text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/71

 Rh Thomas looked at the wreck and remembered his annoyance at the delay to which, under Providence, he owed their safety. The scene made an impression that was life-long. It influenced his character. It gave him a belief in a special Providence that was ever afterwards unshaken. His trust in the wisdom and goodness of God was from that hour so strong that he never for a moment doubted it. Under no circumstances was a murmur or anything approaching to it ever heard to escape his lips. Not even by a wish would he imply that he could desire the decrees of Providence altered.

One of the farmers whose lands he had bought, and who had not yet moved out of his house, was able to spare a few rooms for the white families, and the marquees were pitched for the negroes. All hands were set to work to build houses.

In selecting his plantation, Thomas showed his usual sound judgment in practical matters. It comprised four thousand acres in a compact body, not all bought at one time, but as he saw opportunity to secure the property of small farmers whose land adjoined his. In this way he shaped his place to suit himself; and it was characteristic of his exact methods that after making his final purchase the section lines fell so as to form an almost exact square, with Tallahala Creek crossing it diagonally from northeast to southwest. The lowland bordering the creek, called "The Bottom," was inexhaustibly fertile, and ensured heavy crops in the dryest season. Prom the creek-bottom the land gradually rises and runs back in a series of hills and plateaus. Those not already cleared for cultivation were covered with a magnificent growth of timber,—oaks of many species, yellow pine, hickory, elm, sweet-and black-gum, besides countless other trees and shrubs of less value. Walnut-trees of magnificent size, magnolia, beech, and laurel grew on the banks of the creek.

Crops raised on the hills flourished best in wet weather; so with the admirable diversity of soil on the plantation there was never a failure of a whole crop in the most unfavorable season.


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 9.djvu/1

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 9.djvu/2


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/72

 62 The land was well watered throughout by Tallahala Creek, with its tributary branches, Indian Jumper and Snake Creek, and a number of smaller bayous. In the hills springs bubbled out, giving rise to spring "branches," which did not go dry in the most prolonged drought. There was always pasturage for cattle along these water-courses, and in the bitterest cold of winter they found abundant green food in the canebrakes of the creek. In this mild climate many wild flowers adorn the fields and woods till late in the fall. Tiny blue innocents dot the grass as early as January. Later come wild violets, roses, the wild lily, rhododendron, clematis, woodbine, snap-dragon, and a host of flowering trees, shrubs, and vines. Among these we find the red-bud, maple, dogwood, crab-apple, hawthorn, and wild peach; but supreme in beauty and in fragrance we have the yellow jasmine. It is the crown and glory of Southern woods, throwing its drapery of golden bells over trees and shrubs for whole acres.

It was Thomas's plan in the management of this large estate to bring under cultivation a certain portion of new land every year. His rule was to clear one hundred acres each season. The cotton plant delights in a virgin soil, and he counted on making a bale and a half of cotton to the acre on all new ground. This was, of course, above the average. In the hill country a planter thinks himself rewarded for his labor by an average yield of half a bale to the acre. Thomas one year made six hundred bales on six hundred acres, but that was an exceptional season. The fact that this place would be as productive now as ever with the same cultivation goes to show how well the land lies, and how wise Thomas was in the choice of his plantation.


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 9.djvu/3


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 9.djvu/4


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 9.djvu/5


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 9.djvu/6


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/1


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/2


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/3


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/4


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/5


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/6


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/754


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/73

Rh

In entering on this pioneer life many difficulties had to be met that were a new experience to people coming from lower Virginia. One of the first was the unavoidable delay in getting supplies of meat for the servants. For two weeks after their arrival they had none. Sophia's sister Emmeline, Mrs. Lewis Smith, was so conscientious that she refused during this period to touch a morsel of meat, although the supply on hand was ample to last the white families till more could be procured.

The roof of the house in which Thomas had to put his wife and children was so leaky, that he had sometimes at night when it rained to sit up in bed and hold an umbrella over her and the baby.

There were then no railroads, and the cotton crop had to be hauled in wagons forty miles, to Grand Gulf. The roads were so bad that to trust the teams to negro-drivers alone was not to be thought of, and the master went with every wagon.

Not more than a quarter of a mile from Thomas's home, in those early days in Mississippi, lived a man named Jack Cotton. He was one of a band of highwaymen who infested the road from Vicksburg to Memphis. Their practice was to waylay planters and rob them on their return from selling their cotton. Jack Cotton's house was a half-way station and a rendezvous for the band. Jack was civil to the new neighbors, and they were ignorant of his reputation as a desperado till he ran away to Texas to escape the law.

There was no doctor or church nearer than Raymond, which was ten miles from Burleigh. The country people around the plantation, seeing that Thomas knew how to take care of his servants, began to send for him


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/74

 66 when they were sick. He was so successful that his reputation grew more than was convenient. They had a way of sending for him at night that was specially disagreeable, and he had finally to refuse to make night calls. One day he was summoned to attend a woman who was about to die, the messenger said. When Thomas reached the house, he saw tied to the fence and to trees horses with men's saddles and horses with side-saddles, and on the little porch were men, women, and children, evidently a gathering of the sick woman's clan. One woman, sitting in the sick-chamber, was rocking her baby crosswise on the plank floor. Altogether the hubbub was something distracting. The patient herself was in a highly nervous state. The husband explained that she had not been able to sleep for one or two days and nights. Thomas's advice was that every man, woman, and child should be sent away. It was acted on at once. "Folks, the doctor says you must all go home," the man called out from the door.

In a few minutes they were unhitching their horses and getting away as fast as they could. As soon as all was quiet, a soothing potion was given to the sufferer. The next morning; the news came to "the doctor" that she had slept all night and was a great deal better, and not at all in danger of dying.

A disease called black tongue appeared among the negroes at Burleigh at one time; very soon forty of them had their tongues protruding from their mouths, swollen and cracked open. The doctors were losing so many cases, for the disease was epidemic in the country, that Thomas resolved not to send for a physician. He made a careful study of the symptoms, and observed that the vital powers were strongly taxed and the system run down very low. Not knowing what medicine would check the disease, he resolved to give none, but to build up the system with stimulants and nourishing food, leaving to the recuperative power of nature to pull his patients through. A liberal use of port wine and mutton-chops (such chops! I never saw their like elsewhere) justified his hopes and expectations. He did not lose a case.


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/75

 Rh Thomas was misunderstood and misjudged by the people in Mississippi by whom he found himself surrounded. The plainer classes in Virginia, like those in England, from whom they were descended, recognized the difference between themselves and the higher classes, and did not aspire to social equality. But in Mississippi the tone was different. They resented anything like superiority in breeding.

Thomas Dabney was considered cold and haughty. It took them long years to find out that he was a true friend to the poor. As years passed on they learned to look on him as one to be relied on, not only for substantial help but for sympathy. Under the look of stern dignity the heart was tender and compassionate as a woman's.

It was the custom among the small farmers in his neighborhood to call on each other to assist when one of them built his house, usually a log structure. Accordingly, one day an invitation came to the new-comer to help a neighbor to "raise" his house. At the appointed time he went over with twenty of his men, and he did not leave till the last log was in place and the last board nailed on the roof, handing over the simple cabin quite completed to the owner. This action, which seemed so natural to him, was a serious offence to the recipient, and, to his regret, he was sent for to no more "house-raisings." On another occasion, a small farmer living a few miles from him got "in the grass," as the country people express it when the grass has gotten ahead of the young cotton-plants and there is danger of their being choked by it. Again Thomas went over with twenty men, and in a few hours the field was brought to perfect order. The man said that if Colonel Dabney had taken hold of a plough and worked by his side he would have been glad to have his help, but to see him sitting up on his horse with his gloves on directing his negroes how to work was not to his taste. He heard a long time after these occurrences that he could have soothed their wounded pride if he had asked them to come over to help him to raise his cabins. But he could not bring himself to


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 9.djvu/30


text:
Page:Merry Muses of Caledonia.djvu/120

(　114　) I AM A BARD.

—"For a' that, and a' that.

title: Page:Merry Muses of Caledonia.djvu/120


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/76

 68 call on two or three poor white men to work among his servants when he had no need of help.

Another neighbor he found more grateful. This man was very sick during the season when his field should have been ploughed. His wife and only servant were quite taken up with nursing him. One day they heard the voices of workers in their field, and, on looking out, recognized Colonel Dabney and his servants. He had heard of the trouble, and had ordered his men to go to this place with their mules and ploughs, and to put everything in order for the crop, not failing to take their dinners along. The man got well, and he and his wife and children were life-long friends to the family at Burleigh.

A young doctor moving to the neighborhood said in his hearing that he found it difficult to buy corn. Thomas made no comment, but the next morning the doctor saw a six-mule wagon at his gate. The driver, whom he recognized as a Burleigh negro, asked where the corn should be stowed away. He showed him his corn-crib, and a day or two after, meeting Thomas, asked what he owed for the corn. "Oh, nothing," was the answer; "I do not charge a neighbor for a wagon-load of corn." This incident is hardly worth mentioning were it not that little things make up a man's life and show the spirit.

His plantation was considered a model one, and was visited by planters anxious to learn his methods. He was asked how he made his negroes do good work. His answer was that a laboring man could do more work and better work in five and a half days than in six. He used to give the half of Saturdays to his negroes, unless there was a great press of work; but a system of rewards was more efficacious than any other method. He distributed prizes of money among his cotton-pickers every week during the season, which lasted four or five months. One dollar was the first prize, a Mexican coin valued at eighty-seven and a half cents the second, seventy-five cents the third, and so on, down to the smallest prize, a small Mexican coin called picayune, which was valued at six and a quarter cents.


