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Rh To duchies or to dunghills, not an inch She’d budge, ’twas obvious, for such worthless odds: Nor, though the stars were suns, and overburned Their spheric limitations, swallowing up Like wax the azure spaces, could they force Those open eyes to wink once. What last sight Had left them blank and flat so,—drawing out The faculty of vision from the roots, As nothing more, worth seeing, remained behind?

Were those the eyes that watched me, worried me? That dogged me up and down the hours and days, A beaten, breathless, miserable soul? And did I pray, a half hour back, but so, To escape the burden of those eyes. . those eyes? ‘Sleep late’ I said.— Why now, indeed, they sleep. God answers sharp and sudden on some prayers, And thrusts the thing we have prayed for in our face, A gauntlet with a gift in’t. Every wish Is like a prayer. . With God. I had my wish,— To read and meditate the thing I would, To fashion all my life upon my thought, And marry, or not marry. Henceforth, none Could disapprove me, vex me, hamper me. Full ground-room, in this desert newly made, For Babylon or Balbec,—when the breath, Just choked with sand, returns, for building towns!

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78 The heir came over on the funeral day, And we two cousins met before the dead, With two pale faces. Was it death or life That moved us? When the will was read and done, The official guest and witnesses withdrawn, We rose up in a silence almost hard, And looked at one another. Then I said, ‘Farewell, my cousin.’ But he touched, just touched My hatstrings tied for going, (at the door The carriage stood to take me) and said low, His voice a little unsteady through his smile, ‘Siste, viator.’ ‘Is there time,’ I asked, ‘In these last days of railroads, to stop short Like Cæsar’s chariot (weighing half a ton) On the Appian road for morals?’ ‘There is time,’ He answered grave, ‘for necessary words, Inclusive, trust me, of no epitaph On man or act, my cousin. We have read A will, which gives you all the personal goods And funded monies of your aunt.’ ‘I thank Her memory for it. With three hundred pounds We buy in England even, clear standing-room To stand and work in. Only two hours since, I fancied I was poor.’ ‘And cousin, still You’re richer than you fancy. The will says,

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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Rh Three hundred pounds, and any other sum Of which the said testatrix dies possessed. I say she died possessed of other sums.’

‘Dear Romney, need we chronicle the pence? I’m richer than I thought—that’s evident. Enough so.’ ‘Listen rather. You’ve to do With business and a cousin,’ he resumed, ‘And both, I fear, need patience. Here’s the fact. The other sum (there is another sum, Unspecified in any will which dates After possession, yet bequeathed as much And clearly as those said three hundred pounds) Is thirty thousand. You will have it paid When? . . where? My duty troubles you with words.’

He struck the iron when the bar was hot; No wonder if my eyes sent out some sparks. ‘Pause there! I thank you. You are delicate In glosing gifts;—but I, who share your blood, Am rather made for giving, like yourself, Than taking, like your pensioners. Farewell.’

He stopped me with a gesture of calm pride. ‘A Leigh,’ he said, ‘gives largesse and gives love, But gloses neither: if a Leigh could glose, He would not do it, moreover, to a Leigh, With blood trained up along nine centuries To hound and hate a lie, from eyes like yours.

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80 And now we’ll make the rest as clear; your aunt Possessed these monies.’ ‘You’ll make it clear, My cousin, as the honour of us both, Or one of us speaks vainly—that’s not I. My aunt possessed this sum,—inherited From whom, and when? bring documents, prove dates.’

‘Why now indeed you throw your bonnet off. As if you had time left for a logarithm! The faith’s the want. Dear cousin, give me faith, And you shall walk this road with silken shoes, As clean as any lady of our house Supposed the proudest. Oh, I comprehend The whole position from your point of sight. I oust you from your father’s halls and lands, And make you poor by getting rich—that’s law; Considering which, in common circumstance, You would not scruple to accept from me Some compensation, some sufficiency Of income—that were justice; but, alas, I love you. . that’s mere nature!—you reject My love. . that’s nature also;—and at once, You cannot, from a suitor disallowed, A hand thrown back as mine is, into yours Receive a doit, a farthing,. . not for the world! That’s etiquette with women, obviously Exceeding claim of nature, law, and right, Unanswerable to all. I grant, you see, The case as you conceive it,—leave you room

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Rh To sweep your ample skirts of womanhood; While, standing humbly squeezed against the wall, I own myself excluded from being just, Restrained from paying indubitable debts, Because denied from giving you my soul— That’s my fortune!—I submit to it As if, in some more reasonable age, ’Twould not be less inevitable. Enough. You’ll trust me, cousin, as a gentleman, To keep your honour, as you count it, pure,— Your scruples (just as if I thought them wise) Safe and inviolate from gifts of mine.’

I answered mild but earnest. ‘I believe In no one’s honour which another keeps, Nor man’s nor woman’s. As I keep, myself, My truth and my religion, I depute No father, though I had one this side death, Nor brother, though I had twenty, much less you, Though twice my cousin, and once Romney Leigh, To keep my honour pure. You face, to-day, A man who wants instruction, mark me, not A woman who wants protection. As to a man, Show manhood, speak out plainly, be precise With facts and dates. My aunt inherited This sum, you say—’ ‘I said she died possessed Of this, dear cousin.’ ‘Not by heritage. Thank you: we’re getting to the facts at last.

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82 Perhaps she played at commerce with a ship Which came in heavy with Australian gold? Or touched a lottery with her finger-end, Which tumbled on a sudden into her lap Some old Rhine tower or principality? Perhaps she had to do with a marine Sub-transatlantic railroad, which pre-pays As well as pre-supposes? or perhaps Some stale ancestral debt was after-paid By a hundred years, and took her by surprise?— You shake your head my cousin; I guess ill.’

‘You need not guess, Aurora, nor deride,— The truth is not afraid of hurting you. You’ll find no cause, in all your scruples, why Your aunt should cavil at a deed of gift ’Twixt her and me.’ ‘I thought so—ah! a gift.’

‘You naturally thought so,’ he resumed. ‘A very natural gift.’ ‘A gift, a gift! Her individual life being stranded high Above all want, approaching opulence, Too haughty was she to accept a gift Without some ultimate aim: ah, ah, I see,— A gift intended plainly for her heirs, And so accepted. . if accepted. . ah, Indeed that might be; I am snared perhaps, Just so. But, cousin, shall I pardon you,

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Rh If thus you have caught me with a cruel springe?’

He answered gently, ‘Need you tremble and pant Like a netted lioness? is’t my fault, mine, That you’re a grand wild creature of the woods, And hate the stall built for you? Any way, Though triply netted, need you glare at me? I do not hold the cords of such a net; You’re free from me, Aurora!’ ‘Now may God Deliver me from this strait! This gift of yours Was tendered. . when? accepted. . when?’ I asked. ‘A month. . a fortnight since? Six weeks ago It was not tendered. By a word she dropped, I know it was not tendered nor received. When was it? bring your dates.’ ‘What matters when? A half-hour ere she died, or a half-year, Secured the gift, maintains the heritage Inviolable with law. As easy pluck The golden stars from heaven’s embroidered stole, To pin them on the grey side of this earth, As make you poor again, thank God.’ ‘Not poor Nor clean again from henceforth, you thank God? Well, sir—I ask you. . I insist at need. . Vouchsafe the special date, the special date.’

‘The day before her death-day,’ he replied, ‘The gift was in her hands. We’ll find that deed,

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84 And certify that date to you.’ As one Who has climbed a mountain-height and carried up His own heart climbing, panting in his throat With the toil of the ascent, takes breath at last, Looks back in triumph—so I stood and looked: ‘Dear cousin Romney, we have reached the top Of this steep question, and may rest, I think. But first,—I pray you pardon, that the shock And surge of natural feeling and event Had made me oblivious of acquainting you That this, this letter. . unread, mark,—still sealed, Was found enfolded in the poor dead hand: That spirit of hers had gone beyond the address, Which could not find her though you wrote it clear,— I know your writing, Romney,—recognise The open-hearted A, the liberal sweep Of the G. Now listen,—let us understand; You will not find that famous deed of gift, Unless you find it in the letter here, Which, not being mine, I give you back.—Refuse To take the letter? well then—you and I, As writer and as heiress, open it Together, by your leave.——Exactly so: The words in which the noble offering’s made, Are nobler still, my cousin; and, I own, The proudest and most delicate heart alive, Distracted from the measure of the gift By such a grace in giving, might accept Your largesse without thinking any more

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Rh Of the burthen of it, than King Solomon Considered, when he wore his holy ring Charáctered over with the ineffable spell, How many carats of fine gold made up Its money-value. So, Leigh gives to Leigh— Or rather, might have given, observe!—for that’s The point we come to. Here’s a proof of gift, But here’s no proof, sir, of acceptancy, But rather, disproof. Death’s black dust, being blown, Infiltrated through every secret fold Of this sealed letter by a puff of fate, Dried up for ever the fresh-written ink, Annulled the gift, disutilised the grace, And left these fragments.’ As I spoke, I tore The paper up and down, and down and up And crosswise, till it fluttered from my hands, As forest-leaves, stripped suddenly and rapt By a whirlwind on Valdarno, drop again, Drop slow, and strew the melancholy ground Before the amazèd hills. . why, so, indeed, I’m writing like a poet, somewhat large In the type of the image,—and exaggerate A small thing with a great thing, topping it!— But then I’m thinking how his eyes looked. . his With what despondent and surprised reproach! I think the tears were in them as he looked— I think the manly mouth just trembled. Then He broke the silence. ‘I may ask, perhaps,

