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 Rh and angels, are not far removed from these teachings of Melchizedek. But this great teacher subordinated everything to the doctrine of one God, a universe Deity, a heavenly Creator, a divine Father. Emphasis was placed upon this teaching for the purpose of appealing to man's adoration and of preparing the way for the subsequent appearance of Michael as the Son of this same Universal Father.

Melchizedek taught that at some future time another Son of God would come in the flesh as he had come, but that he would be born of a woman; and that is why numerous later teachers held that Jesus was a priest, or minister, "forever after the order of Melchizedek."

And thus did Melchizedek prepare the way and set the monotheistic stage of world tendency for the bestowal of an actual Paradise Son of the one God, whom he so vividly portrayed as the Father of all, and whom he represented to Abraham as a God who would accept man on the simple terms of personal faith. And Michael, when he appeared on earth, confirmed all that Melchizedek had taught concerning the Paradise Father.

The ceremonies of the Salem worship were very simple. Every person who signed or marked the clay-tablet rolls of the Melchizedek church committed to memory, and subscribed to, the following belief:

1. I believe in El Elyon, the Most High God, the only Universal Father and Creator of all things.

2. I accept the Melchizedek covenant with the Most High, which bestows the favor of God on my faith, not on sacrifices and burnt offerings.

3. I promise to obey the seven commandments of Melchizedek and to tell the good news of this covenant with the Most High to all men.

And that was the whole of the creed of the Salem colony. But even such a short and simple declaration of faith was altogether too much and too advanced for the men of those days. They simply could not grasp the idea of getting divine favor for nothing—by faith. They were too deeply confirmed in the belief that man was born under forfeit to the gods. Too long and too earnestly had they sacrificed and made gifts to the priests to be able to comprehend the good news that salvation, divine favor, was a free gift to all who would believe in the Melchizedek covenant. But Abraham did believe halfheartedly, and even that was "counted for righteousness."

The seven commandments promulgated by Melchizedek were patterned along the lines of the ancient Dalamatian supreme law and very much resembled the seven commands taught in the first and second Edens. These commands of the Salem religion were:

1. You shall not serve any God but the Most High Creator of heaven and earth.

2. You shall not doubt that faith is the only requirement for eternal salvation.

3. You shall not bear false witness.

4. You shall not kill.

5. You shall not steal.


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 1018 6. You shall not commit adultery.

7. You shall not show disrespect for your parents and elders.

While no sacrifices were permitted within the colony, Melchizedek well knew how difficult it is to suddenly uproot long-established customs and accordingly had wisely offered these people the substitute of a sacrament of bread and wine for the older sacrifice of flesh and blood. It is of record, "Melchizedek, king of Salem, brought forth bread and wine." But even this cautious innovation was not altogether successful; the various tribes all maintained auxiliary centers on the outskirts of Salem where they offered sacrifices and burnt offerings. Even Abraham resorted to this barbarous practice after his victory over Chedorlaomer; he simply did not feel quite at ease until he had offered a conventional sacrifice. And Melchizedek never did succeed in fully eradicating this proclivity to sacrifice from the religious practices of his followers, even of Abraham.

Like Jesus, Melchizedek attended strictly to the fulfillment of the mission of his bestowal. He did not attempt to reform the mores, to change the habits of the world, nor to promulgate even advanced sanitary practices or scientific truths. He came to achieve two tasks: to keep alive on earth the truth of the one God and to prepare the way for the subsequent mortal bestowal of a Paradise Son of that Universal Father.

Melchizedek taught elementary revealed truth at Salem for ninety-four years, and during this time Abraham attended the Salem school three different times. He finally became a convert to the Salem teachings, becoming one of Melchizedek's most brilliant pupils and chief supporters.

Although it may be an error to speak of "chosen people," it is not a mistake to refer to Abraham as a chosen individual. Melchizedek did lay upon Abraham the responsibility of keeping alive the truth of one God as distinguished from the prevailing belief in plural deities.

The choice of Palestine as the site for Machiventa's activities was in part predicated upon the desire to establish contact with some human family embodying the potentials of leadership. At the time of the incarnation of Melchizedek there were many families on earth just as well prepared to receive the doctrine of Salem as was that of Abraham. There were equally endowed families among the red men, the yellow men, and the descendants of the Andites to the west and north. But, again, none of these localities were so favorably situated for Michael's subsequent appearance on earth as was the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea. The Melchizedek mission in Palestine and the subsequent appearance of Michael among the Hebrew people were in no small measure determined by geography, by the fact that Palestine was centrally located with reference to the then existent trade, travel, and civilization of the world.

For some time the Melchizedek receivers had been observing the ancestors of Abraham, and they confidently expected offspring in a certain generation who would be characterized by intelligence, initiative, sagacity, and sincerity. The children of Terah, the father of Abraham, in every way met these expectations. It was this possibility of contact with these versatile children of Terah that had considerable to do with the appearance of Machiventa at Salem, rather than in Egypt, China, India, or among the northern tribes.

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 Rh Terah and his whole family were halfhearted converts to the Salem religion, which had been preached in Chaldea; they learned of Melchizedek through the preaching of Ovid, a Phoenician teacher who proclaimed the Salem doctrines in Ur. They left Ur intending to go directly through to Salem, but Nahor, Abraham's brother, not having seen Melchizedek, was lukewarm and persuaded them to tarry at Haran. And it was a long time after they arrived in Palestine before they were willing to destroy all of the household gods they had brought with them; they were slow to give up the many gods of Mesopotamia for the one God of Salem.

A few weeks after the death of Abraham's father, Terah, Melchizedek sent one of his students, Jaram the Hittite, to extend this invitation to both Abraham and Nahor: "Come to Salem, where you shall hear our teachings of the truth of the eternal Creator, and in the enlightened offspring of you two brothers shall all the world be blessed." Now Nahor had not wholly accepted the Melchizedek gospel; he remained behind and built up a strong city-state which bore his name; but Lot, Abraham's nephew, decided to go with his uncle to Salem.

Upon arriving at Salem, Abraham and Lot chose a hilly fastness near the city where they could defend themselves against the many surprise attacks of northern raiders. At this time the Hittites, Assyrians, Philistines, and other groups were constantly raiding the tribes of central and southern Palestine. From their stronghold in the hills Abraham and Lot made frequent pilgrimages to Salem.

Not long after they had established themselves near Salem, Abraham and Lot journeyed to the valley of the Nile to obtain food supplies as there was then a drought in Palestine. During his brief sojourn in Egypt Abraham found a distant relative on the Egyptian throne, and he served as the commander of two very successful military expeditions for this king. During the latter part of his sojourn on the Nile he and his wife, Sarah, lived at court, and when leaving Egypt, he was given a share of the spoils of his military campaigns.

It required great determination for Abraham to forego the honors of the Egyptian court and return to the more spiritual work sponsored by Machiventa. But Melchizedek was revered even in Egypt, and when the full story was laid before Pharaoh, he strongly urged Abraham to return to the execution of his vows to the cause of Salem.

Abraham had kingly ambitions, and on the way back from Egypt he laid before Lot his plan to subdue all Canaan and bring its people under the rule of Salem. Lot was more bent on business; so, after a later disagreement, he went to Sodom to engage in trade and animal husbandry. Lot liked neither a military nor a herder's life.

Upon returning with his family to Salem, Abraham began to mature his military projects. He was soon recognized as the civil ruler of the Salem territory and had confederated under his leadership seven near-by tribes. Indeed, it was with great difficulty that Melchizedek restrained Abraham, who was fired with a zeal to go forth and round up the neighboring tribes with the sword that they might thus more quickly be brought to a knowledge of the Salem truths.

Melchizedek maintained peaceful relations with all the surrounding tribes; he was not militaristic and was never attacked by any of the armies as they moved back and forth. He was entirely willing that Abraham should formulate a defensive policy for Salem such as was subsequently put into effect, but he would not


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 1020 approve of his pupil's ambitious schemes for conquest; so there occurred a friendly severance of relationship, Abraham going over to Hebron to establish his military capital.

Abraham, because of his close connection with the illustrious Melchizedek, possessed great advantage over the surrounding petty kings; they all revered Melchizedek and unduly feared Abraham. Abraham knew of this fear and only awaited an opportune occasion to attack his neighbors, and this excuse came when some of these rulers presumed to raid the property of his nephew Lot, who dwelt in Sodom. Upon hearing of this, Abraham, at the head of his seven confederated tribes, moved on the enemy. His own bodyguard of 318 officered the army, numbering more than 4,000, which struck at this time.

When Melchizedek heard of Abraham's declaration of war, he went forth to dissuade him but only caught up with his former disciple as he returned victorious from the battle. Abraham insisted that the God of Salem had given him victory over his enemies and persisted in giving a tenth of his spoils to the Salem treasury. The other ninety per cent he removed to his capital at Hebron.

After this battle of Siddim, Abraham became leader of a second confederation of eleven tribes and not only paid tithes to Melchizedek but saw to it that all others in that vicinity did the same. His diplomatic dealings with the king of Sodom, together with the fear in which he was so generally held, resulted in the king of Sodom and others joining the Hebron military confederation; Abraham was really well on the way to establishing a powerful state in Palestine.

Abraham envisaged the conquest of all Canaan. His determination was only weakened by the fact that Melchizedek would not sanction the undertaking. But Abraham had about decided to embark upon the enterprise when the thought that he had no son to succeed him as ruler of this proposed kingdom began to worry him. He arranged another conference with Melchizedek; and it was in the course of this interview that the priest of Salem, the visible Son of God, persuaded Abraham to abandon his scheme of material conquest and temporal rule in favor of the spiritual concept of the kingdom of heaven.