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 9.djvu/282


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/77

 Rh The decimal nomenclature was not in use there. The coins were spoken of as "bits." Eighty-seven and a half cents were seven bits, fifty cents four bits, twenty-five cents two bits. The master gave money to all who worked well for the prizes, whether they won them or not. When one person picked six hundred pounds in a day, a five-dollar gold-piece was the reward. On most other plantations four hundred pounds or three hundred and fifty or three hundred was considered a good day's work, but on the Burleigh place many picked five hundred pounds. All had to be picked free of trash. No one could do this who had not been trained in childhood. To get five hundred pounds a picker had to use both hands at once. Those who went into the cotton-fields after they were grown only knew how to pull out cotton by holding on to the stalk with one hand and picking it out with the other. Two hundred pounds a day would be a liberal estimate of what the most industrious could do in this manner. A very tall and lithe young woman, one of mammy's "brer Billy's" children, was the best cotton-picker at Burleigh. She picked two rows at a time, going down the middle with both arms extended and grasping the cotton-bolls with each hand. Some of the younger generation learned to imitate this. At Christmas Nelly's share of the prize-money was something over seventeen dollars. Her pride in going up to the master's desk to receive it, in the presence of the assembled negroes, as the acknowledged leader of the cotton-pickers, was a matter of as great interest to the white family as to her own race.

The negroes were helped in every way to gather the cotton, not being interrupted or broken down by any other work. Some of the men were detailed to carry the cotton-hampers to the wagons that the pickers might lift no weights. Water-carriers, with buckets of fresh water, went up and down the rows handing water to the pickers. They would get so interested and excited over the work that they had to be made to leave the fields at night, some of the very ambitious ones wishing to sleep at the end of their rows, that


text:
Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 9.djvu/475

N nomine sancte & individue Trinitatis Amen. Ad honorem & gloriam omnipotentis dei patris & filii, & spiritus sancti, gloriose & precelse dei genitricis & virginis Marie, & omnium sanctorum quorum meritis Sc intercetsionibus in terris gubernamur, ad honorem & bonum prosperum & pacificum statum christianissimi principis domini H. Regis Angl' illustris, & totius Angl' ecclesie. Nos W. Exon, W. Bathon & Wellen, T. Wigorn, N. Menevens' episcopi, Gilbertus de Clare Comes de Glouc' & Humfred' Comes Hereford, Phineas Basset, Johannes Bailol, Robertus Walop' Alanus de la Suche, Rogerus de Somerie & Warenus de Basingbourne, providendi super statum terre, & nominatim super facto exheredatorum, habentes a domino rege predicto & aliis baronibus & consiliariis potestatem plenariam secund um formam conscriptam in literis publicis & sigillis predictorum regis & aliorum munitis, Volumus secundum equitatis tramitem incedere, de assensu venerandi patris G. sancti Adriani diaconi Cardinalis & apostolice sedis legati, & nobilis viri H. de Alemann' similiter habentium potestatem, ita duximus providendum, quod non siat exheredatio sed redemptio, videlicet, quod incipientes et perseverantes nunc.

Item qui fuerunt apud Cestrefeld contra regem in bello. Item violenter & maliciose detinentes Northampton contra regem. Item bellantes & expugnantes regem apud Lewes. Item capti apud Kenilworth, qui venerunt de predatione Winton', vel alibi fuerunt contra regem, quibus rex non remisit. Item bellantes apud Evesham contra regem. Item qui gratis & voluntarie & non coacti miserunt servitia sua contra regem vel ejus filium. Item ballivi & ministri comitis Leic', qui vicinos depredati sunt, & homicidia & incendia, & alia mala procuraverint, solvant quantum valet terra eorum per quinque annos. Item ipsi solvant redemptiones eorum, & rehabeant terras suas. Ita quod si terra debeac vendi, nullus, earn habeat, nisi qui earn tenet ex dono domini regis, si tantuni velit dare, quantum quilibet aiius communiter emens & eisdem terminis, quod si redimens terram satisfecerit pro tota terra sua in principio, statim totam terram suam rehabent. Et similiter satisfaciens pro medietate, vel pro tertia parte, statim medietatem el tertiam partem rehabeat. Quod si ultimo termino statuto redimens non satisfecerit, medietas remanenris terre remaneat illis, quibus terre collate sunt per donum domini regis. Liberum sit redimenti infra ilium terminum totam vel partem terre sue vendsre, et similiter ad firmam dare. Et si aliqui habeant ncmora, & ea velint vendere ad redemptionem suam, ille qui tenet terram ex dono domini regis, habeat servientem competentem, qui recipiat pecuniam. Et redimens, qui vendit silvam habeat unum de quo confidit, & isti duo receptores solvant in conspectu comitatus illos denarios, quos recipiunt de nemore, illis quibus dari debet redemptio. Solutio istius redemptionis siat per tres annos. Milites & armigeri qui predones fuerint, & cum principalibus predonibus in bellis & predationibus, si non habeant terras, habeant autem bona, solvant pro redemptione sua medietatem bonorum suorum, & inveniant fidejussfores competenres, quod pacem regis & regni amodo servabunt. Qui vero nihil habuerint, veniant & jurent ad sancta dei evangelia, & inveniant fidejussores competentes, ,(1) quod amodo pacem servabunt, et subeunt satisficlionem & penitentiam secundum judicium ecclesie, exceptis bannitis quibus solus rex potest remittore.

Cererum domini heredum infra etatem existentium solvant redemptionem pro eis, & heredes cum ad etatem plenam pervenerint solvant redemptionem dominis eisdem terminis per tres vel duos annos, quibus ct alii solverunt. Ita quod domini terrarum habeant custodiam heredum cum maritagiis line desparagatione, usque ad legitimam eorum etatem, & heredes solvant redemptionem sicut & alii solverunt, & eisdem terminis. Custodie autem, que debentur domino regi, remaneant illis quibus collate funt per regem. Et cum pervenerint ad legitimam etatem, solvant redemptionem eisdem terminis, quibus & alii. Et nulla riat deftructio ab hiis qui habent cuftodias, sin autem, siat jus}titia contra illos secundum quod continetur in Magna Charta.

Si quis ante helium de Lewes steterit cum domino rege & poll bellum, & sit exheredatus quia ad filium regis venire noluerit in ejus adjutorium, dicat rex voluntatem fuaru de illo per fidele dictum suum. Nemora


text:
Page:Merry Muses of Caledonia.djvu/123

(　117　) MY WIFE'S A WANTON WEE THING.

 HE TILL'T AND SHE TILL'T.

—"Maggie Lauder."

An old fragment.

title: Page:Merry Muses of Caledonia.djvu/123


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/78

 70 they might be up and at work in the morning earlier than their rivals. The cotton was weighed three times a day, and the number of pounds picked by each servant set down opposite to his or her name on a slate. Quite a remarkable feat of memory was exhibited by one of the negro men one day in connection with this. His duty was to help the overseer to weigh the cotton. One day the slate was caught in a rain and the figures were obliterated. This man came that night to the master's desk and gave from memory every record on the slate, the morning, mid-day, and evening weights of each picker. The negroes stood near enough to hear if he had made a mistake in any man's figures. It was the more remarkable as he could not have expected to be called on to do this. In addition to the cotton crop, corn was raised in such abundance that it was not an unusual thing to sell a surplus of a thousand or two bushels or more. A maxim with the master was that no animal grew fat on bought corn. In putting in his corn crop he made full allowance for a bad season, hence there was never a scarcity. A lock on a corn-crib was not known. After the mules and horses were fed in the evening the negroes carried home all that they cared to have. They raised chickens by the hundred. One of the chicken-raisers, old Uncle Isaac, estimated that he raised five hundred, unless the season was bad. Uncle Isaac's boast was that he was a child of the same year as the master, and that the master's mother had given to him in her own arms some of the baby Thomas's milk, as there was more of it than he wanted. He would draw himself up as he added, "I called marster brother till I was a right big boy, an' I called his mother ma till I was old enough to know better an' to stop it myself. She never tole me to stop."

The negroes sold all the chickens they did not eat. They were taken to Raymond or Cooper's Well in a four-mule wagon, provided by the master. As he paid the market price, and as there was some risk of their getting less than he gave, there was not often a desire to send them off if he would take them. And he had


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Krummacher, Friedrich Wilhelm


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/79

 Rh need to buy all he used after the death of our faithful Granny Harriet. Different servants were given the care of the poultry, and all failed so signally that Aunt Kitty, who was renowned for success in her own poultry-yard, was placed in charge. She was given all the conveniences and facilities she asked for,—chicken-houses, coops, and separate enclosures for young chickens. The result of all this outlay was not a chicken the first year, and only one the second. The history of that one deserves to be recorded. It was hatched out in the hedge and raised by its mother hen without the aid of our accomplished hen hussy.

The thrifty negroes made so much on their chickens, peanuts, popcorn, molasses-cakes, baskets, mats, brooms, taking in sewing, and in other little ways, that they were able to buy luxuries. Some of the women bought silk dresses; many had their Sunday dresses made by white mantua-makers. Of course they had the clothes of the master and mistress in addition; and in later years, as the house grew full of young masters and young mistresses, theirs were added. As the family knew that the servants liked nothing so well as the well-made clothes that they laid aside, they wore their clothes but little. They justly considered that those who had labored for them had rights to them while still fresh. Under these circumstances it did not seem wasteful for a daughter of the house to distribute, at the end of a season, as many as a dozen or more dresses that had been made up but a few months before. It was quite funny to see among the gallants three or four swallow-tail coats of the master's come in at the gate for the grand promenade on Sunday evenings, escorting the colored belles in all their bravery of hoop-skirts, and ruffles, and ribbons, and flowers. Mammy Harriet gives me this account of the management at Burleigh:

"De men had twelve pounds o' meat ebery two weeks an' de women ten pounds. Viney, my brer Billy's daughter, had as much as a man. You see she was a hearty eater. An' dey had 'lasses too 'cordih' to dey famblys,—a water-bucketful. Den some on 'em let dey meat gin out an' come for mo'. Marster git 'em mo'


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/O'Donovan, William Rudolf


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Oersted, Anders Sandöe


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/81

 Rh For some years the muster accompanied every wagon loaded with cotton that went to market from his plantation. He slept on these journeys under the wagons, and sometimes on awakening in the morning he found that his great-coat, in which he was wrapped, was frozen hard to the ground. His negro drivers were more heavily clad than himself, each one being provided with a thick woollen great-coat that reached to his heels, home-knit woolen socks and gloves, and an enormous comforter for the neck. No illness resulted from the exposure. In the morning a hot meal, cooked by one of the negroes—and all the race are admirable cooks—was shared by the master and his men.

