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Rh may have had in making Byron the hero of "Young Germany" we have no means of determining, but his works were vital in the new age there, and still his hold seems greater on the Germans, if we may judge by the test of translations and biography, than it is elsewhere on the Continent. Heine was more than touched by him, though he was far from being his duplicate, and could see the humorous side of those young Parisians—Musset the foremost—who were melancholy in the full glow of first manhood, and went about in despair dining sumptuously every day. One pities Musset, for Byron was, as much as another man can be, the secret of his fate. Lamartine caught only the sentimentality of Byron, but Musset assimilated his darker spirit, his recklessness, and license, and skepticism, and transmuted his very coarseness into a Parisian vulgarity. Stendhal and Sainte-Beuve paid tribute to him; and, to cut the subject short, Mazzini thanked him in the name of Italy, in Spain Espronceda drew his inspiration from him, and Castelar, in the later time, eulogized him for his liberating influences in the peninsula with Spanish amplitude of phrase. Karl Elze thinks that the Russian poet,


text:
Author:Edward Madden

Works

 * By the Light of the Silvery Moon (1909)
 * Kuddles and Kisses (1912)
 * Levee Lou (1912)
 * Lord! How He Can Love (1909)
 * Moonlight Bay (1912)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Author:Edward Madden


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266 Pushkin, was his child; if it were so, Byron might well be proud of what such an influence was the beginning of in Russia. This rapid survey, with its brilliant names, impresses the mind with the range and dominance of this man, although Landor's sneer, when he hoped that "the mercies which have begun with man's forgetfulness may be crowned with God's forgiveness," does not now seem so absurd as formerly.

To look at the matter from this point of view, however, is to confuse Byron with Byronism. There was a European mood, a temperament of the revolutionary time, that fed on Byron, but he was not its creator, and to regard him as more than a single influence of many that moulded the young men of the next generation is to give him vastly more than his due. This is the secret of his vogue in Europe, not that he liberated their minds, but that he set the fashion for minds expanding in a new age of intellectual pride and moral irresponsibility, helped to form their attitude, and was a rallying name for the faction. He was licentious, but he was neither democratical nor atheistical; he had no body of opinions properly thought out and correlated with


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318 confident that they would make no improper demands, they laid before him the proposition which they had heard from the woolsack, and added their own entreaties that he would be pleased to consent. The King was gracious, but the canon law required also the consent of the Queen; for which, therefore, the Duke of Suffolk, the Bishop of Winchester, and other noblemen were despatched to Richmond, and with which they soon returned. Six years were spent over the affair with Queen Catherine: almost as many days sufficed to dispose of Anne of Cleves.

On the Wednesday morning the clergy assembled, and Gardiner, in 'a luminous oration,' invited them to the task which they were to undertake. Evidence was sent in by different members of the privy council whom the King had admitted to his confidence; by the ladies of the Court who could speak for the condition of the Queen; and finally, by Henry himself, in a paper which he wrote with his own


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Rh facts, either in politics or religion; he had no strong convictions even; but, with prejudices of rank and reminiscences of Scottish theology from which he could not free himself, he was an impulsive and therefore uneven revolter from the old régime, and never quite at home in the new camp. He preferred, he said, to be beheaded by the King and not by the mob; and the whole aristocrat spoke in the saying. Shelley wrote of him, "The canker of aristocracy needs to be cut out;" and he hits off Byron's inconsequence in religion where he speaks of him under the name of Maddalo, and contrasts him with himself. Maddalo, he says, took a wicked pleasure in drawing out his taunts against religion; but, he adds, "What Maddalo thinks on these matters is not exactly known." Byron is believed to have talked with Shelley more seriously than with any other man. He did not himself know what he thought; and his state of mind was well expressed by his remark to Lady Byron, "The trouble is, I do believe." In substance, therefore, unlike Shelley, who was democratical and atheistical on principle, Byron was far from being the ideal of the various "young" nationalities,


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1540.] hand, accompanying it with a request that, after, reviewing all the circumstances under which the marriage had been contracted, they would inform him if it was still binding; and adding at the same time an earnest adjuration, which it is not easy to believe to have been wholly a form, that, having God only before their eyes, they would point out to him the course which justly, honourably, and religiously he was at liberty to pursue.

His personal declaration was as follows:

'I depose and declare that this hereafter written is merely the verity, intended upon no sinister affection, nor yet upon none hatred or displeasure, and herein I take God to witness. To the matter, I say and affirm that, when the first communication was had with me for the marriage of the Lady Anne of Cloves, I was glad to hearken to it, trusting to have some assured friend by it, I much doubting at that time both the Emperor, and France, and the Bishop of Rome, and also because I heard so much both of her excellent beauty and virtuous behaviour. But when I saw her at Rochester, which was the first time that ever I saw her, it rejoiced my heart that I had kept me free from making any pact or bond before with her till I saw her myself; for I assure you that I liked her so ill and


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320 [found her to be] so far contrary to that she was praised, that I was woe that ever she came into England, and deliberated with myself that if it were possible to find means to break off, I would never enter yoke with her; of which misliking both the Great Master (Lord Russell), the Admiral that now is, and the Master of the Horse (Sir Anthony Brown) can and will bear record. Then after my repair to Greenwich, the next day after, I think, I doubt not but the Lord of Essex will and can declare what I then said to him in that case, not doubting but, since he is a person which knoweth himself condemned to die by Act of Parliament, he will not damn his soul, but truly declare the truth not only at that time spoken by me, but also continually until the day of the marriage, and also many times after; wherein my lack of consent I doubt not doth or shall well appear, and also lack enough of the will and power to consummate the same, wherein both he and my physicians can testify according to the truth.'

Nearly two hundred clergy were assembled, and the ecclesiastical lawyers were called in to their assistance. The deliberation lasted Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday. On Saturday they had agreed upon their judgment, which was produced and read in the House of Lords.

The contract between the Lady Anne of Cleves and the Marquis of Lorraine was sufficient, they would not say to invalidate, but to perplex and complicate any


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1540.] second marriage into which she might have entered.

Before the ceremony the King had required the production of the papers relating to that engagement with so much earnestness, that the demand might be taken as a condition on which the marriage was completed. But the papers had not been produced, the uncertainties had not been cleared … and thus there had not only been a breach of condition, but, if no condition had been made, the previous objection was further increased.

Consent had been wanting on the part of the King. False representations had been held out to bring the lady into the realm and force her upon his Majesty's acceptance.

The solemnization of the marriage was extorted from his Majesty against his will under urgent pressure and compulsion by external causes.

Consummation had not followed, nor ought to follow, and the Convocation had been informed—as indeed it was matter of common notoriety—that if his Majesty could, without the breach of any divine law, be married to another person, great benefits might thereby accrue to the realm, the present welfare and safety whereof depended on the preservation of his royal person, to the honour of God, the accomplishment of His will, and the avoiding of sinister opinions and scandals.

Considering all these circumstances, therefore, and weighing what the Church might and could lawfully


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322 do in such cases, and had often before done, the Convocation, by the tenor of those their present letters, declared his Majesty not to be any longer bound by the matrimony in question, which matrimony was null and invalid; and both his Majesty and the Lady Anne were free to contract and consummate other marriages without objection or delay.

To this judgment two archbishops, seventeen bishops, and a hundred and thirty-nine clergy set their hands. Their sentence was undoubtedly legal, according to a stricter interpretation of the canon law than had been usual in the ecclesiastical courts. The case was of a kind in which the Queen, on her separate suit, could, with clear right, have obtained a divorce a vinculo had she desired; and the country had been accustomed to see separations infinitely more questionable obtained in the court of the Rota or at home, with easy and scandalous levity. Nor could the most scrupulous person, looking


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Laddie Boy

War is in the air Blare bugles blare Drums beat the loud roll call

Hark! down the street Tramp, tramp your feet Up go the windows all

North and South, East and West, Forth they come the country's best, Never mind that parting tear Let there be one parting cheer

Goodbye and luck be with you Laddie boy, Laddie boy What ever your name may be There's a look in your eye As you go marching by Tells me you will dare and do and die

And when you hear those shells begin to sing There'll be someone somewhere who cares will murmur this pray'r, May you win your share of glory, And come back to tell the story Goodbye and good luck Laddie boy

Somewhere in France There waits the chance One fighting chance that's all

May you return to hearts that yearn Or like a soldier fall

As in Grand-daddy's day, Tho' today no blue nor gray, Clad in Khaki fine and fit Marching on to do your bit

Goodbye and luck be with you Laddie boy, Laddie boy What ever your name may be There's a look in your eye As you go marching by Tells me you will dare and do and die

And when you hear those shells begin to sing There'll be someone somewhere who cares will murmur this pray'r, May you win your share of glory, And come back to tell the story Goodbye and good luck Laddie boy

title: Laddie Boy


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Page:History of England (Froude) Vol 3.djvu/343

1540.] at the marriage between Henry and Anne of Cleves on its own merits, pretend that any law, human or divine, would have been better fulfilled, or that any feeling entitled to respect would have been less outraged, by the longer maintenance of so unhappy a connection. Yet it is much to be regretted that the clergy should have been compelled to meddle with it; under however plausible an aspect the divorce might be presented, it gave a colour to the interpretation which represented the separation from Catherine as arising out of caprice, and enabled the enemies of the Church of England to represent her synods as the instruments of the King's licentiousness.

For good or for evil, however, the judgment was given. The Bishop of Winchester spoke a few words in


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260 any encouragement, and yielded to them in the very least, they would try a hundred follies with me, and end with crowning me on the Capitol, of which they have already seriously thought—so foolish is it to have a stranger and a Protestant to play the first part in a comedy. What connection there is in all this, and how great a fool I was to think that it was all intended for my honour,—of all this we will talk together one day.

6, 1787.