Melchizedek explained to Abraham the futility of contending with the Amorite confederation but made it equally clear that these backward clans were certainly committing suicide by their foolish practices so that in a few generations they would be so weakened that the descendants of Abraham, meanwhile greatly increased, could easily overcome them.

And Melchizedek made a formal covenant with Abraham at Salem. Said he to Abraham: "Look now up to the heavens and number the stars if you are able; so numerous shall your seed be." And Abraham believed Melchizedek, "and it was counted to him for righteousness." And then Melchizedek told Abraham the story of the future occupation of Canaan by his offspring after their sojourn in Egypt.

This covenant of Melchizedek with Abraham represents the great Urantian agreement between divinity and humanity whereby God agrees to do everything; man only agrees to believe God's promises and follow his instructions. Heretofore it had been believed that salvation could be secured only by works—sacrifices and offerings; now, Melchizedek again brought to Urantia the good


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 Rh news that salvation, favor with God, is to be had by faith. But this gospel of simple faith in God was too advanced; the Semitic tribesmen subsequently preferred to go back to the older sacrifices and atonement for sin by the shedding of blood.

It was not long after the establishment of this covenant that Isaac, the son of Abraham, was born in accordance with the promise of Melchizedek. After the birth of Isaac, Abraham took a very solemn attitude toward his covenant with Melchizedek, going over to Salem to have it stated in writing. It was at this public and formal acceptance of the covenant that he changed his name from Abram to Abraham.

Most of the Salem believers had practiced circumcision, though it had never been made obligatory by Melchizedek. Now Abraham had always so opposed circumcision that on this occasion he decided to solemnize the event by formally accepting this rite in token of the ratification of the Salem covenant.

It was following this real and public surrender of his personal ambitions in behalf of the larger plans of Melchizedek that the three celestial beings appeared to him on the plains of Mamre. This was an appearance of fact, notwithstanding its association with the subsequently fabricated narratives relating to the natural destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah. And these legends of the happenings of those days indicate how retarded were the morals and ethics of even so recent a time.

Upon the consummation of the solemn covenant, the reconciliation between Abraham and Melchizedek was complete. Abraham again assumed the civil and military leadership of the Salem colony, which at its height carried over one hundred thousand regular tithe payers on the rolls of the Melchizedek brotherhood. Abraham greatly improved the Salem temple and provided new tents for the entire school. He not only extended the tithing system but also instituted many improved methods of conducting the business of the school, besides contributing greatly to the better handling of the department of missionary propaganda. He also did much to effect improvement of the herds and the reorganization of the Salem dairying projects. Abraham was a shrewd and efficient business man, a wealthy man for his day; he was not overly pious, but he was thoroughly sincere, and he did believe in Machiventa Melchizedek.

Melchizedek continued for some years to instruct his students and to train the Salem missionaries, who penetrated to all the surrounding tribes, especially to Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Asia Minor. And as the decades passed, these teachers journeyed farther and farther from Salem, carrying with them Machiventa's gospel of belief and faith in God.

The descendants of Adamson, clustered about the shores of the lake of Van, were willing listeners to the Hittite teachers of the Salem cult. From this onetime Andite center, teachers were dispatched to the remote regions of both Europe and Asia. Salem missionaries penetrated all Europe, even to the British Isles. One group went by way of the Faroes to the Andonites of Iceland, while another traversed China and reached the Japanese of the eastern islands. The lives and experiences of the men and women who ventured forth from Salem, Mesopotamia, and Lake Van to enlighten the tribes of the Eastern Hemisphere present a heroic chapter in the annals of the human race.


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 1022 But the task was so great and the tribes were so backward that the results were vague and indefinite. From one generation to another the Salem gospel found lodgment here and there, but except in Palestine, never was the idea of one God able to claim the continued allegiance of a whole tribe or race. Long before the coming of Jesus the teachings of the early Salem missionaries had become generally submerged in the older and more universal superstitions and beliefs. The original Melchizedek gospel had been almost wholly absorbed in the beliefs in the Great Mother, the Sun, and other ancient cults.

You who today enjoy the advantages of the art of printing little understand how difficult it was to perpetuate truth during these earlier times; how easy it was to lose sight of a new doctrine from one generation to another. There was always a tendency for the new doctrine to become absorbed into the older body of religious teaching and magical practice. A new revelation is always contaminated by the older evolutionary beliefs.

It was shortly after the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah that Machiventa decided to end his emergency bestowal on Urantia. Melchizedek's decision to terminate his sojourn in the flesh was influenced by numerous conditions, chief of which was the growing tendency of the surrounding tribes, and even of his immediate associates, to regard him as a demigod, to look upon him as a supernatural being, which indeed he was; but they were beginning to reverence him unduly and with a highly superstitious fear. In addition to these reasons, Melchizedek wanted to leave the scene of his earthly activities a sufficient length of time before Abraham's death to insure that the truth of the one and only God would become strongly established in the minds of his followers. Accordingly Machiventa retired one night to his tent at Salem, having said good night to his human companions, and when they went to call him in the morning, he was not there, for his fellows had taken him.

It was a great trial for Abraham when Melchizedek so suddenly disappeared. Although he had fully warned his followers that he must sometime go as he had come, they were not reconciled to the loss of their wonderful leader. The great organization built up at Salem nearly disappeared, though the traditions of these days were what Moses built upon when he led the Hebrew slaves out of Egypt.

The loss of Melchizedek produced a sadness in the heart of Abraham that he never fully overcame. Hebron he had abandoned when he gave up the ambition of building a material kingdom; and now, upon the loss of his associate in the building of the spiritual kingdom, he departed from Salem, going south to live near his interests at Gerar.

Abraham became fearful and timid immediately after the disappearance of Melchizedek. He withheld his identity upon arrival at Gerar, so that Abimelech appropriated his wife. (Shortly after his marriage to Sarah, Abraham one night had overheard a plot to murder him in order to get his brilliant wife. This dread became a terror to the otherwise brave and daring leader; all his life he feared


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 Rh that someone would kill him secretly in order to get Sarah. And this explains why, on three separate occasions, this brave man exhibited real cowardice.)

But Abraham was not long to be deterred in his mission as the successor of Melchizedek. Soon he made converts among the Philistines and of Abimelech's people, made a treaty with them, and, in turn, became contaminated with many of their superstitions, particularly with their practice of sacrificing first-born sons. Thus did Abraham again become a great leader in Palestine. He was held in reverence by all groups and honored by all kings. He was the spiritual leader of all the surrounding tribes, and his influence continued for some time after his death. During the closing years of his life he once more returned to Hebron, the scene of his earlier activities and the place where he had worked in association with Melchizedek. Abraham's last act was to send trusty servants to the city of his brother, Nahor, on the border of Mesopotamia, to secure a woman of his own people as a wife for his son Isaac. It had long been the custom of Abraham's people to marry their cousins. And Abraham died confident in that faith in God which he had learned from Mlchizedek in the vanished schools of Salem.

It was hard for the next generation to comprehend the story of Melchizedek; within five hundred years many regarded the whole narrative as a myth. Isaac held fairly well to the teachings of his father and nourished the gospel of the Salem colony, but it was harder for Jacob to grasp the significance of these traditions. Joseph was a firm believer in Melchizedek and was, largely because of this, regarded by his brothers as a dreamer. Joseph's honor in Egypt was chiefly due to the memory of his great-grandfather Abraham. Joseph was offered military command of the Egyptian armies, but being such a firm believer in the traditions of Melchizedek and the later teachings of Abraham and Isaac, he elected to serve as a civil administrator, believing that he could thus better labor for the advancement of the kingdom of heaven.

The teaching of Melchizedek was full and replete, but the records of these days seemed impossible and fantastic to the later Hebrew priests, although many had some understanding of these transactions, at least up to the times of the en masse editing of the Old Testament records in Babylon.

What the Old Testament records describe as conversations between Abraham and God were in reality conferences between Abraham and Melchizedek. Later scribes regarded the term Melchizedek as synonymous with God. The record of so many contacts of Abraham and Sarah with "the angel of the Lord" refers to their numerous visits with Melchizedek.

The Hebrew narratives of Isaac, Jacob, and Joseph are far more reliable than those about Abraham, although they also contain many diversions from the facts, alterations made intentionally and unintentionally at the time of the compilation of these records by the Hebrew priests during the Babylonian captivity. Keturah was not a wife of Abraham; like Hagar, she was merely a concubine. All of Abraham's property went to Isaac, the son of Sarah, the status wife. Abraham was not so old as the records indicate, and his wife was much younger. These ages were deliberately altered in order to provide for the subsequent alleged miraculous birth of Isaac.

The national ego of the Jews was tremendously depressed by the Babylonian captivity. In their reaction against national inferiority they swung to the other extreme of national and racial egotism, in which they distorted and perverted their traditions with the view of exalting themselves above all races as the chosen


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 1024 people of God; and hence they carefully edited all their records for the purpose of raising Abraham and their other national leaders high up above all other persons, not excepting Melchizedek himself. The Hebrew scribes therefore destroyed every record of these momentous times which they could find, preserving only the narrative of the meeting of Abraham and Melchizedek after the battle of Siddim, which they deemed reflected great honor upon Abraham.

And thus, in losing sight of Melchizedek, they also lost sight of the teaching of this emergency Son regarding the spiritual mission of the promised bestowal Son; lost sight of the nature of this mission so fully and completely that very few of their progeny were able or willing to recognize and receive Michael when he appeared on earth and in the flesh as Machiventa had foretold.

But one of the writers of the Book of Hebrews understood the mission of Melchizedek, for it is written: "This Melchizedek, priest of the Most High, was also king of peace; without father, without mother, without pedigree, having neither beginning of days nor end of life but made like a Son of God, he abides a priest continually." This writer designated Melchizedek as a type of the later bestowal of Michael, affirming that Jesus was "a minister forever on the order of Melchizedek." While this comparison was not altogether fortunate, it was literally true that Christ did receive provisional title to Urantia "upon the orders of the twelve Melchizedek receivers" on duty at the time of his world bestowal.