Until over seventy years old, he was singularly indifferent to cold or heat, or to discomforts of any sort. But he felt compassion for his negroes. He knew that the warm African blood in their veins was not fitted to endure what he could stand. He never regarded the weather for himself, but was very careful about sending them out in bad weather, and never did it unless it seemed a necessity. On such occasions he wore an anxious look, and said that he could not go to bed until his servants had gotten home safely. They were always sure of finding a hot fire and a warm drink ready for them on their return.

Every other year he distributed blankets on the plantation, giving one apiece to each individual. Many of the families were large, and as the fathers would move off under a load of twelve or fourteen blankets, some, whose quivers were less full, would be heard to exclaim over the good fortune of the lucky ones. There were usually a dozen or so left over in these distributions, and they were thrown in for good measure to those who had the large families. "Poor things, they have so many children," seemed to my dear mother a sufficient explanation for special favors that she often bestowed on those who had no other claim. Some of the negro men with the big families of children had a funny little affectation of feigning not to know either the names or the number of their boys and girls. "I disremember, missis, dyar's so many on 'em," with a little pleased


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/82

 Rh laugh, was considered a sufficient answer to inquiries on the subject on every-day occasions. But not so on the days when blankets were to be given out. Then their memories were fresh. Then the babies that had not been in their cradles more than a few days, mayhap hours, were remembered and mentioned in due turn, with no danger of being forgotten or overlooked because there were "so many on 'em."

In addition to the blankets, comforts were quilted in the house by the seamstresses for every woman who had a young baby. The every-day clothes of all the negroes were cut out and made in the house; two complete woollen suits for winter and two cotton ones for summer. For Sundays, a bright calico dress was given to each woman. The thrifty ones, and, with scarcely an exception, these negroes were thrifty, had more than they needed, and the clothes were in their chests a year before they were put on. The woollen socks and stockings for both men and women were knit in the cabins by old women, and in the "great house" by young girls. These last were set a task by the mistress, with the privilege of holiday the rest of the day when it was done. This had the desired effect of making them quick and industrious, and so interested that they would be at their work betimes in the morning. The clever ones sometimes get through with the allotted task before breakfast.

On rainy days all the plantation women were brought into the house. Then Mammy Maria, who was in her way a field-marshal on such occasions, gave out the work and taught them to sew. By word and action she stimulated and urged them on, until there was not on the Burleigh plantation a woman who could not make and mend neatly her own and her husband's and children's clothes.

Poor mammy! She dreaded these days of teaching and worrying over her big scholars. It gave her the headache, she said: some seemed so hopelessly dull and stupid and lazy,—so unlike herself. Hers was a case both of greatness thrust upon one and of greatness achieved. She had grown up at my mother's feet,


text:
Page:Fairy tales and other stories (Andersen, Craigie).djvu/337

Rh and out at the top, and more delicate than the flames, invisible to human eyes, little tiny beings floated there, as many as there had been blossoms on the Flax. They were lighter even than the flame from which they were born; and when the flame was extinguished, and nothing remained of the Paper but black ashes, they danced over it once more, and where they touched the black mass the little red sparks appeared. The children came out of school, and the schoolmaster was the last of all. That was fun! and the children sang over the dead ashes—

But the little invisible beings all said,

'The song is never done, that is the best of all. I know it, and therefore I'm the happiest of all.'

But the children could neither hear that nor understand it, nor ought they, for children must not know everything.

'THERE IS A DIFFERENCE'

was in the month of May. The wind still blew cold, but bushes and trees, field and meadow, all alike said the spring had come. There was store of flowers even in the wild hedges; and there spring carried on his affairs, and preached from a little apple tree, where one branch hung fresh and blooming, covered with delicate pink blossoms that were just ready to open. The Apple Tree Branch knew well enough how beautiful he was, for the knowledge is inherent in the blade as well as in the blood; and consequently the Branch was not surprised when a nobleman's carriage stopped opposite to him on the road, and the young countess said that that apple branch was the loveliest thing one could behold, a very emblem of spring in its most charming form. And the Branch was broken off, and she held it in her delicate hand, and sheltered it with her silk parasol. Then they drove to the castle, where there were lofty halls and splendid apartments. Pure white curtains fluttered round the open windows, and beautiful


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/83

 Rh having been about her ever since she could remember, and had come to love the white family better than her own blood and race. she resented their being deceived and imposed on by her fellow-servants, and did not fail to inform them when such was the case. This confidence was considered as sacred, but of course it grew to bo known that Mammy Maria was a "white folks' servant."

She was far more severe in her judgment of misdemeanors than the master and mistress. The place that she had made for herself was one that would, in a character less true and strong, have brought on herself the hatred and the distrust of her race. But they knew her to be just, one who never assailed the innocent, and with so warm and compassionate a heart in real trouble that none were afraid to come to her. From being a confidential servant she grew into being a kind of prime minister, and it was well known that if she espoused a cause and took it to the master it was sure to be attended to at once, and according to her advice.

Her independence and fearlessness in the discharge of her duty, both to the master and to her fellow-servants, won for her the affection and esteem of both. In consequence of her popularity with her own color, her namesakes became so numerous that the master had to forbid any further increase of them, on account of the confusion to which it gave rise. This her admirers evaded by having the babies christened Maria, and another name adopted for every-day use.

My brave, good mammy! Who that knew thee in these day's, when thy heart was gay and bold as a young soldier's, could think that the time would come when that faithful heart would break for the love of thy old master!


text:
Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 9.djvu/476

2 Nemora ab hiis, qui ea tenent nunc, non vendantur neque destruantur aliquo mqdo, nisi post ultimum terminum non observatum, necessaria tamen ad custodiam vel ad restaurationem domorum habeant illi quibus terre collate fuerint per regem : sin autem, graviter puniantur.

Si aliquis fuerit, de quo timeatur, quod velit guerram facere vel procurare ; provideant domini legatus & rex securitatem quam viderint expedire, mittendo eum extra regnum ad tempus, vel aliter, sicut expedire viderint. Ita tamen quod si contingat ilium impediri a folutione fua five redemptione, propter hoc non exheredetur.

Si qu s non sit contentus ista provisione, subeat judicium curie domini regis infra festum sancti Hilarii. Extra regnum existentes habeant inducias transmarinas secundum leges & consuetudines regni ; Ita quod teneant s}e in pace ; Aliter non sint in forma pacis.

Quia rex tenetur multis qui eum munierunt & ei fideliter affuerunt, quibus de terris non providit, & quidam plus habent quam habere debeant : provideat dominus rex quod de redemptione capienda habundanter eos respiciat, ne sitmateria nove guerre.

Provideant dominus Legatus & Rex & H. de Alem' quod eligantur xii. qui diligenter & fideliter ista consequantur. Et ista faciat dominus rex & heredes sui firmiter observari & manuteneri. Isti etiam inquirant & compleant, que a supradiclis xii. electis sunt ordinata, secundum estimationes rationabiles & veraces, secundum quod xii providebunt executores.

Firmarii qui suerunt contra regem careant sirmis suis, salvo jure dominorum suorum, quibus reddunts censum suum annuum : detinentes sirmas elapso termino revertantur ad veros dominos.

De castris edificatis per chartas domini regis & consensum ejus, sine consensu tamen exheredati, dicimus quod post redemptionem solutam termino trium annorum, solvat dominus terre infra sex annos custum qui ponebatur ante publicationem dicti per consensum regis vel rationabile escambium terre.

Laici manifeste procurantes negotia comitis Leyc' & complicium suorum, attrahendo homines per mendatia & falsitates, instigando parti comitis & suorum, detrahendo parti regis & silii sui, puniantur per quantum valet terra eorura per duos annos.

Coacti, vel metu ducti, qui venerunt ad bella, nee pugnaverunt, nee malefecerunt impotentes; qui vi vel metu coacli miserunt servitia sua contra regem vel ejus filium; Coacti, vel metu ducti, qui fuerunt depredatores, & cum principalibus predonibus predationes fecerunt, & quando commode potuerunt recefferunt & ad domos redierunt. [Hic aliquid deesse videiur.]

- Emptores fcienter rerum alienarum, valorem bonorum, que emerunt, restituant, & in mifericordia domini regis sint, quia contra justitiam fecerunt quia rex inhibuit jam dimidio anno elapso.

Illi qui ad mandatum comitis Leyc' ingressi sunt. North' nec pugnaverunt, nee malum fecerunt, sed ad ecclesiam sugierunt quum regem venientem viderunt, & hoc sit compertum per bonos. llli qui non tenebant de comite Leyc', & veniebant ad mandatum ejus, solvant quantum valet terra eorum per dimidium annum. Illi que ex feodo comitis tenebant, sint solum in misericordia domini regis.

Impotentes & alii homines, qui nihil mali fecerunt, statim rehabeant terras fuas, & damna recuperent in curia domini regis.

Puniantur accusatores penes dominum regem, & quodamodo rex eis de facili non credat. Et talis pena fiat eis, qualis debeat fieri illis, qui injuste fidefes domini regis exhered' & deftrui fecerunt ; fine periculo vite mutilationis & exheredationis.

, Maliciose accusati statim rehabeant terras fuas, & damna recuperent in curia domini regis, ut supra. proximo ante.

, Mulieres habeant hereditates suas & dotes de primis dominis. De terris autem maritorum qui fuerunt contra regem, habeant secundum quod rex statuit & redimantur. Redemptio autem illorum que fuerunt contra regem sret. Sed in illis qui in nullo fuerunt contra regem non stet redemptio, sed statim rehabeant terras fuas, & damna recuperent, vit supra. De maliciose accusatis dictum est. Et accusantes puniantur, ut ibi submissio facta dicto domini regis vel aliorum dominorum, vel res per concordiam vel pacem, facta, stet in robore suo.

Orrines recepti ad pacem per illos, qui habuerunt potestatem ad hoc, remaneant in statu in quo recepti sunt. Omnes qui redempti sunt, non tenentur respondere de damnis & transgressionibus per eos factis, super quos impugnaverunt tempore turbationis predicte, sed damna & transgressiones ex utraque parte remittantur. Salva tamen exactione cuicumque se non intromittenti de dicta turbatione, salve quod ecclesiam pertinet.