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86 Although no stranger. . only Romney Leigh, Which means still less. . than Vincent Carrington. . Your plans in going hence, and where you go. This cannot be a secret.’ ‘All my life Is open to you, cousin. I go hence To London, to the gathering-place of souls, To live mine straight out, vocally, in books; Harmoniously for others, if indeed A woman’s soul, like man’s, be wide enough To carry the whole octave (that’s to prove) Or, if I fail, still, purely for myself. Pray God be with me, Romney.’ ‘Ah, poor child, Who fight against the mother’s ’tiring hand, And choose the headsman’s! May God change his world For your sake, sweet, and make it mild as heaven, And juster than I have found you!’ But I paused. ‘And you, my cousin?’— ‘I,’ he said,—‘you ask? You care to ask? Well, girls have curious minds, And fain would know the end of everything, Of cousins, therefore, with the rest. For me, Aurora, I’ve my work; you know my work; And having missed this year some personal hope, I must beware the rather that I miss No reasonable duty. While you sing Your happy pastorals of the meads and trees, Bethink you that I go to impress and prove

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Rh On stifled brains and deafened ears, stunned deaf, Crushed dull with grief, that nature sings itself, And needs no mediate poet, lute or voice, To make it vocal. While you ask of men Your audience, I may get their leave perhaps For hungry orphans to say audibly ‘We’re hungry, see,’——for beaten and bullied wives To hold their unweaned babies up in sight, Whom orphanage would better; and for all To speak and claim their portion. . by no means Of the soil,. . but of the sweat in tilling it,— Since this is now-a-days turned privilege, To have only God’s curse on us, and not man’s Such work I have for doing, elbow-deep In social problems,—as you tie your rhymes, To draw my uses to cohere with needs, And bring the uneven world back to its round; Or, failing so much, fill up, bridge at least To smoother issues, some abysmal cracks And feuds of earth, intestine heats have made To keep men separate,—using sorry shifts Of hospitals, almshouses, infant schools, And other practical stuff of partial good, You lovers of the beautiful and whole, Despise by system.’ ‘I despise? The scorn Is yours, my cousin. Poets become such, Through scorning nothing. You decry them for The good of beauty, sung and taught by them, While they respect your practical partial good

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88 As being a part of beauty’s self.Adieu! When God helps all the workers for his world, The singers shall have help of Him, not last.’

He smiled as men smile when they will not speak Because of something bitter in the thought; And still I feel his melancholy eyes Look judgment on me.It is seven years since: I know not if ’twas pity or ’twas scorn Has made them so far-reaching: judge it ye Who have had to do with pity more than love, And scorn than hatred.I am used, since then, To other ways, from equal men.But so, Even so, we let go hands, my cousin and I, And, in between us, rushed the torrent-world To blanch our faces like divided rocks, And bar for ever mutual sight and touch Except through swirl of spray and all that roar.

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Page:Lindigo.djvu/107

Rh desperate measures, Brown thought it better to steer clear of him altogether and not risk his life. He then associated with another desperado named Williams, who proved to be a housebreaker and highwayman, but who had as yet managed to evade the laws, and whom Brown engaged to forward his plans and those of his master also.

At the sudden and unexpected crisis occasioned by the duel and Lord Lundy's unfortunate fate, Brown set off with his accomplice Williams and a detective, to capture Charlie and Donald at their lodgings. The detective was stationed outside to prevent anyone leaving the house, while Brown and Williams entered to talk with the servant, and obtain all information possible.

Notwithstanding their precipitation, they found to their great mortification, that they had removed, and that Donald on the previous day had taken their luggage in a great hurry, paid the bill and had not returned.

Brown, in order to satisfy himself, asked to be allowed to see the rooms they had occupied, found a pistol, upon which was Donald's initials, hung upon a nail, and which had been overlooked by the lodger while removing the goods; he took possession of it with the determination of soon turning it to some account. On leaving the lodgings, Brown proposed that they should watch Mr. McKay's house, urging that Charlie would never leave without bidding farewell to Bella, and at dusk the three took their station and watched; they did not remain long before they saw Donald approaching, having entered by the back gate. Brown pointed him out, and declared him to be Charlie Stuart; they then waited for his return, and as he was leaving, rushed upon him. Brown well knew who it was that had been seized, and to satisfy his long cherished revenge, gave Williams the pistol he had taken from the room they had inspected, and ordered him to fire.

Upon seeing that the wrong man had received the bullet, they instantly made up their minds to heap the guilt upon Donald, which was successfully carried out, and proved extremely disastrous to the innocent victim of their machinations.

In order to accomplish their wickedness effectually,

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108 and remove any trace of evidence favourable to the prisoner, Brown had prevailed upon the servant to leave her situation, under the pretence of marrying her.

Donald's unfortunate conviction proved distressing in several respects, and caused great anxiety to Charlie.

The poor fellow had the presence of mind to throw Bella's letter over the wall while engaged in the scuffle, which was picked up the next morning by Mary Grant, who gave it to her mistress, thus entirely preventing any clue being given to his whereabouts.

But the greatest sufferer of all was Mary, whose appearance gave evidence of her wretchedness of mind, refusing any consolation at the unhappy fate of her lover, whose innocence she never doubted.

Charlie, after waiting beyond the time appointed for Donald's return, came to the conclusion that Mary Grant had prevailed upon him to remain, and that he had given up the idea of emigrating to New Zealand; he was, therefore, reluctantly compelled, on account of his own safety, to order the captain to sail.

The voyage contributed but little consolation to his gloomy thoughts, leaving behind him all he valued upon earth, not even knowing whether Bella had forgiven his late unfortunate act. The weather proved propitious during the voyage, until nearing their destination, when a strong gale set in, driving the vessel at a fearful rate, when at length, about midnight, the terrible reality was made known to them by the man at the look-out, calling—"Breakers ahead!" and before they had time to alter her course, she was carried, on the crest of an enormous wave, on to the reef, where she was left, stuck fast in a slit of the rock. In this dreadful uncertainty they passed the remainder of the night, expecting every wave to seal their doom, but fortunately the tide lowered, but the breakers sent the spray completely over her.

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text: Lindigo, the White Woman/Chapter 13

title: Lindigo, the White Woman/Chapter 13


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Rh The wished for morning at length arrived, which revealed their fearful position, and confirmed their opinion that the vessel was wedged into a slit or crack in the reef, where she was as firm and solid as in a dock, and apparently without having sustained any injury to her hull. Within a short distance was a barren rock, which hid them from the main land.

Their hope of safety was dispelled on considering that the tide, now at its lowest ebb, would soon return, and in all probability the ship would be broken up, and they found that the only chance they had of reaching the land, was the boat, only one being left. It was accordingly lowered, and some provisions and clothing put in, when all hands abandoned the ship. The sea was running fearfully high, and a sail was set to steady the small craft, but on entering a narrow strait, a sudden squall caught and capsized her. On coming to the surface, Charlie, who had divested himself of all heavy clothing and boots, in case of an accident, beheld to his horror, the boat, keel uppermost, without a creature near. He resolved to gain the boat, as the strength of the current would not allow him to reach the shore by swimming. He immediately struck out with all his strength, and succeeded in reaching the slippery support, which considerably relieved him, and which he trusted would bring him to land.

The boat was fortunately driven into a back current, which set in towards the land; this, with a lull in the gale which had taken place, greatly revived his drooping spirits and strength.

The eastern sun now rose in all its splendour, casting its golden rays on the shipwrecked mariner, as if to cheer him while clinging to the boat. His early practice in the art of swimming, and his native hardy constitution, stood him in good need, amidst the raging billows which had proved so fatal to his companions.

The boat was by degrees driven towards the land, but the castaway was brought almost to the last stage of exhaustion; when it had nearly reached the shore, he beheld nothing but frowning cliffs, which threatened him with instant destruction. A fearful death was,

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text:
User talk:213.94.199.129

Welcome

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User talk:71.125.76.185

Welcome

Hello, and welcome to Wikisource! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers:

 * Help pages
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You are welcome to continue editing articles without logging in, but you may wish to  [ create an account] . Doing so is free, requires no personal information, and provides several benefits. Creating an account on Wikisource has many of the same benefits as creating an account on Wikipedia. For one thing, if you continue to edit without a username, your IP address is used to publicly identify you.

In any case, I hope you enjoy donating your time to grow the Wikisource library that is free for everyone to use! In discussions, please sign your comments using four tildes ( ~ ); this will automatically produce your IP address (or username if you're logged in) and the date. If you need help, ask me on my talk page, or ask your question here (click  [ edit] ) and place  before your question. Again, welcome! — billinghurst  sDrewth  14:13, 13 June 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:71.125.76.185


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Page:Lindigo.djvu/110

110 however, averted by the boat being driven through a gap in the cliffs into a small basin, which terminated in a little sandy beach, on which he could distinguish, although his sight was failing, three human forms.

Finding that his strength was quickly leaving him, he resolved upon making an effort to attract their attention; he immediately held up one hand, and gave a feeble cry for aid, but the other hand not having sufficient strength to hold him up, lost its hold, and in a moment the sea closed over him.

He soon, however; felt something grasp him by the hair, which brought him to the surface. His listless form was then carried swiftly through the water, when his consciousness entirely forsook him. How long he remained in this state he knew not, but, on his awakening, he found himself stretched on a couch covered with matting of peculiar workmanship.

On glancing around the apartment, he found it to be a small cave, at the other end of which was a fire, and around it were seated three females. One of these, apparently the youngest, was dressed in a kind of matting, but far superior in workmanship to that worn by the other two, and also wearing several ornaments which plainly showed her superiority. The three were conversing in whispers, and the youngest, who was far handsomer than the other two, with beautiful large black eyes; holding up her hand, as if to command silence, she listened for a moment, then rose cautiously, and approached the couch with quiet and slow stops.