During the years of Machiventa's incarnation the Urantia Melchizedek receivers functioned as eleven. When Machiventa considered that his mission as an emergency Son was finished, he signalized this fact to his eleven associates, and they immediately made ready the technique whereby he was to be released from the flesh and safely restored to his original Melchizedek status. And on the third day after his disappearance from Salem he appeared among his eleven fellows of the Urantia assignment and resumed his interrupted career as one of the planetary receivers of 606 of Satania.

Machiventa terminated his bestowal as a creature of flesh and blood just as suddenly and unceremoniously as he had begun it. Neither his appearance nor departure were accompanied by any unusual announcement or demonstration; neither resurrection roll call nor ending of planetary dispensation marked his appearance on Urantia; his was an emergency bestowal. But Machiventa did not end his sojourn in the flesh of human beings until he had been duly released by the Father Melchizedek and had been informed that his emergency bestowal had received the approval of the chief executive of Nebadon, Gabriel of Salvington.

Machiventa Melchizedek continued to take a great interest in the affairs of the descendants of those men who had believed in his teachings when he was in the flesh. But the progeny of Abraham through Isaac as intermarried with the Kenites were the only line which long continued to nourish any clear concept of the Salem teachings.

This same Melchizedek continued to collaborate throughout the nineteen succeeding centuries with the many prophets and seers, thus endeavoring to keep alive the truths of Salem until the fullness of the time for Michael's appearance on earth.


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 Rh Machiventa continued as a planetary receiver up to the times of the triumph of Michael on Urantia. Subsequently, he was attached to the Urantia service on Jerusem as one of the four and twenty directors, only just recently having been elevated to the position of personal ambassador on Jerusem of the Creator Son, bearing the title Vicegerent Planetary Prince of Urantia. It is our belief that, as long as Urantia remains an inhabited planet, Machiventa Melchizedek will not be fully returned to the duties of his order of sonship but will remain, speaking in the terms of time, forever a planetary minister representing Christ Michael.

As his was an emergency bestowal on Urantia, it does not appear from the records what Machiventa's future may be. It may develop that the Melchizedek corps of Nebadon have sustained the permanent loss of one of their number. Recent rulings handed down from the Most Highs of Edentia, and later confirmed by the Ancients of Days of Uversa, strongly suggest that this bestowal Melchizedek is destined to take the place of the fallen Planetary Prince, Caligastia. If our conjectures in this respect are correct, it is altogether possible that Machiventa Melchizedek may again appear in person on Urantia and in some modified manner resume the role of the dethroned Planetary Prince, or else appear on earth to function as vicegerent Planetary Prince representing Christ Michael, who now actually holds the title of Planetary Prince of Urantia. While it is far from clear to us as to what Machiventa's destiny may be, nevertheless, events which have so recently taken place strongly suggest that the foregoing conjectures are probably not far from the truth.

We well understand how, by his triumph on Urantia, Michael became the successor of both Caligastia and Adam; how he became the planetary Prince of Peace and the second Adam. And now we behold the conferring upon this Melchizedek of the title Vicegerent Planetary Prince of Urantia. Will he also be constituted Vicegerent Material Son of Urantia? Or is there a possibility that an unexpected and unprecedented event is to take place, the sometime return to the planet of Adam and Eve or certain of their progeny as representatives of Michael with the titles vicegerents of the second Adam of Urantia?

And all these speculations associated with the certainty of future appearances of both Magisterial and Trinity Teacher Sons, in conjunction with the explicit promise of the Creator Son to return sometime, make Urantia a planet of future uncertainty and render it one of the most interesting and intriguing spheres in all the universe of Nebadon. It is altogether possible that, in some future age when Urantia is approaching the era of light and life, after the affairs of the Lucifer rebellion and the Caligastia secession have been finally adjudicated, we may witness the presence on Urantia, simultaneously, of Machiventa, Adam, Eve, and Christ Michael, as well as either a Magisterial Son or even Trinity Teacher Sons.

It has long been the opinion of our order that Machiventa's presence on the Jerusem corps of Urantia directors, the four and twenty counselors, is sufficient evidence to warrant the belief that he is destined to follow the mortals of Urantia on through the universe scheme of progression and ascension even to the Paradise Corps of the Finality. We know that Adam and Eve are thus destined to accompany their earth fellows on the Paradise adventure when Urantia has become settled in light and life.

Less than a thousand years ago this same Machiventa Melchizedek, the onetime sage of Salem, was invisibly present on Urantia for a period of one


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 1026 hundred years, acting as resident governor general of the planet; and if the present system of directing planetary affairs should continue, he will be due to return in the same capacity in a little over one thousand years.

This is the story of Machiventa Melchizedek, one of the most unique of all characters ever to become connected with the history of Urantia and a personality who may be destined to play an important role in the future experience of your irregular and unusual world.

[Presented by a Melchizedek of Nebadon.]


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HE early teachers of the Salem religion penetrated to the remotest tribes of Africa and Eurasia, ever preaching Machiventa's gospel of man's faith and trust in the one universal God as the only price of obtaining divine favor. Melchizedek's covenant with Abraham was the pattern for all the early propaganda that went out from Salem and other centers. Urantia has never had more enthusiastic and aggressive missionaries of any religion than these noble men and women who carried the teachings of Melchizedek over the entire Eastern Hemisphere. These missionaries were recruited from many peoples and races, and they largely spread their teachings through the medium of native converts. They established training centers in different parts of the world where they taught the natives the Salem religion and then commissioned these pupils to function as teachers among their own people.

In the days of Melchizedek, India was a cosmopolitan country which had recently come under the political and religious dominance of the Aryan-Andite invaders from the north and west. At this time only the northern and western portions of the peninsula had been extensively permeated by the Aryans. These Vedic newcomers had brought along with them their many tribal deities. Their religious forms of worship followed closely the ceremonial practices of their earlier Andite forebears in that the father still functioned as a priest and the mother as a priestess, and the family hearth was still utilized as an altar.

The Vedic cult was then in process of growth and metamorphosis under the direction of the Brahman caste of teacher-priests, who were gradually assuming control over the expanding ritual of worship. The amalgamation of the onetime thirty-three Aryan deities was well under way when the Salem missionaries penetrated the north of India.

The polytheism of these Aryans represented a degeneration of their earlier monotheism occasioned by their separation into tribal units, each tribe having its venerated god. This devolution of the original monotheism and trinitarianism of Andite Mesopotamia was in process of resynthesis in the early centuries of the second millennium before Christ. The many gods were organized into a pantheon under the triune leadership of Dyaus pitar, the lord of heaven; Indra, the tempestuous lord of the atmosphere; and Agni, the three-headed fire god, lord of the earth and the vestigial symbol of an earlier Trinity concept.

Definite henotheistic developments were paving the way for an evolved monotheism. Agni, the most ancient deity, was often exalted as the father-head of the


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 1028 entire pantheon. The deity-father principle, sometimes called Prajapati, sometimes termed Brahma, was submerged in the theologic battle which the Brahman priests later fought with the Salem teachers. The Brahman was conceived as the energy-divinity principle activating the entire Vedic pantheon.

The Salem missionaries preached the one God of Melchizedek, the Most High of heaven. This portrayal was not altogether disharmonious with the emerging concept of the Father-Brahma as the source of all gods, but the Salem doctrine was nonritualistic and hence ran directly counter to the dogmas, traditions, and teachings of the Brahman priesthood. Never would the Brahman priests accept the Salem teaching of salvation through faith, favor with God apart from ritualistic observances and sacrificial ceremonials.

The rejection of the Melchizedek gospel of trust in God and salvation through faith marked a vital turning point for India. The Salem missionaries had contributed much to the loss of faith in all the ancient Vedic gods, but the leaders, the priests of Vedism, refused to accept the Melchizedek teaching of one God and one simple faith.

The Brahmans culled the sacred writings of their day in an effort to combat the Salem teachers, and this compilation, as later revised, has come on down to modern times as the Rig-Veda, one of the most ancient of sacred books. The second, third, and fourth Vedas followed as the Brahmans sought to crystallize, formalize, and fix their rituals of worship and sacrifice upon the peoples of those days. Taken at their best, these writings are the equal of any other body of similar character in beauty of concept and truth of discernment. But as this superior religion became contaminated with the thousands upon thousands of superstitions, cults, and rituals of southern India, it progressively metamorphosed into the most variegated system of theology ever developed by mortal man. An examination of the Vedas will disclose some of the highest and some of the most debased concepts of Deity ever to be conceived.

As the Salem missionaries penetrated southward into the Dravidian Deccan, they encountered an increasing caste system, the scheme of the Aryans to prevent loss of racial identity in the face of a rising tide of the secondary Sangik peoples. Since the Brahman priest caste was the very essence of this system, this social order greatly retarded the progress of the Salem teachers. This caste system failed to save the Aryan race, but it did succeed in perpetuating the Brahmans, who, in turn, have maintained their religious hegemony in India to the present time.

And now, with the weakening of Vedism through the rejection of higher truth, the cult of the Aryans became subject to increasing inroads from the Deccan. In a desperate effort to stem the tide of racial extinction and religious obliteration, the Brahman caste sought to exalt themselves above all else. They taught that the sacrifice to deity in itself was all-efficacious, that it was all-compelling in its potency. They proclaimed that, of the two essential divine principles of the universe, one was Brahman the deity, and the other was the Brahman priesthood. Among no other Urantia peoples did the priests presume to exalt themselves above even their gods, to relegate to themselves the honors due their gods. But they went so absurdly far with these presumptuous claims that the whole


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 Rh precarious system collapsed before the debasing cults which poured in from the surrounding and less advanced civilizations. The vast Vedic priesthood itself floundered and sank beneath the black flood of inertia and pessimism which their own selfish and unwise presumption had brought upon all India.

