to the Settlement, Imployment, and Relief of the Poor.
 * 9 Geo. l. c. 19..
 * An Act . . . to prevent Foreign Lotteries being carried on in this Kingdom . . . and for limiting the Times of Continuance of Commissioners for forfeited Estates in England and Scotland respectively.
 * }
 * 9 Geo. l. c. 19..
 * An Act . . . to prevent Foreign Lotteries being carried on in this Kingdom . . . and for limiting the Times of Continuance of Commissioners for forfeited Estates in England and Scotland respectively.
 * }
 * }
 * }


text:
Presidential Radio Address - 1 September 1984

My fellow Americans:

This weekend marks the 90th observance of Labor Day, a well-deserved tribute to the working men and women whose dreams and hard work helped build America into the greatest Nation in the world. We know that what is good for the American worker is good for America. And as we prepare for a new season of work, I believe there's good reason for giving a hopeful thumbs up.

The outlook on Labor Day weekend 1984 is for a continuation of strong, steady economic growth, more jobs, and low inflation. We still have great challenges to meet, which I'll speak about in a moment. But we should also recognize the progress we've made together. It's an important source of confidence and inspiration for our future.

In the last 19 months, the jobless rate has fallen farther and faster then any recovery in the last 30 years. We've seen the creation of 6 1/2 million new jobs. The United States has created, on average, more jobs each month than all the Common Market countries combined in the last 10 years. The Europeans are calling our success the American miracle.

A case in point is the automobile industry. Unemployment peaked at 28 percent in 1980. By this July, auto industry unemployment was down to 6.1 percent, and there were 153,000 more people at work in auto industry jobs than 4 years ago.

A key reason the job growth has been so strong is our success in keeping inflation down. We haven't seen unemployment and inflation drop during any term since the Kennedy administration. And we're determined to bring inflation further down, just as we're determined to simplify our tax system so we can bring your tax rates further down, not up, as my opponent would do, harming the growth and progress we've made.

With inflation and tax rates down, the American miracle can continue: interest rates can come down further; peoples' earnings can continue to buy more; investment and productivity can keep on growing; new businesses can develop new products and markets; more jobs can be created; and all Americans can share in a dynamic, exciting future.

Our future can be one of boundless opportunity if we challenge the limits of growth through reforms like tax simplification and fight inflation by passing two longoverdue reforms: the balanced budget spending limitation amendment and the line-item veto.

We must also meet the challenge of pushing back our newest frontiers of science, high technology, and space. It's been estimated that high technology industries create jobs eight times as fast as low technology industries. Just as important, the knowledge we gain from the technological revolution enables our older industries to modernize their plants and equipment, increase their ability to compete in the world, and maintain and expand their work force.

Our citizens need training to step into these jobs, and that's why we initiated the Job Training Partnership Act. That act will train more than i million people a year to become productive, self-supporting citizens in the private economy.

One sure way to spur jobs through new technology is by promoting more research. On Thursday morning I visited the employees of Goddard Space Flight Center and assured them our administration will continue its strong support for research and development, particularly in our universities. Between 1981 and '85, Federal investment in basic research will have increased by almost 30 percent in real terms. The importance of research work in universities reminds us that we must go forward with our agenda for excellence in education so today's students at the elementary and secondary school level can go on to college and acquire the knowledge to work in our rapidly changing world.

At the same time, we must stimulate economic development in inner city areas that have not benefited from technological innovation or the economic expansion. We've proposed enterprise zones, offering strong incentives for people to start up new businesses in up to 75 areas of high unemployment, and a youth employment opportunity wage to open up job opportunities and reduce the high levels of teenage unemployment, especially among black youth.

Both enterprise zones and the youth employment opportunity wage would reduce dependency—providing new hope for millions—and they're supported by a broad coalition of minorities. But both have been blocked by the Democratic House leadership, the very people who profess compassion. Americans aspiring to lift themselves up should never be held down by partisan politics. We will keep our economy strong, and we will not rest until it can bring a job to the home of every American.

Until next week, thanks for listening. God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m. from the Oval Office at the White House.


text:
Presidential Radio Address - 8 September 1984

My fellow Americans:

Young people across the country returned to school this week. The approach of autumn marks the end of the year, but somehow it always seems to be a time of new beginnings in the home and the workplace and in the classroom.

We've seen a great resurgence of interest in how our public schools run the past few years. We've seen a new seriousness about the importance of education in our lives. You may remember when a commission we appointed almost 3 years ago to study the state of our schools concluded that if another country had done to our schools what we ourselves did to them, we would be justified in calling it an act of war.

But already things are beginning to turn around. It's been one of those great American stories, a little like how neighbors used to band together to raise a house out of the wilderness. Teachers and school principals and school boards have joined with parents and local community leaders to turn things around. Scholastic aptitude test scores are turning up. Academic performance is up, and more parents are showing confidence in the schools.

Forty-two percent of Americans now grade their local schools with an "A" or "B," and that's up 11 percent since last year. A number of schools are leading this academic renewal. Katahdin High School up at Sherman Station, Maine, was named by the Department of Education as an exemplary school. At Katahdin, they encourage students and teachers to work together and understand each other's problems. They have firm disciplinary rules. Teachers feel they have a say in how the school is run. They can get the supplies they need. And they're looking to the future. This little school of 260 students has seven computers.

Then there's Jefferson High School in Los Angeles, a big city school with 2,000 students, most of them Hispanic or black. Principal Francis Nakano came to Jefferson 2 years ago and found walls full of graffiti and halls full of unruly youngsters. But Nakano turned it around. He started with discipline-fast, firm, and fair. He overhauled the buildings to create a climate for learning. He encouraged learning, recognizing and giving honors to the school's best scholars and helping slow learners with a special program that has them sign a personal contract accepting responsibility for their own progress in return for special, individual instruction.

These are just two schools that are a part of our national renewal in education. But what we're doing isn't enough; we've got to do better. I propose that this week the young people starting school and their parents and future employers accept some challenges, and they'll be tough challenges, the type you have to meet by yourself.

First challenge: Before this decade is out, we should regain at least half of what we lost in the sixties and seventies on scholastic aptitude test scores. As I said before, those scores are inching their way up, but not fast enough. Now, if you think that "I can't do anything to help," you're wrong. If you're a student who will take the scholastic aptitude test this year, study hard and do your very best. You can help lift our national average.

Second, violence and disorder have no place in our schools. Parents worry about it, and so do many children. Before this decade is out, we should reduce crime in the schools so much that it becomes a mere anecdote in studies about our schools.

Third, there's the problem of dropouts. Our high school dropout rate is now 27 1/2 percent. I propose that before this decade is out the public schools of this country reduce the dropout rate to 10 percent or less. You know, when a girl or boy drops out of school, we tend to think the child failed the system. But I wonder sometimes if it isn't also true that the system failed the child. Sometimes they just need that extra little bit of care and motivation.

There's one other great challenge I want to speak to you about: watching too much TV. Now, I don't want to sound like a scolding parent, but time given to a television show that ought to be given to a school book is time badly used. TV is entertaining and sometimes educational. It's part of the fabric of our lives. But watching TV is passive, it's not living life.

Life involves effort and growth. You won't grow by watching a situation comedy, though you can grow by reading a book. I hope we aren't becoming a nation of watchers, because what made us great is that we've always been a nation of doers.

A dynamic and secure American future requires keeping today's economic expansion strong for tomorrow. And to meet that challenge, we must begin meeting these crucial educational challenges today.

Until next week, thanks for listening, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m. from Camp David, MD.


text:
Presidential Radio Address - 15 September 1984

My fellow Americans:

When I set out on this campaign, I said this election would offer one of the clearest choices in 50 years. One major element in that choice is simply this: whether America will continue to champion the great, driving idea for your future—economic growth through individual opportunity—or whether our nation will return to the past and stifle that growth.

We're determined to keep the mighty engine of this nation revved up to build a future of lasting economic growth without inflation that reaches every American from the Bronx to Birmingham to San Francisco Bay. All that we've done and all that we mean to do is to make our free country freer still, to bring to each of you greater opportunities to build that stronger future.

We believe opportunity is the true engine of progress, the captain of great endeavors. And that's why we asked you in 1981 to give America a new beginning—why we fought for and won a 25-percent tax rate reduction for everyone; tax indexing to keep inflation from pushing you into higher tax brackets; estate tax reductions for family farms and small businesses; a reduction in the marriage penalty tax; an increase in the child care tax credit; deregulation of banking, allowing a higher rate of return for small savers and new incentives for IRA's and Keogh contributions.

These incentives are sweeping fresh winds of progress across America. Along with restraints on government spending and regulating, they're bringing America the strongest surge of economic growth, jobs, business investment, and spendable income since the 1950's.

We're no longer talking about promises, but about progress. But while that progress is a welcome change from the past, it won't be good enough until everyone can share it. So, when people ask, "Where do we go from here?", my answer is, "Forward, with more opportunity for more growth for all Americans."