Pretending sleepiness still, he closed his eyes again, when she knelt by his side and removing his wet hair from his brow, she murmured some unintelligible words, while her warm breath fanned his face; then, with a deeply drawn sigh, rose from her recumbent position.

Charlie now opened his eyes, and met her's, when she wrapped her robe carefully round her, and a shade of confusion passed over her face.

Seeing him attempting to rise, she instantly changed her looks into that of admiration; kneeling again by his side and wrapped his covering more closely around him. This he found was necessary, for he felt giddiness and

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Rh faintness coming over his whole frame, on making the slightest attempt to rise.

The young girl now sent away one of the maids, who, after some time, returned with some refreshments, of which he was pressed to partake. On tasting it, he found it revive him greatly; he was then allowed by his careful nurse to rise from his couch.

A long communication by signs was then held by them, the purport of which was that he was to remain for a time a prisoner in the cave, where he would be supplied with food, but, should he attempt to go beyond its precincts, he would be disposed of in a manner not very agreeable; he was, therefore, compelled to submit to the will of his young protectress, and remained passive in her hands.

Two days had passed in this manner, and the girl, with her maids, came punctually each morning with necessaries, and one of them always, in turn, kept him company during the day (the young one more so), and instructed him in their language, by which he was able to understand several things of consequence to him.

On the third day, being quite recovered, his young nurse came alone, punctual as usual with his morning meal. She then sat by his side, catechising his vocabulary in her own language, and also inspecting his white hands and features with admiration, as if he were an infant; her interesting occupation was suddenly interrupted by the entrance of one of her maids in a state of alarm and terror. On communicating some dire calamity (which Charlie was unable to understand) to her young mistress, the latter sprang quickly to her feet, made him lie down on the couch, and covered him with mats. Not knowing her intentions, or wishing to disobey her commands, he suffered himself to be thus placed, when, to his consternation, four savages rushed into the cave.

The first of these was a middle-aged warrior, who appeared by his many scars and other marks to be a chief, and after him entered two young men carrying enormous bludgeons, and painted over the body in warlike fashion.

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Page:British hansard (1963) Malaysia bill.djvu/1

 MALAYSIA BILL

HC Deb 19 July 1963 vol 681 cc922-1006

 * Order for Second Reading read.

 * 11.12 a.m.

The Secretary of State for Common-Wealth Relations and Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Duncan Sandys) I merely rise to inform the House that I have it in Command from the Queen to acquaint the House that Her Majesty, having been informed of the purport of the Bill, has consented to place Her prerogative and interest, so far as they are affected by the Bill, at the disposal of Parliament for the purposes of the Bill.

The Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Nigel Fisher) I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.

I am sorry that we are taking this important Bill on a Friday when, inevitably, relatively few hon. Members are able to be present, but at this period of the Session—and as hon. Members realise, the Bill could have been taken no earlier—we were not able to make other and more normal arrangements.

The Bill provides for the relinquishment of Her Majesty's sovereignty over North Borneo, Sarawak and Singapore so that they can federate with the existing States of Malaya in accordance with the Malaysia Agreement which was signed last week. I do not think that I need trouble the House with a Clause by Clause description of the Bill because the Clauses are, I believe, the usual ones in a Bill of this kind and, in any case, are self-explanatory. But perhaps I might be allowed to give a short history of how all this came about because I think that it does show that a great deal of thought has been taken over quite a long period to prepare the ground and to secure popular consent in the various territories for these proposals. I do not believe that the whole story has ever been set out. We have had statements from time to time, but it might be useful to give the sequence of events.

It is now just over two years since the Government of Malaya proposed an understanding with Singapore, and with the Borneo States, to which the Government of Singapore immediately responded. I think that the whole House agrees that it was a very imaginative idea, and all the territories at once showed a great interest in it. In July, 1961, at a regional meeting in Singapore of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association in the four countries, a Consultative Committee was set up to exchange views on the form that Malaysia should take. This is yet another example of the very valuable contribution by the C.P.A. and it shows what a constructive rôle this splendid organisation can play.

In October, 1961, the Malayan Parliament endorsed the Malaysia proposal in principle and on 15th November that year the Heads of Agreement between Malaya and Singapore were published. Later that month discussions took place in London between Britain and Malaya, and my right hon. Friend informed the House at that time that agreement had been reached that the creation of a Federation was in the best interests of the people of Malaya and Singapore. He said, too, at the same time that a commission would be set up to ascertain the views of the people of North Borneo and Sarawak. I think it was clear to everybody that this was the best and quickest way to independence for those two Colonies, and certainly Her Majesty's Government were wholeheartedly in support of the project. But we have learned elsewhere in recent years that it is best nowadays to ascertain the wishes of the people before one embarks on the federation of territories.

The right hon. Member for Middles rough, East (Mr. Bottomley), the hon. Member for (Eton and Slough (Mr.


text:
User talk:Dereckson

— billinghurst  sDrewth  14:28, 13 June 2012 (UTC)

Thanks for the work at our sister site
Great to see some assistance for the WSes. LA2 can be a little terse and IMO unreasonable with commentary. We try our best to politely rebut it, and ignore it when it is a little over the top. — billinghurst  sDrewth  15:09, 13 June 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Dereckson


text:
User:SimmeD

Hi there :) You need help at all, please do not hesitate to ask :D

title: User:SimmeD


text:
Page:British hansard (1963) Malaysia bill.djvu/2

 Brockway) and the hon. Member for Leyton (Mr. Sorensen) have all recently been to Malaysia themselves, and I hope that I am not putting words into their mouths when I say that they would probably agree that there is now widespread and general support in these countries for the new Federation.

Mr. Fenner Brockway (Eton and Slough) Not general.

Mr. Fisher No doubt the hon. Member for Eton and Slough will make a speech on this subject, and I shall be interested to listen to it, because I thought quite genuinely that as a result of his visit he had been persuaded that support was very general throughout the territories. No doubt we shall hear from him later.

Mr. Gilbert Longden (Hertfordshire, South-West) Will my hon. Friend be good enough to confirm or otherwise that Mr. Narasimhan was sent out by the Secretary-General of the United Nations to these territories and that as a result of the visit he was quite satisfied that there was general support?

Mr. Fisher I am glad to confirm what my hon. Friend said. He was personally satisfied, as my hon. Friend pointed out.

To resume the narrative, in December, 1961, the Singapore Assembly passed a Motion supporting Malaysia in principle, and in January, 1962, the British and Malayan Governments appointed the Cobbold Commission, which visited North Borneo and Sarawak between February and April, 1962, and in the process interviewed over 4,000 people. The Commission's findings were unanimous in favour of the Federation and they estimated that two-thirds of the people of these two Colonies supported the federal idea provided that safeguards could be devised to meet their special conditions. I think that we have succeeded in meeting that point since then.

Further talks were held in London between the British and Malayan Governments in July last year, and it was then agreed to establish Malaysia by 31st August this year and meanwhile to set up an Inter-Governmental Committee under the chairmanship of my noble Friend the Minister of State, to work out the detailed arrangements and the appropriate safeguards, to which I have referred, for North Borneo and Sarawak. The first meeting of that Inter-Governmental Committee was held in Jesselton on 30th August, 1962, and it held its last plenary meeting on 20th December in Kuala Lumpur. Its unanimous Report was published on 27th February this year and in March the Legislative Councils in Sarawak and in North Borneo adopted nemine contradicente the recommendations of the Inter-Governmental Committee, which meant that the way was clear for the inclusion of these two territories in Malaysia.

Elections this year in both Colonies have resulted in what I can rightly describe as walk-over victories for the pro-Malaysian parties. In Sarawak, these parties together hold 24 out of the 36 seats. There are seven independent members, who are divided about fifty-fifty on the proposals, and the only party which has any hesitation about Malaysia is the Sarawak United People's Party, which holds only five seats out of the total of 36. In North Borneo, similarly, of the 125 district council candidates elected, we know of none who are anti-Malaysia. It is by and from these people that the Legislative Council is chosen.

At the end of the year, discussions were resumed between Malaya and Singapore to work out the detailed terms, and agreement was reached quite quickly except on a few matters. The most difficult of these, as is practically always the case, was finance, especially the apportionment of Federal revenues collected in Singapore. During the discussions, it became clear that agreement on the financial issues was not likely to be achieved without agreement on a common market for Malaysia.

Those financial problems affected the whole economic life of Malaya and Singapore. It was, therefore, probably not surprising that at the final talks recently in London, a great deal of time, patience and understanding was needed to resolve them. I hope that my right hon. Friend will not mind my saying in front of him that even though he is never afraid of long hours and hard work, it looked at one time as if the whole concept of Malaysia might be in jeopardy at


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 the recent London talks. I am glad to say, however, and I can say it because I did not take part in those talks, that everyone was determined to reach agreement and, as the House knows, agreement was finally achieved.

I am sorry that the Sultan of Brunei felt unable to sign. We have long taken the view that Brunei should decide this matter for herself. We thought that it was in her best interests to join and we still think so. Indeed, for our part, the door is still open for Brunei's accession if she wishes to join later, and I hope very much that she will.

I hope at least that the House will agree that Malaysia in principle is an 926 absolute "natural" in every way, politically and economically. Already there are the common languages of Malay and, I might say, English, too, and a common currency. The separation of Singapore from Malaya makes little sense politically and, I would think, no sense at all economically. North Borneo and Sarawak would clearly not be viable in isolation, or even together for many years to come. I believe that for them federation is the only high road to independence. That is the main reason why we were so keen about it for them; it seemed to be the best way home.