The undue concentration on self led certainly to a fear of the nonevolutionary perpetuation of self in an endless round of successive incarnations as man, beast, or weeds. And of all the contaminating beliefs which could have become fastened upon what may have been an emerging monotheism, none was so stultifying as this belief in transmigration—the doctrine of the reincarnation of souls—which came from the Dravidian Deccan. This belief in the weary and monotonous round of repeated transmigrations robbed struggling mortals of their long-cherished hope of finding that deliverance and spiritual advancement in death which had been a part of the earlier Vedic faith.

This philosophically debilitating teaching was soon followed by the invention of the doctrine of the eternal escape from self by submergence in the universal rest and peace of absolute union with Brahman, the oversoul of all creation. Mortal desire and human ambition were effectually ravished and virtually destroyed. For more than two thousand years the better minds of India have sought to escape from all desire, and thus was opened wide the door for the entrance of those later cults and teachings which have virtually shackled the souls of many Hindu peoples in the chains of spiritual hopelessness. Of all civilizations, the Vedic-Aryan paid the most terrible price for its rejection of the Salem gospel.

Caste alone could not perpetuate the Aryan religio-cultural system, and as the inferior religions of the Deccan permeated the north, there developed an age of despair and hopelessness. It was during these dark days that the cult of taking no life arose, and it has ever since persisted. Many of the new cults were frankly atheistic, claiming that such salvation as was attainable could come only by man's own unaided efforts. But throughout a great deal of all this unfortunate philosophy, distorted remnants of the Melchizedek and even the Adamic teachings can be traced.

These were the times of the compilation of the later scriptures of the Hindu faith, the Brahmanas and the Upanishads. Having rejected the teachings of personal religion through the personal faith experience with the one God, and having become contaminated with the flood of debasing and debilitating cults and creeds from the Deccan, with their anthropomorphisms and reincarnations, the Brahmanic priesthood experienced a violent reaction against these vitiating beliefs; there was a definite effort to seek and to find true reality. The Brahmans set out to deanthropomorphize the Indian concept of deity, but in so doing they stumbled into the grievous error of depersonalizing the concept of God, and they emerged, not with a lofty and spiritual ideal of the Paradise Father, but with a distant and metaphysical idea of an all-encompassing Absolute.

In their efforts at self-preservation the Brahmans had rejected the one God of Melchizedek, and now they found themselves with the hypothesis of Brahman, that indefinite and illusive philosophic self, that impersonal and impotent it which has left the spiritual life of India helpless and prostrate from that unfortunate day to the twentieth century.

It was during the times of the writing of the Upanishads that Buddhism arose in India. But despite its successes of a thousand years, it could not compete with


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, and

See Brower, J. V., 1904. I.

See Uhle, Max, and Stübel, A.

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364 considerable varieties of culture. Some of the probable traits brought from the mother-land are the fire-drill, stone chipping and polishing, twisting of string, the bow, throwing stick, the harpoon, simple basketry and nets, hunting complexes, cooking with stones in vessels of wood, bark or skin, body-painting, and perhaps tattooing, and the domestication of the dog. Some of these may have filtered through Alaska from time to time, but the facts in the case favor the view that in the main they came in with the original immigrants. Independently, the New World developed agriculture, pottery, the higher types of basketry and cloth weaving, the working of the softer metalf and the manufacture of bronze. The progress in astronomical knowledge and the fine arts compares favorably with that achieved by the early Asiatics. Yet, in all we see the marks of originality which are alone sufficient evidence of their independent origin.

The centers of civilization in the New World were the highlands of Mexico and western South America which, as they developed, reacted to the stimulus of their more backward brothers in other parts of the land in much the same fashion as did the different groups of Mongoloid peoples in Asia. One of the significant points in our discussion has been the identification of the fundamental widely diffused complexes in the cultures of the New World, many of which seem to center in the Mexican and Andean regions of higher civilization and from which their respective radiations are often apparent. The more recent studies of ancient Chinese culture show that a somewhat parallel condition existed in Asia. Apparently, then, we have a more isolated people in the New World who did not travel the road to higher culture so rapidly as their relatives in Asia, the connection between whose centers of development having long been broken by climatic changes and later almost completely blocked by hordes of primitive hunter and fisher-folk. As to what a few more thousand years of this freedom would have done for the New World, we can but speculate; yet, one can scarcely forego the regret that the American Indians did not start on their career many years earlier than they did.

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Rh the main body characterized by tailored skin clothing, the sinew-backed bow, the snowshoe, the sled, etc. These are all fairly primitive characters; yet, wherever the outposts of this great horde met with favorable uplands they developed agriculture and other complex traits. It seems, therefore, that the solution of our New World problem lies as much in the heart of Asia as in Mexico or Peru. But, reverting once more to this great Mongoloid-Red horde, we may ask from what sources in its primitive cultures sprang the impulses that produced the two great cultures of ancient China and Yucatan? In the New World, the fundamentals of Maya culture are found among the wilder folk; in Asia there are also evidences that Chinese culture sprang from the primitive heritage of the original Mongoloid group settling in the valley of the Yellow River. And while it is true that the most fundamental traits in Old World culture can not be ascribed to these same early Chinese, they did, nevertheless, achieve great originality in the invention of new traits, many of which are now elements of modern culture. Hence, unless we return once more to the old theory of the fall of man, we must look upon these two great cultural achievements as the special contributions of the Mongoloid-Red peoples to the culture of mankind.

Now, as a final conclusion to this volume on the man of the New World and his culture, we beg the reader's indulgence in the formulation of an hypothetical statement. The New World received a detachment of early Mongoloid peoples at a time when the main body had barely developed stone polishing. That this was contemporaneous with the appearance of stone polishing in Europe does not necessarily follow, for future research in Asia may show it to have been much earlier. One or more periods of climatic change followed, cutting off ready communication with the mother-land and forcing both the Old and New World wings southward. In the former, they came in contact with other differentiated groups from whom they received culture stimuli, but in the New World they had only themselves. Yet, in the course of time, the increase of numbers and the development of sub-social groups led to

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362 stream of humanity. We have already outlined the reasons for assuming the pristine home of this group to be in Asia, but when it comes to locating the precise cradle land of this parent group, we must proceed with caution. This is, however, not of prime importance, for if we start with the known facts, the present distribution of the Mongoloid-Red stem, we note that it concentrates in the colder northern halves of both hemispheres where the cultures of its units are primitive, but that in each case its southern outposts developed complex cultures. The New World branch can claim originality for its high center and while it is clear that the ancient Chinese center was stimulated by non-Mongoloid centers, the pioneer students of Chinese origins have already presented a strong brief for their priority in many Old World inventions. Thus, the future may lead to the opinion that inherent in this Mongoloid stem was a germ of originality which blossomed forth wherever the environment permitted, and we may be able by contrasting these two independent cultures—the ancient Chinese and the Maya—with those of southern Asia and Europe, to arrive at last at the knowledge of elements peculiar to both. What these may be, we can but guess, but there seems to be a similarity between the Indians and the Asiatics in the weakness for loosely coordinated social groups, failure to develop nationalism, and relatively greater regard for tradition. Returning to our subject, we may note that the geographical position of these two centers of higher cultures on the frontiers of the extended swarming ground of the Mongoloid-Red stem, one of which could not have been borrowed from the other, necessitates the assumption of a northern cradle land and an expansion into more favorable environments. It also presupposes a main horde of the Mongoloid-Red peoples with a culture not materially different from that of the great mass of wilder North Asiatic and American tribes known to history. Like a great crescent this horde stretched from Cape Horn, through Alaska, across Asia and beyond to the shores of the Baltic and the Mediterranean. It appears, in the main, as a virile horde of hunting and fisher-folk most at home in cold, elevated, or semi-arid lands. Among other traits, we find

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 third edition, revised and enlarged by F. W. Bedford, House Governor of Heriot's Hospital, 1872; Oliver and Boyd's Edinburgh Almanack for 1888, in which (article ‘George Heriot's Trust’) is given an account of the reconstitution of the governing body of the hospital, and the extended application of its funds under the scheme of 1885; Inventory of Original Documents in the Archives of George Heriot's Hospital, 1857; Cassell's Old and New Edinburgh, by James Grant; authorities cited.]  HERIOT, JOHN (1760–1833), author of ‘An Historical Sketch of Gibraltar,’ was born at Haddington on 22 April 1760. His father was sheriff-clerk of East Lothian. At the age of twelve he was sent to Edinburgh High School, and afterwards entered the university of Edinburgh, but domestic misfortunes dispersed the family. Heriot went to seek his fortune in London, where, Dr. Chambers states (Eminent Scotsmen, vol. ii.), he ‘enlisted’ in the marines. The army lists show that he was appointed a second lieutenant in the marines 13 Nov. 1778, and became first lieutenant in 1780. He served on board the Vengeance, the Preston, and afterwards the Elizabeth frigate on the coast of Africa and in the West Indies. In the last named vessel, a 32-gun frigate, commanded by Captain Maitland, he was present and was wounded in Rodney's action with the French fleet under De Guichen, 17 April 1780. Afterwards he exchanged to the Brune frigate, and was in her off Barbadoes in the terrible hurricane of 10 Oct. 1780. At the peace of 1783 Heriot was put on half-pay, which he commuted to aid his family. Like his brother, George Heriot, afterwards postmaster-general in Canada, and the author of some books of travel, Heriot had literary tastes, and had for many years a hard struggle. He wrote two novels, ‘The Sorrows of the Heart,’ 1787, and ‘The Half-pay Officer,’ 1789, embodying various incidents in his own career, on the proceeds of which he lived for two years. In 1792 he published his ‘Account of Gibraltar,’ intended as a handbook to Poggi's views of the rock. Heriot edited an account of the battle of the Nile from the notes of an officer of rank present in the battle, which went through several editions. He was for a while on the staff of the ‘Oracle’ newspaper, but, owing to a misunderstanding with the editor, transferred his services to the ‘World,’ of which he became editor, but which he was soon glad to abandon. At the suggestion of George Rose, clerk of parliaments (who had served some years in the navy), it was determined that Heriot should start a newspaper supporting the policy of Pitt, the expenses of which were to be guaranteed by certain other officials. With the aid of R. G. Clarke, afterwards printer of the ‘London Gazette,’ the first number of the ‘Sun’ appeared on 1 Oct. 1793. It speedily outstripped its rivals, the sales reaching the then large total of four thousand copies daily. ‘Peter Pindar’ and other writers of note were occasional contributors. Heriot started the ‘True Briton’ on 1 Jan. 1793, and continued to edit both papers until 1806, when he accepted a clerkship in the lottery office. In 1810 Heriot was appointed deputy paymaster-general of the troops in the Windward and Leeward Islands, in which capacity he was stationed at Barbadoes from 1810 to 1816. On his return home he was appointed by the Duke of York to the comptrollership of Chelsea Hospital, an easy berth, in which he ended his days. Heriot died at the age of seventy-three at Chelsea Hospital on 29 July 1833, within a week after his wife's death.