I have just come from Moritz, whose arm is healed, and loosed from its bandages. It is well set, firm, and he can move it quite freely. What during these last forty days I have experienced and learned, as nurse, confessor, and private secretary, to this patient, may prove of benefit to us hereafter. The most painful sufferings and the noblest enjoyments went side by side throughout this whole period.

To refresh me, I yesterday had set up in our sitting-room a cast of a colossal head of Juno, of which the original is in the Villa Ludovisi. This was my first love in Rome, and now I have gained the object of my wishes. No words can give the remotest idea of it. It is like one of Homer's songs.

I have, however, deserved the neighbourhood of such good society for the future; for I can now tell you that "Iphigenia" is at last finished, i. e., that it lies before me on the table in two tolerably concordant copies, of which one will very soon begin its pilgrimage to you. Receive it with all indulgence; for, to speak the truth, what stands on the paper is not exactly what I intended, but still it will convey an idea of what was in my mind.

You complain occasionally of some obscure passages in my letters, which allude to the oppression, which I suffer in the midst of the most glorious objects in the world. With all this, my fellow traveller—this


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Rh princess—has had a great deal to do; for she has kept me close at work when I wished to be seeing sights.

I often think of our worthy friend, who had long determined upon a grand tour which one might well term a voyage of discovery. After he had studied and economised several years with a view to this object, he took it in his head to carry off the daughter of a noble house, thinking it was all one.

With no less of criminality, I determined to take Iphigenia with me to Carlsbad. I will now briefly enumerate the places where I held special converse with her.

When I had left behind me the Brenner, I took her out of my large portmanteau, and placed her by my side. At the Lago di Garda, while the strong south wind drove the waves on the beach, and where I was at least as much alone as my heroine on the coast of Tauris, I drew the first outlines, which afterward I filled up at Verona, Vicenza, and Padua, but above all, and most diligently, at Venice. After this, however, the work came to a standstill: for I hit upon a new design, viz., of writing an Iphigenia at Delphi, which I should have immediately carried into execution, but for the distractions of my young, and for a feeling of duty toward the older, play.

In Rome, however, I went on with it, and proceeded with tolerable steadiness. Every evening before I went to sleep I prepared myself for my morning's task, which was resumed immediately I awoke. My way of proceeding was quite simple: I calmly wrote down the play, and tried the melody line by line, and period by period. What has been thus produced, you shall soon judge of. For my part, doing this work, I have learned more than I have done. With the play itself there shall follow some further remarks.

To speak again of church matters, I must tell you that on the night of Christmas Day we wandered about


text:
Levee Lou

Levee Lou where are you? Honey, don't you tell me I'm forgotten I'm out here waiting near Hiding right behind the bales of cotton

Moon is bright loving night Down the stream the banjos come a-ringin' Don't you tease come out please Can't you hear me on my knees a-singin'?

Levee Lou when the southern moon is dreaming I sit and dream of you On the Mississippi shore while candle lights are gleaming, sighing, too! Like a stemboat when it's steaming, Oh how I want you, want you want you my Levee Lou.

Where's your ma where's your pa? I got such a creepy kind of feeling If they see you with me They'll be chasing me for chicken stealing.

There's one hope we'll elope Cuddle up, my honey, don't you shiver We can float in my boat While the moon is shining on the river.

Levee Lou when the southern moon is dreaming I sit and dream of you On the Mississippi shore while candle lights are gleaming, sighing, too! Like a stemboat when it's steaming, Oh how I want you, want you want you my Levee Lou.

title: Levee Lou


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262 in troops, and visited all the churches where solemn services were being performed. One especially was visited, because of its organ and music: the latter was so arranged, that in its tones nothing belonging to pastoral music was wanting,—neither the singing of the shepherds, nor the twittering of birds, nor the bleating of sheep.

On Christmas Day I saw the Pope and the whole consistory in St, Peter's, where he celebrated high mass, partly before and partly from his throne. It is of its kind an unequalled sight, splendid and dignified enough; but I have grown so old in my Protestant Diogenism, that this pomp and splendour revolt me more than they attract me. I, like my pious forefathers, am disposed to say to these spiritual conquerors of the world, "Hide not from me the sun of higher art and purer humanity."

Yesterday, which was the Feast of Epiphany, I saw and heard mass celebrated after the Greek rite. The ceremonies appeared to me more solemn, more severe, more suggestive, and yet more popular, than the Latin.

But there, too, I also felt again that I am too old for anything, except for truth alone. Their ceremonies and operatic music, their gyrations and ballet-like movements—it all passes off from me like water from an oilskin cloak. A work of nature, however, like that of a sunset seen from the Villa Madonna,—a work of art, like my much honoured Juno,—makes a deep and vivid impression on me.

And now I must ask you to congratulate me with regard to theatrical matters. Next week seven theatres will be opened. Anfossi himself is here, and will act "Alexander in India." A Cyrus also will be represented, and the "Taking of Troy " as a ballet. That assuredly must be something for the children!


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School Mates

Mem'ry strays, to other days, When I was small, A little maid, with hair in braid, I now recall;

Proudly to the schoolhouse gate, Just at eight, books and slate; I would carry as I'd tarry, With my little school mate.

School mates we, You and me, Since the day we "learnt" to say our "A. B. C." Lovenotes and glances, passed to and fro; School mates, play mates, Not so many years ago.

Years have flown, and we have grown, Old school mate mine, But still I hear, in fancy dear, The clock strike nine;

As you'd call out tenderly, "Wait for me, after three;" School hours over, through the clover, We'd stroll home so merry.

School mates we, You and me, Since the day we "learnt" to say our "A. B. C." Lovenotes and glances, passed to and fro; School mates, play mates, Not so many years ago.

title: School Mates


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Browning, Robert


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 In the midst of my immersion in my own story of the burning of a particularly malignant witch, I suddenly noticed that the scalp muscles at the back of my head were taut and contracted and that my hair must be bristling. And I felt in my mind what my body must have been aware of for some time—that there was some creature behind me and watching me with no friendly regard.

Without seeming to divert my attention from my manuscript, I gazed up from under my brows at the mirror hanging above the fireplace. It showed the wall behind me empty, save for a framed water color of the Devil's Punchbowl at Hindhead, which was just as it should be.

With a relaxing of tenseness I returned to my work. But only for a few moments. Some words I had written earlier in the story recurred to me: "Vampires cast no refection in mirrors."

A little cold tremor passed over me. Then a spasm of fear-inspired anger at my childish timidity. Good Lord, to give a moment's credence to that Dracula clap-trap! I swung round and positively glared behind me.

There were no fearful fiends treading close behind me. There was nothing that had not been there before.

"Fool!" I addressed myself bitterly, and began to turn slowly back. En route, as it were, my eye flickered past a brass warming pan hanging on the side wall, and then abruptly flicked back to it. For I had the impression of a dim and shapeless sort of face staring from its bright round surface. I sat and regarded it.

Yes, there was certainly the effect of a face. An immobile, dead sort of face like that of the Man in the Moon and scarcely better defined.

GOT up to examine it, and it faded as I approached it, and quite disappeared when I got my nose within a yard of it, leaving just the empty surface of the pan. Yet when I sat back again in my chair, there it was once more: two round black holes of eyes, a beaky nose, a twisted gash of a mouth.

Along the top of the sideboard on the opposite side of the room to it was an assemblage of objects of ornament and utility. Prominent among them were two ebony candlesticks, top-heavy things with round, bulbous sockets for the candles. It was plain to me that the eyes of the face were simply the reflection of these two black balls, the nose a partial and distorted reflection of a vase, and the mouth—probably a dent in the pan which caught and held a content of shadow at this particular angle.

I dismissed the matter, and returned again to my scribbled pages.

In a little while I came to a passage that I judged needed wholly re-writing, and I stared thoughtfully before me while I endeavored to cast it afresh in my mind.

Subconsciously at first, and then with a start of realization, I became cognizant that I was gazing straight at another face!

It was in the carving of one of the pillars of the fireplace. From the coils of raised stone ostensibly representing climbing vines, a demoniac little visage regarded me with sharp, slanting, spiteful eyes, a vulpine face, like that of a fox cornered and snarling. So alive and venomous did it seem that I instinctively moved back a little with confused ideas of defensive measures.

That slight movement was enough to make the illusion vanish. For it was an illusion, another trick of light. Yet though I experimented by changing my attitude in my chair, I could not get the effect to repeat itself. Indeed, I even became uncertain of the spot amid the intricacies of the carvings where it had seemed to appear.

Not very surely, I returned to my business. But it was a long while before I could put those two faces from my mind.

HAD almost finished when that sickening feeling of being watched came over me again. For a little while I dared not raise my eyes from the papers that trembled in my hands. In my imagination it seemed to me that I was surrounded by a host of evil and silently threatening faces—that they leered and glowered not only from the dark corners but also from the bright surfaces of the things I had thought so homely


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 and reassuring when I had come in from the outer darkness.

With a sudden resolution to face them all and be damned to them, I looked up. I caught a fleeting impression of a huge face filling the whole wall of the empty alcove beside the fireplace, but the patches of discoloration from dampness that had apparently formed it seemed almost to shift apart in that instant and become wholly innocent and of no significance.

I threw my papers down and jumped up with an oath.

"What is this?" I demanded of myself. "Am I going mad? Or is something trying to drive me mad?"

I went determinedly round the room, gazing straightly at all its contents in turn, but I saw nothing in the least out of the ordinary. Then I stood in the middle of the hearthrug and debated upon my state of affairs.

Firstly, I had no further inclination to do any more work on my book tonight. I had had enough of pondering upon the sinister.

Secondly, I wished either that I had company or was in some less lonely spot in the countryside than I was. But outside the cottage was the wood, and outside the wood stretched the wide heath under the night sky—miles of black mystery between me and the nearest glow of humanity.