The fact that Malaysia will mean increased economic development is another most important factor and, I expect, had as much effect as anything else in influencing public opinion in favour of federation. Towards this increased development, we are contributing a gift of £10 million and Singapore is providing loans of £17½ million, some of which will be interest-free for at least the first five years. In addition to the economic partnership which Malaysia will certainly provide, there will be, I am sure, as there already is in Malaya, a real racial partnership between these people, and a political partnership, too, by which I mean not merely a replacement of Britain by Malaya as the dominant power. I do not think that it will work out like that at all. I think that it will be a real partnership and not a substitution of Malaya for Britain.

All these factors will, I hope, make Malaysia an area of real stability in a not very stable part of the world. It should have a valuable result in this context and I believe that this stability will be further increased by the extension to the whole of Malaysia of the existing Anglo-Malayan defence agreement. From our point of view—one might as well be frank about these things—this ensures to us the use of the Singapore base, which is very important, and from the Malaysia point of view it ensures our assistance to them in the external defence of the new Federation if that should ever become necessary. It is a two-way traffic.

The details of the aid, both defence and economic, which we are giving to the new Federation were announced yesterday by my right hon. Friend, but as 927 they were given in reply to a Written Question perhaps I might restate what was then said. We have offered a total of about £30 million for defence and development over the three years 1963–65 and an estimated sum of about £13 million after 1965, when there will be a further review of defence aid.

Before I conclude, I should like to pay a special tribute to the good will of the Malayan leaders, who have agreed that the Borneo States, with only 1¼ million people out of a total population of the Federation of 10 million, should have 40 of the 159 seats in the Federal Parliament—that is a beau geste; that they should have as of right, and not merely as grant-in-aid, sufficient funds to maintain and increase their State services; and that even in Federal subjects like education, the policy and system of administration should not be changed without the consent of the State Governments. Malaya has been very forthcoming in all these matters.

Substantial safeguards have been achieved for religion and although Islam will be the religion of the Federation, there will be no State religion in the Borneo States and no law can be enacted restricting the propagation of other religious doctrines among Muslims—by missionary work, for example—without a two-thirds majority of the State assemblies. I do not think it likely that that would ever be achieved, because the Muslims number only about one-third in those territories. The actual figures of Muslims are 38 per cent. in North Borneo and 23 per cent. in Sarawak. My expectation, therefore, is that there would be little likelihood of that two-thirds majority being achieved.

Mr. R. W. Sorensen (Leyton) With the possibility of wholesale conversions that take place to any religion, and in the


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User talk:SimmeD

— billinghurst  sDrewth  15:00, 13 June 2012 (UTC)

Edit patrolling
Hi, thank you for your patrolling work. I just want to check with you that you are verifying that each edit is a good edit before you mark it as patrolled. The purpose of automatically marking edits from new editors and IPs as unpatrolled is so that we can revert any vandalism or spamming. It also enables experienced editors to assist less experienced editors with problems they might be having. Cheers, Beeswaxcandle (talk) 08:42, 15 June 2012 (UTC)
 * Yes sir. I have checked all edits for vandalism or spam. --Simeondahl (talk) 09:53, 15 June 2012 (UTC)

Re: User:Nischihxir
Hi, I was passing by this page and happened to look at it. Just wanted to tell you that if you find any spam on a page, just mark it with sdelete, an admin will delete it. (After all, there's not much good in starting a discussion on a page which is obviously spam. Waste of time.) Sincerely—Clockery Fairfield (talk·contribs) 13:33, 6 June 2013 (UTC)
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title: User talk:SimmeD


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 case of Sarawak, say, among the Dyaks to Islam, is there not a real possibility that there might be the two-thirds, who could then impose upon the people of Sarawak the same unfortunate restrictions as are being imposed upon the people of Malaya?

Mr. Fisher Theoretically, there is that possibility. In practice, however, I should have thought that there was not much likelihood of it. I am conscious of the fact that the hon. Member knows that part of the world very well, whereas I, unfortunately, have never been there, and so I do not enter into an argument with him on the practical considerations, because for all I know I may be on difficult ground. However, in theory, certainly it could be done, but in practice I am advised that it is very unlikely to happen because of the relatively small number of Muslims in the two countries.

Mr. Brockway Is the hon. Gentleman aware that that is already happening in Malaya, in areas of which the propaganda of Christian teaching is now prohibited? Will he make representations about this before the Malaysia scheme goes through?

Mr. Fisher I do not think that we are in a position to make representations to Malaya about these things. I would have thought it very late in the day to make representations to anyone. These matters have now been agreed. I do not like to seem to be facing the House with a fait accompli, but they have been agreed by the parties concerned, and I think that it would be unwise for me to respond to the hon. Gentleman's invitation. This was merely an example—perhaps I was ill-advised to give it—of the way in which Malaya has been, I shall not say generous because I think that has an unfortunate connotation, but forthcoming, in her attitude to the other territories.

There was a further example to which I was coming in respect of immigration. This again is normally an entirely federal subject, but the States have been given protection against the unrestricted movement of people from other parts of the Federation, and except in specified circumstances, entry into the Borneo territories will require the approval of the State concerned. In all these ways we have had a very co-operative attitude from Malaya.

I should perhaps say, as I mentioned the high representation of the Borneo territories, that Singapore will have proportionately a much weaker representation in the Federal Parliament, with only 15 seats for a population of 1.7 million. But she will, in return, retain a good deal of local autonomy.

That is all that I want to say except that one knows that federations are never easy to form and never easy to work, especially in the initial stages. This one has been no exception, as the House knows, in its formation which, of course, presented many predictable difficulties, and I expect that it will be no exception in its early stages. I am sure that it will have its teething troubles, like any other nation of federated territories. But I am always an optimist and I am particularly so in this case. I know that my right hon. Friend, who knows much more about this Federation than I do, is optimistic too, because we believe now that there really is a great enthusiasm for Malaysia among the people concerned. I am advised that this is very much the atmosphere which has been gaining momentum all the time.

May I say that the leaders of the countries, which are to unite on 31st August, have shown a very high level of statesmanship throughout the past two years, and I am persuaded that they will continue to do so. We in this House certainly—I know that in this respect I speak for the whole House—wish them well in their task of creating this new independent nation in the Commonwealth, and I am quite confident that hon. Members will give the Federation a good start by giving this Bill an unopposed passage through the House of Commons today.

 * 11.24 a.m.

Mr. Gordon Walker (Smethwick) The Under-Secretary of State has given us a characteristically modest and disarming speech, has shown his usual mastery of his subject and great frankness, and we are very grateful to him. We are grateful to him, too, for setting out so clearly the history which ought to be put on the record and which is not in dispute.


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 What he said about the rôle of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association is worthy of emphasis. It is interesting that this is no longer a sort of United Kingdom dominated body. In fact, the C.P.A. in this connection was representing the Parliaments of that part of the world, and the capacity of the C.P.A. to produce relationships between members without their all passing through the United Kingdom is very important and significant for the character of the developing Commonwealth.

We support the Bill and we will facilitate its passage. Like the hon. Gentleman, I do not intend to go into details about the Measure which seems to me of the standard kind in this sort of situa- 930 tion. I shall take up in the course of my remarks most of the points that he made.

The Labour Party has always advocated the federation of smaller territories wherever that can be voluntarily achieved as being the only way in which very small territories can achieve the genuine and real independence which, of course, we want for them. A few years ago, the Labour Party advocated a federation very much along the present lines in a publication that it issued.

It is never easy to federate. The hon. Gentleman is perfectly right. No federation is easy to launch and get under way. We have had the example of the West Indies which started with a fair wind and which has come to temporary grief. It is, I believe, not widely enough known how difficult it was for the Canadians, the Australians and others to launch federations and get them going. They took a long time; there were a lot of boss shots. It is an extremely difficult thing to do.

Malaysia will, of course, meet the kind of problem that attends the launching of any Federation. It will be particularly difficult, for a number of special reasons, in this case.

The Federation of Malaysia, in which the rest is being fitted, is a very tight, centralised federation. There is a tremendous concentration of power at the centre. I think that the fitting in of the new States has been fairly and elegantly done. It has been a very good operation. In addition to the normal dissensions, disagreements and jealousies between the units that come together in any Federation, there are in this case racial problems, too.

There was inevitably very hard bargaining. we all knew that at one moment the; discussions here were in some double and we were very glad that they came through. I agree that very great statesmanship has been shown by all the leaders concerned. Singapore has made very many concessions to get this Federation going. It has achieved, on the other hand, a common market, autonomy to a considerable extent, and so on. Malaya has also agreed, in a very statesmanlike way, to overrepresentation of the other smaller units in the Federal Parliament.

The main difficulties arise out of the peculiar political and geographical situation of this Federation. It is happening in South-East Asia which is the most dangerous part of the world at the moment. It is an area of very delicate balance for world peace; a balance which if upset might involve the world in war. It is a point of intersection, too, of Soviet Union relationships both with the West and with China. It is a very difficult and delicate part of the world. China is pushing out the influence both of the Soviet Union and of India and is taking all the advantage it can to press forward. Therefore, this area is extremely delicately and possibly unstably balanced. It is because Malaysia can bring a factor of stability to this area that the formation of this Federation at this time is particularly to be welcomed.

Indeed, one must say that it is because of the dangerous part of the world in which this is happening that a good deal of the local support for federation has been generated and has come out of this very situation. But also, of course, the opposition to it has been generated by the same factors. One has here, I think, to distinguish between genuine, democratic elements in opposition to this, and others. There are genuine, reasonable, democratic elements of opposition to Malaysia—opposition based on legitimate, vested interests, both economic and racial, and the sort of opposition that arises to any federation. No federation has ever been launched without very considerable minority opposition. For these reasons one must consider the legitimate arguments.