 HERKS, GARBRAND (fl. 1560), bookseller at Oxford. [See under, 1542–1589.]

HERKS, alias GARBRAND, JOHN, D.D., divine (1542–1589). [See .]

HERLE, CHARLES (1598–1659), puritan divine, third son of Edward Herle of Prideaux in Luxulyan, Cornwall, by his first wife, Anne, daughter of John Treffry of Fowey, was born at Prideaux in 1598. A member of the same family, Thomas Herle, was warden of Manchester College from 1559 to 1575 (Wardens of Manchester College, Chetham Soc., v. 75–84). Charles Herle matriculated on 23 Oct. 1612 at Exeter College, Oxford, and graduated B.A. on 7 July 1615 and M.A. in June 1618. He was ordained in the English church, and seems to have spent some years of his life as tutor of James Stanley, lord Strange, afterwards seventh earl of Derby, to whom he admitted deep indebtedness (dedication to Contemplations and Devotions, 1631). He became rector of Creed, Cornwall, in 1625 (, Fœdera, xviii. 639). Through his connection with the Stanleys he was presented on 26 June 1626 to the


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Rh what periods, and in what forms, the assumed similarities came into existence.

We must now take leave of our brief review of culture in the New World. We have found the highest centers of culture in Mexico and Peru to be not really unique growths, but to possess many of the fundamental traits common to the wilder folk in the marginal areas of both continents. New World culture is thus a kind of pyramid whose base is as broad as the two Americas and whose apex rests over Middle America. We have found no just ground for assuming that the culture of the Maya was projected into the New World from the Old, where it rested as an isolated replica of cultures beyond the Pacific. That influences of various kinds did reach the New World from the Old is apparent, but each of these must, upon its own merits, particularly as to its chronology, be subjected to the most exacting investigation.

However, the discovery of New World origins is not merely a problem in culture. Language is also regarded as a reliable index to origin. So far, no evidence has come to hand that would identify a single New World language with an Old World stock. In fact, the only language found in both America and Asia is the speech of the Eskimo, represented in Asia by a small group of villages, on the extreme eastern coast of Siberia. This exception may be ignored in this instance. Then, though there is great diversity of language within the New World itself, we have a right to expect that if colonies were planted here by an Old World culture, such colonization would have grafted-in Old World tongues. Yet, so far, there is no trace of such intrusion. Hence, as the case stands today in language, we must conclude that the separation of New World man from the man of the Old World, was exceedingly remote, so remote that the existence of an advanced state of culture among the original stock is improbable.

Finally, there is the question of blood. Our review of New World somatic characters revealed the essential unity of the Indian population. It is also clear that there are affinities with the Mongoloid peoples of Asia. Hence, we are justified in assuming a common ancestral group for the whole

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360 tribes. These villages must, therefore, be considered as the originators of the trait as it appears in the New World.

We must not overlook one difficulty in dealing with culture similarities of this kind; viz., the proof that these similarities are real. Recently, Elliot Smith revived the discussion of certain elephant-like figures found on Maya sculptures. In this case, we may doubt the reality of the similarity between these figures and southern Asiatic drawings of elephants, because those who have studied the Maya sculptures themselves, instead of the pencil sketches made by earlier observers, find proof that another creature was in the artist's mind. In cases of this kind when we are dealing with the conventionalized drawings of the New World and the Old, it can scarcely be expected that the mere objective similarity between a few of these drawings is to be taken as proof of their identity in origin. Other check data must be appealed to before even a useful working hypothesis can be formulated. Yet, if it should ultimately turn out that a stray vessel did drift ashore in Mexico and land a sculptor who created a new art motif such would be a mere incident in the culture history of the New World. Further research into the chronology of archæological remains ought to show just how abruptly this fancied elephant motif appeared and at what relative period. In such chronological data the basis for the real solution to the problem may be expected.

Again, when the similarity of cultural phenomena has actually been demonstrated, empirical procedures cease and interpretation begins. This interpretation is, in last analysis, speculative It is truly amusing to read some passages in current anthropological literature in which writers who, considering their own observations of similarity valid, offer the most fantastic interpretations which they assert are strictly empirical. We should bear in mind, then, that the comparative study of Old and New World cultures is no mere diversion. Superficial and hasty comparisons will retard rather than hasten the solution of the main problem. Patient, unremitting toil in the trenches of the archæologist, and not spectacular flights on the part of curio hunters and literary enthusiasts, will show at

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Rh become Parties to the present Convention of the communication to him of that notification and of its terms.

1. The obligations or rights of a predecessor State under treaties in force in respect of a territory at the date of a succession of States do not become the obligations or rights of the successor State towards other States Parties to those treaties by reason only of the fact that the predecessor State and the successor State have concluded an agreement providing that such obligations or rights shall devolve upon the successor State.

2. Notwithstanding the conclusion of such an agreement, the effects of a succession of States on treaties which, at the date of that succession of States, were in force in respect of the territory in question are governed by the present Convention.

1. Obligations or rights under treaties in force in respect of a territory at the date of a succession of States do not become the obligations or rights of the successor State or of other States Parties to those treaties by reason only of the fact that the successor State has made a unilateral declaration providing for the continuance in force of the treaties in respect of its territory.

2. In such a case, the effects of the succession of States on treaties which, at the date of that succession of States, were in force in respect of the territory in question are governed by the present Convention.

1. When a treaty provides that, on the occurrence of a succession of States, a successor State shall have the option to consider itself a party to the treaty, it may notify its succession in respect of the treaty in conformity with the provisions of the treaty or, failing any such provisions, in conformity with the provisions of the present Convention.

2. If a treaty provides that, on the occurrence of a succession of States, a successor State shall be considered as a party to the treaty, that provision takes effect as such only if the successor State expressly accepts in writing to be so considered.

3. In cases falling under paragraph 1 or 2, a successor State which establishes its consent to be a party to the treaty is considered as a party from the date of the succession of States unless the treaty otherwise provides or it is otherwise agreed.


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Rh under Mythology, myths do seem to have carried a few mythical conceptions from the Old World to the New, but these have remained as mere parts of tales and do not function in practical life.

Hence, the general condition for any interpretation of Old and New World relations is the full recognition that their great culture centers were well isolated by a complex chain of wilder hunting peoples and that direct contact between the two was impossible without modern means of transportation. Only such traits could, therefore, filter through from one to the other as were assimilated by these more primitive tribes. When we consider their great number and the diversity of their speech, we realize that Mexico was completely isolated from China in agriculture, 'metal work, and similar arts, but not necessarily so in simpler traits like the sinew-backed bow. The proof of independent development thus rests largely in chronological and environmental relations.

The age-societies of the Plains Indians of North America are an illustration of this point. The only other places in the world where they exist seem to be in Melanesia and eastern Africa. In each case they have a restricted distribution. What, then, shall be said of this case? If similarity in culture is in itself evidence of common or genetic origin, then these peoples must have been in contact with each other. But there are no reasons for believing that they ever were in contact. Yet, there are those who would regard these societies as survivals of a time when all the world had them as a part of its culture. Now the best way to approach this assumption is to appeal to chronology. These societies in America have been thoroughly studied; yet, none of the recorded facts favors their antiquity of origin. In fact, a few Plains tribes are known to have acquired some of these societies within a century and for the phenomenon as a whole, 500 to 700 years seems a liberal estimate of its age. But what chances had these tribes to meet the Melanesian or the Masai of Africa during this period? Further, this age-grading system in America can be identified with one group of villages in the heart of the Plains area, from whom it was borrowed by the other

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Works

 * Theodor Leschetizky. (1906, Living Masters of Music series)
 * A Little History of Music. (1911)

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 rich rectory of Winwick, Lancashire, but the whole of its endowments did not fall to Herle's lot for several years. Though conciliatory in the expression of his views, he was an ardent presbyterian, and readily took the covenant on behalf of the parliament. He offered to preach every Tuesday at the new church in Tothill Fields, and he frequently preached before the Long parliament. He was one of the twelve divines appointed by parliament in June 1643 for licensing books of divinity, and was one of the two clerical representatives of Lancashire in the Assembly of Divines constituted in July of that year. From the first he took an important part in its deliberations. He was on the committee for framing a directory and rules for ordination, and to him, in conjunction with Goodwin, was assigned the duty of drawing up regulations for fasting and thanksgiving. He was also a member of the committees for composing differences among themselves, for drawing up a confession of faith, and for obtaining the settlement on the assembly of the revenues of the see of Canterbury. He was moreover one of the members who issued a circular entreating all ministers and people to forbear from joining any church society until they saw whether the right rule would be recommended to them; and in consequence of his influence he was, on the death of Twiss, nominated by the House of Commons to the office of prolocutor of the assembly (22 July 1646). Baillie complained (5 July 1644) that Nye ‘and his good friend Mr. Herle’ detained them for three weeks on the manner in which communicants should take the sacrament. Herle had the first place in the list of divines instructed to certify to the abilities and fitness of the ministers in Lancashire, he was in September 1644 one of the receivers of the money collected for the relief of those in that county, and in May 1649 he acted as a distributor of the funds at Wigan and Ashton. The rectory of St. Olave, Southwark, was sequestrated to him and another adherent of the parliament. It was ordered by the committee for the advance of money that the goods of Dr. Newell of Westminster should be his on the payment of the valuation, and when he suffered loss through the occupation of Winwick by the royalists compensation was voted to him. In 1647 he was appointed one of the commissioners sent by parliament into Scotland to inform the Scotch on English matters, and he preached at Edinburgh in March 1648.