We're seeing proof that rewarding people who work and invest and save to get ahead is creating stronger growth and, in turn, helping still more people to find jobs and build a better life. So, we want to take this idea of incentives a big step further. We want to enact an historic simplification of our tax system, make the system more fair, easier to understand, so we can bring everybody's income tax rates further down, not up.

Next, we want to put the power of incentives to work in distressed areas of our cities and countryside. We want to establish enterprise zones where taxes and regulations would be cut for anyone starting up or expanding a business. Imagine ghettos across America with people off welfare working to support their families. Imagine their families living in more secure neighborhoods with less crime, feeling hopeful again about their future. Enterprise zones can do this for America.

To make a free country freer still, we want to ensure that those who produce our food and fiber have markets for their products. We've made a good start. Already, we've ended the last administration's disastrous grain embargo, restored grain sales to the Soviets with over 23 million metric tons sold in the last year, given them the go-ahead this week to buy up to 10 million tons more, and reached an agreement with Japan to virtually double our beef exports over the next 4 years.

So, you have a clear choice in 1984. To every American we offer new opportunity, lower tax rates, more jobs, rising take-home pay, and a brighter future for everyone. My opponent offers the biggest single tax increase in our history, $85 billion per year, he says, but really much more if his promises are fully funded. All told, his tax increase could amount to an additional tax of $1,800 per household, a giant stop sign that would bring America's economic growth and your opportunities for the future screeching to a halt. His plan would take us back to the worst misery index of the past. Ours would enable all of us to go forward together and build new opportunity for the future.

We're really talking about two different worlds. They see America wringing her hands; we see America raising her hands. They see America divided by envy, each of us challenging our neighbor's success; we see America inspired by opportunity, each of us challenging the best in ourselves. We believe in knowing when opportunity knocks; they seem determined only to knock opportunity.

I think Americans are saying: Don't hold us back. Give us a chance and watch how high we fly. And that's just what we want to help you do.

Till next week, thanks for listening, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m. from the Oval Office at the White House.


text:
Presidential Radio Address - 22 September 1984

My fellow Americans:

When we took office in 1981, our goal was to help all of you build a new era of lasting economic growth without inflation. And we're getting closer. For the first time since the 1960's, America is enjoying strength in economic growth, business investment, productivity, and the creation of new jobs—6 million in the last 20 months-while at the same time, we're keeping inflation down.

Yesterday we learned that inflation for the last 12 months remains at 4.2 percent, only a third of 1980's 12.4 percent. We're enjoying an historic economic renewal. We can be proud of our accomplishments, but we can't and won't be satisfied until this expansion reaches every sector of our economy.

Two sectors in which millions seek their livelihood, steel and agriculture, have not shared fully in the recovery. This week we took additional action to help people in both steel and agriculture help themselves, so they can work their way out of difficulty and become full partners in our economic expansion, helping all of us build a stronger future.

The American steel industry, as you know, has been struggling through hard times in recent years. The steel companies and their workers have been trying hard to save their industry by cutting costs and modernizing their aging plants and equipment. And we've been trying to help. Our tax reduction, passed in 1981, encourages just such business investments to modernize smokestack America.

The industry is beginning to recover, but it's still climbing uphill on the international playing field. In some cases, new technology has simply reduced the need for steel products. But the industry has also been hurt by foreign subsidies and an overproduction of steel worldwide, with foreign imports biting into the U.S. steel industry's share of our domestic market, making the United States a kind of steel dump for the rest of the world.

Well, that simply isn't acceptable, so we've designed a comprehensive plan to cover the entire steel industry and enable us to take swift, effective action to keep the U.S. from being foreign countries' dumping ground.

I've instructed Ambassador Bill Brock, our international trade representative, to meet with representatives of those nations dumping steel and to seek their agreement to stop such practices. And I've made it clear that, as necessary, we'll initiate strong counteractions to defend American firms and workers from predatory practices of other nations.

Taken together, these actions can be expected to bring down the percentage of steel imports from its current 26 percent to about 18 1/2 percent, excluding semifinished products. And they'll enable our steel producers to continue their modernization and compete on a level playing field again.

One thing I'm not doing, for it would damage our economy more than it would help, is imposing import quotas. That kind of protectionism is my opponent's policy and, just like his tax increase, it's the wrong policy. The lessons of history are clear. The costs of protectionism for one group would automatically be passed on to another. Inflation would be reignited, jobs would be destroyed, not saved, and foreign countries would retaliate against our exporters, like our farmers. And America doesn't need that kind of help.

I'm confident our plan will help steel producers rebuild and become stronger, more competitive, and profitable again. And that's how we're trying to help our farmers, as well. We've ended the last administration's grain embargo, restored grain sales to the Soviet Union, and we've been able to bring down interest rates and sharply reduce inflation.

Unfortunately, our success against inflation, while helpful to farmers in most respects, has caused them some special problems. Many farmers took out loans in the late 1970's when inflation was soaring, and they assumed the value of the land they were pledging as collateral would keep rising with inflation. Well, now that inflation has plunged, those loans have become very difficult for some of those farmers to carry, so in the last 3 years the Farmers Home Administration has more than doubled its regular operating loans for farmers.

This week we announced another major initiative to assist farmers trying to cope with debt burdens. Farmers Home will permit a deferral for 5 years of up to 25 percent of principal and interest payments owed by farmers who need breathing room. The deferrals will be made on a case-by-case basis. For those not participating in FmHA, we're making available $630 million in guarantees of loans by private banks as part of rescheduling plans for troubled farmers.

The road back isn't easy. But by resisting quick fixes and helping those in steel and farming help themselves, we'll make sure all of us can, and will, go forward together.

Until next week, thanks for listening, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m. from the Oval Office at the White House.


text:
Presidential Radio Address - 29 September 1984

My fellow Americans:

This has been a busy week of diplomatic activity for America. I've addressed the United Nations and the International Monetary Fund and World Bank meetings and met with a dozen world leaders. Among them were the new leader of our neighbor to the north, Canadian Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, and, as you know, Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko.

To the delegates at the U.N., I emphasized America's dedication to world peace through confident and stronger alliances and a constructive dialog with our adversaries. I told them of the importance we attached to seeking peaceful solutions to regional conflicts plaguing many nations and the need for democratic principles and human freedom as the foundation for a more prosperous, peaceful world.

At the IMF and World Bank, I reported that an American economic renaissance is underway, leading the rest of the world from the darkness of recession toward brighter days of renewed hope and global prosperity.

World economic growth today is nearly twice what it was 4 years ago, and inflation in the industrial countries is half of what it was. The growing economic interdependence of our world is creating a ripple effect of good news for those countries committed to sensible policies—policies which allow the magic of the marketplace to create opportunities for growth and progress, free from the dead weight of government interference and misguided protectionism.

But we can't build an enduring prosperity unless peace is secure. Our relations with the Soviet Union have been at the center of my attention, and yesterday I met with Foreign Minister Gromyko at the White House for a thorough exchange of views. I've said from the outset of my public life that a successful U.S. policy toward the Soviet Union must rest on realism, strength, and a willingness to negotiate.

Last January I spelled out clearly our goals for U.S.-Soviet relations: to reduce and eventually eliminate the threat and use of force in resolving disagreements; to reduce the vast stockpiles of armaments in the world, especially nuclear arms; and to establish a working relationship between our two countries marked by a greater understanding.

In our meeting yesterday, we covered all issues which separate us. And while I told Mr. Gromyko of our disappointment that his country walked out of the Geneva nuclear arms reduction talks last year, we remain ready to discuss the entire family of arms control issues as soon as they are. It's in both our interests that these talks commence promptly and that progress be made. Our two countries have no more solemn responsibility than to reduce the level of arms and to enhance understanding.

Mr. Gromyko and I also discussed major trouble spots in the world, and I told him that it's vital for us to exchange views and help find lasting solutions to these regional disputes. We didn't seek to gloss over the hard issues that divide our two countries. We were not looking to paper over these differences. Indeed, I made plain to Mr. Gromyko what it is about Soviet behavior that worries us and our allies.

But they were useful talks. I made it clear that we Americans have no hostile intentions toward his country and that we're not seeking military superiority over the U.S.S.R. I told him, "If your government wants peace, then there will be peace." And I said that the United States is committed to move forward with the Soviet Union toward genuine progress in resolving outstanding issues.

Pursuing peace, prosperity, and democracy are not new goals. They've been at the heart of an American foreign policy that down through the years has sought to promote individual freedom and human progress in the world.

I think one great change has taken place in the world over the last 4 years: The tide of freedom has begun to rise again. Four years ago, American influence and leader. ship were ebbing. Our defenses were neglected, our economy was collapsing, and other countries were being undermined by Communist-supported insurgencies. Today, our economy is vibrant, our strength is being restored, our alliances are solid, and peace is more secure.

Now the Soviets will return home to ponder our exchanges. And while they know they will not secure any advantages from inflexibility, they will get a fair deal if they seek the path of negotiation and peace.