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 There is, above all, the argument based on a certain amount of doubt about the difficulty of ascertaining public opinion about the Federation. This is a matter of real importance, as the Under-Secretary said, for the Federation should not be launched without a reasonable measure of majority support; though I must say that our interests can extend only to the areas for which we have responsibility. It is not our affair to ask whether an already independent country has support within itself. Nevertheless, this is an interesting point to consider. This is not like Central Africa. It is not a United Kingdom imposed Federation. In the main, it is one launched by two independent large entities and our obligation must be restricted to considering the degree of public support in this area for which we have responsibility. Thus we are limited to our proper constitutional interests.

We must consider this matter extremely carefully. I have tried to do so. I have, as well as I am able, studied the elections and the results. They are difficult to interpret in some cases. I have talked closely with several of my hon. and right hon. Friends, including my right hon. Friend the Member for Middles rough, East (Mr. Bottomley) and my hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Brockway), about their visits. I have considered many other things and there seems no doubt that there exists a consensus of support for the Federation.

Some people say that the Singapore referendum was a "phoney" operation because it gave the voters only the choice between alternative versions of federation. This is an ill-founded charge because, after all, it resulted from a large majority vote in the Assembly in favour of the Federation and, therefore, it was proper that the referendum should have been within the terms of the decision of the Assembly. That, in fact, was carried out.

The Sarawak elections are complex and difficult to understand, but they show that the majority parties are, broadly speaking, supporting the Federation and have a considerable majority. We cannot be certain about Brunei, but it is important to note that it is not joining the Federation at this moment. This is a difficult fact for those who say that this is an operation of neo-colonialism. If it were, Brunei would have joined and that it has not is a powerful factor against the neo-colonialism argument.

As to the the other questions about the desirability of having a referendum beforehand, that this was agreed at the Manila Conference, and so on; I believe that there was a good deal of ambiguity about the conclusions reached there. Moreover, after all, this is an internal matter. I do not know on what grounds Indonesia or the Philippines or the United Kingdom could interfere in what is an internal development. Neo-colonialism can be practised by the very nations that denounce it and one must 933 guard against this, too. The same arguments would seem to apply to those who feel that there should now be a delay. This, too, is a difficult argument to sustain. It would be a form of intervention and it would result in the continuation of colonial rule. One of our major interests is to get rid of our immediate colonial responsibilities in this area and if we delayed we would be continuing it longer than we should, or could.

There is, as well as the democratic and, so to speak, reasonable opposition—to whose arguments one must give careful attention—a prejudiced element in the opposition which is to a considerable extent under Communist influence. I have carefully read a great deal of the literature put out against the Federation, both locally there and in this country, and I have found it suspiciously similar, rather echoing the same words and arguments. A great deal is made about this being an imperialist venture, neo-colonialism and so on. It is surprising and significant to note that this kind of opposition makes no mention whatever of China, Indonesia or their aggressiveness.

That is all the more surprising, because it is very relevant. Malaya has had a long experience of Communist attempts to impose its rule. This is a relevant factor, especially when one considers that no attention is paid in this literature to the views of the Socialist People's Action Party in Singapore. For all these reasons, this kind of argument can simply be ignored.

There is, of course, a continuing and direct United Kingdom interest in the area. As the Under-Secretary said, one must recognise this and that we are dealing with an area which is vital to world peace and the maintenance of the balance of


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 stability. Not only the United Kingdom but the Soviet Union has an interest. We have a common interest in maintaining the balance of stability in this part of the world. This is at the heart of what we are discussing today; that it will be possible to maintain this stability only if the Federation is genuinely independent, if it is quickly put on its own feet and acts in its own interests. It is in the ultimate interests of the United Kingdom that this should happen.

We must, nevertheless, stand ready to help on the basis of equality and independence. We must give what help we can to speed the rate at which Malaysia can become a nation standing on its own feet. It is a good thing, therefore, that the British Government should give their major help in the early years—as far as ones can see on a generous scale, but we may need to look into that later.

We must also, to be frank, be ready to give help in the sphere of defence. This is a Commonwealth obligation. We assist other Commonwealth countries and it may be necessary for us to help to preserve the stability in the area should it be seriously endangered.

Nonetheless, there is one part of this operation about which I have grave doubts. This concerns the Defence Agreement and its form. An attempt to maintain sovereignty in another sovereign country is a mistake. It is always a mistake. One should accept sovereignty absolutely when it arises and is achieved and then rely upon trying to negotiate as between friends. Defence co-operation depends on a continuing readiness to co-operate and it cannot be settled by a treaty or any piece of paper. If one tries to lay down rights which are really against the nature of things—treaty rights preserving sovereignty in another sovereign country—one's purposes are in the end defeated. Any defence agreement must depend on running and continuing defence co-operation, just as we have with the older Commonwealth countries. If this is not done, too much argument is in the end given to one's opponents. One finds continuing arguments in the country concerned and the whole position can become involved and dangerous; and weakness rather than strength follows.

Whereas defence must be a factor in all of this, it is not the prime factor. It is in the interests of all that Malaysia should have good relations with Indonesia. This is vitally necessary for the stability of the area. I regret the breakdown of the Manila Agreement and the sudden switch by Mr. Sukarno of his views. I simply do no believe the charges that The Tunku showed bad faith. I am sure that Malaysia will do all it can to achieve honourable co-operation with Indonesia. I am pleased to hear the news which appears to coming through now that The Tunku is ready to meet Mr. Sukarno personally and to discuss the difficulties. 935 I hope that, in the end, a wider and fuller Federation, including Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines may be worked out. This is a matter for these countries: but if it should come about I am sure that we will all welcome it and will wish to help as much as we can.

The Under-Secretary was right when he said that the Federation may fail. There are not only the difficulties of Federation to be faced, but these difficulties are somewhat extenuated by others which are peculiar to the area. We all wish it well. We will do what we can to help, and I agree that this is a real attempt to create racial partnership in a State based on racial partnership. It is not a substitution of Malaya for Britain. The whole thing rests on a real attempt to solve the very difficult racial problems in terms of real partnership. The ultimate success of the Federation will depend upon its success in achieving this end as quickly as it can.

I think there are good reasons to hope that the Federation will be a success. It has risen out of local desires. We have come in to help, but it has arisen out of local desires and it is a local achievement, not a British achievement. It is a local achievement by the people themselves. It rests upon a good basis of Parliamentary democracy, and it has considerable resources of population and wealth at its disposal, and certainly its resources of wealth will be increased as a result of Federation.

I think we simply must welcome the entry of a new nation into the Commonwealth, a large nation which can stand on its own feet. We must hope it will overcome the still formidable difficulties in its way. We must be ourselves ready to


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 help all the time, so long as it is on the basis of equality; to give help economically and by advice—always on the basis of equality.

I think we can today, as we deal with this Bill and as in due course it passes from us, look forward to Malaysia playing a full part alongside the other sovereign member nations of the Commonwealth and acting as a stabilising force in its own and dangerous part of the world, and playing a vigorous, constructive, active part in the United Nations.

 * 11.51 a.m.'

Miss Joan Vickers (Plymouth, Devonport) I am very pleased to have the opportunity of following the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Smethwick (Mr. Gordon Walker). I have taken a great interest in this part of the world. I would begin by saying that I hope he will consider Malaya as a federation and not a unitary State, because everybody is very proud of his State in Malaya, proud of being a Johore Malay, proud but for example also proud of being a Malaysian. I think that if he considers how Malaya was originally built up he will see that it is a real Federation and one which has worked well in the past.

I should like to congratulate my right hon. Friend on the success of the recent conference and I would quote Mr. Lee Kuan Yew the Prime Minister of Singapore, who said that the Commonwealth and Colonial Secretary with whom he has been negotiating had shown "an absolute dedication and zeal which I would have thought equalled any dedicated Communist that I have had the misfortune to meet." I should also like to quote a speech, which I thought a very admirable one, by Tunku Abdul Rahman, the Prime Minister of the Federation, who, giving the picture of the future of Malaysia, said: "Here in Malaya it is one of our blessings that the people of our country live in harmony and peace. … If you should ask me on this great day what is my dearest wish I would say I want to be happy, and I want all the people of Malaya and Malaysia to be as I am happy, and to make this short span of life worth while every moment of existence." I do not want to quote the whole of his speech, which I thought an excellent one, but he went on to say that it had been alleged that Malaysia had aggressive intentions against her neighbours and he said: "Only God knows how far it is from the truth. We have no troops, no arms, and no machines to fight any war. We spend our money on products which will bring better prospects for peace. We plan and we live for peace." The recent conference planned to include Singapore, North Borneo, which will be called Sabah, and Sarawak, so these territories, working together, will have an opportunity of sharing in the prosperity of Malaya. As I understand, it is only the Panas Party, led by Datu Bandaharas, that really objects in 937 Sarawak to the formation of Federation, but that is not, I am afraid, the case with some of the neighbouring countries, as has been mentioned by the right hon. Gentleman. I should like an assurance about this from my right hon. Friend, when he replies to the debate, on the following point. I think that one of the reasons is that Indonesia fears for the future, for example, considers that the United Kingdom is behind Malaya and, as the ex-colonial Power, will be pulling the strings.