Quia periculosum esse videtur, quod castra essent in potesiate ipsorum, qui male egerunt contra regem, dicimus & providimus de castris Herdley, Byham, & Chertsey, quod pro illis detur rationabile escambium.

De Simone de Montesorti & comitissa & filiis comitis nihil dicimus,. quia dominus rex Angl. factum eorum posuit in manus regis Francie.

De London' laudamus prefatum regem & hortamur, ut ipse provideat per consilium suum de ressormando statum civitatis quoad terras redditus domos & libertates eorum : et ista provisio statim siat.

De Comite de Ferr' dicimus, quod puniatur per quantum valet terra ejus per septem annos.

Omnes de castro sint in communi forma pacis, excepto H. de Hastinges, & mutilatoribus nuncii domini regis, qui in septem annis puniantur, vel in misericordia domini regis le ponant.

Omnes de cetero teneant firmarn pacem : etnullus saciat incendia, honncidia, robberias vel alia mala contra pacem, & qui fecerit, & sit convictus, habeat judicium secundum consuetudines terre. Item omnes quorum interest jurent ad fancla dei evangelia, quod nullus capiet vindclam nee fieri procurabit, nee confentiet, nee fieri suftinebit, quod vindida capiatur occasione turbationis predicie. Quod si aliquis capiat vindiclam puniatur per confiderationem curie dotmni regis. 4


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/753


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/752


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/751


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/750


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/749


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/748


text:
Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 8.djvu/747

708

Serjeant. *A Table thereof to be hung up in the Court.
 * Penalty of demanding or taking greater or other Fees, not to exceed 40 s. nor be less than 10 s. for one Offence ; and to be paid to the Treasurer of the Guardians of the Poor.
 * Clerk or Serjeant guilty of notorious Misbehaviour in the Execution of their Offices, the Court may inquire into the same, and certify the Particulars to the Mayor, who shall thereupon summon a general Meeting of the Commissioners, and they may suspend or remove the Delinquent.
 * A Commissioner who is a Party to, or interested in, any Cause depending in the Court, is to withdraw, after being heard, till the same is determined, the Clerk or other Officer, being interested in like Manner, the Court is to appoint another Person to act pro tempore.
 * Persons who shall insult or abuse the Court, while sitting, or any of the Members thereof, going to or from the same, or shall interrupt the *Proceedings, may be punished by Fine or Imprisonment.
 * Where the Fine cannot be levied, the Officer is to be committed.
 * Application of the said Fines.
 * Copy of this Clause to be fixed up in the Court.
 * Action for Debts recoverable in this Court are not to be brought in any other.
 * The Registers of the Court, or true Copies thereof, deemed legal Evidences.
 * Proceedings, &c. not liable to be removed into a superior Court.
 * Specification of Debts, &c. not suable in this Court.
 * Penalty of wilful and corrupt Perjury.
 * The respective Keepers of the Common Gaol and House of Correction are to receive and keep in safe Custody, &c., all Persons committed by order of the Court, on Penalty of forfeiting not exceeding 5l. nor less than 40 s. to be levied by Distress and Sale, and to paid and applied as other Fines.
 * No Attorney to be admitted as an Advocate in a Cause; nor to speak in the Court where he is not a Party or Witness, on Penalty of 20l. nor to act as a Commissioner.
 * Witness being duly summoned, refusing to appear and give Evidence, may be fined by the Court, not exceeding 50 s. nor less than 10 s. to be levied by *Distress and Sale, and paid over to the Party injured.
 * No Writ may be sued against any Commissioner or Officer of the Court, for any thing done in the Execution of their respective Offices, until they shall have been first served with due Notice thereof.
 * Attorney's Fee for preparing and serving such Notice.
 * Defendant thereupon may tender Amends; and if the same shall be found sufficient, Verdict to be given for the Defendant; if none or insufficient *Amends were tendered, &c.
 * Plaintiff to recover Damages and Costs.
 * If Notice as aforesaid has not been given, Defendant to recover.
 * Defendant may also Pay Money into Court, before issue joined.
 * No Evidence to be given on the Trial, but what is contained in the Notice.
 * Limitation of Actions.
 * General Issue.
 * Treble Costs.
 * Publick Act.


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/770


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/769


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/768


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/767


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/766


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/765


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/764


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/84

 76

Thomas owned more negroes than could work with advantage on one place. He was advised to put a part on a second plantation, but he refused to let a consideration of profit induce him to place his servants where he could not personally attend to their welfare. All the negroes were encouraged to come freely to the house to see the master and mistress, and they were very fond of making visits there, even when there was nothing more important to say than to ask after the young masters off at college, and to send their how-d'ye to them. They had their favorites among the growing-up sons and daughters, and chose their future owners, and spoke of themselves as belonging to the ones selected. It was a great grief to those who had chosen Charles Dabney when he was cut off at the threshold of his life, and I never heard of their making a second choice.

The master and mistress taught the negroes truthfulness and honesty, as they taught their own children, by not tempting them, and by trusting them. It was a maxim with the master that it made a child honest and truthful to believe its word. He was by nature so unsuspicious that it required no effort to carry this out in his daily life.

On one occasion one of his daughters was at a reception in New York given to the House of Bishops. The honored guest of the evening was that great missionary. Bishop Selwyn, of Litchfield, who had come over from England to our General Convention. Among other subects the dishonesty of the negro race was discussed, and some one asked if all negroes were thieves. Thomas Dabney's daughter felt diffident about speaking, but she regretted afterwards that she had not said that a very large proportion of her father's


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/85

 Rh negroes could be trusted to any extent. The interrogator had probably confounded negroes who were trusted with those who were not. The confidence shown in them by the heads of her Southern home had taught the negroes so much self-respect that a thoroughly thievish negro was put under the ban in his own little world. Thomas had the control of about five hundred of them. About two hundred were his own, and on the Burleigh plantation. The others belonged to his wards, and wore nearly all family negroes, closely related to his, and living on neighboring plantations. He had the management of four estates belonging to minors. It was a saying in the family that the estates of his wards were better managed than his own, and their property increased faster than his.

"Of course, I put the best overseers on their plantations," he said. "You see, I am here to look after my own." The negroes of these came to him as to their master, and he treated them as his own.

He bought a cook, one of his mother's negroes, after he went to Mississippi, at the same time making the arrangement to buy her husband. For some reason both did not go out together. A cook was always a belle on a plantation, and this young Alcey soon had all the unmarried men at her feet, among others a young fellow named Bob. One Sunday evening, as the rival suitors were sitting with her, Bob, who was thought to be a favored one, got his jawbone caught back in an unfortunate yawn, and spent several hours speechless, with his mouth wide open, while a messenger was despatched for the doctor. But this did not seem to disillusionize the object of his addresses, for she wrote a letter to her hushand in Virginia that quite decided him not to join her. He also, it was said, had been casting his eyes around for a more congenial mate. When Mrs. Chamberlayne spoke to him of going out to Mississippi, he answered that Alcey had given him an account in a letter of the terrible ocean that had to be gone over on the way. Mrs. Chamberlayne said that if a woman could stand the journey a strong man certainly could. "Yes, Miss


text:
Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/763

A.D. 1756.


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/1


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/2


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/3


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/4


text:
Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/5

 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 http://www.archive.org/details/statutesatlargef07gr^a


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/6


text: Page:Ruffhead - The Statutes at Large - vol 7.djvu/8


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/86

 78 Marthy, but Alcey know more 'bout clem mysteries dan I does."

When Alcey was spoken to on the subject, she said, "Tell marster not to bother 'bout sendin' for him. He lazy an' puny an' no 'count." Bob's charms had triumphed.

On wedding occasions, in addition to the materials for a cake, the bride always expected a good many gifts, and some of the master's family to be present. The mistress's big prayer-book was taken over, and the marriage service read by one of the young masters. They would not be satisfied unless the bride and the cake were duly complimented. The children of the house-servants were married in the dining-room at Burleigh, and it was a saying in the family that these turned out to be happy marriages.

At one of the weddings the bridegroom did not respond when his time came. "Solomon," said the young master, "say thou wilt." "Thou wilt," repeated Solomon, in bis most solemn voice. The marriage ceremony went on.

"Courtenay, wilt thou have this man to thy wedded husband, to live together after God's ordinance in the holy estate of matrimony? Wilt thou obey him, and serve him, love, honor, and keep him in sickness and in health; and, forsaking all others, keep thee only unto him, so long as ye both shall live?"

"I does," responded the bride.

The nurse who took care of the women when their babies were born received a fee each time. The mothers themselves looked on these seasons as gala times. They were provided with flour, sugar, dried fruit, and often meals from the table, and a woman to do all their cooking, washing, and house-work for a month. During the rest of the year they did little more than take care of the babies. Their cabins were clean and orderly, their beds gay with bright quilts, and often the pillows were snowy enough to tempt any head.

When we children were allowed to go to see some of the servants, they delighted in setting out a little feast. If they had nothing else, we were not allowed


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/87

 Rh to go without a new-laid egg or two. Once at Christnias Mammy Harriet gave a "high tea" to us children. I was at that time about fourteen years of age, the oldest of the invited. A friend of my own age, Arabella Foote, the youngest daughter of Henry S. Foote (Governor and United States Senator), was spending her Christmas holidays with me. Mammy felt some modesty about inviting the young lady into her house, but I took Arabella, and she enjoyed it as much as any of us. Mammy had made a nice cake and hot biscuits and tea for the occasion, set out in her choicest cups, some of rare old china, and with sugar in the sugar-bowl that she had inherited from her mother. She gave us besides, sweetmeats, nuts, raisins, fruits of several kinds,—indeed, a delightful tea. And she stood behind us waiting on the table, her bright bandanna kerchief towering aloft on her head, and she looking so pleased.

The children delighted in teaching the house-servants. One night the whole family were formally invited, the master, mistress, governess, and guests, by a twelve year-old school-mistress to hear her pupils recite poetry. She had about a dozen of the maids, old and young, Mammy Maria among them, One of the guests was quite astonished to see his own servant, whom he had with him spending several months at Burleigh, get up and recite a piece of poetry that had been learned with pains for this occasion.