Until next week, thanks for listening, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m. from Camp David, MD.


text:
Presidential Radio Address - 6 October 1984

My fellow Americans:

This week my opponent unveiled with great fanfare his plan to combat dangerous drugs, a plan comprising what he called "four new initiatives." Well, forgive me, but his so-called new initiatives aren't new. Every one of them is by now an old initiative, begun by us more than 2 1/2 years ago, when we first started the South Florida Task Force. Then, a year later, following the success of the task force, we extended these initiatives nationwide and set up the National Narcotics Border Interdiction System, known as NNBIS.

Consider my opponent's first new initiative: "Create a high-level drug coordinator." Well, perhaps he hasn't heard, but we already have drug interdiction coordination at the highest possible level of government. The Vice President has been in charge of the South Florida Task Force and NNBIS from the start. And under his direction, nearly two dozen Federal agencies have been brought into the war on drugs; many, including the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines, are more involved in fighting drugs than ever before. Working with the Coast Guard and civilian law enforcement agencies, the military has contributed directly to the interdiction and seizure of major quantities of marijuana and cocaine in the past 2 years.

The Vice President has worked closely with the Attorney General, who has created 13 new organized crime and drug enforcement task forces. And those task forces are bringing record numbers of indictments against the leaders of drug trafficking.

His second new initiative undertakes "broad international initiatives." Well, we're already working with other governments as no administration before has to stop the flow of drugs into our country. Bolivia and Peru recently began coca plant control programs. Pakistan has reduced its apium—or opium, I should say, poppy cultivation more than 90 percent. And Burma continues to expand its opium eradication effort. Colombia has begun spraying its marijuana crops and in the last year has located and destroyed major cocaine factories.

This past summer the Vice President met with the Presidents of five Latin American countries to discuss further efforts. And, as you saw this past week, expert cooperation between our Justice Department and the Italian Government led to arrests of Mafia leaders in the United States.

My opponent's third new initiative: "Step up American enforcement efforts." Well, someone should tell him that we've included $1.2 billion in the 1985 Federal budget for drug law enforcement—a 75-percent increase over the last budget of his administration.

During his administration, drug enforcement agencies and FBI agents were reduced by 10 percent. In our administration, the Department of Justice has added 1,200 new agents and prosecutors, and we've increased the special agents in customs from 600 to 1,000.

Apparently, he hasn't heard about the increase in radar balloons and Navy and Air Force surveillance flights to track planes attempting to slip across the Gulf of Mexico and the Mexican border, not to mention the Coast Guard, which is moving forward with its improved detection and surveillance program.

Finally, his fourth new initiative: "More State and local support." State and local officials are involved in the drug war as never before. Forty-seven States are now eradicating domestic marijuana. State and local law enforcement officials have expressed their satisfaction with the new high level of information sharing and cooperative efforts with the Federal Government.

At home and abroad we've seen record drug busts and convictions, and we've seen that in each of the last 2 years serious crime has dropped—the first time that's happened in consecutive years since the FBI began keeping statistics.

Let me mention something else, because for all the so-called new initiatives my opponent is proposing—that we've already begun—he did omit one very important one. We're not just increasing our efforts to limit the supply of drugs; we're also trying to limit the demand for drugs. And that's why Nancy's been joining with concerned parents and citizens all across our country to put out the word to young Americans: Stay away from drugs; they hurt and kill.

And we can all be proud of the way our young people have responded. In 1979 one in nine high school seniors used marijuana on a daily basis. By 1983 the number had dropped to 1 in 18—still too high, but a great improvement.

Just as Americans have pulled together to turn around so many other problems we inherited 4 years ago—inflation, record interest rates, taxes, no growth, falling test scores in school, and low morale in our military-so, too, we're coming together as a nation to tackle the drug problem.

So, the question I keep wondering about my opponent is, where's he been?

Until next week, thanks for listening, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m. from Camp David, MD.


text:
Presidential Radio Address - 13 October 1984

My fellow Americans:

The 1984 campaign is in full swing. And no matter who you are—student, construction worker, farmer, nurse, or high-tech entrepreneur-this election offers you the clearest choice for your future in many years.

The central economic issue in this campaign is growth. Will we have policies that give each of you opportunities to climb higher and push America to challenge the limits of growth, policies like those that in the 22 months have given this nation the strongest economic expansion in 30 years, or will we go back to those failed policies of the Carter-Mondale administration that inflicted unprecedented hardship on our people?

Our vision of strong economic growth is not a pipe dream; it's a living accomplishment. And it can continue to get better, offering new hope for everyone, including all of you who have not yet recovered from the Carter-Mondale past.

We came to Washington with a pledge to make a new beginning by putting more power, earnings, and decisions back in your hands. That's why we passed the first tax rate reduction for everyone since President John Kennedy's program 20 years ago. And it's no coincidence that once those tax cuts took hold, the American economy woke up with a roar from years of economic slumber.

Think about this success, because you're the ones who made it happen and who can and must keep it going. Twenty-two straight months of economic expansion and yet inflation is only one-third what it was when my opponent was in office. Six hundred thousand new business incorporations last year—an all-time record. Over 6 million new jobs created; in fact, more jobs created on average each month than were created in all the Common Market countries combined during the last 10 years.

But we can't and won't be satisfied until every American who wants a job can find a job, until inflation is down to 0.0 and interest rates have been brought down more, until the farm community has fully recovered from the legacy of record interest rates, inflation, and the grain embargo—and until we modernize and make our older industries more competitive with new technologies. In other words, all of us have made great progress, but even greater challenges lie ahead.

We want to go forward with exciting new opportunities to help America challenge the limits of growth—for example, an historic simplification of our tax system, making the entire system more fair and easier to understand so we can bring yours and everybody's personal tax rates further down, not up.

My opponent has a very different vision-a gloomy vision of weakness that doesn't look to you with confidence or challenge you to dream great dreams and make America grow, but that places its trust in bigger government. We must ask ourselves one question: What has he ever done or said to suggest, let alone convince us, that his vision can do anything but fail?

The record is clear. In his administration, the only things that went up were inflation, interest rates, and taxes, while everything else—investment, productivity, earnings, savings, confidence, optimism, and growth—all fell apart.

Then, when we came along, he predicted our tax reduction would be, murderously inflationary. That was just before inflation dropped dramatically. He said there was no hope of recovery. Then economic recovery began. He said recovery would be anemic at best. That was before the strongest economic expansion in 30 years. Now he says the deficit cannot be brought down without new tax increases. And at this very moment, the deficit is coming down without new tax increases.

My opponent puts government first, which is why his policies fail and his predictions are wrong. We trust in you, and that spells success through economic growth. Nor has he learned from his mistakes. He has proposed to raise taxes by $85 billion. In fact, he would have to raise taxes the equivalent of $1,890 per household to pay for his promises.

And just this past week he began to reveal the rest of his plan. He said he would repeal indexing, the reform we passed to keep you from being taxed when inflation pushes you into higher and higher tax brackets. Now he says he goofed. Well-whatever. We do know he has a basic two part plan: raise you taxes, and then raise them again.

Asking you to buy his failed policies is a little like someone expecting you to go to a used-car lot to buy back the lemon you got rid of 4 years ago. But you don't have to. You can stick with leadership that's working; leadership that trusts in you and offers growth and opportunity so all of us can go forward together to build a better American future.

Until next week, thanks for listening. God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m. from Camp David, MD.


text:
Presidential Radio Address - 20 October 1984

My fellow Americans:

Tomorrow, my opponent and I will debate foreign policy in Kansas City, so I'd like to talk to you about the foreign policy choices for our future as I see it.

In speaking about his economic policies, I've said my opponent is a man of the past whose administration's domestic policies failed and made America weak. Well, that goes for foreign policy as well. Mr. Mondale as a Senator, later as understudy to Jimmy Carter, and still today has seemed possessed with one simple but very wrong idea: American strength is a threat to world peace. And he's devoted a political career to opposing our strength, exposing us to dangerous, unnecessary risks.

As a Senator, he voted time and again against American strength, against technological advances meant to better protect our security. He voted against the cruise missile, the B-1 bomber, the Trident submarine, and against salary increases for the military. Yes, he did vote for certain things. He voted for cutting U.S. troops in Europe, for cutting our military manpower, and for cutting our defense budgets.

How could a politician even face the young people who protect our freedom after he's voted to deny them the equipment and protection they need? My opponent's Senate voting record on defense was so weak, he ranked right next to George McGovern.

The Carter-Mondale administration echoed this defeatist spirit. By the late 1970's, the policies of unilateral concession were giving the Soviet Union military advantages over the United States and the West. The Soviets installed missiles that created new vulnerabilities in Europe and put new strains on the NATO alliance. During those years, the Soviet Union expanded its influence in Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and here in our own hemisphere. They overturned or took control of a new country every year.

Meanwhile, the Carter-Mondale administration negotiated an arms agreement so weak they couldn't get it approved in a Senate controlled by their own party. My opponent talks about the Carter-Mondale years as a period of relaxed tension. Well, it's true they relaxed—but the Soviets didn't.

What troubles me most is how little he seems to have learned about the dangers of weakness and naive thinking. I don't question his patriotism; I do question his judgment. In 1968 he said that the days of Soviet suppression by force were over. Then, the Soviets invaded Czechoslovakia. But he didn't learn. He voted against American military strength during the 1970's, even as the Soviets were embarking upon the most massive military buildup in history.