I think they do not understand that, since the Statute of Westminster of 1931, once a territory becomes independent it is completely independent, and as Malaysia is formed it will be completely independent, and this will include Singapore, North Borneo and Sarawak. It is, I think, rather difficult for some countries which have not had Commonwealth connections to realise this, and they see in this Malaysian idea taking form, as far as they are concerned, an effort to form another bulwark against them, instead of realising that a strong Malaysia will be of great benefit to them in the future.

It has to be remembered that Indonesia has had her troubles. It is a very large, sprawling area, including over 3,000 islands, but in 1960 they did have the courage to send back a great many Indonesian Chinese to China, although there are still 2 million PKI or Communists there, and it is natural—as the right hon. Gentleman will know, for he has had literature similar to that which I have had—that they are not anxious to see a bulwark of anti-Communism in that area. Although it is vocal it is a small minority, and I hope that in future, in view particularly of the meeting which was held in Manila, we shall get a better understanding between these countries because at that historic meeting it was stated


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 M'ANDREW'S HYMN

, Thou hast made this world below the shadow of a dream,

An', taught by time, I tak' it so—exceptin' always Steam.

From coupler-flange to spindle-guide I see Thy Hand, O God—

Predestination in the stride o' yon connectin'-rod.

John Calvin might ha' forged the same—enorrmous, certain, slow—

Ay, wrought it in the furnace-flame—my 'Institutio.'

I cannot get my sleep to-night; old bones are hard to please;

I'll stand the middle watch up here—alone wi' God an' these

My engines, after ninety days o' race an' rack an' strain

Through all the seas of all Thy world, slam-bangin' home again.


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32 Slam-bang too much—they knock a wee—the crosshead-gibs are loose;

But thirty thousand mile o' sea has gied them fair excuse. . ..

Fine, clear an' dark—a full-draught breeze, wi' Ushant out o' sight,

An' Ferguson relievin' Hay. Old girl, ye'll walk to-night!

His wife's at Plymouth. . . . Seventy—One—Two—Three since he began—

Three turns for Mistress Ferguson. . . . and who's to blame the man?

There's none at any port for me, by drivin' fast or slow,

Since Elsie Campbell went to Thee, Lord, thirty years ago.

(The year the Sarah Sands was burned. Oh roads we used to tread,

Fra' Maryhill to Pollokshaws—fra' Govan to Parkhead!)

Not but they're ceevil on the Board. Ye'll hear Sir Kenneth say:

'Good morrn, M'Andrews! Back again? An' how's your bilge to-day?'


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Rh Miscallin' technicalities but handin' me my chair

To drink Madeira wi' three Earls—the auld Fleet Engineer,

That started as a boiler-whelp—when steam and he were low.

I mind the time we used to serve a broken pipe wi' tow.

Ten pound was all the pressure then—Eh! Eh!—a man wad drive;

An' here, our workin' gauges give one hunder fifty-five!

We're creepin' on wi' each new rig—less weight an' larger power:

There'll be the loco-boiler next an' thirty knots an hour!

Thirty an' more. What I ha' seen since ocean-steam began

Leaves me no doot for the machine: but what about the man?

The man that counts, wi' all his runs, one million mile o' sea:

Four time the span from earth to moon. . . . How far, O Lord, from Thee?


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 that it also contributed for the first time to the achievement towards unity of purpose and some sense of dedication among the people of Malaya, Indonesia and the Philippines, and anything we can do to get a better understanding between Malaya, Indonesia and the Philippines will be helpful. I am very anxious to see better understanding between those parties. It will be of immense value to them and to the peace and security and prosperity of the peoples in the area.

I had the privilege of attending as an observer the meeting by the C.P.A. referred to by the right hon. Gentleman and by my hon. Friend. I was an observer there when the first discussions took place. They took place and it was said that it was a seed planted by the Prime Minister. This plant grew under the auspices of this Malays-Borneo group when they met in Singapore to discuss common purposes between their countries, and it was through the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association—and I think we should pay tribute to its members—that tie first working parties were started.

After the conference in Singapore I went both to North Borneo and to Sarawak, and before I left those territories—I was a month there—they had already fixed the first meeting and were going to hold it the week after I left, so no opportunity was lost to take quick action towards further discussion of the federal idea.

I should like to say, having lived in Malaya and been a welfare officer there, and having had the opportunity of visiting palaces in Malaya, staying in long-houses in Sarawak, and visiting many other places, that I did feel that what was important in this case was the fact that the political education of the people had spread rather further than one might have anticipated. I remember one night, having travelled eleven hours by river, that I arrived in a longhouse village. There was only one house in the whole place. I went through all the animist rites of welcome before being allowed to settle down to a meal. Then I had the extraordinary experience of having people questioning me with regard to the political future of their country until 3 a.m. That political interest had got right into this area I think we must pay tribute to the various officers—it was a Malay officer in this case—in the Civil Service who had given those people an understanding of what was happening. That was two years ago, and that is why this type of federation has more chance of being successful.

I should like to recall the history of federation in this area. There were, first of all, the four federated States of Malaya, the five unfed rated States and the two Crown Colonies, Penang and Malacca. This arrangement has been very successful, although there have been five different races involved, but they have all been very well welded together. It is also to be remembered that Malacca and Penang would have a very different background, as Crown Colonies, from the rest of the territory.

One must also remember the early history of Sarawak, and one should pay tribute to Rajah Brooke—in fact, the three Rajahs Brooke—who brought the territory along in perhaps rather a slower way than usual, but it meant that all the people got an understanding of how the territory was being worked. Sometimes it is not a bad thing to go a little slowly and get a general understanding among the various peoples. I hope that the many traditions which have been set by the Rajahs Brooke will not be dropped.

I would particularly pay tribute to the many civil servants—especially as so many of them came from Devon—who were employed by the Rajahs and have given their entire lives to this one Civil Service.

One has to remember the rather difficult, shall we say, career of North Borneo, in its having been a company, the North Borneo Company, which did its best despite, perhaps, not very good finances; and then the interruption of the prosperity of all these territories by the Japanese. The remarkable way in which they have recovered from the Japanese occupation—I happened to go these in 1945—is amazing. We must pay tribute to the hard-working people in those areas, but in North Borneo a considerable amount of money will have to be spent. There is some very good soil there and the C.D.C. has done a good job in Ababca Estate. I feel that if some further help can be obtained, the


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34 That wast beside him night an' day. Ye mind my first typhoon?

It scoughed the skipper on his way to jock wi' the saloon.

Three feet were on the stokehold-floor—just slappin' to an' fro—

An' cast me on a furnace-floor. I have the marks to show.

Marks! I ha' marks o' more than burns—deep in my soul an' black,

An' times like this, when things go smooth, my wickudness comes back.

The sins o' four and forty years, all up an' down the seas,

Clack an' repeat like valves half-fed. . . . Forgie's our trespasses.

Nights when I'd come on deck to mark, wi' envy in my gaze,

The couples kittlin' in the dark between the funnel stays;

Years when I raked the ports wi' pride to fill my cup o' wrong—

Judge not, O Lord, my steps aside at Gay Street in Hong-Kong!


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Rh Blot out the wastrel hours of mine in sin when I abode—

Jane Harrigan's an' Number Nine, The Reddick an' Grant Road!

An' waur than all—my crownin' sin—rank blasphemy an' wild.

I was not four and twenty then—Ye wadna judge a child?

I'd seen the Tropics first that run—new fruit, new smells, new air—

How could I tell—blind-fou wi' sun—the Deil was lurkin' there?

By day like playhouse-scenes the shore slid past our sleepy eyes;

By night those soft, lasceevious stars leered from those velvet skies,

In port (we used no cargo-steam) I'd daunder down the streets—

An ijjit grinnin' in a dream—for shells an' parrakeets,

An' walkin'-sticks o' carved bamboo an' blowfish stuffed an' dried—

Fillin' my bunk wi' rubbishry the Chief put overside.


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36 Till, off Sambawa Head, Ye mind, I heard a land-breeze ca',

Milk-warm wi' breath o' spice an' bloom: 'M'Andrew, come awa'!'

Firm, clear an' low—no haste, no hate—the ghostly whisper went,

Just statin' eevidential facts beyon' all argument:

'Your mither's God's a graspin' deil, the shadow o' yoursel',

Got out o' books by meenisters clean daft on Heaven an' Hell.

'They mak' Him in the Broomielaw, o' Glasgie cold an' dirt,

'A jealous, pridefu' fetich, lad, that's only strong to hurt,

'Ye'll not go back to Him again an' kiss His red-hot rod,

'But come wi' Us' (Now, who were They?) 'an' know the Leevin' God,

'That does not kipper souls for sport or break a life in jest,

'But swells the ripenin' cocoanuts an' ripes the woman's breast.'


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 territory can be as prosperous as the others.

Remembering that under the leadership of the present Prime Minister of Malaya the existing territories have been well federated and that he has been able to make the various races have an understanding of one another, an understanding such as I have rarely found elsewhere. I would point out that we are now going to have another 19 races brought into the Federation. As I said at the beginning, a Johore Malay is very proud of being a Johore Malay. Although these 940 people will all become Malaysians and will, I am sure, be proud of doing so, they are also proud of their own race and characteristics, and I hope that they will be allowed to carry on their own tradition.

I notice that for 10 years after Malaysia Day and thereafter until the State regulations otherwise provide, the English language is to be "an official language", and may be used in the Legislative Assembly for all official purposes of State, and so on. In Singapore there are four official languages. I should like to know whether when it states that the English language shall be "an official language" it is included in the others and whether the people will still be able to speak their own tongue if they wish to, through interpretation, as in Singapore, and in what languages the reports of Parliament and the newspapers will be written in the future. It is very important that people should have full democratic opportunities of understanding what is going on, and it is very difficult if one has to read and speak in a foreign language.