The execution of Charles I did not meet with his approval, and he therefore retired to Winwick. With the Stanley family he remained on friendly terms, and when the Earl of Derby raised troops for Charles II, Herle remained with the soldiers for a time. Herle is even said to have sheltered Lord Derby after his disastrous defeat at Warrington Bridge. In a survey of church property taken in 1650 he is described as ‘an orthodox, godly-preaching minister,’ but with the qualification that he did not observe Thursday, 13 June, as ‘a daie of humiliacon appoynted by Acte of Parliamt,’ probably because he would not publicly pray in the pulpit for the Commonwealth (Lancashire and Cheshire Surveys, 1649–55, ed. H. Fishwick, pp. 46–7; GASTRELL, Notitia Cestrensis, pp. 262–70). Consequently the council of state gave orders for the strict examination of Herle and others who were suspected of assisting the enemy (Cal. of State Papers, 1651, p. 397). He was conveyed to London, and it was not until 2 Sept. 1653 that he was freed from restraint; but the restraint could not have been more than formal, as about July 1652 he and the ministers of the adjacent chapelries ordained John Howe in the parish church of Winwick. Howe afterwards spoke of him ‘with a very great and particular respect.’ Herle lived in retirement for several years, dying at Winwick, and being buried in the chancel of the church on 29 Sept. 1659, when the initials of ‘C. H.’ were inscribed on his tomb. ‘Mrs. Margaret Herle,’ who was buried in the cloisters of Westminster Abbey in January 1646–7, is usually considered as his wife, and if such was the case, he married as his second wife, according to a pedigree belonging to the late Mr. J. E. Bailey, Dorothy, daughter of John Marshall (, Visit. of Cornwall, p. 220). He had a large family.

Herle published: 1. ‘Contemplations and Devotions on our Blessed Saviour's Death and Passion,’ 1631, which were ‘the fruit of those weary hours of slowe recovery’ from a severe illness. 2. ‘A Payre of Compasses for Church and State,’ 1642, 4to, preached at St. Margaret's, Westminster, before the House of Commons. 3. ‘An Answer to Misled Dr. Fearne [see ] in his work “The Resolving of Conscience,”’ against those who had taken up arms, 1642, which led to two answers from Dr. Ferne and a rejoinder from Herle (Bibl. Cornub. i. 234, iii. 1228). 4. ‘Ahab's Fall by his Prophets’ Flatteries; three Sermons on Public Occasions, 1644, all in defence of resistance to a king bent on impious objects. 5. ‘David's Song of Three Parts, a Sermon at Westminster Abbey,’ 1643, in which he expresses his wonder that any English protestant should ‘fill his hands onely with orders and declarations while a Papist in the land hath a sword in his.’ 6. ‘The Independency on Scriptures of the


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 Independency of Churches,’ 1643, 4to, minimising the differences between presbyterians and independents. It was answered by Richard Mather and William Tompson, defended by S. Rutherford and again assailed by Mather. An analysis of the arguments is in Benjamin Hanbury's ‘Memorials relating to the Independents,’ ii. 166–7. 7. ‘Abraham's Offer, God's Offering, preached before the Lord Mayor on Easter Tuesday last,’ 1644. 8. ‘David's Reserve and Rescue, preached before the House of Commons, 5 Nov. 1644,’ London, 1645. In this he argues for the unity of England and Scotland against the common foe. 9. ‘Wisdomes Tripos in three Treatises, (1) Worldly Policy, (2) Moral Prudence, (3) Christian Wisdome,’ 1655, 12mo, of which the first two treatises had previously appeared together in 1654, and the last was also issued separately. A tract by Edward Gee (1613–1660) [q. v.] ‘concerning usurped powers’ (1650), is assigned to Herle in the catalogue of the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, and one entitled ‘The Convinc'd Petitioner’ (1643) is attributed to him in the ‘Palatine Notebook,’ iv. 59–60.

Herle licensed a tract by John Saltmarsh called ‘Examinations on a Discovery of some Dangerous Positions’ inclining to popery preached by Fuller in a sermon at the Savoy (26 July 1643), whereupon the latter defended his position in a pamphlet of ‘Truth Maintained,’ prefixing a letter of remonstrance ‘to the learned and my worthy good friend, Master Charles Herle.’ Herle then dedicated his sermons on ‘Ahab's Fall’ to his friend, protesting that he thought the Savoy sermon was written by some other Fuller, still maintaining that some passages in it might admit of an evil meaning (, Fuller, pp. 284–9). The manuscript reports of some sermons by Herle and others (1642–4) are in the Brit. Mus. Addit. MSS. 18781–2. Fuller, in his ‘Worthies,’ speaks of his friend as ‘a good scholar.’

HERLE, WILLIAM (d. 1347), judge, son of Robert de Herle, was probably born in Leicestershire, since both his father and he in 1301 and 1324 respectively were summoned by the sheriffs of that county to perform military duty and to attend the great council at Westminster (Parl. Writs, i. 355, ii. 639). Fuller, however, says that he was a native of Devonshire (Worthies, ed. 1811, i. 281). His lands lay principally in Leicestershire, but through his wife Margaret, daughter and heir of William Polglas and of Elizabeth, heiress of Sir William Champernon, he came into possession of considerable estates in Devonshire, including the manor of Ilfracombe. His name occurs frequently in the ‘Year-books’ of Edward II's reign. He became a serjeant-at-law, and as such was summoned to assist the parliament of the fourth and sixth years of that reign, and all the parliaments from the tenth to the fourteenth years. In the ninth year of Edward II he appeared for the king against the citizens of Bristol, and received a grant of 20l. per annum for his services. On 6 Aug. 1320 he received a grant of 133l. 6s. 8d. in aid of his rank as king's serjeant, and having been employed in conducting negotiations with the Scots, he received a grant of ten marks in 1325 (Rot. Parl. i. 359; Archæologia, xxvi. 345;, Fœdera, ii. 594). On 16 Oct. 1320 he was made a judge of the common pleas in succession to John de Benstede, and was knighted, and on the accession of Edward III, by patent dated 4 Feb. 1327, he was appointed chief justice of that court, and his salary was raised to 240 marks. On 3 Sept. 1329 he was displaced by John de Stonore, though he continued to act as a judge, and in December 1329 went as justice in eyre to Nottinghamshire, and in 1330 to Derbyshire. On 2 March 1331 he was again appointed chief justice, and was removed again on 18 Nov. 1333 in favour of Henry le Scrope, who, however, vacated the office immediately. De Herle returned to office and retained it until 3 July 1337, when he was allowed to retire at his own request upon the grounds of age and failing health. He was, however, a member of the king's council till he died in 1347.


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 HERLEWIN (d. 1137), ascetic writer. [See .]

HERMANN (fl. 1070), hagiographer, probably a native of Lorraine, was the archdeacon of Herfast [q. v.], bishop of Thetford, and helped him in his attempt to assert the jurisdiction of his see over St. Edmund's Abbey, both dictating and writing letters for him [see under (d. 1098)]. Being with the bishop when Herfast was injured in the eye, he persuaded him to go to the abbey and seek medical help from Abbot Baldwin. He repented of his part in the bishop's quarrel, became a monk of Bury, and at Baldwin's request wrote a book ‘De Miraculis Sancti Eadmundi,’ which contains, along with the miracles, an account of Herfast's quarrel with the abbey, and ends abruptly, soon after a notice of the translation of the saint's relics in 1095. It exists in manuscript in Cotton. MS. Tib. B. 11, in the Bodleian Library in Digby MS. 39, and in part in Bodl. MS. 240 and in Paris Bibl. Nat. MS. 2621; a seventeenth-century transcript is in the library of Jesus College, Oxford. It has been printed in part by Martene in ‘Amplissima Collectio,’ vi. 822, has been made the text of valuable comments by Dr. Liebermann, who, in his ‘Ungedruckte anglonormannische Geschichtsquellen’ (Strassburg, 1879), supplies the parts omitted by Martene, and it has been printed in its entirety in ‘Memorials of St. Edmund's Abbey,’ vol. i. (Rolls Ser. 1890), edited by Mr. T. Arnold. It forms the basis of the work ‘De Miraculis S. Ædmundi,’ attributed to Abbot Samson, and printed in the same volume by Mr. Arnold.