Some of the sons taught those of the plantation negroes who cared to learn, but very few were willing to take the trouble to study. Virginius was successful with his scholars. Five of them learned to read so well that they became preachers. For this service he got one dozen eggs a month; or occasionally in lieu of this he received a pullet at the end of two months. He taught in the kitchen by the light of pine torches. His method of enforcing discipline on these middle-aged men was truly ludicrous. As his tutor, being one of the old-fashioned sort, did not spare the rod in the morning, so at night Virginius belabored the backs of his sturdy fellows. His beatings were received with shouts of laughter, the whole school would be in an


text:
The Whisky Distilleries of the United Kingdom

The object of this Work is to give a familiar description and history of all the Whisky Distilleries of Great Britain, the product of which brings the largest revenue to the Imperial Exchequer of any industry in the Kingdom. Also to draw attention to the rapid increase of the Whisky Trade, and the vast field of Distillery enterprise now existing in this country; the annual output of Scotland alone being for the year 1885-6 17,982,338 gallons, whilst that of Ireland was 10,620,584 gallons. In these pages I have made no pretensions to observations, scientific or otherwise, on the art of distilling malt and grain spirit, but have simply given a description of the Distilleries and what I have seen therein. That I am not a practical distiller or connected with the trade is not an assumption of merit, as will probably be proved by the censure which, from some quarters, the book may receive; therefore, I earnestly bespeak the leniency of the Distillers, who will doubtless see faults and technical errors in my description of the various methods, now in use for making malt and grain whisky at the different establishments herein described. The book makes no pretension to literary merit of any sort, and should not be judged by any such standard. It is simply the product of a run through the Distilleries, with an endeavour to give descriptive sketches upon each in more or less detail. So far as is known to the author, there has never been a work of the kind published before, and as many blenders and whisky merchants have very little knowledge of the "inner workings" of a Distillery, it may, I trust, prove in some measure interesting, if not useful, to them. Again, I wish to stimulate an interest in the art of distilling among those who trade in whisky, and to aid in demonstrating, what I am convinced is correct, that good whisky, as a beverage, is the most wholesome spirit in the world. Should I succeed in doing this, and my book proves of interest to my readers, I shall be gratified, and the publication of this volume will afford me pleasure to the end of my days. I may state that at first I found my descriptive task beset with difficulties far exceeding what I had contemplated; but, after a few weeks’ experience, I got acquainted with the nature of the business, the names of the vessels, and the process of mashing and distilling, when my interest grew with the work, making it easier for me; until, after a time, I acquired quite a zest for these distillery studies.

It is well known that most of the Scotch and Irish Distilleries, in addition to the interest they awaken as important sources of commercial interest, are invested with no ordinary attractions, by their picturesque surroundings and the magnificent country in which they are planted. In these pages I have endeavoured to give permanence to impressions made on my mind by the beautiful scenery it was my good fortune to behold in the most favourable weather during a two years’ tour. If my readers think that I have gone rather too freely into the history and description of the lovely places visited, I trust that I shall be pardoned, and some allowance made for the exuberance of one in "city pent" who has been released to enjoy the pure air of heaven among the mountains, lakes, and valleys of Scotland and Ireland. I have endeavoured to confine myself exclusively to observations on the most striking objects that presented themselves to my view in passing through the Distilleries, even at the risk of repetition, and although many chapters may appear alike, in reality there is a difference in detail of each one of them. In several "out of the way" places I was detained a day or two waiting for a steamer or other conveyance, which gave me the opportunity of exploring the locality, hence some of the sketches are much longer than others.

I cannot refrain from expressing the delight with which I look back upon my visits and associations with the Distillers themselves, as apart from my extremely pleasurable intercourse with them, without their assistance this book could not have been written, and from stating that a more agreeable and hospitable class does not exist. Everywhere I was received courteously, and in many places with kindly hospitality,

"When death’s dark stream I ferry o’er, A time that surely shall come, In heaven itself I’ll ask no more Than just a Highland welcome!" Burns

In alluding to those persons who have rendered me assistance, I must not omit to mention a dear friend, who will not let me "present him", for his able articles on "Distillation", whose talent has left nothing for me to say on the subject, and to whom I feel deeply indebted. Also to Messrs. A. & C. Dawson for the admirable reproduction of an old family relic, which appears as the frontispiece to the work and which has been photo-engraved on copper direct from the object; also for the maps. To Messrs. Walker & Boutall for many of the etchings which have done much to embellish and increase the value of the work.

London January 1887

Alfred Barnard


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/198

 190

O the day after our mother's death one of the daughters went to the kitchen to attend to the house-keeping. She found the cook in a flood of tears. "I have lost the best friend that I had," she said. She spoke the truth, for few besides the mistress who was gone could have had patience with Alcey. She was the cook who had been bought from Mr. Dabney's mother's estate, and had been treated with marked kindness on account of her being a stranger; but she seemed to be vicious and heartless, and nothing but the untiring forbearance and kindness of this mistress had touched the hardened nature.

When one hires servants and they do not give some sort of satisfaction, redress is at hand. The servant is dismissed. But with slaves, at Burleigh, and with all the good masters and mistresses in the South,—and I have known very few who were not good,—there was no redress.

It may be thought that Southerners could punish their servants, and so have everything go on just as they pleased. But he who says this knows little of human nature. "I cannot punish people with whom I associate every day," Thomas Dabney said, and he expressed the sentiment of thousands of other slave-owners. It was true that discipline had sometimes to be used, but not often, in very many instances only once in a lifetime, and in many more, never. George Page, who in his mouth, and in his middle age, was about his master's person and knew him well, said, "Marster is a heap more strict with his children than he is with his servants. He does not overlook things in his children like he does in his people."

Apart from the humane point of view, common sense, joined with that great instructor, responsibility, taught


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/201

 Rh In this time of change and discouragement Mammy Maria's strong, true love for the house showed itself, and was indeed a help and support. She had never in her life received what could he called an order from any younger member of the family. To her everything was put in the form of a request. She was too much beloved for any one of her "white children" to wish to alter this relationship now. But mammy decided herself on changing her manner to us. Instead of her independent way of letting us know her views, and expecting us to follow her advice, she addressed her young mistresses in a manner marked by the most studied deference. The slightest expressed wish, though couched as over in the form of a request, was a command to mammy, and was obeyed with more punctilious exactness than if it had come from the father or mother. She and they had been bons camarades many a year together, and understood each other,—there was no need to obey strictly, or to obey at all, if she saw a better way. But here was a different state of things,—hero was upheaval and rebellion. The servants hardly meant it so; most of it was thoughtlessness on their part, but the result was discomfort and perplexity to mammy's "white children." Her loyal heart showed her this way of giving comfort to us.

After the war actually began, Thomas Dabney espoused the side of the South with all the enthusiasm of his nature. As has been said, he did nothing by halves. He at once organized his household on a more economical footing that he might have the more to aid in carrying on the war. He said that we at home ought not to live more luxuriously than our soldiers in camp, and he himself set the example of giving up many luxuries which were yet abundant in the land. It was considered unpatriotic to plant cotton, and he urged his neighbors to turn all their energies towards sustaining the Southern soldiers. They planted half crops of cotton; but not a cotton-seed was allowed to be put in the ground on the Burleigh plantation. Every acre was planted in corn, that the army should not lack food for man and beast. He gave his money


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/202

 104 with both hands, and his sons as freely. He was most restive at not being in the army himself. He was on the point of enlisting many times, and did enlist once, when special troops were called for to go to Columbus, Kentucky, where heavy fighting was expected.

His daughters were in despair at seeing him at the age of sixty-two preparing to go into the trenches. No argument on the subject of his age could move him when this uncontrollable longing to go into the army got possession of him, as it did from time to time. His daughters came around him and reminded him that all their brothers who were old enough to handle a musket were at the front, and he ought not to run the risk of leaving them without a natural protector. Perhaps the strongest argument used was that he could best serve his country by remaining at home and giving his personal supervision to the fields which were to feed the armies. He finally yielded to their wishes and stayed at home.

His fourteen-year-old son, Benjamin, caught the war fever, and his father gave his consent for him to go into the ranks. He sent a trusted body-servant with his sons.

"William," he said, "I wish you to stand by your young masters, and to look after them as well as you can. And if they are killed, I want you to bring them home to me."

"Yes, marster."

"And here is my sword, William. I give it to you to take to the war. You can fight with it, too, if you see a chance."

"Yes, marster, I will show them the English of it."

And William, who was about six feet two inches in height, threw his head back and looked proud of the trust. (See Addendum., p.342.)

William was armed with the master's own sword, which he had had sharpened before handing it to him. It had been his when, at the age of fourteen years, he had gone to Old Point Comfort, where the British were expected to land. The edge had been ground off when peace was declared after the war of 1812, and it had


text:
Page:Southern Life in Southern Literature.djvu/344

 "'Ladies, Brer Fox wuz my daddy's ridin' boss fer thirty year; maybe mo', but thirty year dat I knows un! sezee, en den he paid 'em his 'spects, en tip his beaver, en march off, he did, des ez stiff en ez stuck up ez a fire-stick.

"Nex' day, Brer Fox cum callin', en w'en he gun fer ter laff 'bout Brer Rabbit, Miss Meadows en de gals, dey ups en tells 'im 'bout w'at Brer Rabbit said. Den Brer Fox grit his toof sho' nuff, he did, en he look mighty dumpy, but w'en he riz fer ter go, he up en say, sezee:

"'Ladies, I ain't 'sputin' w'at you say, but I'll make Brer Rabbit chaw up his words en spit um out right here whar you kin see 'im, sezee, en wid dat off Brer Fox marcht.

"En w'en he got in de big road, he shuck de dew off'n his tail, en made a straight shoot fer Brer Rabbit's house. W'en he got dar, Brer Rabbit wuz 'spectin' un 'im, en de do' was shet fas'. Brer Fox knock. Nobody never ans'er. Brer Fox knock. Nobody ans'er. Den he knock ag'in—blam, blam. Den Brer Rabbit holler out mighty weak:

"'Is dat you, Brer Fox? I want you to run fer ter fetch de doctor. Dat bait er pusly w'at I et dis mawnin' is gittin' 'way wid me. Do please run quick, Brer Fox, sez Brer Rabbit, sezee.