Thirdly, despite my day's unusual mental and physical effort, I no longer felt tired. Nor did the thought of bed lure me—I felt that if I did sleep now, bad dreams, if nothing worse, would come.

I decided that I would write some letters. Just to hold, as I wrote them, the mental image of some of those exuberant friends of mine in London (from whom I had fled!) would provide something of a sense of company. It would give me a link with that pleasant world of everyday from which I was so utterly cut off on this stifling, electrically ominous night.

The thought of letters caused me to wonder whether any had been delivered in the evening post while I had been out. I was already opening the little door of the letter cage when it occurred to me that I had deliberately withheld my address from all but Spencer.

Nevertheless, I groped irrationally in the dark interior and felt a little thrill of pleasure when my fingers encountered a letter, the only one. I felt something else, too—a mild shock which made those fingers tingle a bit. It was almost as if the letter had contained an electrical charge. I put it down to the atmosphere.

The letter was from Spencer, as I might have guessed. It wasn't very helpful looked at from any point of view. He was in his most cryptic mood.

It was in neat type-script and began without any preamble. It was signed ("Yours faithfully") by Spencer, and that seemed to me almost the only comprehensible part of it. As for the rest—well, here it is, word for word, as I remember it.

"ACLE.

The composer, Robert Schumann, long heard voices and saw things that were not there. He went mad.

ANGLE.

As did, in like manner, the author of Gulliver's Travels, Jonathan Swift.

AGRAM.

The poet, Shelley, was tormented all his life with dreams and visions. Once, in a waking vision, he encountered a figure shrouded in a dark cloak. It was—himself. On another occasion he heard a noise outside the country cottage where he was staying. He opened the door, and was struck unconscious by—something invisible.

AGERON.

When young, John Bunyan had 'fearful dreams and visions.' Pestilent spirits and devils appeared to him until he reached the age of seventeen. Then they disappeared for two years, during which time he gave himself up to every evil passion and led a corrupt life.

In 1651 his visions came again, and he said that he was hounded by the devil. He


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Rh Jan. 10, 1787.

Here, then, comes the "child of sorrows;" for this surname is due to "Iphigenia" in more than one sense. On the occasion of my reading it to our artists, I put a mark against several hues, some of which I have in my opinion improved, but others I have allowed to stand—perhaps Herder will cross a few of them with his pen.

The true cause of my having for many years preferred prose for my works, is the great uncertainty in which our prosody fluctuates, in consequence of which many of my judicious learned friends and fellow artists have left many things to taste,—a course, however, which was little favourable to the establishing of any certain standard.

I should never have attempted to translate "Iphigenia" into iambics, had not Moritz's prosody shone upon me like a star of light. My conversation with its author, especially during his confinement from his accident, has still more enlightened me on the subject; and I would recommend my friends to think favourably of it.

It is somewhat singular, that in our language we have but very few syllables which are decidedly long or short. With all the others, one proceeds as taste or caprice may dictate. Now, Moritz, after much thought, has hit upon the idea that there is a certain order of rank among our syllables, and that the one which in sense is more emphatic is long as compared with the less significant, and makes the latter short; but, on the other hand, it does in its turn become short whenever it comes into the neighbourhood of another which possesses greater weight and emphasis than itself. Here, then, is at least a rule to go by; and even though it does not decide the whole matter, still it opens out a path by which one may hope to get a little farther. I have often allowed myself to be


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Rh the probability of the Penrhyn seats being transferred to Manchester, Mr. Cobbett had been talked of by his disciples as the most fit and proper representative of the new borough; and had he been a man of ordinary prudence, he might have gained a strong body of adherents, for he had many admiring readers within its limits. It was his peculiarity, however, that in brandishing his formidable club he was as apt to strike friend as foe; and on the question of West India slavery be had absolutely gone out of his way to "hit" at a most respectable and influential body of man amongst his anticipated constituents.

In 1828, in advocating, in the Manchester Times, the abolition of slavery, I had stated the great cost of our West India colonies to the mother country, and had expressed my regret that Mr. Cobbett had bestowed much abuse on the abolitionists, and attributed the then distress of the planters to the efforts of the abolition party, when he ought to have known that their embarrassments, proceeding from the gross mismanagement of their estates, had existed long before any strenuous effort had been made for the manumission of their human chattels. In a letter to the electors of Manchester, dated 1st October, 1828—for he was than a candidate for its representation—he said: "How shall I express my contempt of the man who could have put upon paper the falsehood, that I have branded as canters and hypocrites 'all who think that Englishmen ought not to be taxed in order to enable the owners of estates in the West Indies to hold their black brethren in thraldom.'  There is no answer to a falsehood like this, other than that of calling the utterers by a name which need not be put on paper, but which will suggest itself to every man.  But, gentlemen, the thing to admire here is, the profound, the gross, the worse than animal ignorance of this Mr. Prentice, who sets himself up as a teacher of politics to the enlightened people of Manchester.  He does not know, then, that the old West India


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4 Islands have not taken from England, for ages and ages, one single penny in the way of tax; that while millions on millions have been squandered on the worthless colonies of North America, the West India colonies have not only maintained their own internal government, and paid the troops stationed there, but have been loaded with enormous charges in the shape of pensions and sinecures to the aristocracy of England. * * * The blacks may be Mr. Prentice's brethren for anything I know or care; but the West India proprietors and occupiers are the brethren of Englishmen; and Englishmen have stood by and seen them taxed without mercy, but have never paid one farthing of tax for them."

Although the reiterated statement that the sum of £3,800,000. a-year was drained from the people of this country for the support of our slave colonies, remained uncontradicted, some of the persons in Manchester who called themselves Mr. Cobbett's friends, in August, 1832, placarded the town with his article of 1828, containing the charges of "malignant falsehood" and "worse than brutal ignorance;" and it was the policy of those persons to raise a prejudice against many of its inhabitants, who had laboured earnestly for the improvement of the poor at home, that they wished to waste people's sympathies on distant objects. While these injudicious adherents were thus giving currency to the abuse which he, in his indiscretion, lavished upon benevolent men, and adding to it all manner of vituperation upon the advocates for negro freedom, thinking that thus they were giving the best evidence of their zeal for the cause of their leader, he himself had been gradually opening his eyes to the gross iniquity of holding even "black men" in bondage, and to the fact that "slavery was made use of as the means of keeping us in slavery;" and he had plumply declared that it was no longer the question now whether we should abandon the West India Islands altogether, or uphold


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264 influenced by these rules, and generally have found my ear agreeing with them.

As I formerly spoke of a public reading, I must quietly tell you how it passed off. These young men, accustomed to those earlier vehement and impetuous pieces, expected something after the fashion of Berlichingen, and could not so well make out the calm movement of "Iphigenia;" and yet the nobler and purer passages did not fail of effect. Tischbein, who also could hardly reconcile himself to this entire absence of passion, produced a pretty illustration or symbol of the work. He illustrated it by a sacrifice, of which the smoke, borne down by a light breeze, descends to the earth, while the freer flame strives to ascend on high. The drawing was very pretty and significant. I have the sketch still by me. And thus the work, which I thought to despatch in no time, has employed, hindered, occupied, and tortured me a full quarter of a year. This is not the first time that I have made an important task a mere by-work; but we will on that subject no longer indulge in fancies and disputes.

I enclose a beautiful cameo,—a lion, with a gadfly buzzing at his nose. This seems to have been a favourite subject with the ancients, for they have repeated it very often. I should like you, from this time forward, to seal your letters with it in order that through this (little) trifle an echo of art may, as it were, reverberate from you to me.

Jan. 13, 1787.

How much I have to say each day, and how sadly I am prevented, either by amusement or occupation, from committing to paper a single sage remark! And then again, the fine days, when it is better to be anywhere than in the rooms, which, without stove or chimney, receive us only to sleep or to discomfort! Some of


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Rh slavery, but that he should support, to the utmost of his power, any man who would vote for its abolition. The following, addressed to the people of Manchester, gave much more surprise to those who were hunting on the wrong scent than it gave to the persons who had been vituperated:—" I have always said that I detested slavery in every form, and under every name; that I never would accept of the services of the slave when his master offered them to me for nothing; that, however, the question with us was, whether we should abandon the West Indian Islands, or continue to maintain this slavery. Since I was last in the north, I have seen quite enough to convince me, that it would be better to abandon the islands altogether than to uphold the negro slavery. It now appears, that, in fact, these slaves are in general the property of English boroughmongers; that they are so in great part at least; and that the fruit of the labour of these slaves has long been converted into the means of making us slaves at home. Travelling in Wiltshire some years ago, I found a whole village the property of one man, and I found the neighbouring borough one half his property also. His establishments were those of a prince, both in town and country, and I now find that the source of all this was the labour of slaves in Jamaica. Besides these discoveries, brought to light by recent meetings, of the aristocracy being the chief proprietors in the islands there are the bloody transactions which have recently taken place; there is the execution of the dissenting ministers, whose offence appears to have been that of teaching the Christian religion to the slaves—that religion forbidding the holding of men in slavery. For these reasons, and particularly for the reason that slavery is made use of as the means of keeping us in slavery, I am resolved to support any man, to the utmost extent of my power, who shall propose the abolition of the slavery of the negroes. When I find the Marquis of Chandos, the Earl of Harewood,


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Rh the incidents of the last week, however, must not be left unrecorded.