 HERMANN (d. 1078), first bishop of Salisbury, a native of Lorraine, was probably one of the clerks of the royal chapel under the Danish dynasty, and held that office when, in 1045, Edward the Confessor [q. v.] appointed him bishop of Ramsbury or Wilton, in succession to Brihtwold. He was sent to Rome in 1050, in company with Aldred [q. v.], bishop of Worcester. His business was probably to obtain a dispensation from Edward's vow of pilgrimage. He started at mid-Lent, and arrived in Rome on Easter eve, during the session of the council of that year. As Ramsbury had no congregation of monks or canons and very small revenues, the bishop was discontented. His predecessors, he told the king, were Englishmen, and had kinsmen to help them, but he, as a foreigner, could not get a livelihood. Edith [q. v.], the king's wife, promised that when a see fell vacant she would do what she could to get it for him, to hold along with the one he already had. However, in 1055 Brihtwold, the abbot of Malmesbury, died, and Hermann asked the king for the abbey and for permission to remove his see thither. The king assented, but the monks, who naturally objected to the arrangement, sought the aid of Earl Harold (d. 1066) [q. v.], and he persuaded Edward to retract his consent three days after he had granted it. Indignant at his defeat, Hermann left England, and became a monk of St. Bertin's Abbey at St. Omer, the administration of his diocese being undertaken by Aldred. It was not long before he repented of this step; he had been used to live comfortably, and the privations of monastic life did not suit him. In 1058 the see of Sherborne fell vacant; he returned and received the bishopric, Harold making no objection; thus the two sees of Sherborne and Ramsbury were united, and he was bishop over Berkshire, Wiltshire, and Dorsetshire. In 1065 he dedicated the new church which Edith built at Wilton. Hermann did not lose his bishopric in consequence of the Norman conquest, and on 29 Aug. 1070 assisted at the consecration of Lanfranc. He was present at the council held at Winchester in April 1072, and at the Whitsuntide assembly at Windsor, when the dispute between the provinces of Canterbury and York was judged. It having been ordered in a council held in London in 1075, at which he was present, that episcopal sees should be removed from villages or small towns to cities, he removed the see of his united diocese to the older Salisbury or Old Sarum, and began to build his church within the ancient hillfortress. He died, before he could finish it, on 20 April 1078. A tomb of Purbeck marble near the western entrance of the cathedral of the present Salisbury is said to have been his, and to have been brought from Old Sarum when the see was moved by Bishop Richard Poore; but this is unlikely, for while the translation of the bodies of other bishops in 1226 is recorded by William de Wenda, he does not mention the body of Hermann. William of Malmesbury, as is natural, considering the bishop's relations with his monastery, describes him as greedy. He was evidently well thought of at the Confessor's court, and the king's biographer speaks of him as famous and learned. [Freeman's Norman Conquest, ii. 79, 115, 401–6, iv. 418; Green's Conquest of England, pp. 545, 546; Anglo-Saxon Chron. ann. 1045,


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1. A list of conciliators consisting of qualified jurists shall be drawn up and maintained by the Secretary-General of the United Nations. To this end, every State which is a Member of the United Nations or a Party to the present Convention shall be invited to nominate two conciliators, and the names of the persons so nominated shall constitute the list. The term of a conciliator, including that of any conciliator nominated to fill a casual vacancy, shall be five years and may be renewed. A conciliator whose term expires shall continue to fulfil any function for which he shall have been chosen under the following paragraph.

2. When a request has been made to the Secretary-General under article 42, the Secretary-General shall bring the dispute before a conciliation commission constituted as follows:

The State or States constituting one of the parties to the dispute shall appoint:

(a) one conciliator of the nationality of that State or of one of those States, who may or may not be chosen from the list referred to in paragraph 1; and

(b) one conciliator not of the nationality of that State or of any of those States, who shall be chosen from the list.

The State or States constituting the other party to the dispute shall appoint two conciliators in the same way.

The four conciliators chosen by the parties shall be appointed within sixty days following the date on which the Secretary-General receives the request. The four conciliators shall, within sixty days following the date of the appointment of the last of them, appoint a fifth conciliator chosen from the list, who shall be chairman.

If the appointment of the chairman or of any of the other conciliators has not been made within the period prescribed above for such appointment, it shall be made by the Secretary-General within sixty days following the expiry of that period. The appointment of the chairman may be made by the Secretary-General either from the list or from the membership of the International Law Commission. Any of the periods within which appointments must be made may be extended by agreement between the parties to the dispute.

Any vacancy shall be filled in the manner prescribed for the initial appointment.

3. The Conciliation Commission shall decide its own procedure. The Commission, with the consent of the parties to the dispute, may invite any Party to the present Convention to submit to it its views orally or in writing. Decisions and recommendations of the Commission shall be made by a majority vote of the five members.

4. The Commission may draw the attention of the parties to the dispute to any measures which might facilitate an amicable settlement.


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34
 * 13 Geo. 3. c. 63.
 * An Act for establishing certain Regulations for the better Management of the Affairs of the East India Company, as well in India as in Europe.
 * 13 Geo. 3. c. 81.
 * An Act for the better Cultivation, Improvement, and Regualtion of the Common Arable Fields, Wastes, and Commons of Pasture, in this Kingdom.
 * 13 Geo. 3. c. 82.
 * An Act for the better regulation of Lying-in Hospitals, and other places appropriated for the charitable Reception of pregnant Women; and also to provide for the Settlement of Bastard Children born in such Hospitals and Places.
 * 13 Geo. 3. c. 48.
 * An Act for regulating Insurances upon Lives, and for prohibiting all such Insurances except in cases where the Persons insuring shall have an Interest in the Life or Death of the Persons insured.
 * 13 Geo. 3. c. 78.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act ... for the more effectually" and ends with the words "in the County of Middlesex ..."
 * 14 Geo. 3. c. 83.
 * An Act for making more effectual Provision for the Government of the Province of Quebec in North America.
 * 15 Geo. 3. c. 39.
 * An Act to impower Justices of the Peace to administer Oaths where any Penally is to be levied or Distress to be made, in pursuance of any Act of Parliament, wherein the same is not expressly directed.
 * 15 Geo. 3. c. 53.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words " An Act for enabling the Two Universities in England," and ends with the words "several Libraries therein mentioned."
 * 17 Geo. 3. c. 39.
 * An Act for the more effectual Prevention of the manufacturing of Ash, Elder, Sloe, and other leaves, in imitation of Tea, and to prevent Frauds in the Revenue of Excise in respect to Tea.
 * }
 * 14 Geo. 3. c. 83.
 * An Act for making more effectual Provision for the Government of the Province of Quebec in North America.
 * 15 Geo. 3. c. 39.
 * An Act to impower Justices of the Peace to administer Oaths where any Penally is to be levied or Distress to be made, in pursuance of any Act of Parliament, wherein the same is not expressly directed.
 * 15 Geo. 3. c. 53.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words " An Act for enabling the Two Universities in England," and ends with the words "several Libraries therein mentioned."
 * 17 Geo. 3. c. 39.
 * An Act for the more effectual Prevention of the manufacturing of Ash, Elder, Sloe, and other leaves, in imitation of Tea, and to prevent Frauds in the Revenue of Excise in respect to Tea.
 * }
 * 15 Geo. 3. c. 53.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words " An Act for enabling the Two Universities in England," and ends with the words "several Libraries therein mentioned."
 * 17 Geo. 3. c. 39.
 * An Act for the more effectual Prevention of the manufacturing of Ash, Elder, Sloe, and other leaves, in imitation of Tea, and to prevent Frauds in the Revenue of Excise in respect to Tea.
 * }
 * 17 Geo. 3. c. 39.
 * An Act for the more effectual Prevention of the manufacturing of Ash, Elder, Sloe, and other leaves, in imitation of Tea, and to prevent Frauds in the Revenue of Excise in respect to Tea.
 * }
 * }


text:
User talk:Sir48

— billinghurst  sDrewth  12:28, 13 October 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Sir48


text:
User talk:Sharihareswara (WMF)

— billinghurst  sDrewth  12:29, 13 October 2012 (UTC)

Thanks for the update & EdwardsBot
Thanks for the update about 1.21wmf2. In case it is of interest there is m:User:EdwardsBot that can save you some valuable time with multiple message addition. — billinghurst  sDrewth  12:37, 13 October 2012 (UTC)
 * Thanks, billinghurst. I am talking with a colleague to ask whether he thinks it's appropriate to use Global Message Delivery since this is such a big change. Sharihareswara (WMF) (talk) 13:04, 13 October 2012 (UTC)

 * "Meh!" about the placement, absolute least concern, and the bot would have been less considerate. I am just so glad that you took the effort, the community really appreciates the information and that the effort is made about the notification. We will coordinate our efforts back into bugzilla if we see them. [EC] Re EdwardsBot, I was more letting you know of its existence, not telling you how to do your job. — billinghurst  sDrewth  13:10, 13 October 2012 (UTC)

Couple of notes
— billinghurst  sDrewth  14:24, 8 June 2014 (UTC)
 * 1) Your user page needs an update
 * 2) I haven't linked Author:Sumana Harihareswara to this user page as it stated it was your personal work. Though if you prefer that it is, then it can be done.
 * Thank you billinghurst! I've fixed my user page. And you could link to User:Sumanah since that's my personal (non-WMF) account. (I would do it myself but am unsure of etiquette.)
 * Also, I would be happy to add my Open Source Bridge keynote and my code4lib keynote to Wikisource, or to have them added, if you would like. Thank you! Sumanah (talk) 15:11, 9 June 2014 (UTC)
 * Sweet. I will get it done when I am better. — billinghurst  sDrewth  10:57, 10 June 2014 (UTC)
 * ✅ thx. — billinghurst  sDrewth  08:52, 12 June 2014 (UTC)
 * billinghurst, I feel like I have Made It now. I thank you thoroughly. Sumanah (talk) 12:49, 12 June 2014 (UTC)

title: User talk:Sharihareswara (WMF)