"'I come atter you, Brer Rabbit,' sez Brer Fox, sezee. 'Dere's gwineter be a party over at Miss Meadows's,' sezee. All de gals 'll be dere, en I promus' dat I'd fetch you. De gals, dey 'lowed dat hit would n't be no party 'ceppin' I fotch you,' sez Brer Fox, sezee.

"Den Brer Rabbit say he was too sick, en Brer Fox say he wuzzent, en dar dey had it up and down, 'sputin' en contendin'. Brer Rabbit say he could n't walk. Brer Fox say he'd tote 'im. Brer Rabbit say how? Brer Fox say in his arms. Brer Rabbit say he'd drap 'im. Brer Fox 'low he would n't. Bimeby, Brer Rabbit say he'd go ef Brer Fox tote 'im on his back. Brer Fox


text: Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile/Volume 2/Book 4/Chapter 3


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/203

 Rh not been sharpened till the Confederate war broke out.

Thomas wrote much for the papers in those days, urging every Southerner to take care of the soldiers in the field. Five young men, who were guests at Burleigh in the first spring of the war, were fitted out by him and sent off with one hundred dollars apiece, and directions to have their bills charged to him. Gray cloth was ordered up from New Orleans, and uniforms cut out and made by the dozen in the house and sent to the camps. Blankets were not to be bought in any Southern market, and he decided to give every one that he owned, but his daughters begged to be allowed to keep some, and he compromised on giving away nineteen of the largest size, about half. He wished us to cut up the carpets to put on the beds. Great boxes of food and wine were sent off to the hospitals. He sent his carriage for sick soldiers, and took care of them as long as they were allowed to stay, treating each private as if he were the commander-in-chief of the army.

He greatly enjoyed a dinner that he gave to General John C. Breckenridge and a brilliant party of officers and fnends in September of 1862. It was the last entertainment given at Burleigh before the tide of war swept over it. There were about eighteen guests, among them some friends from New Orleans,—Mr. Needier Jennings, Mr. George W. Ward, and Mr. Violet, Andrew Jackson Polk, of Tennessee, and the Hon. Senator Gwin [sic:Gwynn], of California. Two of our own soldier boys were there on furlough, Edward Dabney and Augustine Dabney's son, Thomas Gregory Dabney.

Everybody was full of hope. None then realized the true state of things, that Vicksburg would fall and all our part of the country be overrun. Vicksburg had stood two sieges, and we thought that little city impregnable, and the gay company assured the ladies that they should be defended, and should never see the war more near-by.

General Breckenridge had been called the handsomest man in the United States when he was a candidate for


text:
Page:Southern Life in Southern Literature.djvu/351

 where the mists had gathered about the great white moon, hanging high above the mountains. Noiseless wings flitted through the dusk; now and then the bats swept by so close as to wave Clarsie's hair with the wind of their flight. What an airy, glittering, magical thing was that gigantic spider-web suspended between the silver moon and her shining eyes! Ever and anon there came from the woods a strange, weird, long-drawn sigh, unlike the stir of the wind in the trees, unlike the fret of the water on the rocks. Was it the voiceless sorrow of the sad earth? There were stars in the night besides those known to astronomers: the stellular fire-flies gemmed the black shadows with a fluctuating brilliancy; they circled in and out of the porch, and touched the leaves above Clarsie's head with quivering points of light. A steadier and an intenser gleam was advancing along the road, and the sound of languid footsteps came with it; the aroma of tobacco graced the atmosphere, and a tall figure walked up to the gate.

"Come in, come in," said Peter Giles, rising, and tendering the guest a chair. "Ye air Tom Pratt, ez well ez I kin make out by this light. Waal, Tom, we hain't furgot ye sence ye done been hyar."

As Tom had been there on the previous evening, this might be considered a joke, or an equivocal compliment. The young fellow was restless and awkward under it, but Mrs. Giles chuckled with great merriment. . ..

"Waal," said Peter Giles, "what's the news out yer way, Tom? Ennything a-goin' on?"

"Thar war a shower yander on the Backbone; it rained toler'ble hard fur a while, an' sot up the corn wonderful. Did ye git enny hyar?"

"Not a drap."

"'Pears ter me ez I kin see the clouds a-circlin' round Chilhowee, an a-rainin' on even-body's cornfield 'ceptin' ourn,"


text:
User talk:Martijn Hoekstra

Doug.(talk • contribs) 21:24, 11 April 2012 (UTC)
 * Ah, canned welcome messages, how much we love them. Anyway, say what you will of canned messages, they do generally contain some pretty solid further reading. Martijn Hoekstra (talk) 21:27, 11 April 2012 (UTC)

Scanned version available?
Gday Martijn,

Is there a scanned volume available? My checks of archive.org are negative, and Google Books shows me snippets, but not a full version. If you know of a full scanned version, we could be looking to get it converted to a djvu version and uploaded to Commons, and then utilise the Help:Proofread system. With such a work we would be looking to do subpages, for the subsections/chapters/... of the work, though what we have as lead in text on the top level is always dependent on what are in the lead-in pages. — billinghurst  sDrewth  11:11, 12 April 2012 (UTC)
 * Gday, how's it going? I mailed the site maintainer where I got the text from to get the scans before I go any further. There might not be scans, and it's not properly proofred, which is a shame, since it's a really nice text to have, but I still have good hopes. So far I nor Doug has been able to google-fu up scans. Martijn Hoekstra (talk) 11:16, 12 April 2012 (UTC)
 * If there are no scans this may be worth creating some. I can try to get the book.  If I can find a reasonably priced copy I'll see if Matt wants to unbind it to make the scans.  If not, I'll see if I can get a library copy and just do some book-on-the-glass scans to see if I can get something useful.  First though, let's exhaust all other possibilities.  I believe Mpaa is also looking.--Doug.(talk • contribs) 11:37, 12 April 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Martijn Hoekstra


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/204

 196 the Vice-Presidency a few years before. It would be impossible to exaggerate the beauty of bis person or the grace and courtesy of his bearing. His face was one of classic beauty, and his figure worthy in its proportions to bear the massive head, so superbly set upon the shoulders; but to see him mounted on his warhorse, riding as if he and the charger were one, the long black plumes of his hat nodding with every movement, his eyes fired with enthusiasm, this was the most impressive picture that had met our eyes. As we stood on the porch the next morning watching the receding cavalcade, they waved their hats and saluted till the bend in the road shut them from our view.

The Burleigh family had cause to remember the second siege of Vicksburg. One of the daughters, Sophy, lay halting between life and death. Her physician informed the family that any excitement would probably be fatal, and on no account must the impending siege of Vicksburg be alluded to in the sick-room. We had heard every gun of the first siege, and this one was expected to begin every hour.

Presently a dull, booming sound was heard; it announced that the siege had opened. The watchers hoped that the patient slept. A moment more and another and another gun broke the stillness.

"What is that?" she asked.

"Isn't it thunder?" somebody suggested.

"Thunder does not sound at regular intervals. The siege of Vicksburg has begun."

But it did not excite her, as we had feared it would, and though every shot seemed to go through the loud-beating hearts of the father and sisters during those long days of suspense, she did not seem to attend, and got well as fast as if there had been no siege of Vicksburg.

The plantation life went on as usual. The servants went about their duties, we thought, more conscientiously than before. They seemed to do better when there was trouble in the white family, and they knew that there was trouble enough when all the young men in the family were off at the war. They sewed on the


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/205

 Rh soldiers' clothes and knit socks for the army, and packed the boxes with as much alacrity as the white people did. They were our greatest comfort during the war.

When hostilities began, the younger children were taught by a tutor who had been in the family for several years. Mr. Dabney had not thought of sending him away, though he was a Northern man, and, it was to be supposed, with Northern sympathies. He was so quiet that we at Burleigh rarely thought of his sympathies, for he never seemed to speak if he could avoid it. But the neighbors had a report that he was a spy, and Mr. Dabney was informed of it, with a request that Mr. T—— should be dismissed. This was communicated to the tutor in the kindest manner, and the man was moved to tears as Thomas talked with him.

Thomas Dabney originated the scheme for the Confederate government to raise money by getting out bonds on the basis of the cotton then in the hands of the planters. The cotton bonds supplied the sinews of war during the early part of the struggle.

At a trial of strength between himself and five young men who were guests in his house for a month or two before they went off to the war, he held out at arm's length a weight that was too heavy for them to hold out.

One day after his beloved wife had been dead about a year, Thomas was lying on his bed in his chamber, one of his daughters and a niece sitting by him. He began to sing the song that had so often been begged for in vain by their children,—the song that had won their mother's heart.

He sang it from beginning to end. As he came to the last line, he struck withhis clinched fist upon his breast,—

"Do they think that I can forget you! Do they think that I can forget you!" he cried.

Some one, little knowing the man, had spoken to him jestingly of marrying again in this early stage of his grief.

The Episcopal Church of St. Mark's, at Raymond,


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 36.djvu/187

 equally possible that his father was able to provide for him, or he may have been one of the thirty students 'kept' at Corpus Christi College by Archbishop Parker in addition to the two for Whom he provided scholarships from the Canterbury school. Marlowe graduated B.A. in 1583 and M.A. in 1587. Among the fellows and tutors of his college was Francis Kett [q.v.], who was burnt for heresy at Norwich in 1589. Malone's theory that Marlowe derived from Kett the advanced views on religion which he subsequently developed is not justified by the extant details of the 'blasphemous heresies' for which Kett suffered. Kett was a mystic, who fully acknowledged the authenticity of the scriptures, although he gave them an original interpretation. Kett's deflection from conventional orthodoxy may have encouraged in Marlowe antinomisn tendencies, but he was in no sense Kett's disciple. While a student Marlowe mainly confined himself to the Latin classics, and probably before leaving Cambridge he translated Ovid's 'Amores' into English heroic verse. His rendering, which was not published till after his death, does full justice to the sensuous warmth of the original. He is also credited at the same period with a translation of Coluthus's 'Rape of Helen,' but this is no longer extant (Culler's MSS.) Of Marlowe's career on leaving the university no definite information is accessible. His freouent introduction of military terms in his plays has led to the suggestion that he saw some military service in the Low Countries. It is more probable that he at once settled in London and devoted himself to literary work. A ballad, purporting to have been written in his later years, entitled 'The Atheist's Tragedy,' describes him 'in his early age' as a player at the Curtain Theatre where he 'brake his leg in one lewd scene,' but the ballad is in all probability one of Mr. Collier's forgeries. At an early dale he certainly attached himself as a dramatist to one of the leading theatrical companies—that of the lord admiral (the Earl of Nottingham). By that company most of his plays were produced, und he had the advantage of securing Edward Alleyn's services in the title-roles of at least three of his chief pieces. Kyd, Nashe, Greene, Chapman, and probably Shakespeare, were at one period or another personally known to him, but besides the chief men of letters of the day, he lived in intimate relations with Thomas Walsingham of Chislehurst (first cousin of the queen's secretary, Sir Francis), and with his son, Sir Thomas, who married a daughter of the Hanwood family of Canterbury. Sir Walter Raleigh was also, it is clear, on friendly terms with Marlowe.