In the Palace Giustiniani there is a Minerva, which claims my undivided homage. Winckelmann scarcely mentions it, and, at any rate, not in the right place; and I feel myself quite unworthy to say anything about it. As we contemplated the image, and stood gazing at it a long time, the wife of the keeper of the collection said, "This must have once been a holy image; and the English, who happen to be of this religion, are still accustomed to pay worship to it by kissing this hand of it" (which in truth was quite white, while the rest of the statue was brownish). She further told us that a lady of this religion had been there not long before, and, throwing herself on her knees before the statue, had regularly offered prayer to it; and I, she said, as a Christian, could not help smiling at so strange an action, and was obliged to run out of the room, lest I should burst out into a loud laugh before her face. As I was unwilling to move from the statue, she asked me if my beloved was at all like the statue, that it charmed me so much. The good dame knew of nothing besides devotion or love; but of the pure admiration for a glorious piece of man's handiwork, of a mere sympathetic veneration for the creation of the human intellect, she could form no idea. We rejoiced in that noble Englishwoman, and went away with a longing to turn our steps back again; and I shall certainly soon go once more thither. If my friends wish for a more particular description, let them read what Winckelmann says of the high style of art among the Greeks: unfortunately, however, he does not adduce this Minerva as an illustration. But, if I do not greatly err, it is, nevertheless, of this high and severe style, since it passes into the beautiful. It is, as it were, a bud that opens, and so a Minerva, whose character this idea of transition so well suits.


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6 and great numbers of the deadly enemies of reform, to be great. holders of slaves, the natural conclusion is, that their continuing to hold slaves cannot be good to the people of England."

The conversion came too late, for it was regarded, as I believe unjustly, as a means of recommending himself to the abolitionists in Manchester, whom he had offended. In commenting upon it, I said,—"What will the persons who have been hunting on the wrong scent say now, when the dictator of their opinions acknowledges the truth of what we have always asserted, that the burdens of our otherwise overtaxed people at home are grievously aggravated by the demands which are made upon us to support the system of slavery in our colonies? Will they deny now, what we have always asserted, that of the miserable earnings of the labourer in Connaught and the weaver of Lancashire, in considerable portion is taken in order to furnish the West India proprietors with the chain and scourge with which they keep their fellow men in bondage? * * * The abilities of a writer are one thing—the qualifications of a legislator another, and the fault of Mr. Cobbett—his utter want of discretion is a most serious disqualification where an instant reply may be made. * * * The truth is, Mr. Cobbett is too much under the influence of self-will to encounter practised and cunning debaters, and our conviction is, that after having been beaten or bathed by men whom he despises, and whom, probably, he has a right to despise as infinitely below him in intellect, but who, having facts at their finger's end are enabled to meet declamation with figures, he would either retire from the contest altogether, or satisfy himself with an occasional oration without waiting for discussion"

Soon after this the anti-slavery cause received an impulse in Manchester which operated further unfavourably on Mr. Cobbett's claims to its representation. On the 18th


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Rh of September, 1832, Mr, George Thompson, who had been zealously and effectually labouring in the cause of negro emancipation at Liverpool, made his appearance in Manchester, and delivered a lecture in Irwell-street Chapel, surrounded by a number of estimable persons of the Society of Friends, and before him as respectable and numerous an audience as ever had been congregated in Manchester. He was young and vigorous, self-possessed, clear and distinct in his articulation, with a voice modulated to be heard in a whisper or peeling like a bell; perfect master of all the facts and arguments of his case, and with great power of appeal to the moral end religious feelings of his auditors, He proceeded, in a strain of impassioned eloquence, to dwell upon the various evils which were peculiar to British colonial slavery, or were fostered, multiplied, and ripened under its influence. I can do no more than barely enumerate the frightful catalouge, every item of which was powerfully illustrated by the lecturer. Slavery cursed the soil—originated and perpetuated the sale of human beings—doomed helpless, innocent, and unoffending infants to interminable thraldom—depressed the body by labour, while it prostrated the mind by excluding the ordinary and required motives to exertion—entailed physical sufferings of every possible description—operated to produce a fearful process of depopulation—was characterised by gross inequality of law and right—by shameless maladministration even of those partial laws, and threw in the way of the slave almost insuperable obstacles to redress—created and continued an odious and inveterate distinction of caste—engendered ignorance in its worst forms, and most fearful consequences—extinguished self-respect in the bosom of the negro, while it inspired hateful feelings of arrogance and despotism in the breast of the master—rendered the negro dark sullen, and revengeful—reduced the master from a state of refinement to one of debasement and


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/June 1903/Hertzian Wave Wireless Telegraphy I


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 In Germany, and especially at Berlin and Munich, the Greek revival took hold of architecture in the early part of the century in a more decisive but also in a more academical spirit than in England. The movement is connected more especially with the name of one eminent architect, Karl Friedrich Schinkel, who must have been a man of genius to have so impressed his taste on his generation as he did in Berlin, where he was regarded as the great and central power in the architecture of his day; yet his buildings are marked by learning and academical correctness rather than original genius. Elmes’s St George’s Hall, already referred to as one great English work of the classic revival, is by no means a mere piece of academical architecture; it exhibits in some of its details a great deal of originality, and in its general design a remarkably fine feeling for architectural grouping. In particular, the solid masses and the heavy square columns at the ends of his building, which seem like Greek architecture treated with Egyptian feeling, give support to, while they form a most effective contrast with, the richer and more delicate Corinthian order of the central portion. The only work of Schinkel’s which shows something of the same feeling for contrast in architectural composition is one of his smaller buildings, the Königswache or Royal Guard-house, in which a Doric colonnaded portico is effectively flanked and supported by two great masses of plain wall. But in general Schinkel does not seem to have known what to do with the angles of his buildings, or to have realized the value of mass as a support to his colonnades. This is strikingly exemplified in his museum at Berlin, where the tall narrow piers at the angles have a very weak effect, and are quite inadequate as a support to the long open colonnade. His Royal theatre also (fig. 87), though the central portico is fine, is monotonous and weak in its two-storeyed repetition of the small order in the wings, and it has also the fault (which it shares, no doubt, with a great many theatres, large and small) that its exterior design gives no hint of the theatre form; it might just as well be a museum. His Nikolai Kirche (1830–1837) at Potsdam (fig. 88), which has considerable celebrity, though not so merely academical in character, and in fact possessed of a certain originality, has a fault of another kind, in its entire lack of architectural unity; the dome does not seem to belong to or to have any connexion with the substructure, while the portico is quite out of scale with the great block of building in its rear, and looks like a subsequent addition. The fault of the Schinkel school of architecture is an almost total want of what may be called architectural life; it is an artificial production of the studio. The same kind of cold classicism prevailed at Munich, where Leo von Klenze (1784–1864), though a lesser man than Schinkel, played somewhat the same part as the latter played at Berlin. His Propylaea (fig. 89), in which Greek and Egyptian influences are combined, is a characteristic example of his cold and scholastic style. His well known Ruhmeshalle, with its boldly projecting colonnaded wings and the colossal statue of Bavaria in front of it, is in its way a fine architectural conception—perhaps finer and more consistent in its kind than any one work of Schinkel, though he evidently did not exercise so wide an influence on the German art of his day. A third eminent name in the German classic revival is that of Gottfried Semper (1803–1879), somewhat later in date (Schinkel was born in 1781), but more or less of the same school. Semper practised successively at Dresden and at Zürich, but finally settled in Vienna, where, however, he did not live to see the execution of his two most important designs, the museum and the Hofburg theatre, which were carried out by Baron Karl von Hasenauer (1833–1894) from his designs, or approximately so. Semper’s theatre at Dresden, however, shows that he could recognize the practical basis of architecture, as the expression of plan, in a way that Schinkel could not; for in that building he frankly adopted the curve of the auditorium as the motif for his exterior design, thus producing a building which is obviously a theatre, and could not be taken for anything else, and putting some of that life into it which is so much wanting in Schinkel’s rigid classicalities.

In spite of the Romanizing influence of the First Empire, the classic revival did not leave by any means so academical a stamp on French as on German architecture of the early period of the century. French architects in the main have always had too much original genius to be entirely taken captive by a general movement of this kind. There is the weak classicism of Bernard Poyet’s façade to the chamber of deputies, a very poor affair; and there are two important buildings in the guise of Roman peripteral temples, devoted respectively to business and to religion—the Bourse, by Alexandre Théodore Brongniart (1739–1813), and the Madeleine, begun under Napoleon, as a “Temple de la Gloire,” by Pierre Vignon (1763–1828), and completed as a church in 1841 by Jean Jacques Huvé (1783–1852). Both of these are very well carried out externally, and enable us to judge of what would be the effect of a Roman temple of the kind. It must be admitted that the plain oblong mass of the Bourse has really been very much improved by the recent addition of the two wings, carried out by Cavel, though there was a great deal of opposition at first to meddling with so celebrated a building. Unfortunately, the exterior of the Bourse is a mere piece of architectural scenery, quite unconnected with the internal object and arrangement of the building. The Madeleine is a really fine exterior in its way; if a modern church was to put on the guise of a pagan temple, the task could hardly have been better carried out; and the interior might have been as fine if properly treated, but it has little artistic relation with the noble exterior, and is spoiled by poor architectural treatment and bad ornament. The church of St Vincent de Paul, by Jacques Ignace Hittorff (1792–1867), an architect who was one of the most learned students of Greek architecture of his day, is another important example of the French classical church of the period (Plate XII., fig. 125). In this the interior is more consistent with the exterior than is the case in the Madeleine; and by adding a tower at each angle of the façade, above the colonnaded portico, the architect gave it more the expression of a church, which the Madeleine wants. In the Arc de l’Étoile, by Jean François T. Chalgrin (1739–1811), we have a really great, even sublime work, which, though suggested by the Roman triumphal arches, is no mere copy, but bears the impress of the French genius in its details as well as in François Rude’s grand sculptures on the east face, while its great scale places it above everything else of the kind in the world. It is only after ascending the interior and seeing the vaults carrying the roof that one fully realizes what a stupendous piece of work this is. Under Napoleon there was at least no jerry-building.