After the Soviets invaded Afghanistan in 1979, Mr. Mondale still hadn't learned. He said, "I cannot understand. It just baffles me why the Soviets these last few years have behaved as they have. And why do they have to build up all those arms?" Well, today he still advocates unilateral cuts in important weapons systems, still argues for a freeze, which his own running mate admits is not fully verifiable and Mr. Carter's former national security adviser describes as a hoax.

Senator Glenn, a Democrat, has warned that "Walter Mondale's defense policies would emasculate America." Senator Hollings, a Democrat, said, "Walter Mondale thinks the Soviet Union would never violate an arms agreement. I think he's naive."

Well, to borrow Mr. Mondale's expression, he seems baffled by so much. He was confused about the rightness of freeing our students on the island of Grenada. He said that liberation took away our moral authority to criticize the Soviets about Afghanistan. Yet he could not bring himself to repudiate the Reverend Jesse Jackson after he had traveled to Cuba and said, "Long live Cuba! Long live Castro! Long live Che Guevara?

Well, in the past 3 1/2 years, our administration has demonstrated the true relationship between strength and confidence and democracy and peace. We've restored our economy and begun to restore our military strength. This is the true foundation for a future that is more peaceful and free.

We've made America and our alliances stronger and the world safer. We've discouraged Soviet expansion by helping countries help themselves, and new democracies have emerged in El Salvador, Honduras, Grenada, Panama, and Argentina. We have maintained peace and begun a new dialog with the Soviets. We're ready to go back to the table to discuss arms control and other problems with the Soviet leaders.

Today we can talk and negotiate in confidence because we can negotiate from strength. Only my opponent thinks America can build a more peaceful future on the weakness of a failed past.

Until next week, thanks for listening, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m. from the Oval Office at the White House.


text:
Presidential Radio Address - 27 October 1984

My fellow Americans:

When I was asked recently what's been the greatest highlight of our campaign, I said the tremendous number of young people at our rallies and the tremendous outpouring of their spirit for America and our future.

To all of them, I just have to say: Your generation really sparkles. In my travels I have met you by the thousands, and I've seen enthusiasm and patriotism in your eyes that convince me you get high on America. Historians may look back at the strength of your spirit and common sense as key to the great American renewal in the 1980's.

Our generations are separated by more years than I care to admit; yet I feel a special bond of kinship with you. I think we share not only a great love for America but also an appreciation for the secret of America's success—opportunity.

America works best when we unite for opportunity, reaching for the stars and challenging the limits of our potential. And America's greatest progress for everyone-whites, blacks, young, and old—begins not in Washington, but in our homes, neighborhoods, workplaces, and voluntary groups across this land.

We weren't meant to be a nation divided; we weren't meant to be a nation second-best. We were meant to be, as our Olympic athletes showed last summer, a people with faith in each other, courage to dream great dreams, opportunities to climb higher, and determination to go for the gold.

Providing opportunities for all of us to make this great, free nation greater and freer still is what we've been trying to do since we made a great sea change in 1981—a change to reverse the flow of power to Washington and begin restoring sovereignty to the people.

We knew that inflation and the highest interest rates since the Civil War were making it impossible for people to buy homes, start up businesses or, for that matter, even find jobs. So, we reduced spending growth and cut tax rates for everyone. We knew that our defenses had become dangerously weak. So, we started rebuilding to be strong again.

We've only begun to clear away the debris from decades of bad policies. Many people still need help. Nevertheless, America already has made a great comeback. Inflation, taxes, interest rates, and crime are down, but confidence, jobs, investment, growth, and achievement in our schools are up. And unlike 4 years ago when the Soviets were gaining influence and spreading instability throughout the world, since 1981 not 1 square inch of territory has been lost to Communist aggression. That's what makes the world a safer place.

Today our nation is at peace and our economy is in one piece. We're poised to meet great challenges for the future. We can reduce personal tax rates further, creating new jobs and opportunities for every American with nobody left behind. We can pass initiatives like enterprise zones to rebuild the distressed areas of our country and push on toward much greater progress in education, science, technology, and space.

This month an American woman, Kathryn Sullivan, made history walking in space, then returned to the space shuttle in which some of the great scientific and medical advances of the future will be made. That's why we support the space shuttle and why we've committed America to build a permanently manned space station within a decade.

And by keeping America strong and prepared for peace we'll have the best chance to begin reducing nuclear weapons and, one day, God willing, banish them entirely.

But before we do anything, you must choose: Will we keep moving forward on a new path toward a better future, or will we turn back to my opponent's philosophy—weaker defenses, inflationary spending, and huge tax increases?

The difference between us is that we look at a problem and see opportunity, and he looks at opportunity and sees a problem. We seek a tax system that rewards work and investment and stimulates growth. Mr. Mondale would bring back the very policies that destroy incentives, destroy opportunity, and destroy economic growth—policies that would cause enormous hardship and send many of you from the graduation line to the unemployment line.

We can do better, much better. We want you to have an America every bit as full of hope, confidence, and dreams as our parents left us. Come November 6th, I hope millions of you will make history by voting for your future—voting for opportunity, voting for leadership that trusts in you and the power of your dreams. If you do, we'll bring this nation together with new strength and unity. We'll make sure America's best days are yet to come.

Until next week, thanks for listening, and God bless you.

Note: The President spoke at 12:06 p.m. from Camp David, MD.


text:
Presidential Radio Address - 3 November 1984

My fellow Americans:

In 3 days this election campaign will be over, and America's future will be in your hands. As you discuss the election with family and friends in your homes and neighborhoods, I think there's one thing we can all agree on. We all want to vote for something, not against something. We want to vote for a better America, for a stronger country with our people pulling together; a future of peace, filled with hope and new opportunity, a future where our progress is limited only by our own dreams and determination and where Americans are working because America is working.

So, it seems to me the question to be asked is a straightforward one: Which team's record and proposals stand a better chance to enable you and your families to enjoy a strong and successful future? Well, our opponents don't spend much time speaking about their record. And that's understandable. Their record speaks for itself.

After 4 years of controlling the White House and both Houses of Congress, they left America weaker, both at home and abroad. They would have us forget their legacy of an America second-best, double-digit inflation, record taxes and interest rates at home; growing instability and threats to peace abroad. I'd be willing to forget that record, too, if they weren't so bound and determined to give us more of that medicine that made us sick.

As for their new proposals, they differ from their old ones in only one respect: They've promised more. They will spend more, and they will raise your taxes much higher, the equivalent of $1,890 per household, more than $150 per month.

Now, my opponent wants very badly to make you believe his enormous tax increase proposal won't hurt your families. That's what his commercials say. And those commercials are every bit as believable as the ones he ran portraying himself as a person committed to a strong national defense, standing on the deck of a carrier, even though he voted against them, with F-14 fighters, which he also voted against, and beside American enlisted men, whose salary increases he opposed.

Our opponents are determined to bring back even more big taxing and spending than before. And if they regain control of this government, Americans may look back on our term as one brief oasis of prosperity in an endless desert of worsening inflation and recession.

Yes, their intentions are good. But good intentions aren't good enough. Their policies made America weak before. They would make us weak again today, and even weaker still in the future.

America can do better, much better. And the fact is, America is doing better. The principal difference is, our vision for America will let the eagle soar. Theirs will return us to the days of the sore eagle.

We still face great problems, but today our economy is stronger than 4 years ago because we've cut your tax rates, brought inflation and interest rates down, and created 6 million new jobs. And America is more secure, because we're rebuilding our defenses and our alliances to ensure peace through strength.

Today the United States expansion is leading the world into recovery, and that contributes to a safer, more prosperous world. Respect for America and confidence in America are rising again. And unlike 4 years ago, the United States is deterring, the Soviets aren't advancing, and all this, too, contributes to a safer world and a better future.

We've made a good start, but it's only a start. We want to lower your tax rates further to create more jobs and opportunities for every American with nobody left behind. And nobody left behind means we must continue our efforts to modernize our older industries and to rebuild our inner cities and distressed areas of America, so every American who wants a job can find a job.

We've sponsored enterprise zone legislation, to encourage business development and creation of jobs in distressed areas. But from day one, our enterprise zone proposal has been held hostage by the House leadership, the very people who act as if they expect black and Hispanic Americans to march in lockstep with the Democratic Party.

I can assure all of you who want the opportunity to begin climbing the economic ladder, to build a better life: If you give us your support, we will never take your votes for granted.

I believe Americans are coming together with new strength, confidence, spirit, and unity. From the bottom of my heart, I thank you for allowing me the honor of serving you these past 4 years. I urge you to vote on Tuesday, and I hope you'll cast your votes for our team, our entire team, so we can make even greater progress in building a strong, secure future of opportunity for all of you.

Until next week, thanks for listening. God bless you.

Note: The President's remarks were recorded at the White House on October 31 for broadcast at 12:06 p.m. on November 3.