I was very glad to hear that my right hon. Friend has stated that any change in the law made in the Federal Parliament will have to go back to the local territories for confirmation; in other words, that no law can be imposed on a territory against its will. That is extremely important.

There is also the difficult problem of expatriates. I noticed that the Cobbold Committee said in paragraph 231: "We would like to make some observations regarding the position of the present expatriate officials, including technical and professional officers in these territories after Malaysia. We have noted the high regard in which these officers are held and the unanimous expression of views that they should be encouraged to stay until they can be replaced by the local people." The Committee goes on: "We are aware of the dangers that the administrative machinery and the various plans for development would suffer very considerably with the immediate departure of any substantial number of these officers." The Committee also states that it sees no objection to recruiting from overseas.

I would lay specially emphasis on the point that we should try to encourage as many as possible of the expatriate officers to stay. I do not want to be in any way rude or discourteous to Malaya, but I feel that if we have too many civil servants, as I think has happened in Brunei, coming from Malaya and taking over the jobs, it will be a great pity. I hope that the objective and aim of Malaya will be to train the local people, and meanwhile to encourage those who are in the jobs to stay as long as possible and train the local people to take over. There will, no doubt, be some exchange of officers, but I think that Malaya would be open to some criticism and that there might be some fear if too many of the very excellent civil servants from Malaya were sent to the territories, for it might be felt that they would stop the progress of the people within the territories. If expatriates are employed, the local people will know that they will be there, normally, for a short time and will see that there is some future for themselves. I hope that this point will be looked into.

I should like to know when North Borneo is officially going to become Sabah. The Bill says "North Borneo" and "on the formation of the Federation of Malaysia". Does it mean that when we have passed the Bill today, as from today North Borneo will adopt some other name?

One cannot pay tribute to all the people who have taken part in the various discussions and have done very active work in creating the very happy situation that we have at the present time, but I should like to mention one or two persons from both North Borneo and Sarawak. I would mention Mr. Donald Stephens and Datu Mustapha bin Datu Harun and Mr. Khoo Siak Chien. What a good future there was for their country in Malaysia. It is not always easy to


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Rh An' there it stopped: cut off: no more; that quiet, certain voice—

For me, six months o' twenty-four, to leave or take at choice.

'Twas on me like a thunderclap—it racked me through an' through—

Temptation past the show o' speech, unnameable an' new—

The Sin against the Holy Ghost? . . . An' under all, our screw.

That storm blew by but left behind her anchor-shiftin' swell,

Thou knowest all my heart an' mind, Thou knowest, Lord, I fell.

Third on the Mary Gloster then, and first that night in Hell!

Yet was Thy hand beneath my head, about my feet Thy care—

Fra' Deli clear to Torres Strait, the trial o' despair,

But when we touched the Barrier Reef Thy answer to my prayer!

We dared na run that sea by night but lay an' held our fire,


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38 An' I was drowsin' on the hatch—sick—sick wi' doubt an' tire:

' Better the sight of eyes that see than wanderin' o' desire! '

Ye mind that word? Clear as our gongs—again, an' once again,

When rippin' down through coral-trash ran out our moorin'-chain;

An' by Thy Grace I had the Light to see my duty plain.

Light on the engine-room—no more—bright as our carbons burn.

I've lost it since a thousand times, but never past return.

Obsairve! Per annum we'll have here two thousand souls aboard—

Think not I dare to justify myself before the Lord,

But—average fifteen hunder souls safe-borne fra' port to port—

I am o' service to my kind. Ye wadna blame the thought?

Maybe they steam from grace to wrath—to sin by folly lead,—

It isna mine to judge their path—their lives are on my head.


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Rh Mine at the last—when all is done it all comes back to me,

The fault that leaves six thousand ton a log upon the sea.

We'll tak' one stretch—three weeks an' odd by any road ye steer—

Fra' Cape Town east to Wellington—ye need an engineer.

Fail there—ye've time to weld your shaft—ay, eat it, ere ye're spoke;

Or make Kerguelen under sail—three jiggers burned wi' smoke!

An' home again, the Rio run: it's no child's play to go

Steamin' to bell for fourteen days o' snow an' floe an' blow—

The bergs like kelpies overside that girn an' turn an' shift

Whaur, grindin' like the Mills o' God, goes by the big South drift.

(Hail, snow an' ice that praise the Lord: I've met them at their work,

An' wished we had anither route or they anither kirk.)


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40 Yon's strain, hard strain, o' head an' hand, for though Thy Power brings

All skill to naught, Ye'll understand a man must think o' things.

Then, at the last, we'll get to port an' hoist their baggage clear—

The passengers, wi' gloves an' canes—an' this is what I'll hear:

'Well, thank ye for a pleasant voyage. The tender's comin' now.'

While I go testin' follower-bolts an' watch the skipper bow.

They've words for every one but me—shake hands wi' half the crew,

Except the dour Scots engineer, the man they never knew.

An' yet I like the wark for all we've dam' few pickin's here—

No pension, an' the most we earn's four hunder pound a year.

Better myself abroad? Maybe. I'd sooner starve than sail

Wi' such as call a snifter-rod ross. . . . French for nightingale.


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Rh Commeesion on my stores? Some do; but I can not afford

To lie like stewards wi' patty-pans—. I'm older than the Board.

A bonus on the coal I save? Ou ay, the Scots are close,

But when I grudge the strength Ye gave I'll grudge their food to those.

(There's bricks that I might recommend—an' clink the fire-bars cruel.

No! Welsh—Wangarti at the worst—an' damn all patent fuel!)

Inventions? Ye must stay in port to mak' a patent pay.

My Deeferential Valve-Gear taught me how that business lay,

I blame no chaps wi' clearer head for aught they make or sell.

I found that I could not invent an' look to these—as well.

So, wrestled wi' Apollyon—Nah!—fretted like a bairn—

But burned the workin'-plans last run wi' all I hoped to earn.


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 go back to one's country—some of them were at the meeting in Singapore—and put over a new idea. I should like to pay tribute to Abag Haji Mustapha, Jugen Anak Baisog, Ling Bang Siew, and Chia Chin Shin, who have played an enormous part not only in the discussions in Kuching but in travelling round the country and ensuring that the people have some real information about the probable future of their country.

When countries—particularly North Borneo and Sarawak—are giving up one form of dependence for what they may think as another form of dependence, it is a very tricky situation. However, these countries now have the assurance from the new Federal Government that they will be able to work on their own individual lines, particularly in regard to immigration, education and religion. I hope that they will co-operate and be helped in furthering the prosperity of their countries.

I have taken a very great interest in that part of the world. I am very fond of the people who live there. If I did not live in Britain I should like to make Malaya my home. For all these reasons, I wish the territories every success in their new venture.

 * 12.10 p.m.

Mr. Fenner Brockway (Eton and Slough) I must begin, as the Under-Secretary began, by expressing regret that this Bill should be taken on a Friday and that all its stages should, in the intention of the Government, be completed today. Whatever our views may be about Malaysia, I do not think that anyone can doubt that this is of momentous consequence.

This proposal concerns the people of four and perhaps five States. It concerns all the territories of that region, from the spreading Indonesian archipelago over the great island of Borneo, which is the third or perhaps the fourth largest island in the world, and stretching away to the Philippines. It concerns, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Smethwick (Mr. Gordon Walker) said, the balance of power in this very critical area of South-East Asia. I do not think that it is any credit upon the Government or upon this Parliament that we should be carrying through the Bill in all its stages in one day—and on a day when so many hon. Members are in their constituencies.

Recently I had the privilege, with two of my colleagues, of visiting the Malaysia territories. I should first like to say than I have never been in a happier team than I was with those two colleagues. Secondly, I want to say how much we appreciate the hospitality of the United Kingdom Governors and the Head of State in Singapore who were our hosts. But, most of all, I want to say how grateful we were to the Prime Minister of Singapore and to the Tunku of Malaya, not only for the generous way in which they received us, but for the extraordinary fairness with which 943 they allowed us to test the opinion of the opponents of their Government as well as of their supporters.

I have known the Prime Minister of Singapore for many year, when he was not quite so popular with the Establishment as he is today. I have known the Tungku when he was engaged in the struggle for the independence of his country. I have the highest regard for both of them. I regard the Prime Minister of Singapore as one of the outstanding dynamic minds in world statesmanship. I remember an occasion when we had a little meal downstairs here at which the late Aneurin Bevan and the Prime Minister of Singapore were present. The rest of us became silent as these two great minds engaged in a discussion. As for the Tunku, he is one of the most humane, generous and kindly persons one has ever met. If today I am expressing an opinion which, in some respects, these two will not agree with, I know that it will not affect the friendship between us and that they will recognise that I am trying to speak as sincerely as I know they are behaving.

I would like to emphasise how very strongly not only my right hon. and hon. Friends, but large numbers of right hon. and hon. Gentlemen opposite believe in the principle of federation. In the world today, in neighbouring states which require to become viable in their economies and in neighbouring states of associated peoples, a free movement towards federation is progressing. But we must be very careful indeed, when we urge federation, that it shall be a


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42 Ye know how hard an Idol dies, an' what that meant to me—

E'en tak' it for a sacrifice acceptable to Thee. . ..

''Below there! Oiler! What's your wark? Ye find it runnin' hard?''

Ye needn't swill the cap wi' oil—this isn't the Cunard!

''Ye thought? Ye are not paid to think. Go, sweat that off again!''

Tck! Tck! It's deeficult to sweer nor tak' The Name in vain!

Men, ay an' women, call me stern. Wi' these to oversee

Ye'll note I've little time to burn on social repartee.