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text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/June 1903/Physiological Economy in Nutrition


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/June 1903/The Field of Municipal Hygiene


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/June 1903/University Tendencies in America


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text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Murphy, Right Rev. Francis


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Murphy, William Emmet


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Murray, Hon. David


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Murray, George Gilbert Aimé


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Murray, Right Rev. James


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Murray, Reginald Augustus Frederick


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Miller, Joaquin


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Murray, Hon. Sir Terence Aubrey


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Murray-Prior, Hon. Thomas Lodge


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Musgrave, Sir Anthony


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Musgrove, Alexander William


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Mylne, Thomas


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Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 32.djvu/249

Lawes Henry Lawes [q.v.]; both brothers were pupils of Coperario, the Earl of Hertford paying the cost of William's musical education. He was a member of the choir of Chichester Cathedral until 1602, when he was sworn a gentleman of the Chapel Royal, 1 Jan. 1602-3. He resigned his place on 5 May 1611, and was readmitted on 1 Oct. of the same year. He joined Simon Ives in the composition of the music to Shirley's masque, 'The Triumph of Peace,' represented at Whitehall on Candlemas night 1633-4, and afterwards given in the Merchant Taylors' Hall. The composers each received 100l for their work. Lawes also wrote the music to Sir W. D'Avenant's masque, 'The Triumph of the Prince d' Amour,' performed in 1635 in the Middle Temple. The music of this piece, together with that of two other masques, 'The King's Masque' and 'The Inns of Court Masque,' is preserved in manuscript in the Bodleian (Mus. Sen. MSS. B. 2, 3, and D. 229). On the outbreak of the civil war Lawes took up arms for the king. 'And though,' writes Fuller, 'he was by General Gerrard made a Commissary on designe to secure him (such Officers being commonly shot-free by their place, as not exposed to danger), yet such the activity of his spirit, he disclaimed the covert of his office, and betrayed thereunto by his own adventurousness, was casually shot at the Siege of Chester, the same time when the Lord Bernard Stuart lost his life [September 1645]. Nor was the King's soul so ingrossed with grief for the death of so near a kinsman, and noble a Lord, but that, hearing of the death of his dear servant William Lawes, he had a particular Mourning for him when dead, whom he loved when living, and commonly called "the Father of Musick."'

In spite of the distinguished position which William Lawes held among musicians of the day, none of his works were published in his lifetime; the first music of his that was printed was his portion of 'Choice Psalmes,' edited by his brother in 1648 [see ]. In his interesting preface Henry Lawes declares his object in bringing out the book to be 'that so much of his' (William's) 'Workes as are here published, may be received, as the least part of what he hath compos'd, and but a small Testimony of his greater Compositions (too voluminous for the Presse) which I the rather now mention, lest being, as they are, disperst into private hands, they may chance be hereafter lost; for besides his Fancies of Three, Foure, Five, and Six Parts to the Viols and Organ, he hath made above Thirty severall sorts of Musick for Voices and Instruments; neither was there any Instrument then in use, but he compos'd to it so aptly, as if he had only studied that.' Elegiac poems on his death appear in Herrick's 'Hesperides,' Tatham's 'Ostella' (1650), and R. Heath's 'Clara-stella' (1650), and a musical elegy, by Simon Ives, is in Stafford Smith's 'Musica Antiqua.'

The most important of his works are in the form of short pieces for viols, lutes, &c. A collection of these, to the number of sixty-six, forms his 'Royall Consort,' of which one complete manuscript copy is in the Christ Church Library (K. 304). The two treble parts are in Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 31431,2, and parts are in the Mus. Sch. MSS. D. 233-236. The Christ Church Library (I. 5, 1-6) contains also his 'Great Consorte,' consisting of six suites for two treble viols, two theorbos, and two bass viols, the same combination of instruments as the 'Royall Consort.' In Add. MSS. 29410-14 are sixteen pieces in five parts, and eighteen in six for viols and organ; the bassus part of the same set, but with the pieces arranged in a different order, is in the composer's autograph (Add. MS. 17798). The organ part only of eight suites, in three parts, each consisting of a fancy, an almain, and an air, and eight suites in four parts is in Add. MS. 29290, and in Add. MSS. 10445, 18040-4. More of his instrumental works and some single imperfect parts of many compositions will be found in Christ Church MSS. I. 4, 91-3, I. 4. 79-82, K. 3. 32, as well as in the Music School MSS. in the Bodleian, D. 233-6, 238-40, E. 431-6, F. 575, &c. A few of the single parts are printed in Playford's 'Musica Harmonia.' in 'Court Airs,' 1656, and 'Courtly Masquing Ayres,' 1662 The second part of the 'Musical Banquet,' 1651, contains many of his pieces for two treble and bass viol. His anthem 'The Lord is my light,' the words of which are in Clifford's 'Anthems,' 1664, p. 324, is in the Tudway Collection, Harl. MS. 7337, and in Boyce's 'Cathedral Music;' a slightly different version is in Christ Church Library, H. i. 12, where there is also found an anthem for bass solo, 'Let God arise,' H. i. 18. A curious set of compositions is in the same library, K. 3. 73-5, called 'Psalmes for one, two, and three parts, to the common tunes.' These may be described as interludes for solo voices, the choir being only employed to sing the well-known psalm-tunes. Another anthem, 'Sing to the King of Kings,' is given in Hullah's 'Vocal Scores.' The interesting autograph, Add. MS. 31432, contains a saraband and corant in lute tablature, a beautiful canon, 'Tis joy to hear,' and some fifty-five vocal compositions, besides an Elegiack in the


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Miller, Cincinnatus Heine

MILLER, Cincinnatus Heine (better known as ), American poet, whose pseudonym was due to his defense of Joaquin Murietta, a Mexican bandit: b. Wabash district, Ind., 10 Nov. 1841; d. San Francisco, Cal., 17 Feb. 1913. His father took him to Oregon in 1854. He got a little schooling but soon ran away from home; went to the California gold mines; accompanied Walker on the

Nicaragua filibustering expeditions; lived familiarly among the Indians and the Spaniards of the Pacific slope; studied law for a few years, having graduated at Columbia College Oregon, in 1858; practised law unsuccessfully in Idaho, where he soon turned express messenger, and in 1863 settled in Oregon for a short time, becoming editor of the Eugene City Democratic Register, which was suppressed in the same year because of its treasonable character. In 1864 he began to practise law in Cañon City, Ore., made himself popular by his services against the war-like Snake Indians and from 1866 to 1870 was judge of Grant County. His writings collected under the title ‘Songs of the Sierras’ he could not sell in the East, and so took them to London, where they were published and brought him fame. He visited London again in 1873; lived in Washington, D. C.; and in 1887 returned to California, settling near Oakland. His life sums up the adventure of the Pacific slope, and his verse and fiction are to be prized especially on this account as being real “documents” of certain phases of American life. They are, moreover, fresh, vigorous and original in style; his metre is free and powerful and his narrative forcible. He excels, perhaps, in his pictures of Nature. In a few short lyrics there is a quiet melancholy, bred of communion with solitary wood and mountain. But on the whole he is not a great artist, although his work has a distinct value as descriptive of various American types. Hence his fame has been much greater in England, where he was even styled “the American Byron,” than in America. Miller's verse includes ‘Songs of the Sunlands’ (1873); ‘Songs of the Desert’ (1875); ‘Songs of Italy’ (1878); ‘Collected Poems’ (1882); and ‘Songs of Mexican Seas’ (1887); ‘Building of the City Beautiful’ (1893). His prose works are ‘The Baroness of New York’ (1877); ‘The Danites in the Sierras’ (1881; later in the form of a play); and ‘'49, or the Gold-Seekers of the Sierras’ (1884). An introduction and an autobiography appear in the definitive edition of his ‘Poems’ (6 vols., San Francisco, 1909-10).


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 * A.

Underlying the U.S. decision to train the ARVN were broad political objectives and beliefs relating to Asia, together with narrower considerations relating to methods of achieving U.S. objectives in Southeast Asia. Both broad and narrow considerations had their origins in the post–World War II chaos in Asia; both stemmed from the overall U.S. aim to deter or defeat communist aggression wherever and whenever it might occur; and both became pillars of U.S. Indochina policy with the fall of Mainland China to the communists in 1949.

On the broader level, the U.S. decision to train the Vietnamese armed forces was viewed as necessary to preserve the independence and freedom of Vietnam south of the 17th parallel, an essential prerequisite to the containment of communism. Containment—lately a function of SEATO as well as of the U.S.—was viewed as essential to the preservation of the rest of Southeast Asia from communist domination and control. Communist domination of the area was viewed as the outcome associated with the fall of Free Vietnam by the proponents of the domino theory, which continued as a major influence on U.S. foreign policy throughout the period examined here. "In view of the importance of Vietnam to all of Southeast Asia, I am convinced that the United States should expend the funds, materiel, and effort required to strengthen the country and help it retain its independence," reported General J. Lawton Collins. "If the chances of success are difficult to calculate, the results of a withdrawal of American aid are all too certain, not only in Vietnam, but throughout Southeast Asia. Such a withdrawal would hasten the rate of communist advances in the Far East as a whole and could result in the loss of Southeast Asia to communism. In my opinion, the chance of success is not only worth the gamble; we cannot afford to let free Vietnam go by default."