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/232

212
 * 44 & 45 Vict. c. 35.
 * An Act to amend the Law relating to Coroners in Ireland.
 * 45 & 46 Vict. c. 45.
 * An Act to make provision for the transfer of the Assets and Liabilities of the Provident Branch of the Bombay Civil Fund and other funds to the Secretary of State for India in Council.
 * 47 & 48 Vict. c. 56.
 * An Act to declare the Law relating to the Incorporation of Chartered Companies.
 * An Act to make provision for the transfer of the Assets and Liabilities of the Provident Branch of the Bombay Civil Fund and other funds to the Secretary of State for India in Council.
 * 47 & 48 Vict. c. 56.
 * An Act to declare the Law relating to the Incorporation of Chartered Companies.
 * 47 & 48 Vict. c. 56.
 * An Act to declare the Law relating to the Incorporation of Chartered Companies.
 * 48 & 49 Vict. c. 4.
 * An Act to amend the Forty- third Section of the Yorkshire Registries Act, 1884.
 * 48 & 49 Vict. c. 28.
 * An Act to enable the Secretary of State in Council of India to raise Money in the United Kingdom for the Service of the Government of India.
 * 48 & 49 Vict. c. 48.
 * An Act for restitution of the ancient dignity and title of Earl of Mar.
 * 49 & 50 Vict. c. 20.
 * An Act to amend the Law in respect to the Discovery and Interment of Persons drowned.
 * 49 & 50 Vict. c. 46.
 * An Act to amend the Act of the Sixth and Seventh years of William the Fourth, chapter one hundred and eight.
 * 56 & 57 Vict. c. 31.
 * An Act to explain the Rivers Pollution Prevention, 1876
 * 56 & 57 Vict. c. 36.
 * An Act to amend the Law of Distress and Small Debts (Ireland) Act, 1888.
 * An Act to amend the Law in respect to the Discovery and Interment of Persons drowned.
 * 49 & 50 Vict. c. 46.
 * An Act to amend the Act of the Sixth and Seventh years of William the Fourth, chapter one hundred and eight.
 * 56 & 57 Vict. c. 31.
 * An Act to explain the Rivers Pollution Prevention, 1876
 * 56 & 57 Vict. c. 36.
 * An Act to amend the Law of Distress and Small Debts (Ireland) Act, 1888.
 * 56 & 57 Vict. c. 31.
 * An Act to explain the Rivers Pollution Prevention, 1876
 * 56 & 57 Vict. c. 36.
 * An Act to amend the Law of Distress and Small Debts (Ireland) Act, 1888.
 * 56 & 57 Vict. c. 36.
 * An Act to amend the Law of Distress and Small Debts (Ireland) Act, 1888.
 * }


text:
Executive Order 13626

By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including section 311 of the Federal Water Pollution Control Act (FWPCA) (33 U.S.C. 1321), section 1006 of the Oil Pollution Act of 1990 (33 U.S.C. 2706), and section 301 of title 3, United States Code, it is hereby ordered as follows:

Barack Obama The White House, Washington, September 10, 2012. [FR Doc. 2012–22807 Filed 9–12–12; 11:15 am] Billing Code 3295–F2–P

title: Executive Order 13626


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/231

1896.

 * 41 & 42 Vict. c. 12.
 * An Act for the Prevention of Accidents by Threshing Machines.
 * 41 & 42 Vict. c. 24.
 * An Act to amend the Public Works Loans (Ireland) Act, 1877, so far as relates to Lunatic Asylums.
 * 41 & 42 Vict. c. 42.
 * An Act to amend and further extend the Acts for the Commutation of Tithes in England and Wales.
 * 41 & 42 Vict. c. 47.
 * An Act to enable the Trustees of the Elders Widows' Fund to apply the Capital of the said Fund in aid of Income ; and for other purposes in relation thereto.
 * 41 & 42 Vict. c. 42.
 * An Act to amend and further extend the Acts for the Commutation of Tithes in England and Wales.
 * 41 & 42 Vict. c. 47.
 * An Act to enable the Trustees of the Elders Widows' Fund to apply the Capital of the said Fund in aid of Income ; and for other purposes in relation thereto.
 * 41 & 42 Vict. c. 47.
 * An Act to enable the Trustees of the Elders Widows' Fund to apply the Capital of the said Fund in aid of Income ; and for other purposes in relation thereto.
 * 41 & 42 Vict. c. 47.
 * An Act to enable the Trustees of the Elders Widows' Fund to apply the Capital of the said Fund in aid of Income ; and for other purposes in relation thereto.
 * 42 & 43 Vict. c. 32.
 * An Act to bring into force the Army Discipline and Regulation Act, 1879, and for other purposes.
 * 42 & 43 Vict. c. 43.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act to enable" and ends with the words "Secretary of State under that Act."
 * 42 & 43 Vict. c. 52.
 * An Act to appoint additional Commissioners for executing the Acts granting a land tax and other rates and taxes.
 * 42 & 43 Vict. c. 60.
 * An Act to enable the Secretary of State in Council of India to raise money in the United Kingdom for the service of the Government of India.
 * 43 Vict. c. 7.
 * An Act to amend the Law in regard to charging regard Debts on Entailed Estates in Scotland.
 * 43 & 44 Vict c. 1.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act to appoint," and ends with the words " Loans by those Commissioners."
 * 44 & 45 Vict c. 16.
 * An Act to appoint additional Commissioners for executing the Act for granting a Land Tax and other Rates and Taxes.
 * 44 & 46 Vict c. 19.
 * An Act for further regulating the Transmission of Newspapers.
 * }
 * 43 Vict. c. 7.
 * An Act to amend the Law in regard to charging regard Debts on Entailed Estates in Scotland.
 * 43 & 44 Vict c. 1.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act to appoint," and ends with the words " Loans by those Commissioners."
 * 44 & 45 Vict c. 16.
 * An Act to appoint additional Commissioners for executing the Act for granting a Land Tax and other Rates and Taxes.
 * 44 & 46 Vict c. 19.
 * An Act for further regulating the Transmission of Newspapers.
 * }
 * An Act to appoint additional Commissioners for executing the Act for granting a Land Tax and other Rates and Taxes.
 * 44 & 46 Vict c. 19.
 * An Act for further regulating the Transmission of Newspapers.
 * }
 * An Act for further regulating the Transmission of Newspapers.
 * }
 * }


text:
Page:EB1911 - Volume 02.djvu/203

 fairly stated? If revelation is thought of as God’s personal word, and redemption as his personal deed, is it reasonable to view them either as open to a sort of scientific prediction or as capricious and unintelligible? Even in the middle ages there were not wanting those—the St Victors, Bonaventura—who sought to vindicate mystical if not moral redemption as the central thought of Christianity.

V. Earlier Modern Period.—It will be seen that apologetics by no means reissued unchanged from the long period of authority. The compromise of Aquinas, though not unchallenged, holds the field and that even with Protestants. G. W. Leibnitz devotes an introductory chapter in his Théodicée, 1710 (as against Pierre Bayle), to faith and reason. He is a good enough Lutheran to quote as a “mystery” the Eucharist no less than the Trinity, while he insists that truths above are not against reason. Stated thus baldly, has the distinction any meaning? The more celebrated and central thesis of the book—this finite universe, the best of all such that are possible—also restates positions of Augustine and Aquinas.

Before modern philosophy began its career, there was a great revival of ancient philosophy at the Renaissance; sometimes anti-Christian, sometimes pro-Christian. The latter furnishes apologies by Marsilio Ficino, Agostino Steuco, J. L. Vives.

Early in the modern period occurs the great name of Blaise Pascal (1623–1662). A staunch Roman Catholic, but belonging to a school of Augustinian enthusiasts (the Jansenists), whom the Church put down as heretics, he stands pretty much apart from the general currents. His Pensées, published posthumously, seems to have been meant for a systematic treatise, but it has come to us in fragments. Once again, a lay apologist! A layman’s work may have the advantage of originality or the drawback of imperfect knowledge. Pascal’s work exhibits both characters. It has the originality of rare genius, but it borrows its material (as industrious editors have shown) from very few sources—the Pugio Fidei, M. de Montaigne, P. Charron. Ideas as well as learning are largely Montaigne’s. The latter’s cheerful man-of-the-world scepticism is transfigured in Pascal to a deep distrust of human reason, in part, perhaps, from anti-Protestant motives. But this attitude, while not without parallels both earlier (Ghazali, Jehuda Halevi) and later (H. L. Mansel), has peculiarities in Pascal. It is fallen man whom he pursues with his fierce scorn; his view of man’s nature—intellect as well as character—is to be read in the light of his unflinching Augustinianism. Again, Pascal, unlike most apologists, belongs to the small company of saintly souls. This philosophical sceptic is full of humble joy in salvation, of deep love for the Saviour.

Another French Roman Catholic apologist, P. D. Huet (1630–1721)—within the conditions of his age a prodigy of learning (in apologetics see his Demonstratio Evangelica)—is not uninfluenced by Pascal (Traité de la faiblesse de l’esprit humaine).