The bairns see what their elders miss; they'll hunt me to an' fro,

Till for the sake of—well, a kiss—I tak' 'em down below.

That minds me of our Viscount loon—Sir Kenneth's kin—the chap

Wi' Russia leather tennis-shoon an' spar-decked yachtin'-cap.

I showed him round last week, o'er all—an' at the last says he:

'Mister M'Andrews, don't you think steam spoils romance at sea?'


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Rh Damned ijjit! I'd been doon that morn to see what ailed the throws,

Manholin', on my back—the cranks three inches off my nose.

Romance! Those first-class passengers they like it very well,

Printed an' bound in little books; but why don't poets tell?

I'm sick of all their quirks an' turns—the loves an' doves they dream—

Lord, send a man like Robbie Burns to sing the Song o' Steam!

To match wi' Scotia's noblest speech yon orchestra sublime

Whaurto—uplifted like the Just—the tail-rods mark the time.

The crank-throws give the double-bass, the feed-pump sobs an' heaves,

An' now the main eccentrics start their quarrel on the sheaves:

Her time, her own appointed time, the rocking link-head bides,

Till—hear that note?—the rod's return whings glimmerin' through the guides.


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 spontaneous and natural association of peoples.

The Observer remarked on Sunday that it is a little ironical that we should be creating a Federation today when last week we destroyed one. I am not suggesting that there is a close parallel between the Central African Federation and the proposal of Malaysia. In the case of the Central African Federation, it was a minority race imposing federation upon a great majority of the population. But we have also had the disturbing experience of the West Indian Federation. Most of us supported that, but we find that that also dissolved because the people of the largest island would not accept it. At this moment, the Secretary of State is engaged in negotiations for an East Carib- 944 bean Federation, a much smaller effort than the proposal of Malaysia, but he is finding that he must take the greatest detailed care before the establishment of that Federation. There is one contrast to all this. When federation arises from the spontaneous desire of peoples to become associated, it is a good thing. We are finding that in East Africa today, which is of such tremendous promise.

I shall not speak dogmatically today. It may be that the fears in my mind are wrong. I am only going to say that, before we take a step of this character, we should be certain beyond any per-adventure that a federation proposal has the support of the peoples. I think that we must in the case of Malaysia recognise quite frankly that the motive, the dominant motive, was not of an association of naturally linked peoples. The Under-Secretary of State began his history from two years ago. The idea of Malaysia has in fact been discussed in the territories in an informal way for a longer period, but when it was proposed two years ago the motive for it was strategic.

It is certainly fantastic that Malaya and Singapore should not belong to one State. Singapore, the toe of Malaya, is joined to it by a short causeway. Both in Singapore and Malaya, perhaps more in Singapore, over the years there has been advocacy of the union of the two States. But the Tungku—and one understands his reasons, for he had been passing through years of jungle war with Communism as a real menace—did not desire the union just of Singapore with Malaya, because of the majority Chinese population in Singapore. The motive of the Malaysia scheme was with the thought that if the federation could be extended from Malaya and Singapore to include the peoples of Borneo, the majority Chinese population in Singapore would be balanced. Let us be quite clear that the original intention was not a natural association, but was ideological and strategic.

Even though that may have been the motive, the effect may still be good. I want to say as emphatically as I can that I do not think that there is anyone on this side of the House who wishes to see Communism become dominant over this region. We would not want it because we believe in liberties and democracies and we do not want a totalitarian 945 State there; but we do not want a Communist domination more deeply because it would be likely that China would be the major influence, and the Chinese attitude that world revolution should come by war would make its influence a very great danger. Therefore, while I do not regard the motive as the democratic motive of the natural association of peoples, one does not say that the effect might not be good.

I respond at once to the invitation to indicate the views of the delegation and later myself about the support for federation which we found in these territories. I think that I can say that we broadly agreed about the facts, even though our interpretation of them and our conclusions from them were different.

We took the view that in Malaya and Singapore there was a majority opinion in favour of Malaysia, with strong minorities. We took the view that in Sarawak opinion was undecided. I held that it was probably about 50–50, but some of my colleagues took the view that there was a majority for Malaysia. In Brunei we had little doubt that not only the opinion of the Sultan, but that of the people was against Malaysia. My hon. Friend the Member for Leyton (Mr. Sorensen) may qualify that by saying that it was bemused and bewildered and not certain. In North Borneo there was no doubt that the majority of those who were politically alert were in favour of Malaysia. I hope that my hon. Friend the Member for Leyton and my right hon. Friend the Member for Middles rough, East (Mr. Bottomley) will agree that that is an accurate picture of the opinion of these peoples.


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44 They're all awa'! True beat, full power, the clangin' chorus goes

Clear to the tunnel where they sit, my purrin' dynamos.

Interdependence absolute, foreseen, ordained, decreed,

To work, Ye'll note, at any tilt an' every rate o' speed.

Fra' skylight-lift to furnace-bars, backed, bolted, braced an' stayed,

An' singin' like the Mornin' Stars for joy that they are made;

While, out o' touch o' vanity, the sweatin' thrust-block says:

'Not unto us the praise, or man—not unto us the praise!'

Now, a' together, hear them lift their lesson—theirs an' mine:

'Law, Orrder, Duty an' Restraint, Obedience, Discipline!'

Mill, forge an' try-pit taught them that when roarin' they arose,

An' whiles I wonder if a soul was gied them wi' the blows.


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Rh Oh for a man to weld it then, in one trip-hammer strain,

Till even first-class passengers could tell the meanin' plain!

But no one cares except mysel' that serve an' understand

My seven thousand horse-power here. Eh, Lord! They're grand—they're grand!

Uplift am I? When first in store the new-made beasties stood,

Were Ye cast down that breathed the Word declarin' all things good?

Not so! O' that warld-liftin' joy no after-fall could vex,

Ye've left a glimmer still to cheer the Man—the Arrtifex!

That holds, in spite o' knock and scale, o' friction, waste an' slip,

An' by that light—now, mark my word—we'll build the Perfect Ship.

I'll never last to judge her lines or take her curve—not I.

But I ha' lived an' I ha' worked. 'Be thanks to Thee, Most High!


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46 An' I ha' done what I ha' done—judge Thou if ill or well—

Always Thy Grace preventin' me. . ..

Losh! Yon's the 'Stand by' bell.

Pilot so soon? His flare it is. The mornin'-watch is set.

Well, God be thanked, as I was sayin', I'm no Pelagian yet.

Now I'll tak' on. . ..

' ''Morrn, Ferguson. Man, have ye ever thought''

''What your good leddy costs in coal? . . . I'll burn 'em down to port.''


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 To that broad statement I add that in Malaya itself the opposition parties are opposed to Malaysia, and at the last election, the opposition parties polled 49 per cent. of the total votes. In Singapore there has been the referendum about which my right hon. Friend the Member for Smethwick spoke. I take the view that it was a cumbersome referendum and not clear. The very fact that in those circumstances 30 per cent. of the voters returned blank papers indicates that in Singapore as well there is at least a strong minority against federation.

The position in Sarawak as a result of the election is very uncertain. I want to correct a statement which I have made when I said that there was to be a coalition Government of the United People's Party and the Negara Party which was asking for a plebiscite. As I understand it, those two parties have agreed to form a joint front, but they will not necessarily be the government. The position is uncertain. The majority of elected members support Malaysia, but it is quite possible that with the defection of the Negara Party from the Alliance, and with the Independents, whose views are not clear, there may be a majority in favour of a plebiscite taking place through the United Nations before Malaysia is introduced.

I am sorry to say this, but I gathered the very strong opinion that the influence of British officials during the election was quite partially exerted against the United People's Party. I will not go into it" in any detail now, but I have documents and even a poster which was displayed during the election on British authority and which said—"Do not split the vote".

Mr. A. G. Bottomley (Middlesbrough, East) I am sure that my hon. Friend does not want to mislead. The documents he is about to show were put up long before the elections came about. Quite rightly, he made representations at the time that they ought not to be up when the election took place.

Mr. Brockway I was about to add that, and I would hope that my right hon. Friend would have known that I try to be fair.

Mr. Bottomley Always.

Mr. Brockway With my right hon. Friend, I went to a leading British official who gave us an undertaking that these posters would be withdrawn. I have subsequently had a letter from him saying that the posters had been put up much earlier and that in those circumstances they would not be withdrawn.

I will not enter into that in further detail now, but the attitude revealed by the hon. Lady the Member for Plymouth, Devonport (Miss Vickers) of dismissing the United People's Party as a Communist Party leads me to say that there is no British official in the administration in Sarawak who would say that.

Miss Vickers I said that the Panas Party had broken away from the alliance. I did mot mention Communists.

Mr. Brockway I apologise. I misheard. The identification of the United People's Party with Communism is entirely unjustified. If there is any reflection of Communism in it, it is at low branch level. I do not think that any British official would say otherwise.

In North Borneo our impression was that the politically alert favoured Malaysia, but these are the élite. That country is economically underdeveloped. There is not a road which crosses it. It is politically underdeveloped. There cannot be the beginnings of a party having its roots in the people in a territory of that kind. Therefore even in North Borneo I think that there must be some doubts about permanent support for Malaysia.

The next thing that concerns me—and I am sure it will concern the right hon. Gentleman—is the effect of Malaysia on relations with the neighbouring peoples, particularly those of Indonesia and the Philippines. This is an uneasy region, with Indonesia with its 100 million people neutral, and the nearby Philippines pro-West. If there is to be stability in this area, some concord must be found between Malaya, Indonesia, and the Philippines. This is why I share the