On the narrower level, several considerations tended to urge an affirmative decision concerning a training role for the U.S.:

1. Throughout the French–Indochina war, U.S. authorities continually urged the French to create and train a Vietnamese National Army. This measure was pressed not only because the U.S. believed it to be a necessary political gesture (evidence of the true independence of the Associated States), but also because U.S. experts viewed it as a military measure vital to the successful prosecution of the war. Rh


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 nTt* Gn 3 2 K ( J), limping upon his thigh; T!}~?S P?P Je 3 i '* and (c. ~?R) Ez 2 1 17, srorte ufMM t/wgrA, in token of consternation ; "vj> pit? DTlta 1H Tp* Ju 1 5 8 and he smote them, hip tipon thigh, a great slaughter, b. thigh— loins, as seat of procreative power (RS K • 34;8Mn •, • !l60(380, ) V 'W those proceeding from the loins of any one Gn 4 6 M Ex 1' (both P), Ju S 30 ; hence rinn 1! D^ T^ place the hand under thigh, in taking oath Gn 24" (J), 47 s9 . 2. side (flank) of altar 2 K 16" Lv i 11 (P); of tabernacle Ex 40 2224 Nu 3 s -* (all P); also "^n -fT (for MT Ufa tjnn) © Th We Dr Bu Kit. 3. base (loins) of candle- stick Ex 25" 37 17 Nu 8 4 (all P). t[nm wrnrV 01 s le7g ] flank, side, du. u t :- 7 t ■■ extreme parts, recesses ; — sf. «"I3~|! Gn 49"; du. DVUT Ex 26 27 36 s2 + Ez 4 6 19 Qr (Kt DrO-V); DV3VEx26 23 36 28 ; cstr.T}?")! Ju 19 1 + 2ot.+ i*K6 16 Qr (KtTlOT); — 1- *«&, i-e. further side of Zebulun, poet, for more distant border of his territory Gn 49 13. 2. elsewhere always du. the two thighs, i.e. fig. angle, recess, extreme parts : as recesses of Mt. Eplir. Ju 1 y 118 ; of Lebanon 2 K I9 23 =ls 37 s4 ; of recesses or in- nermost part of a cave 1 S 24'; a house Am 6 10 + 128 3 ; the pit pi3) Is 14 15 (^W), Ez 3 2 23 ; a ship Jon I s ; pSS TIB"]! remote parts of the north Is 14 13 Ez 38 615 39* ^ 48 3 (but here Lag. prop. ;iX"i'"V); JHX, 0?"!- remote parts of earth Je 6 s2 25 s2 31 8 50 41 ; of a long building, extreme or hinder part, so of tabernacle Ex 86*** 3 6 27 - 2832 ( a]1 p). of temple 1 K 6 16 ; of Ezek.'s temple Ez 46 19 . trPH2"V n.pr.loc. 1. © Up(t)ipov6, Ca- naanitish city, with a king, named between Hebron and Lachish Jos 1 o 3 " 3 ( JE), 12 11 (D); named with Adullam 15 35 (P), cf. Ne n 29 . 2. © Vtupad, A ©L Uppad, Levitical city in Issachar Jos 2 1 29 (P). T^O'V n.pr.m. one of those who had strange wives Ezr io 33 ; © ltpap(t(p). trra-T', rra-v, rto'n' 1 n.pr.m. © Apii/ioiS, lipipovf), etc.; — 1. Benjamites: a. nion? 1 Ch f. b. ntonj 1 Ch 7 s . c. ntov 1 Ch 8". 2. Levites :' a. t^XSV 1 Ch 23*'. b. id. 1 Ch 2 5 22 = c. ntonj 24 30 . ' d. nton; Ch 25 4 . e. id. 2 Ch 3 1 13 . 3. id. Naphta- lite 1 Ch 2 7 19 . 4. id. son of David and father of Rehoboam's wife 2 Ch 1 1 18 . 5. niD"?*, men who had strange wives : a. Ezr io 26, © Upupoid (-pad). b. Ezr IO 27 , © Apav, X A.ppo>v, A lap- pad, ©L UpipaS. c. Ezr io 29 Kt (Qr ntott), © Mijpui*, A Prjpaff, © L pipa6. VraT. fTCT^ v. subno-i. t : : • t : : • t[jrj ] vb. quiver (cf. Ar. cjl be timid, weak; cVl pious fear; % JH? be disheartened) — Qal /»/ 3 fs. iV h|T IK'S? Is 15 4 Ats soid quivereth to him, i.e. is in terror and distress. W? ^n.f. curtain (£ KTSP'j.Syr.JI^-S) — abs. nj 3 7 + 2 t.; sf. »j^n; Je 4 20 io 20 ; DH'Otin] Je 49 29 ;— curtain, of tabern. Ex 26 la - 22 ' 8 - 8 -r 38 t. Ex 26 and 36 ; Nu 4 s5 (all P); 2 S 7 2 =i Ch 17 1 ; — in gen. (tent-) curtains Je 4 20 io 20 49 M Hb 3 7 Cti 5 (in all R^jfc); W_ .. . njTV Is 54 2 (p!?™ Dip? 9VP), fig- of Jerusalem's prosperity; in sim. nsfTS D^OE* nci3 ^ 104 2 . tniy, ~|"; n.pr.m.(?) only 1 Ch 2 18 , where rd. perh. *»ma for MT TTHR, see We VB; © Eiad, A ©L lfp(«)ta>0. ?N3"V v. sub NS1. I. p-)"^ (-/of foil.; NH Hiph.; Aram. Aph. p^iX jrrow green; >alZ be pale, and deriv. ; As. ardku, grow pale (of face), arku, yellow, green, etc., Dl nwB243 ; Ar. jj leaf, JjTJ put forth leaves, cf. ii.. ash-colour, jj^jl dusky - white, of camel, J.^ siZ^er com Lag BN3 °; Sab. pilgoW(p-mDn3),Hal i8 ' JA! - Wc - ,s74 - NM - 47 ' 97 DHM voj l«£ and Eth. (DC*: <?oM, both from colour ace. to DHM Di). TpV n.m. Is15,6 green, greenness (on J>£ in gardens, v. No ZMG,8 ' 6 • T^ Low 1> • a6, )— abs. Ex io 15 Is 15 6 ; cstr. Gn i*>+ 3 t.;— 3b$> pT Gn r° 9 3 (bothP); Xfl P~$, + 3?> n l^ PTC Nu 2 2 4 (E) = green thing, grass; alone Ex io 15 (J) green  e tc) lip-j^ only in / »n 'O Jos 19 49 v. sub •©. tpil* 1 n.[m.] green thing ( = P1J), only as food of wild ass Jb 39 s.


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 ITV T 1 session of by David as king 2 S 5:4; David's royal seat v 61314 8 7 1 1 J + ; it remained the capital until taken by Nebuchadrezzar, B.C. 588, 2 K 25:1 + ; it became the chief home of the returned exiles Ezr 1:11, 2:11; Ne 2:11, 17 + ; mentioned S 31 1., Ko2t., Ch isit., Ezr 25 t., Ne38t., Is 1 27 t., Is" 22 t., Je 107 t., Ez 26 t., ZC41 1., etc.— Vid. also n.pr.loc. DU^ D.?t5'. n*l^ (v^of foil.; meaning dub.; ace. to MV Buhl=niN, of moon as wanderer, so Lag BN40 ). trrP n.m. jM1 ° ,s moon, esp. poet. (NH id.; Ph. fTV; As. irihu, ace. to Pinches bohaub.i888.jo7. Eth. d>Ci: moon, month; cf. sub ITV) — abs. rtT Gn 37" + 25 t.; sf. T|rrn Is 60 20 :— moon, usually named with sun Jos io 1213 (poem in JE), f 72 s (D-V ^isb) tiyfrOQ, 89 s8 (in these two, a symbol of permanence), 121 6 Is 60 19 Hb 3" Jo 3 4 ; obj. of idolatrous worship Jb 31 26 ( + sun); in same sense also + sun and stars Dt 4' 9 1 7 3 2 K 23 s Je 8 2 ; as determiner of feast- times yjr 104" (|| sun); + stars, as shining by night ijr 1 36" ( || sun, by day), so D"V npn Je 3 1 36 (||t'a!.); elsewh. + sun and stars Gn 37' (E), Is 13 10 Ez 3 2 7 Jo 2'° 4 15 ir 148 3 Ec 12 2 ; +stars ^ 8 4 Jb25 5 ; with neither sun nor stars only rrv ■'itt-iy f 72'. fi. rW n.m. Zc,le month (Aram. K0£,liw new moon, month; Palm. rwVog No1 ; As. arhu COT 010 "- Muss-Arnolt ,BLx ' 1892 - 73 - 163 ; cf. Ph. Eth. sub PV; Sab. rrv month, T)HM zmim - m -, 369 HaI ,A8 *, 1. ^_ abg nT- I K 6» + 3 1. J CStr. ieZ.Dtai 13 2K15' 3 ; fL.tNT* Ex2 2 + 3 t.; cstr. 'DT Jb 7 s 29 s ; — 1. month, as measure of time, during, or in which Ex 2 2 (E), Zc 1 1 8 Jb 39 s ; tm "nv jb 7 3 ; D-ijj »rrv 2 g>; pleon. on?; rrv a month (of) days=a month of time Dt 21 13 2 K 15 13. 2. calendar month, with name 1] TV K 6 37 (2nd mo., cf. v 1 ); !*B Rj; v 38 (8th mo.)l Vyrm rrv t K 8 2 (7th mo.); cf. tmv 1SDC3 Pfc^5» Jb'3 6 ; rriTV eha Dt 33 4 produce of months, i.e. of various seasons of year. — Cf. synon. Bnn, tn. [n^|j] n.pr.ni. 'son' of Joktan, only nv Gn IO 26 (© lapad, ©L ltpa x )=i Ch 1 s0 (®L lap.). tnVV n.pr.m. a Gadite, 1 Ch 5"; © I&u, ©L Apovt. frev v. ^rp-v crfv, Vsnnn"! v. sub wn tyrn^ n.pr.m. an Egyptian slave 1 Ch 2 3135 ; © Ia> x ,X, ®L Upa. T UJ J _ vb. be precipitate, precipitate (trans.) (cf. Ar. tj. conjecit, praecipitem dedit in puteum, exitium, Frey.) — Qal Pf B"V Nu 22 32, app. c. subj. lfyjri ; tlie way is precipitate, (RV m headlong) b-fore me. but transit. * V ~fo »JQ"V D'yen Jbi6'' mto the hands of wichd men he precipitates me (v. Di; 9BT = *?BT i Baer's text '3t3T points to /nUl q. v.) ; hence perh. rd. D^T, Nu 22 s2 ; thou hast precipitated the journey in front of me, i. e. rushed recklessly in front of me ; v. Di ; Kau AT leaves untransl. inn" 1, rthVf , ilTV n.pr.loc. Jericho • : ■ : •■ : 67 (on form see Baer on Jos 2' Je 39 s Ko"" 1 '*; «/ and mng. dub.; ace. to.Thes al. from ni"l, ■=.regio fragrans, the district abounding in palms, rose-gardens, balsam, etc.); — Vl^V Jos 2 1 + 27 1. Jos.(i 9 1. JE, 3 t. D, 6 t. P). + 5 1.' 2 K 2 ; irrv jos 18 21 2 S 10 s Je 39 s 52 s ; nrrv r k 16"; fTV Dt 34 1 (P), v 3 (D), Nu 22' (P) + 9 1. P, 2 K 25 s Ezr 2 M Ne 3 2 7 36 + 3 t. Ch ;— Canaanit. city taken by Josh. Jos 6 1 (JE) -)- ; having a king 2 23 8 a io 1 (all JE), io 2830 12' (all D); near Jordan, whence (irvv) irrv |T£ v. ftT supr.; Mt. Nebo isdescribed as in-!V?S"^yDt32 <9 34'(P); (called Dnoriri TJ J u d i 10 3 13 ; so in appos. Dt 34 3 2 Ch 28 1S ); the adjacent plain is called irrv nyps Dt 3 4 3 (JE); ftTV nuny 2 K 25 5 = Je 39 5 =52 8 ; inn' 'y J os 4 > 3 5" (both P); among returning exiles appear irrv '33 Ezr 2 M =Ne 7 s6, and among builders of wall irrv 't^K Ne3 2 (BeRy Eyle ad loc. and Ezr 2 s4 ); — mod. (E)rlh&; see also GASm*"'*'' ™|^ (-/of foil.; meaning dubious). tlfV n-f. 5 " 5 - 27 thigh, loin, side, base (NH id. ; Aram. N?T; Zinj."TV loin; As.arku, arkdtu, back, rear, hereafter D1 HWB242 ; Ar. t^.j hip) — abs. in! Ju i5 8 + 6 t.; cstr. TTV Gn 24 s + 1 1 t + 2 S 3 s7 (v. infr.); sf. '?"V Gn 2 4 2 47 29 ; tJ?JJ Nu 5 21 ; i3T Gn 3 2 M + 6 t. ; ' «yv Ex 2 5 31 4- 3 1. ; du. D^5T. Ex 28 42 ; sf. ^?T. CtV ;-l. thigh, a. outside of thigh, where sword was worn, torjjffcj 3"jn its? Ex 32 s7 (E); frfy «nk -*j5j iVD^ Ju 3 16 and he girded it upon his right thigh, v 21 + 4 5 4 Ct 3 8 ; ^VT ft Gn 32 s3 Ao/Z<w 0/ the thigh, v 2626 - 33 (all J); IRJTJJ "p«n Ct 7 2 <Ae roundings of thy thighs ; D'?i'~ 1 5?1 ^!?D^P Ex 28 42 (P); || JC3 Nu 5 212227 (P);'i3l.^y y'^f