As we might expect, Protestant lands are more busily occupied with apologetics. Intolerant reliance upon force presents greater difficulties to them; soon it grows quite obsolete. Benedict Spinoza, the eminent Jewish pantheist (1632–1677), to whom miracle is impossible, revelation a phrase, and who renews pioneer work in Old Testament criticism, finds at least a fair measure of liberty and comfort in Holland (his birth-land). Bayle, the historical sceptic, lectured and published his learned Dictionnaire (1696) at Rotterdam. From Holland, earlier, had proceeded an apologetic work by a man of European fame. Hugo Grotius’s De Veritate Christianae Religionis (1627) is partly the medieval tradition:—Oppose Mahommedans and Jews! It is partly practical:—Arm Christian sailors against religious danger! But in its cool spirit it forecasts the coming age, whose master is John Locke. His Reasonableness of Christianity (1695) is the thesis of “a whole century” of theologians. And his Essay on the Human Understanding (1690) is almost a Bible to men of education during the same period; its lightest word treasured. Locke does not break with the compromise of Aquinas. But he transfers attention from contents to proof. Reason proves that a revelation has been made—and then submits. Leibnitz has to supplement rather than correct Locke on this point.

In such an atmosphere, deism readily uttered its protest against mysterious revelation. Deism is, in fact, the Thomist natural theology (more clearly distinguished from dogmatic theology than in the middle ages, alike by Protestants and by the post-Tridentine Church of Rome) now dissolving partnership with dogmatic and starting in business for itself. Or it is the doctrine of unfallen man’s “natural state”—a doctrine intensified in Protestantism—separating itself from the theologians’ grave doctrine of sin. If Socinianism had challenged natural theology—Christ, according to it, was the prophet who first revealed the way to eternal life—it had glorified the natural powers of man; and the learning of the Arminian divines (friends of Grotius and Locke) had helped to modernize Christian apologetics upon rational lines. Deism now taught that reason, or “the light of nature,” was all-sufficient.

Not to dwell upon earlier continental “Deists” (mentioned by Viret as quoted first in Bayle’s Dictionary and again in the introduction to Leland’s View of the Deistical Writers), Lord Herbert of Cherbury (De Veritate, 1624; De Religione Gentilium, 1645?—according to J. G. Walch’s Bibliotheca Theologica (1757) not published complete until 1663) was universally understood as hinting conclusions hostile to Christianity (cf. also T. Hobbes, Leviathan, 1651, ch. xxxi.; Spinoza, Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, 1670, ch. xiv.). Professedly, Herbert’s contention merely is that non-Christians feeling after the “supreme God” and the law of righteousness must have a chance of salvation. Herbert was also epoch-making for the whole 18th century in teaching that priests had corrupted this primitive faith. During the 18th century deism spread widely, though its leaders were “irrepressible men like Toland, men of mediocre culture and ability like Anthony Collins, vulgar men like Chubb, irritated and disagreeable men like Matthew Tindal, who conformed that he might enjoy his Oxford fellowship and wrote anonymously that he might relieve his conscience” (A. M. Fairbairn). More distinguished sympathizers are Edward Gibbon, who has the deistic spirit, and David Hume, the historian and philosophical sceptic, who has at least the letter of the deistic creed (Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion), and who uses Pascal’s appeal to “faith” in a spirit of mockery (Essay on Miracles). In France the new school found powerful speaking-trumpets, especially Voltaire, the idol of his age—a great denier and scoffer, but always sincerely a believer in the God of reason—and the deeper but wilder spirit of J. J. Rousseau. Others in France developed still more startling conclusions from Locke’s principles, E. B. Condillac’s sensationalism—Locke’s philosophy purged of its more ideal if less logical elements—leading on to materialism in J. O. de la Mettrie; and at least one of the Encyclopedists (P. H. von Holbach) capped materialism with confessed atheism.

In Germany the parallel movement of “illumination” (H. S. Reimarus; J. S. Semler, pioneer in N.T. criticism; and a layman, the great Lessing) took the form of “rationalism” within the church—interpreting Bible texts by main force in a way which the age thought “enlightened” (H. E. G. Paulus, 1761–1851, &c.).

Among the innumerable English anti-deistic writers (see W. Law, The Case of Reason; R. Bentley, or “Phileleutherus Lipsiensis”; &c., &c.), three are of chief importance. Nathaniel Lardner (Arian, 1684–1768) stands in the front rank of the scholarship of his time, and uses his vast knowledge to maintain the genuineness of all books of the New Testament and the perfect accuracy of its history. Joseph Butler, a very original, careful and honest thinker, lifts controversy with deists from details to principles in his Analogy of Religion both Natural and Revealed to the Constitution and Course of Nature (1736). This title introduces us to a new conception. Deists and orthodox in those days agreed in recognizing not merely natural theology but natural religion—“essential religion,” Butler more than once styles it; the expression shows how near he stood intellectually to those he criticized. But morally he stood aloof. In part i.—on Natural Religion—he defends a moral or punishing Deity against the sentimental softness of the age. The God of Nature, whom deists confess does punish in time, if they will

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the conquest of Syria in 1516 by the Sultan Selim I, the Lebanon was ruled by a succession of Mussulman Emirs, the most celebrated of whom, Beshir, governed with success from 1790 to 1840, latterly by the help of Mehemet Ali. The withdrawal of the Egyptian troops from Syria in 1841 was followed by anarchy in the mountain. Lord Palmerston, accordingly, on 15th June of that year, writes that—'Her Majesty's Government feel especially called upon to address the Turkish Government on this matter, on account of the oppression which Haji Nejib is said to practise upon the Christians. For England having, in conjunction with other Christian powers, succeeded in restoring Syria to the Sultan, she is entitled to expect that the Sultan, in return for such assistance, should secure his Christian subjects from oppression.' A Conference of representatives of Austria, France, Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia met at Constantinople on 27th May, 1842, with the ultimate result that the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs announced, on 7th December, that the Porte had conformed to the advice of the Five Powers, and would appoint separate Kaimakams for the Druses and Maronites respectively. This arrangement was in force, with


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 but look at the facts; why not in eternity? “Morality,” as others have confessed, is “the nature of things”! Not the Being of God is discussed—Butler will not waste words on triflers (as he thinks them) who deny that—but God’s character. Unfortunately (perhaps) Butler prefers to argue on admitted principles; holds much of his own moral belief in reserve; tries to reduce everything to a question of probable fact. If this hampers him in part i., the situation appears still worse in part ii., which is directly occupied with the defence of Christianity. Butler says nothing about incomprehensible mysteries, and protests that reason is the only ground we have to proceed upon. But by treating the atonement simply as revealed (and unexplained) matter of fact—in spite of some partial analogies in human experience, a thing essentially anomalous—Butler repeats, and applies to the moral contents of Christianity, what Aquinas said of its speculative doctrines. (Whether one calls the unknowable a revealed mystery or an unexplained and inexplicable fact makes little difference.) William Paley (1743–1805) borrows from many writers; he borrows Lardner’s learning and Butler’s “particular evidence for Christianity,” viz. miracles, prophecy and “history”; and he states his points with perfect clearness. No man ever filled a typical position more exactly than Paley. Eighteenth-century ethics—Hedonism, with a theological background. Empiricist Natural Theology—the argument from Design. Christian Evidences—the strong probability of the resurrection of Christ and the consequent authority of his teaching. Horae Paulinae—mutual confirmations of Acts and Epistles; better, though one-sided. When such exclusively “external” arguments are urged, the contents of Christianity go for next to nothing.