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220 his Memoirs: "I am forced to acknowledge that she was the principal author of the war of 1870, if not the only one." She is reported to have said to Moceni, at Florence: "As to the war they accuse me of having provoked, I can only say that it might have saved, that it ought to have saved, the Empire and the Papacy." When Thureau Dangin, the historian and academician, was here, he told me this: " Lebœuf, the Minister of War, inquired whether the Emperor was in a condition to go through a campaign. Ollivier thereupon demanded to see the report of the physicians. The Empress replied that the Emperor suffered from rheumatism, and might be unable to take the field in winter; but that was all. She did not produce the document." Lord Malmesbury writes: "Gramont told me that the Empress, a high-spirited and impressionable woman, made a strong and most excited address, declaring that war was inevitable if the honour of France was to be sustained. She confessed to the Queen, with tears, that she was responsible for the declaration of war." Grant Duff questioned Émile Ollivier on the subject in 1874, but there is nothing about it in his published Diaries. He sent me the suppressed passage, which says that when he asked whether she had been for war, Ollivier answered, Passionnément. Lord Frederick Cavendish saw her at Chislehurst, and the same day he related to a friend of my own at Brooks's that she had admitted it was her war. As my informant did not know that Lord Richard Cavendish lived at Chislehurst, which explains the visit, I attach weight to his testimony, although Lady Frederick declares that her husband never spoke to the Empress. Lastly, Parieu, the President of the Council of State, who was present at the Council referred to by Lord Malmesbury, says that when they were leaving she asked him what he thought of it. He replied that he wished England would do them the service of finding some way out of it. "M. Parieu," said the Empress, "I am much of the same opinion." This is in a published book. But in a private letter he wrote to a person whom I know that her words were, C'est ma guerre à moi.


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Rh The action of our Government was this: They discouraged the candidature, and remonstrated against it, advising that it should be withdrawn. When that was done, they thought the German position a good one. Lord Granville wrote, 10th July: "Under the menaces of the French it is difficult for North Germany to make a concession, or to discourage the Prince in his candidature." Nevertheless the Cabinet came to a decision which they communicated to the Queen which was taken very ill by the Germans. It proposed that they should do for a consideration what they had already done unconditionally. For the Germans had withdrawn their candidature, and the King had expressed to Benedetti his approval of the measure. But the French refused to withdraw their new demands. And when Gramont persisted, regardless of our advice, Lord Lyons assured him that it made no difference in our sentiments. His other despatches, during the crisis, were received with approbation, and an approving despatch always followed from the Foreign Office. No such reply was given to this outrageous blunder. For by that time the French Government was bent on war. At first the moderation shown by the King of Prussia in receding from his position, and accepting in patience so grave a repulse, made a bad impression at Paris, and was attributed to fear. The Imperialists were elate. If Prussia was willing to accept one humiliation, why not another? If one leek went down, why not two? They had gained, with the moral support of Europe, a great diplomatic victory. They began to think it possible to extract something more from the situation. The Emperor said to Ingra: "Public opinion in France would have preferred another solution—that is, war. But I recognise that this is a sufficient, a satisfactory solution, and removes every pretext for war—for the present." Rothschild received this telegram: "The Prince has given up his candidature. The French are satisfied." The Prime Minister announced peace, with effusion, and was positively triumphant. This was not the purpose of the majority. They wished to


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222 upset him ; they found that he was consolidated. They declared that the withdrawal was no satisfaction, and announced an interpellation. Gramont proposed to retain office, sacrificing Ollivier and other colleagues. He put himself on the side of those who wished for further concessions, even at the risk of war. It had been a deliberately hostile act, a meditated offence, long and carefully prepared, insolently denied. It demanded reparation. The malefactor could not be allowed quietly to withdraw, and to say that it was all right.

The King was not really committed. He had sanctioned the withdrawal, but he had also sanctioned the candidature, leaving the initiative of deciding in both cases to Prince Leopold. He was quite free to do the same thing, and to sanction a second acceptance as he had done the first. He held in his hands a convenient casus belli, to be used or dropped at pleasure. The argument was rather subtle; but it would be used with effect in the Chamber against the Ministry. It was better that it should be used by the Ministry against Prussia; used to strengthen Gramont, not to destroy him. Therefore he demanded a guarantee for the future, and as the ambassador assured him that there had been no idea of offending France, he told him that the same assurance coming from the King himself would be very favourably received. Ollivier was present, and agreed. But when he heard late at night, and accidentally, of the demand for a guarantee, he was indignant, and obliged Gramont to alternate his despatch by another, stating that this was not a sine qua non. He spent a sleepless night, reflecting whether he ought not to resign. He did not perceive, he hardly acknowledges now, that his colleague was intriguing against him with the undiluted Imperialists, and with the Empress. Therefore, on the following morning, 13th July, while all men were applauding the diplomatic skill of the French, or the superb temper of King William, the unhappy Benedetti had an audience on the promenade of Ems. It was less friendly than the ambassador ever afterwards maintained, excepting once in private, but it was not actually hostile. The


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User talk:Crgji223

--Prosfilaes (talk) 12:49, 13 October 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Crgji223


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Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 26.djvu/258

 was completed in six volumes, 1794–9. In 1798 Heron produced at the Theatre Royal, Edinburgh, a comedy, which was hopelessly condemned before the second act. Attributing its failure to a conspiracy against him, he published it under the title ‘St. Kilda in Edinburgh, or News from Camperdown, a Comic Drama in Two Acts, with a Critical Preface, to which is added an Account of a famous Ass Race,’ 1798; the publication attracted no attention. Being returned as a ruling elder for New Galloway, Heron was for several years a member of the general assembly of the church of Scotland, and frequently spoke with fluency and ability. In order to obtain more constant literary occupation, he removed in 1799 to London, where he contributed largely to the periodicals; was for some time editor of the ‘Globe,’ the ‘British Press,’ and other newspapers, and also acted as a parliamentary reporter. In 1806 he commenced a newspaper entitled ‘The Fame,’ which proved unsuccessful. Its failure and Heron's improvident habits led to his confinement by his creditors in Newgate prison, where, according to his own statement, he was reduced ‘to the very extremity of bodily and pecuniary distress.’ From Newgate he, on 2 Feb. 1807, wrote a letter to the Literary Fund, recounting his services to literature, and appealing for aid (printed in DISRAELI, Calamities of Authors), but the appeal met with no response. Being attacked by fever, Heron was removed to the hospital of St. Pancras, where he died 13 April 1807. Besides the works above mentioned, Heron also published: 1. A translation of Niebuhr's ‘Travels through Arabia,’ 1792. 2. ‘Elegant Extracts of Natural History,’ 1792. 3. ‘Arabian Tales, or continuations of Arabian Nights' Entertainments,’ translated from the French, 4 vols. 1792. 4. ‘Observations made in a Journey through the Western Counties of Scotland in 1792,’ 2 vols., Perth, 1792; 2nd ed. 1799. 5. ‘General View of the Natural Circumstances of the Hebrides,’ 1794. 6. ‘Letters which passed between General Dumourier and Pache, Minister of War to the French Republic in 1792,’ translated from the French, 1794. 7. ‘Information concerning the Strength, Views, and Interests of the Powers presently at War,’ 1794. 8. A translation of Fourcroy's ‘Chemistry,’ 1796. 9. ‘An Account of the Life of Muley Liezet, late Emperor of Morocco,’ translated from the French, 1797. 10. ‘Letter to Sir John Sinclair, bart., on the necessity of an instant Change of Ministry,’ published under the name of Ralph Anderson, 1797. 11. ‘Scotland Described,’ Edinburgh, 1797, 12mo. 12. ‘Life of Robert Burns,’ Edinburgh, 1797 (a work of some value, owing to the writer's knowledge of the south-west of Scotland). 13. ‘A New and Complete System of Universal Geography, to which is added a Philosophical View of Universal History,’ 4 vols. 1798. 14. ‘Elements of Chemistry,’ London, 1800. 15. ‘Letter to William Wilberforce, esq., M.P., on the Justice and Expediency of the Slave Trade, and on the best means to improve the Manners and Condition of the Negroes in the West Indies,’ 1806. An edition of the ‘Letters of Junius,’ 1802, in Watt's ‘Bibl. Brit.’ is credited to Pinkerton, but a letter in ‘Notes and Queries,’ 1st ser. vi. 445, clearly shows that Heron and not Pinkerton was the editor. Pinkerton was, however, the author of ‘Letters of Literature,’ published under the pseudonym of ‘Robert Heron’ in 1784. A manuscript ‘Journal of My Conduct,’ by Heron, is in the library of the University of Edinburgh (Laing collection). Heron also contributed to the ‘Encyclopædia Britannica,’ the ‘Edinburgh Magazine,’ and other periodicals; and was employed by Sir John Sinclair in the preparation of the ‘Statistical Account of Scotland.’

HERON, ROBERT (1765–1854), politician, born at Newark on 27 Nov. 1765, was only son of Thomas Heron of Chilham Castle, Kent, recorder of Newark (who died 28 April 1794), by his first wife, Anne, elder daughter of Sir Edward Wilmot, bart., M.D. He succeeded to the baronetcy on the death of his uncle, Sir Richard Heron [q. v.], in 1805. In childhood he was very feeble, his mother died on 30 April 1767, and he was brought up by strangers. He was educated from the age of eight by the Rev. John Skynner, who lived near Stamford, and proceeded afterwards to St. John's College, Cambridge, but did not stay long enough to take a degree. For two summers he travelled on the continent with an eccentric tutor, Robert Pedley, who was afterwards known as Robert Deverell [q. v.] On the death of another uncle, the Rev. Robert Heron of Grantham, on 19 Jan. 1813, he succeeded to considerable property, which was augmented by the widow's death shortly afterwards. In politics he was a whig. He abandoned an intention to contest the county of Lincoln in 1812 in order to canvass the


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Sophia

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Sophia


text: Author:Caroline Frances Cornwallis

title: Author:Caroline Frances Cornwallis