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/June 1903/The Improvement of the City of Washington


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Miller, Cincinnatus Heine


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/June 1903/Changes in the Age of College Graduation


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/June 1903/Education Not the Cause of Race Decline


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/June 1903/Discussion and Correspondence


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/June 1903/Scientific Literature


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/June 1903/The Progress of Science


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/Hertzian Wave Wireless Telegraphy II


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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 61 2. The U.S. was never satisfied with French efforts concerning the Vietnamese National Army and was continually frustrated by apparent French reluctance to act on this score. Particularly disturbing to U.S. officials were French inaction concerning formation of the VNA into divisional units, French training procedures, and French reluctance to develop a Vietnamese officer corps: in short, acute frustration was caused by French refusal to initiate changes U.S. officials believed, rightly or wrongly, that the U.S.,could and would initiate if the U.S. were in charge.

3. The U.S. had the capability to train "native armies," as demonstrated by Korean forces. Although U.S. pressure on the French culminated in a French visit to Korea to observe U.S. training methods and procedures, the French were most impressed with the unsuitability of Korean forces and the methods used to train them to the situation in Indochina.

4. The U.S. had been considering the idea of U.S. training of Vietnamese forces since early in the Indochina war; in fact, the U.S. had been asked as early as 1950 to participate in a Vietnamese plan for a Vietnamese National Army trained and equipped by the U.S. without French participation. The U.S. attitude was ambivalent. As early as April 1952 the Service Secretaries suggested that the U.S. expand the Indochina MAAG to undertake training and equipping of a national army should the French declare their intention to withdraw from Indochina; in January 1954 General Erskine suggested elevating MAAG to the status of a mission "to help in training." On the other hand, although the theme of U.S. training of Vietnamese forces became increasingly prominent from early 1953 on, a high-level committee in Defense recommended against seeking direct American participation in training in January of that year, and the JCS agreed with this recommendation, which stemmed from French opposition to any such role for the U.S., relatively higher French qualifications to train the local armies, and from the language problem. As the war neared its close, however, CHMAAG General O'Daniel, in face of firm and consistent opposition from the French, pressed harder and harder for a direct American involvement in the training of Vietnamese forces; in May 1954 General Ely, the French High Commander, apparently succumbed to O'Daniel's pressure to agree to U.S. training of, and the positioning of U.S. advisors with, Vietnamese units. On 9 June 1954, Ely, through O'Daniel, requested the U.S. to organize and supervise the training of Vietnamese divisions, and to do the same for all other Vietnamese training. By this time, however, U.S. decisionmakers believed that the "situation in Vietnam has degenerated to point where any commitments at this time to send over U.S. instructors in near future might expose us to being faced with situation in which it would be contrary to our interests to have to fulfill such commitments," and they feared that, "It may be that in effort to draw U.S. into conflict without having U.S. conditions on intervention met, French military may now seek U.S. training Rh


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/Why a Flame Emits Light - the Development of the Theory


text: Category:Heredity

title: Category:Heredity


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/Evolution, Cytology and Mendel's Laws


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/The Pearl Fisheries of Ceylon


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/A Comparison of Land and Water Plants


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/The Preservation of Wild Flowers


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/An Untilled Field in American Agricultural Education


text: The Dictionary of Australasian Biography/Nairn, Hon. William Edward


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/The Story of English Education I


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/Discussion and Correspondence


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/Scientific Literature


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1807. however on the subject, when we reflect that the present ministers are of those who consider an American war as rather desirable."

Within a short time the "Morning Post" avowed and proclaimed, in articles evidently inspired by Government, the wish for war with America: —

 * "A war of a very few months, without creating to us the expense of a single additional ship, would be sufficient to convince her of her folly by a necessary chastisement of her insolence and audacity."

In January, 1808, the same newspaper spoke even more plainly: —

 * "For us, we have always been of the opinion that in the present temper of the American government no relations of amity can be maintained with that nation unless at the expense of our dearest rights and most essential interests."

Perhaps this tone was taken partly with the idea of terrifying the Americans into obedience; but beyond question a strong party leaned to violence. Monroe, who had the best means of knowing, felt no doubts on this point, and warned the President of the danger to the United States.

 * "There has been," he wrote Aug. 4, 1807, "at all times since the commencement of the present war, a strong party here for extending its ravages to them. This party is composed of the shipowners, the navy, the


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/July 1903/The Progress of Science


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/Modern Views on Matter


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/The Training of a Physician


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/American Titles and Distinctions


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/The Bird Rookeries on the Island of Laysan


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The New International Encyclopædia/Miller, Cincinnatus Heine

MILLER,, better known as (1841—). An American author, born in the Wabash District, Indiana, November 10, 1841. In 1854 his parents took him to Oregon. Later he became a miner in

He was a volunteer in Walker's Nicaragua expedition of 1855. From 1855 until 1860 he lived among the Indians of the Pacific Coast. He studied law for a while, then edited a Democratic paper at Eugene City, Ore., which was suppressed by the authorities for disunion sentiments. In 1863 he began to practice law and was a district judge in Oregon from 1866 to 1870. After visiting the Eastern States Miller went to England, where, in the following year, he published his Songs of the Sierras, which made him a temporary ‘lion’ in London society, although the same poems had fallen flat in the United States. He afterwards settled in New York, but he left that city in order to do journalistic work in Washington, D. C, and in Oakland, Cal. (1887), settling at last in Oakland. Among his works in verse are: Songs of the Sunland (1873); Songs of Italy (1878); Songs of the Mexican Seas (1887); in prose: The Danites in the Sierras (a novel, 1881); 49, or the Gold Seekers of the Sierras (1884). Miller's play, The Danites, taken from his novel, had considerable success, and his poetry has received some favorable notice, more on account of its genuinely romantic content and its brilliant if crude color, than on account of its artistic excellence. A collective edition of his verses appeared in 1897. The name ‘Joaquin’ was taken from Joaquin Murietta, a Mexican bandit, of whom Miller wrote a defense.