It was as a writer of tragedies that Marlowe's genius found its true province: and it cannot have been later than 1587 that he composed his earliest drama, 'Tamburlaine,' which worked a revolution in English dramatic art. It is only by internal evidence that either the date or Marlowe's responsibility for the piece can be established. It was licensed for publication on 14 Aug. 1590, and was published in the same year, but none of the title-pages of early editions bear an author's name. A passage which Mr. Collier printed as part of Henslowe's 'Diary' for the year 1597 (p. 71) mentions 'Marloe's Tamberlen,' but the words are clearly forged (, Dulwich M8S.) The only external contemporary testimony to Marlowe's authorship of the piece is a reference by Gabriel Harvey to Marlowe, under the pseudonym of 'Tamburlaine,' in 1598. A description of Nashe's squalid garret in the 'Black Book,' 1604, doubtfully ascribed to Middleton, speaks of spiders stalking over Nashe's head, 'as if they had been coDning of Tamburlaine' and Malone, not very rationally, found here proof that Nashe was at least a part author of the play. Nashe, at the time of the production of 'Tamburlaine' was no friend of Marlowe, although he subsequently knew and respected him, and internal evidence practically gives Marlowe sole credit for the play. The sonorous verse, the bold portrayal of the highest flight of human ambition, 'the high astounding terms' in which the characters expressed themselves, the sudden descents from sublimity into bombast, all identify the piece with the works which Marlowe openly claimed for himself later. He was conscious that in 'Tamburlaine' he was treading a new path. In the prologue he promised to lead his audience away
 * From jiggling veins of rhyming mother-wits
 * And such conceits as clownage keeps in pay

Although rhyme was chiefly favoured by earlier dramatists, blank verse had figured on the stage several times since the production of 'Gorboduc' in 1562 (cf., Jocasta, c. 1568), but Marlowe gave it a new capacity and freed it of those mechanical restraints which had obscured its poetic potentialities. In his hand the sense was not interrupted at the end of each line, the pauses and the force of the accent varied, and the metre was proved capable for the first time of responding to the varying phases of human feeling. The novelty of the metrical experiment was the first


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/O'Donovan, William Rudolf


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Oecolampadius, John


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Oelschläger, Adam


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Krummacher, Friedrich Adolf


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 36.djvu/188

 of 'Tamburlaine' that impressed Marlowe's contemporary critics. Nashe held his effort up to ridicule in his preface to Greene's 'Menaphon,' which was probably written in 1587. Nashe writes doubtless with a satiric reference to Marlowe's recent graduation as M.A.: 'Idiote artmasters intrude themselves to our eares as the alcumists of eloquence; who (mounted on the stage of arrogance) think to outbrave better pens with the swelling bumbast of a bragging blank verse.'  A little later Nashe refers to 'the spacious volubility of a drumming decasillabon.'  Greene—who unfairly sneered at Marlowe in 'Menaphon' as a 'cobler's eldeste sonne'—soon afterwards, in his 'Perimedes,' 1588, denounced his introduction of blank verse, and, affecting to be shocked by Marlowe's ambitious theme, deprecated endeavours to dare 'God out of heaven with that atheist "Tamborlaine."'  In his 'Mourning Garment' Greene again ridiculed 'the life of Tomlivolin' (i.e. Tamburlaine).

Marlowe seems to have mainly depended for his knowledge of his hero on 'Thomas Fortescue's 'Foreste,' 1571, a translation from the Spanish of Pedro Mexia's 'Silva de Varia Lecion,' Seville, 1543. Perondinus's 'Vita Magni Tamerlanis,' Florence, 1651, doubtless gave him suggestions when describing Tamburlaine's person, and he derived hints for his description of Persian effeminacy from Herodotus, Euripides, and Xenophon (cf. Englische Studien, xvi. 459). The play, although in two parts, is really a tragedy in ten acts. Its full title when published ran: 'Tamburlaine the Great. Who, from a Scythian Shephearde by his rare and woonderfull Conquests, became a most puissant and mightye Monarque. And (for his tyranny and terrour in Warre) was tearmed, "The Scourge of God. Deuided into two Tragicall Discourses, as they were sundrie times shewed upon Stages in the Citie of London. By the right honorable the Lord Admyrall, his seruauntes.  Now first and newlie published. London. Printed by Richard Jhones, 1590,' 8vo (Bodleian and Duke of Devonshire's libraries): another 8vo edition, 1593 (Brit. Mus.)  The half-title of the Second Part is: 'The Second Part of the bloody Conquests of mighty Tamburlaine.  With his impassionate fury for the death of his Lady and loue faire Zenocrate; his fourme of exhortation and discipline to his three sons, with the maner of his own death.'  The first part was reissued in 1605, and the second part in 1606 (for E. White), 4to (Brit. Mus.)  A modern edition, by Albrecht Wagner, appeared at Heilbronn in 1885.

As in most of Marlowe's plays, some buffoonery figures in the extant texts of 'Tamburlaine,' but Marlowe's reprobation in the prologue of the 'conceits' of 'clownage seems to clear him of responsibility for it. Richard Jones, the publisher, in his preface states that he purposely omitted 'some fond and frivolous gestures digressing, and, in my poor opinion, far unmeet for the matter.' But Jones would appear to have treated some of the actors' interpolations with much gentleness; he admits that all of them were 'greatly gaped at' by 'some vain conceited fondlings' when they were shown upon the stage. With playgoers the piece was from the first very popular. Taylor the Water-poet states that 'Tamburlaine perhaps is not altogether so famous in his own country of Tartaria as in England.' The title-rôle was filled by Alleyn, who wore breeches of crimson velvet, while his coat was copper-laced. A ballad on the plot was licensed to John Danter on 5 Nov. 1594. At the same time Marlowe's extravagances readily lent themselves to parody. The ludicrous line in Tamburlaine's address to the captured kings

was parodied by Pistol, and was long quoted derisively on the stage and in contemporary literature. Hall, in his 'Satires,' ridiculed the stalking steps of Tamburlaine's 'great personage.' Ben Jonson, in his 'Discoveries,' notes that 'the true artificer will not fly from all humanity with the Tamerlanes and Tamer-Chams of the late age, which had nothing in them but the scenical strutting and furious vociferation to warrant them to the ignorant gapers.'  About 1650 the play was revived at the Bull Theatre. Thirty years later it had passed into obscurity. Charles Saunders, in the preface to his play, 'Tamerlane,' 1681, wrote: 'It hath been told me there is a Cockpit play going under the name of "The Scythian Shepherd, or Tamberlaine the Great," which how good it is any one may judge by its obscurity, being a thing not a bookseller in London or scarce the players themselves who acted it formerly, cow'd call to remembrance.' In 1686 Sir  [q. v.] made Tamerlane the Great the hero of his tragedy, 'The Sacrifice,' and clearly owed something to Marlowe.

'Faustus' may fairly he regarded as Marlowe's second play. Its date may be referred to 1588. A 'Ballad of the Life and Death of Doctor Faustus, the Great Conjurer,' was entered on the Stationers' Registers on 28 Feb, 1588–9. It was doubtless founded on Marlowe's tragedy, and may be identical with The 'Ballad of Faustus' in the Roxburghe collection. Henslowe did not


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Mouse

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Mouse


text:
Page:EB1911 - Volume 20.djvu/648

Rh studied in detail in 1903 by Professor and Miss Sollas, who succeeded in making enlarged models of the fossil in wax. The skeleton as preserved is carbonized, and indicates an eel shaped animal from 3 to 5 cm., in length. The skull, which must have consisted of hardened cartilage, exhibits pairs of nasal and auditory capsules, with a gill-apparatus below its hinder part, but no indications of ordinary jaws. The anterior opening of the brain-case is surrounded by a ring of hard cirri. A pair of “post-bronchial plates” projects backwards from the head. The vertebral axis shows a series of broad rings, with distinct neural arches, but no ribs. Towards the end of the body both neural and haemal arches are continued into forked radial cartilages, which support a median fin. There are no traces either of paired fins or of dermal armour. The affinities of Palaeospondylus are doubtful, but it is probably related to the contemporaneous armoured Ostracoderms.

—R. H. Traquair, paper in ''Proc. Roy. Phys. Soc.'' Edin., xii. 312, (1894); W. J. Sollas and I. B. J. Sollas, paper in ''Phil. Trans. Roy. Soc.'' (1903 B.).
 * (A. S. Wo.)

 PALAEOTHERIUM (i.e. ancient animal), a name applied by Cuvier to the remains of ungulate mammals recalling tapirs in general appearance, from the Lower Oligocene gypsum quarries of Paris. These were the first indications of the occurrence in the fossil state of perissodactyle ungulates allied to the horse, although it was long before the relationship was recognized. The palaeotheres, which range in size from that of a pig to that of a small rhinoceros, are now regarded as representing a family, Palaeotheriidae, nearly related to the horse-tribe, and having, in fact, probably originated from the same ancestral stock, namely, Hyracotherium of the Lower Eocene (see ). The connecting link with Hyracotherium was formed by Pachynolophus (Propalaeotherium), and the line apparently terminated in Paloplotherium, which is also Oligocene. Representatives of the family occur in many parts of Europe, but the typical genus is unknown in North America, where, however, other forms occur.