VI. Later Modern Period.—Towards the end of the 18th century a new epoch of reconstruction begins in the thought and life of civilization. The leader in speculative philosophy is Immanuel Kant, though he includes many agnostic elements, and draws the inference (which some things in the letter of Butler might seem to warrant) that the essence of Christianity is an ethical theism. While he thus created a new and more ethical “rationalism,” Kant’s many-sided influence, alike in philosophy and in theology, worked to further issues. He (and other Germans, but not G. W. F. Hegel) was represented in England in a fragmentary way by S. T. Coleridge (1772–1834), probably the most typical figure of his period—another layman. His general thought was that “rationalism” represents an uprising of the lower reason or “understanding” against the higher or true “reason.” The mysteries of theology are its best part—not alien to reason but of its substance, the “logos.” This is to upset the compromise of Aquinas and go back to a Christian platonism. Of course the difficulty revives again: If a philosophy, why supernaturally revealed? Thomas Arnold, criticizing Edward Hawkins, appeals rather to the atonement as deeper neglected truth. So in Scotland, Thomas Erskine and Thomas Chalmers—the latter in contradiction to his earlier position—hold that the doctrine of salvation, when translated into experience, furnishes “internal evidence”—a somewhat broader use of the phrase than when it applies merely to evidence of date or authorship drawn from the contents of a book. This gives a new and moral filling to the conception of “supernatural revelation” The attempt to work out either of the reactions against Thomism in new theological systems is pretty much confined to Germany. Hegel’s theological followers, of every shade and party, represent the first, and Schleiermacher’s the second. Schleiermacher rejects natural religion in favour of the positive religions, while the school of A. Ritschl and W. Herrmann reject natural theology outright in favour of revelation—a striking external parallel to early Socinianism. British and American divines, on the other hand, are slow to suspect that a new apologetic principle may mean a new system of apologetics, to say nothing of a new dogmatic. Among the evangelicals, for the most part, natural theology, far from being rejected, is not even modified, and certain doctrines continue to be described as incomprehensible mysteries. No Protestant, of course, can agree with Roman Catholic theology that (supernatural) faith is an obedient assent to church authority and the mysteries it dictates. To Protestantism, faith is personal trust. But the principle is hardly ever carried out to the end. Mysterious doctrines are ascribed by Protestants to scripture; so half of revelation is regarded as matter for blind assent, if another half is luminous in experience. The movement of German philosophy which led from Kant to Hegel has indeed found powerful British champions (T. H. Green, J. and E. Caird, &c.), but less churchly than Coleridge (or F. D. Maurice or B. F. Westcott), though churchly again in J. R. Illingworth and other contributors to Lux Mundi (1890). Before this wave of thought, H. L. Mansel tried (1858) to play Pascal’s game on Kantian principles, developing the sceptical side of Kant’s many-faceted mind. But as he protested against relying on the human conscience—the one element of positive conviction spared by Kant—his ingenuity found few admirers except H. Spencer, who claims him as justifying anti-Christian agnosticism. Butler’s tradition was more directly continued by J. H. Newman—with modifications on becoming a Roman Catholic in the light of the church’s decision in favour of Thomism. A. M. Fairbairn (Catholicism, Roman and Anglican, ch. v., and elsewhere) and E. A. Abbott (Philomythus, and elsewhere) suspect Newman of a sceptical leaven and extend the criticism to Butler’s doctrine of “probability.” Yet it seems plain that any theology, maintaining redemption as historical fact (and not merely ideal), must attach religious importance to conclusions which are technically probable rather than proven. If we transfer Christian evidence from the “historical” to the “philosophical” with H. Rashdall—we surely cut down Christianity to the limits of theism. And the inner mind of Butler has moral anchorage in the Analogy, quite as much as in the Sermons. It is in part ii. more than in part i. of his masterpiece that the light seems to grow dim. Another of the Oxford converts to Rome, W. G. Ward, made vigorous contributions to natural theology.

VII. Contents of Modern Apologetics.—Superficially regarded, philosophy ebbs and flows, whatever progress the debate may reveal to speculative insight. Old positions re-emerge from forgetfulness, and there is always a philosophy to back every “case.” More visible dangers arise for the apologist in the region of science, historical or physical. There the progress of truth, within whatever limits, is manifest. Essays and Reviews (1860) was a vehement announcement of scientific results—startling English conservatism awake for the first time. And in the scientific region the great apologetic classics, like Butler, are hopelessly out of date. The modern apologist must do ephemeral work—unless it should chance that he proves to be the skirmisher, pioneering for a modified dogmatic. He holds a watching brief. While he must beware of hasty speech, he has often to plead that new knowledge does not really threaten faith; or that it is not genuinely established knowledge at all; or else, that faith has mistaken its own grounds, and will gain strength by concentrating on its true field. The work is not always well done; but the Christian church needs it.

1. Apologetics and Philosophy.—The main part of this subject is discussed under. Some notes may be added on special points, (a) Freewill is generally assumed on the Christian side (R. C. Church; Scottish philosophy; H. Lotze; J. Martineau; W. G. Ward. Not in a libertarian sense; Leibnitz. New and obscure issues raised by Kant). But there is no continuous tradition or steady trend of discussion. (b) Personal immortality is affirmed as philosophically certain by the Church of Rome and many Protestant writers. Others teach “conditional immortality.” Others base the hope on belief in the resurrection of Christ, (c) Theodicy—the tradition of Leibnitz is preserved (on libertarian lines) by Martineau (A Study of Religion, 1883). See also F. R. Tennant’s Origin and Propagation of Sin (1902)—sin a “bye-product” of a generally good evolution. Others find in the gospel of redemption the true theodicy. (d) The problem of Christian apologetic has been simplified in the past by the prevalence of the Christian ethics and temper even among many non-Christians (e.g. J. S. Mill). But hereafter it may not prove possible for the apologist to assume as unchallenged the Christian

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Rh

1. The southern rays of the sun are the honey-cells on the right. The Yagus verses are the bees, the Yagur-veda sacrifice is the flower, the water (of the sacrificial libations) is the nectar (of the flower).

2. Those very Yagus verses (as bees) brooded over the Yagur-veda sacrifice (the flower); and from it, thus brooded on, sprang as its (nectar) essence, fame, glory of countenance, vigour, strength, and health.

3. That flowed forth and went towards the sun. And that forms what we call the white (sukla) light of the sun.

1. The western rays of the sun are the honey-cells behind. The Sâman verses are the bees, the Sâma-veda sacrifice is the flower, the water is the nectar.

2. Those very Sâman verses (as bees) brooded over the Sâma-veda sacrifice; and from it, thus brooded on, sprang as its (nectar) essence, fame, glory of countenance, vigour, strength, and health.

3. That flowed forth and went towards the sun. And that forms what we call the dark (krishna) light of the sun.

1. The northern rays of the sun are the honey-cells on the left. The (hymns of the) Atharvângiras are the bees, the Itihâsa-purâna (the reading of the old stories) is the flower, the water is the nectar.


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 but moderate success, for nearly twenty years. In 1860 the Lebanon was the scene of wholesale massacres of the Maronites by the Druses. Whereupon a Conference of the representatives of the Five Powers and of Turkey was held at Paris, and on 3rd August two Protocols were signed by them to the following effect :—


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 E, Oo 11167 Ta -hala II P O, 11167 Proceeding along the remainder of the land of Kahanahaikl for the next four 1. 171 �08' 642.12 feet; 2. 159'36' 2,440.00 feet; $. 149028 ' 1,438.00 feet; 4. 242�51'40" 1,991.74 feet; 5. 280'00' 1,100.00 feet along the remainder of Land of Kahanahaiki and Makua- Keaau Forest Reserve to the top of the ridge separating the Kuaokala Forest Reserve and Makua-Keaau Forest Reserve; thence along Kuaokala Forest Reserve, along the ridge, direct azimuth and distance being: 6. 261�32' 895.30 feet; thence along Mokulela Forest Reserve, along the ridge for the next two courses, the direct azimuths and distances being: 7. 291�00' 7,070.00 feet; 8. 316015 ' 10,870.00 feet; thence along Land Court Application 1052, along the ridge for the next five courses, the direct azimuths and distances being: 9. 58010 ' 1,426.10 feet; 10. 65�42' 1299.60 feet; 11. 69051 ' 2,34720 feet; 12. 60'11' 994.30 feet; 13. 96042 ' 817.90 feet; thence along the reminders of Makua-Keaau Forest Re- serve, along the ridge, the direct azimuth and distance being: 14. 97031'06" 7,713.10 feet; thence along the Land of Ohikilolo, along the ridge, the direct azimuth and distance being: 15. 105031'30" 1,600.00 feet; 16. 180030 ' 2,360.00 feet along the remainder of the Land of Makua; 17. 171'08' 3213.88 fcct along the remainders of the Land of Makua, Kahanahaiki and Plot I of Parcel 5 of U.S. Condemnation Civil Action No. 485 a(Land Commission Award 6092:1) to the point of beginning and containing gross area of 3,273 acres, less 5.95 acres of Tract 1 of Makua Military Reservation (State fee land) and 30.57 acres of Condemued Land, leaving a net area of 3,236.48 acres, more or less. 2..Access rights to and from the nearest public highway to the above- described land in, upon, over, and across, such of the lands and proper- ties adjoining thereto which were ceded to the United States by the Republic of Hawaii under the joint resolution of annexation, approved July 7, 1898 (30 Stat. 750), or which have been acquired in exchange_ for lands or properties so ceded are also hereby set aside for the use of the United States. LYmo B. Joso Tm WHrrz HousE, August 15, 196. Executive Order 11167 SETTING ASIDE FOR THE USE OF THE UNITED STATES CERTAIN PUBLIC LANDS AND OTHER PUBLIC PROPERTY LOCATED AT THE POHA- KULOA TRAINING AREA, HAWAII By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 5 (d) o the Act of March 18, 1959, providing for the admission of the State of Hawaii into the Union (73 Star. 5), and as President of the United States, t is hereby ordered as follows All lands and other property hereinafter described, being lands and property which were ceded to the United States by the Republic of Hawaii under the joint resolution of annexation, approved July 7, 1898 (30 Stat. 750), or which have been acquired in exchange for lands or 22O 220