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/Bacteria in Modern Economic Agriculture


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/The Story of English Education II


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/The Declining Birth Rate and its Cause


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/Hertzian Wave Wireless Telegraphy III


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/Discussion and Correspondence


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/Scientific Literature


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/August 1903/The Progress of Science


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/September 1903/Palm and Sole Impressions and their Use for Purposes of Personal Identification


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/September 1903/Some of the Extra-Artistic Elements of Esthetic Emotion


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/September 1903/Karl Lamprecht and Kulturgeschichte


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/September 1903/Pulse and Rhythm


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Rh the essential respect that they would cling to power and continue blindly to organise until brought down by a new revolution. So the wheels of History would revolve again with the same recurrent phases of disorder and tyranny, and future students would be taught to recognise one more 'Age' that of the Proletariat, following on the Ages of Ecclesiasticism, Militarism, and Capitalism. Become supreme, the Labour leaders of the future would no more hesitate to use machine-guns against the mob than any other panic-stricken riders of the whirlwind.

But if it be held that organisation based on local communities is essential to the stable and therefore peaceable life of Nations, then those local communities must have as complete and balanced a life of their own as is compatible with the life of the Nation itself. In no other way can you prevent a 'class and interest' organisation from crossing powerfully your locality organisation. As long as you allow a great metropolis to drain most of the best young brains from the local communities, to cite only one aspect of what goes on, so long must organisation centre unduly in the metropolis and become inevitably an organisation of nation-wide classes and interests. I believe that whether we


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/September 1903/Theories of Sleep


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/September 1903/Hertzian Wave Wireless Telegraphy IV


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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 62 in advance of U.S. commitment to intervene with own combat forces.... We are resolved not to get drawn in to training program to reverse situation training program has virtually no chance of success...." Although O'Daniel repeatedly requested a reversal of this decision, going as far as to request his plea by passed on "to the highest authority" on 26 June, the denial stood to the end of the Indochina war.

5. This prolonged involvement with the problem of affording U.S. assistance in training of the Vietnamese National Army lost hardly any of the momentum given it by General O'Daniel during the final days of the Indochina war in spite of the U.S. decision to stop all aid shipments to Indochina on 30 July 1954 and to reconsider the entire problem of U.S. actions relating to Indochina. On 27 July, General O'Daniel again urged that the U.S., without French interference, undertake a priority program for training the Vietnamese Army, and took steps to expand the authorized roster of MAAG personnel prior to the Geneva–imposed strength ceiling deadline of 11 August without Washington approval of the program. It is believed that this momentum, generated in Saigon and supported by the Department of State, was of itself of considerable importance in the actual taking of the decision to organize and train Vietnamese forces.

 * B.

Ambassador Heath and his superiors in the Department of State "strongly concurred" with General O'Daniel's recommendation of 27 July that the U.S. undertake a priority program to train the Vietnamese Army. The JCS, however, recommended that "before the United States assumes responsibility for training the forces of any of the Associated States certain preconditions were four' in number: "a reasonably strong, stable civil government in control"; a request from each of the Associated States that the U.S. "assume responsibility for training their forces and providing the military equipment, financial assistance, and political advice necessary to insure internal stability"; arrangements with the French "granting full independence to the Associated States and providing for the phased orderly withdrawal of French forces, French officials, and French advisors from Indochina"; and "the size and composition of the forces...should be dictated by the local military requirements and the over-all U.S. interests." These recommendations were transmitted by the Secretary of Defense to the Secretary of State by letter.

In response to this letter, Secretary Dulles indicated that Cambodia had already met the recommended conditions, and that although Vietnam had not yet done so, the U.S. should nonetheless undertake a training program since strengthening the army was in fact prerequisite to stability ("one of the most efficient means of enabling the Vietnamese Government to become strong is to assist it in reorganizing the National Army and in training that Army.") Although in approving Rh


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/September 1903/Mosquitoes and Suggestions for their Extermination


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/September 1903/Shorter Articles and Correspondence


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/September 1903/Scientific Literature


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/September 1903/The Progress of Science


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/October 1903/The Decorative Art of the North American Indians


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242 look at the matter from the point of view of the freedom of men or of nations we shall come to the same conclusion; that the one thing essential is to displace class organisation, with its battle-cries and merely palliative remedies, by substituting an organic ideal, that of the balanced life of provinces, and under the provinces of the lesser communities.

Democratic Ideals and Reality, 1919 Dingbat.jpg Democratic Ideals and Reality, 1919 Dingbat.jpg Democratic Ideals and Reality, 1919 Dingbat.jpg

Let us approach the matter from the other end of the argument, that of the Freedom of Men. What does the ordinary man want? [[Author: John Stuart Mill|Mill] says that after food and home he wants liberty, but the more modern democrat lays stress not merely on freedom to take Opportunity, but on the equality of Opportunity itself. It is for Opportunity to realise what is in him, to live a life of ideas and of action for the realisation of those ideas, that the healthy man—in ever-increasing number—is asking. His ideas may be of love and of the noble upbringing of his children, or of his craft and delight in his dexterity, or of religion and the saving of souls, or of excellence in sport of some kind, or of the constitution of society and its improvement, or of the appreciation of beauty and of artistic


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/October 1903/Highways and Byways of Animal Life


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/October 1903/The Correlation Between Mental and Moral Qualities


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/October 1903/Cooperation, Coercion, Competition


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/October 1903/The Sherman Principle in Rhetoric and its Restrictions


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Rh ; but in one way or another he wishes for the glow of intelligent life, and incidentally for a recognition of his human dignity.

By general elementary education we have begun to teach the art of manipulating ideas to those who in Ancient Society were slaves. The wholly unlettered man thinks only in concrete terms; therefore it was that the great religious teachers have spoken slowly in parables. The unlettered man is not open either to the pleasures or the dangers of idealism. Undoubtedly our Western communities are passing through a dangerous stage in this generation. Half-educated people are in a very susceptible condition, and the world to-day consists mainly of half-educated people. They are capable of seizing ideas, but they have not attained to the habit of testing them and of suspense of mind in the meantime. In other words, most people to-day are very open to 'suggestion,' a fact well known to the experienced in elections, who rarely stop to reason with their audiences. Suggestion is the method of the German propagandist.

Now the expression 'Equality of Opportunity' involves two things. In the first place control, because, given average human nature, there cannot be equality without


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/October 1903/Hertzian Wave Wireless Telegraphy V


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/October 1903/Shorter Articles and Correspondence


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/October 1903/The Progress of Science


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/Index

title: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 63/Index


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72 East and West India merchants, and certain political characters of great consideration in the State. So powerful is this combination that it is most certain that nothing can be obtained of the government on any point but what may be extorted by necessity."

Insane as such, a policy might seem, Lord Grenville's charge against ministers had solid ground.

Special interests were commonly blind to the general good. That the navy, the mercantile marine, and the colonies should have favored war with America was not surprising; but that the mania should have seized upon the English nation at large was a phenomenon to be explained only by general causes. The true explanation was not far to seek; the secret, if secret it could be called, was the inevitable result of Jefferson's passion for peace,—social and political contempt. This feeling was unbounded, pervading all parties and all classes, and finding expression in the most gross as in the simplest and least intentional forms.

 * "Hatred of America," said one of the numerous British pamphleteers of the time, "seems a prevailing sentiment in this country. Whether it be that they have no crown and nobility, and are on this account not quite a genteel Power; or that their manners are less polished than our own; or that we grudge their independence, and hanker after our old monopoly of their trade; or that they closely resemble us in language, character, and


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244 ; and in the second place it implies freedom to do and not merely to think, or, in other words, opportunity to bring ideas to the test of action? Mr. Bernard Shaw says that 'He who can, does; he who cannot, teaches.' If you interpret the words 'can' and 'cannot' as implying opportunity and lack of opportunity, then this rather cynical epigram conveys a vital truth. Those who are allowed opportunities of testing their ideas become responsible thinkers, but those who get no such opportunity may continue, for a time, to enjoy ideas, but irresponsibly and, as we say, academically. The latter condition is precisely that of a large part of our intelligent newspaper-reading working classes to-day, and some of them know it and regret it.

What is the bane of our modern industrial life? Surely monotony—monotony of work and of a petty social and communal life. No wonder our men took refuge before the War in betting on football. Most of the responsible decisions are reserved for a few, and those few are not even seen at their work, for they are away in the big centres.

What is it that in the last two or three generations has given such strength to the


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246 founts of Civilisation which have made them the teachers of the world? They were small cities as we now count the size of cities, but they were sovereign cities both in the political and economic sense. The men who shook hands in their streets, and whose families intermarried, were not merely rival masters in the same industry or competing merchants on the same exchange; every principal category of supreme human activity was represented in one intimate circle. Think of the choice of activities open to the able young Florentine, to be practised, remember, in and for his native town, and with no need to go away to some distant capital. Instead of Mayor he might be Prime Minister; instead of captain of Territorials he might be a general leading the town-force in actual battle—a small battle no doubt, but enough to give the fullest scope to the activity of his mind; if he were a painter, sculptor, or architect he would be employed on the monuments of his own place instead of seeing them designed by some visiting great man. Of course no one suggests that you should or could return to institutions on the Athenian or Florentine scale, but the fact remains that you have drained your local life of most of its value and interest by the development of nation-wide class organisation.


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Rh Nationality movement? Nationality had no great hold in the Middle Ages, or indeed in Modern Times until the nineteenth century. It has arisen as the modern States have not only increased in size, but have also grasped wider functions within the Community. Nationalist movements are based on the restlessness of intelligent young men who wish for scope to live the life of ideas and to be among those who 'can' because they are allowed to do. In the old Greek and in the Mediæval World, Society was so loosely knit that there was plenty of scope in any considerable town. Is it not that fact which makes town-history so interesting until we come to the eighteenth century and then so banal? Take up the history of one of our more significant British cities, and see whether that be not true. When you come to the last few generations it becomes mere statistic of material growth; at the best the town becomes specialised in some important way, but it ceases to be a complete organism. All its institutions are second-rate, because its best people have gone away, unless it have some one establishment or industry of more than local fame, and that establishment or industry usually crushes rather than develops real local life.

Why were Athens and Florence the