Although palaeotheres resemble tapirs in general appearance, they differ in having only three toes on the fore as well as on the hind foot. The dentition normally comprises the typical series of 44 teeth, although in some instances the first premolar is wanting. The cheek-teeth are short-crowned, generally with no cement, the upper molars having a W-shaped outer wall, from which proceed two oblique transverse crests, while the lower ones carry two crescents. Unlike the early horses, the later premolars are as complex as the molars; and although there is a well-marked gap between the canine and the premolars, there is only a very short one between the former and the incisors. The orbit is completely open behind. In other respects the palaeotheres resemble the ancestral horses. They were, however, essentially marsh-dwelling animals, and exhibit no tendency to the cursorial type of limb so characteristic of the horse-line. They were, in fact, essentially inadaptive creatures, and hence rapidly died out.
 * (R. L.*)

 PALAEOZOIC ERA, in geology, the oldest of the great time divisions in which organic remains have left any clear record. The three broad divisions—Palaeozoic, Mesozoic, Cainozoic—which are employed by geologists to mark three stages in the development of life on the earth, are based primarily upon the fossil contents of the strata which, at one time or another, have been continuously forming since the earliest times. The precise line of the “record of the rocks” where the chronicle of the Palaeozoic era and that of the Mesozoic era opens—as in more recent historical documents—is a matter for editorial caprice. The early geologists took the most natural dividing lines that came within their knowledge, namely, the line of change in general petrological characters, e.g. the “Transition Series” (Übergangsgebirge), the name given to rocks approximately of Palaeozoic age by A. G. Werner because they exhibited a transitional stage between the older crystalline rocks and the younger non-crystalline; later in Germany these same rocks were said to have been formed in the “Kohlenperiode” by H. G. Bronn and others, while in England H. T. de la Beche classed them as a Carbonaceous and Greywacke group. Finally, the divisional time separating the Palaeozoic record from that of the Mesozoic was made to coincide with a great natural break or unconformity of the strata. This was the most obvious course, for where such a break occurred there would be the most marked differences between the fossils found below and those found above the physical discordance. The divisions in the fossil record having been thus established, they must for convenience remain, but their artificially cannot be too strongly emphasized, for the broad stratigraphical gaps and lithological groups which made the divisions sharp and clear to the earlier geologists are proved to be absent in other regions, and fossils which were formerly deemed characteristic of the Palaeozoic era are found in some places to commingle with forms of strongly marked Mesozoic type. In short, the record is more nearly complete than was originally supposed.

The Palaeozoic or Primary era is divided into the following periods or epochs: Cambrian, Ordovician, Silurian, Devonian, Carboniferous and Permian. The fact that fossils found in the rocks of the three earlier epochs—Cambrian, Ordovician, Silurian—have features in common, as distinguished from those in the three later epochs has led certain authors to divide this era into an earlier, Protozoic (Proterozoic) and a later Deuterozoic time. The rocks of Palaeozoic age are mainly sandy and muddy sediments with a considerable development of limestone in places. These sediments have been altered to shales, slates, quartzites, &c., and frequently they are found in a highly metamorphosed condition; in eastern North America, however, and in north-east Europe they still maintain their horizontality and primitive texture over large areas. The fossils of the earlier Palaeozoic rocks are characterized by the abundance of trilobites, graptolites, brachiopods, and the absence of all vertebrates except in the upper strata; the later rocks of the era are distinguished by the absence of graptolites, the gradual failing of the trilobites, the continued predominance of brachiopods and tabulate corals, the abundance of crinoids and the rapid development of placoderm and heterocercal ganoid fishes and amphibians. The land plants were all cryptograms, Lepidodendron, Sigillaria, followed by Conifers and Cycads. It is obvious from the advanced stage of development of the organisms found in the earliest of these Palaeozoic rocks that the beginnings of life must go farther back, and indeed organic remains have been found in rocks older than the Cambrian; for convenience, therefore, the base of the Cambrian is usually placed at the zone of the trilobite Olenellus.
 * (J. A. H.)

 PALAEPHATUS, the author of a small extant treatise, entitled (On “Incredible Things”). It consists of a series of rationalizing explanations of Greek legends, without any attempt at arrangement or plan, and is probably an epitome, composed in the Byzantine age, of some larger work, perhaps the , mentioned by Suïdas as the work of a grammarian of Egypt or Athens. Suïdas himself ascribes a, in five books, to Palaephatus of Paros or Priene. The author was perhaps a contemporary of Euhemerus (3rd century ). Suïdas mentions two other writers of the name: (1) an epic poet of Athens, who lived before the time of

title: Page:EB1911 - Volume 20.djvu/648


text:
The American Cyclopædia (1879)/Krummacher, Friedrich Adolf

'''KRUMMACHER. I. Friedrich Adolf''', a German theologian, born at Tecklenburg, Westphalia, July 13, 1768, died in Bremen, April 14, 1845. His first appointment was to the professorship of theology in the university of Duisburg. He next became pastor of the Reformed church at Crefeld, and afterward exchanged that cure for the rural living of Kettwich. In 1819 he

was called to Bernburg, where he became councillor of the consistory and chief pastor, and in 1824 became pastor of St. Anschaire in Bremen. He was a voluminous writer, both in prose and poetry. His principal works are: “Cornelius the Centurion,” “Life of St. John” (both translated into English, Edinburgh, 1840); “The Sufferings, Death, and Resurrection of Christ;” Die Kinderwelt, a series of sacred poems for the young; and “On the Spirit and Form of Evangelical History in its Historical and Æsthetical Relations.” He is best known, however, by his fables or Parabeln, which appeared in 1805, and passed through many editions. They have been translated into English, and added in 1858 to Bohn's “Illustrated Library,” with 40 illustrations. His life has been written by Möller (Friedrich Adolf Krummacher und seine Freunde, 2 vols., Bonn, 1849). '''II. Gottfried Daniel''', brother of the preceding, born in Tecklenburg, April 1, 1774, died in Elberfeld, Jan. 30, 1837. He was educated at Duisburg, and afterward became a popular preacher at Bärth and Wolfrath. In 1816 he was made pastor of the Reformed church at Elberfeld, and was recognized as the head of the pietists in that district. Among his most important works are Die evangelische Heiligung (Elberfeld, 1832), and Tagliches Manna, or “Daily Manna” (1838). '''III. Friedrich''' Wilhelm, son of Friedrich Adolf, born in Duisburg in 1796, died in Potsdam, Dec. 10, 1868. He was a minister of the Reformed church, but a strenuous opponent of the rationalistic school of theologians. In 1843 he declined an invitation to a theological professorship at Mercersburg, Pa. In 1853 he was appointed chaplain of the Prussian court at Potsdam. He was regarded as one of the most eloquent preachers in Germany. Among his numerous works, most of which have been translated into English, are “Elijah the Tishbite,” “The Last Days of Elisha,” “Solomon and the Shulamite,” “Sermons on the Canticles,” and “Glimpses into the Kingdom of Grace.” In 1856 appeared in Berlin his Bunsen und Stahl. Among his later devotional works are Gottes Wort (Berlin, 1865), and David der König von Israel (1866; English translation, 1870). His sermons were collected and published in Berlin in 1868. Soon after his death his daughter edited and published his autobiography, which has been translated into English (2d ed., London, 1871).


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Boswell, James (1740-1795)


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Krummacher, Friedrich Adolf

KRUMMACHER, krụm'mȧG-ẽr, (1767-1845). A German theologian and a writer of devotional poetry and prose, born at Tecklenburg, July 13, 1767. He studied theology at Lingen and Halle, taught in the high school at Hamm, was head of the high school at Mörs, and became, in 1800, professor of theology at Duisburg. In 1807 he returned to the ministry, became pastor at Kettwig, and in 1812 was called to Bernburg as general superintendent and higher Court preacher. He accepted a call to Bremen in 1824 and retired in 1843. His Parabeln (1805) soon became a religious classic and they have often been reprinted. They were first translated into English in 1825. For his life, consult his Selbstbiographie (Berlin, 1869); Maria Krummacher, Unser Grossvater (Bielefeld, 1891). — His son (1796-1868) became Court chaplain (1853) at Potsdam. He was a preacher of great eloquence, but a reactionary theologian. Many of his works have found favor in translations in England. Among them are: Elias der Thisbiter (1836); Elisa (1839-42); and Passionsbuch (1856). Salomo und Sulamith (1827, 9th ed. 1875) was also very popular.


text:
Page:Memorials of a Southern Planter.djvu/206

 198 had been built years before the war, and had been the parish church of Thomas and his family. The drive of ten miles did not seem inconvenient then. But it became impossible to get so far afterwards. The family fell into a way of reading the service at home, and the neighbors liked to attend, and the large household was frequently swelled to quite a congregation. Occasionally the bishop or one of the clergy were there, and were surprised to see the number that could be gathered together, almost without giving out any notice. In the afternoon the daughters held a service and Sunday-school for the negroes, and the large library was well filled by them. They delighted in the chants and hymns, and knew much of the service and the catechism by heart.

Many years after they were free, a brawny blacksmith sent a message to his teachers of these days, "Tell de ladies I ain't forgit what dey teach me in de Sunday-school."

Thomas never allowed anything to interfere with his attending the services. Oftentimes friends came in, or other things happened that made it an effort to break off. But when the hour came, he would say, quietly, "We always have the service at eleven o'clock on Sundays," and the guests were invited to join him. It was a surprise to many who knew him only as a charming companion, always ready for any sort of amusement that was not really wicked. Some persons who had not been in a church for years felt constrained to go in to these services. The quiet dignity of the head of the house made it difficult to approach him with a light excuse.

He did not himself lead the daily family prayers in his house, or conduct the church services on Sundays. His deep humility made him feel unworthy to take this part.

He loved to hear his daughters read the service and the prayers. If for any reason they were omitted, he would ask for them. When he was sick, we always had the services around his bed. He was not one to express his religious feelings, but no one felt more deeply