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 F.. Oo 11166 Title B--Chapter II F.. O. 11166 PARCEL B Being Remnant "B" of Federal Aid Secondary Project No. 0720(1), being also a portion of Presidential Executive Order 5607, dated April 22, 1931 (Amending Presidential Executive Order 5132, dated June 6, 1929), situate at Kahauiki, Oahu, Hawaii. Beginning at the north corner of this piece of land, being also the east corner of Remnant "A," on the northeast side of P.E.O. 5607, the coordinates of the said point of beginning referred to Government Survey Triangulation .Station "Salt Lake" being 7,783.56 feet South and 7,424.74 feet East, thence running by azimuths measured clockwise from true South: 1. Along the northeast boundary of P.E.O. 5607, along Fort Shafter Military Reservation, P.E.O. 2521, on a curve to the right with a radius of 1,440.54 feet, the chord azimuth and distance being 327�03'12" 280.56 feet; 2. 146�46'30" 221.60 feet along the remainder of P.E.O. 5607, along the new northeast side of Moanalua Road, Project No. )720(1); 3. 148�06 ' 58.98 feet along same to the point of beginning and containing an area of 1,4q32 square fcct, or 0.033 acre, more or less. 2. Parcel B shall be subject to use by the State of Hawaii and its assigns for non-exclusive rights-of-way for access and utility purposes. LDo B. Joso THE WHITE HOUSE, August 15, 196i. Executive Order 11166 SETTING ASIDE FOR THE USE OF THE UNITED STATES CERTAIN PUBLIC LANDS AND OTHER PUBLIC PROPERTY LOCATED AT THE MAKUA MILITARY RESERVATION, HAWAII By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 5(d) of the Act of March 18, 1959, providing for the admission of the State of Hawaii into the Union (73 Star. 5), and as President of the United States, it is hereby ordered as follows 1. All lands and other property hereinafter described, being lands and property which were ceded to the United States by the Republic of Hawaii under the joint resolution of annexation, approved July 7, 1898 (30 Star. 750), or which have been acquired in exchange for lands or properties so ceded, are hereby set aside f.or the use of the United States*in fee simple subject to valid existing nght. PORTION OF TRAc'r B, MAKUA MILITARY RESERVATION Being portions of the Government Lands of Makua and Kahanahaiki, and a portion of the Makua Forest Reserve. Situated at Makua and Kahanahaiki, Waianae, Oahu, Hawaii. Beginning at a point on the westerly boundary of this piece of land, also being on the northerly boundary of Plot ! of Parcel 5 of the U.S. Condemnation Civil Action No. 485 (Land Commission Award 6092:1), the coordinates of said point of beginning from Government Survey Triangulation Station "Makua U.S. E." being 4,950.50 feet North and 1,246.93 feet East, thence running by azimuths measured clockwise from true South: 66-081 O-67--15 219 219
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 F.. O. 11167 Title 3--Chapter II F_, O. 11167 roperties so ceded, are hereby set aside for the use of the United tates* in fee simple subject to valid existing rights-- Poa?iol oF Taxc? B. POt,KULOA TRAINING AREA Being portions of the Government Lands of Kaohe and Puuanahulu, and the Crown Land of Hummuula. Being also a portion of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order No. 1288, dated December 2, 1948). Situated at Kaohe, Hamakua; Puuanahulu, North Kona; and Hummuula, North Hilo; Island of Hawaii, State of Hawaii. Begi.'nning at a poin. t on the northeast boundary of this piece of land, the coordinates of said point of beginning from Government Survey Triangulation Station "OMAOKOILI" being 6,664.51 feet South and 3,954.19 feet West, thence running by azimuths measured clockwise from true South: 1. 336�22 ' 21,800.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve ( Governor's Executive Order 1288); 2. 82�05 ' 17,400.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 3. 120�00 ' 3,900.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 4. 44�10 ' 3,900.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 5. 82�05 ' 8,100.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 6. 360�00 ' 16,900.95 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 7. 90000 ' 33,877.72 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); to the boundary between Kaohe and Keauhou; 8. 149�40'51.4" 37,269.00 feet along Keauhou to "Naohueleelua ;" 9. 111014'54" 2,500.00 feet along Keauhou; 10. 166�06'51" 12,329.90 feet along the remainder of Puuanahulu; 11. 221�36'51" 15,8'50.00 feet along the remainder of Puuanahulu; 12. 269�10 ' 21,730.00 feet along the remainder of Puuanahulu and Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve; 13. 179�29 ' 1,132.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 14. 265�10 ' 3,000.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 15. 259�40 ' 3,700.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 16. 202�30 ' 1,300.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 17. 288�00 ' 3,600.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 18. 290�00 ' 4,700.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 19. 270�48 ' 1,670.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 20. 296�30 ' 2,900.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve ( Governor's Executive Order 1288); 21. 254�20 ' 3,300.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 22. 293�50 ' 9,600.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 23. 28�30 ' 1,100.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 24. 298�30 ' 1,400.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor's Executive Order 1288); 221 221
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 I E on 3-—Cl1apte1‘ H E0 on 25. 208°30' 800.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve ( Governor’s Executive Order 128,8) ; 26. 291°10' 6,000.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor’s Executive Order 1288) ; ' 27. 334°39' 1,540.00 feet along the remainder of Mauna Loa Forest and Game Reserve (Governor’s Executive Order 1288) ; 28. 316°30' 14,800.00 feet to the point of beginning and containing an area of 84,057 acres, more or less. LYNDON B. JOHNSON THE WHITE Hotrsn, August 15, 1.964. Executive Order I I168 CREATING AN EMERGENCY BOARD TO INVESTIGATE DISPUTES BE- TWEEN THE CARRIERS REPRESENTED BY THE NATIONAL RAILWAY LABOR CONFERENCE AND CERTAIN OF THEIR EMPLOYEES WHEREAS disputes exist between the carriers represented by the National Railway Labor Conference, designated in List A attached hereto and made a part hereof, and certain of their employees rep- resented by the Eleven Cooperating Railway Labor Organizations, labor organizations, designated in List B attached hereto and made a part hereof; and A A WHEREAS these disputes have not heretofore been adjusted under the provisions of the Railway Labor Act, as amended; and WHEREAS these disputes, in the judgment of the National Media- tion Board, threaten su stantially to interrupt interstate commerce to a degree such as to deprive the country of essential transportation service: NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me by Section 10 of the Railway Labor Act, as amended (45 U.S.C. 160), I hereby create a board, to be appointed by me, to investigate these disputes. No member of the board shall be pecuniarily or otherwise interested in any organization of railroad employees or any carrier. The board shall report its ﬁndings to the President with respect to the disputes within t irty days from the date of this order. As provided by Section 10 of the Railway Labor Act, as amended, from this date and for thirty days after the board has made its report to the President, no change, except by agreement, shall be made by the carriers represented by the National Railway Labor Conference, or by their employees, in the conditions out of which the disputes arose. LYNDON B. JOHNSON THE WHITE HoUsE, August 18, 1.964. LIST A EASTERN RAILROADS Akron & Barberton Belt Railroad Company Akron, Canton & Youngstown Railroad Ann Arbor Railroad Company 222 222


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The former of these Protocols was converted verbatim into a Convention, on 5th September, and the period of occupation allowed by it was prolonged by another Convention, of 19th March, 1861, to 5th June, 1861.

In pursuance of these Conventions, a French army landed in Syria on 16th August, 1860, and, having pacified the country, re-embarked in June, 1861. In the meantime a Commission of the Five Powers, on which Lord Dufferin represented Great Britain, had been sitting at Beyrout (26th September, 1860, to 4th May, 1861) and had proposed two alternative schemes for the government of the Lebanon. These were considered at Constantinople by the Ambassadors of the Powers and by Aali Pasha, who, on 9th June, adopted a Règlement for the re-organization of the country under a single Christian governor; thus reversing the policy of the settlement of 1842. By a Protocol signed at the same time it was agreed that the Christian Governor should hold office for three years, and that the Porte should consult the Powers as to the appointment of a successor.

Daoud Pasha, an Armenian Catholic, was appointed Governor, and was re-appointed for five years more, from 9th June, 1864, in which year a Conference was held at  Constantinople, which adopted, on 6th September, a new Règlement, superseding that of 1861, from which it however differed only in a few particulars.

In May, 1868, Daoud resigned, and was succeeded by Franco-Nasri Pasha. A Protocol signed on 27th July, on behalf of the Porte and Five Powers, with the addition of Italy, agrees that he shall hold office for not less than ten


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FIRST

1. Brahmâ was the first of the Devas, the maker of the universe, the preserver of the world. He told the knowlede of Brahman, the foundation of all knowledge, to his eldest son Atharva. 2. Whatever Brahmâ told Atharvan, that knowledge of Brahman Atharvan formerly told to Angir; he told it to Satyavâha Bhâradvâga, and Bhâradvâga told it in succession to Angiras. 3. Saunaka, the great householder, approached Angiras respectfully and asked: "Sir, what is that through which, if it is known, everything else becomes known?" 4. He said to him: "Two kinds of knowledge must be known, this is what all who know Brahman tell us, the higher and the lower knowledge." 5. "The lower knowledge is the Rig-veda, Yagur-veda, Sâma-veda, Atharva-veda, Sikshâ (phonetics), Kalpa (ceremonial), Vyâkarana (grammar), Nirukta (etymology), Khandas (metre), Gyotisha (astronomy) ;