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230 The more I become acquainted with Tischbein's talents, as well as his principles and views of art, the higher I appreciate and value them. He has laid before me his drawings and sketches. They have great merit, and are full of high promise. His visit to Bodmer led him to lix his thoughts on the infancy of the human race, when man found himself standing on the earth, and had to solve the problem how he must best fulfil his destiny of being the lord of creation.

As a suggestive introduction to a series of illustrations of this subject, he has attempted symbolically to vindicate the high antiquity of the world. Mountains overgrown with noble forests, ravines worn out by watercourses, burnt-out volcanoes still faintly smoking. In the foreground the mighty stock of a patriarchal oak still remains in the ground, on whose half-bared roots a deer is trying the strength of his horns,—a conception as fine as it is beautifully executed.

In another most remarkable piece he has painted man yoking the horse, and by his superior skill, if not strength, bringing all the other creatures of the earth, the air, and the water, under his dominion. The composition is of extraordinary beauty: when finished in oils, it cannot fail of producing a great effect. A drawing of it must, at any cost, be secured for Weimar. When this is finished, he purposes to paint an assembly of old men, aged, and experienced in council, in which he intends to introduce the portraits of living personages. At present, however, he is sketching away with the greatest enthusiasm at a battle-piece. Two bodies of cavalry are fighting with equal courage and resolution: between them yawns an awful chasm, which but few horses would attempt to clear. The arts of defensive warfare are useless here. A wild resolve, a bold attack, a successful leap, or else to be hurled in the abyss below! This picture will afford him an


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passed and each setting sun saw the Yankee boys in khaki further along the terrible trail they had set out to follow to the end. Another mile, perhaps two, of the dense Argonne Forest had been redeemed, and the stubborn foe sent reeling backward.

The end was in sight, many believed. Once they passed out of the vast stretch of woods, the pace of the retreating enemy must be accelerated, though of course he would take advantage of every ravine, abandoned farm building, destroyed hamlet and village that offered sites for machine-guns, on which Hindenburg was coming to rely more than on his Big Berthas.

They made the Yankee pay the price for it all, even though the famous Kriemhild-Stellung line was broken in the end. In addition to the heavy blanketing of woods, hills and ravines intersected the forest at intervals. These very often were knee deep in mud, through which the fighters

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114 from overseas had to wade as they pushed steadily on.

Then there were barbed wire defenses, sometimes twenty feet in height, with the hills and surrounding country villages fortified with acres of rapid-fire guns, often in vast nests, and requiring the work of batteries to blast them out of the path.

During all these days they had charged through villages, fought through morasses, forded swollen streams, bayoneted machine gunners at their posts, and used their rifles as clubs when they came to grips with the foe in the wire entanglements.

Hunger and thirst joined hands with the enemy. Gas attack followed charge, and charge succeeded gas attack. From overhead Boche planes rained bombs down upon them. Comrades fell on every hand, and the cries of the wounded rose above the shrieking of shrapnel and shell.

And day after day the young air-service boys rendered their full duty to the cause they stood for. Filled with the ardor that spurs patriots on to do astonishing feats they never shirked when the order came that sent them again and again into the air to measure wits with the Boche fliers.

Hardly a day but what there was a vacancy in the ranks of those gallant airmen who were so


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Rh willingly giving their service in answer to their country's call. More than a few had been sent to the hospital from which they would only emerge, it might be, cripples for life, but doubtless thankful to have escaped even a sadder fate.

Tom and Jack, as well as Harry Leroy, had had their close calls, but somehow it seemed as though they were watched over by a kind Providence, for so far none of them had met with a serious mishap.

There were compensations, too; for after a hard day's work in the air how pleasant it was for Jack to lounge in the temporary field hut of the Red Triangle and watch Bessie's nimble fingers handing out hot coffee, sandwiches, or any of the hundred-and-one things which those industrious workers managed to have in store for the wearers of Uncle Sam's khaki, so as to make them feel that here was indeed a touch of home life, though far removed from the actual thing.

And then perhaps from time to time, when Bessie was relieved by some other worker, how delightful it was to find a chance to sit with her, sipping tea, and chatting.

Of course Jack had long ago confided to her all that had happened to him and to Tom and Harry since last they had met in Paris. If he was over modest in his descriptions, especially when speaking of his personal doings, why, Bessie had


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116 imagination, and could easily color the narrative to suit her own ideas of what was fit and proper. This sort of thing could not keep up indefinitely, of course.

The losses which the American army was sustaining were very severe, for they never allowed themselves to be balked of their object. If they found after trying that it was impossible to secure what they were after one way, they turned around and went at it from a second, perhaps even a third angle, but what in the end they gained their objective.

But it was known that they had now arrived close to the northern edge of that vast wooded tract. For twenty-three days they had battled continuously and pushed their lines forward in a way that must have been peculiarly discouraging to Hindenburg.

His generals, who knew the ground best, had assured the Hun commander that no army on earth could ever force the Argonne Forest, defended as it was by every possible contrivance ever invented by a cunning Boche brain. Yet here in October those persistent Yankees were on the point of emerging from the bloody shambles, and ready to continue the drive to the banks of the Rhine, if need be.

It was on one of those never-to-be-forgotten October nights that Jack entered the tent that


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Rh was being used as the temporary rest house for the Y. M. C. A. workers, with a hastily dug hole adjoining where the girls could seek shelter in case the Boche became troublesome with his shells or bombs. He motioned to Tom whom he found chatting with Bessie.

The place was crowded as usual. Some of the doughboys had taken possession of the battered old piano, moved up each day as though it were their choicest possession, as indeed it really was. They sang their favorite songs over and over again, and seemed to enjoy every minute of the time.

It was no easy thing to make oneself heard with so much noise going on; but Tom obeyed the signal of his chum, under the conviction that Jack must have something of more or less importance which he wished to communicate.

"What's in the wind this time, Jack?" he asked lightly, when he found himself alongside the other. "Any more spies trying to blow up our hangars?"

"Forget all that now. I want to speak to you about Helene, Tom."

"Oh, yes! We've almost forgotten all about Helene these days, what with our many duties in the field and the air. What's new concerning little Jeanne's sister, Jack?"

"Well, I haven't been neglecting the job I


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118, all the same," came the steady answer. "Never a batch of Boche prisoners is put behind the barbed-wire enclosure but what I find a chance to look 'em over and air my limited German vocabulary."

"Trying to find out if there are any Lorrainers in the bunch—is that what you mean?"

"It is," the other told him, smiling at the accurate guess made by Tom.

"I suppose," continued Tom, "you've run across quite a few of them, and some Alsatians in the bargain; for the Prussian war-lords saw to it that few, if any, escaped the draft."

"Oh, I picked out dozens of men who claimed they had homes in Lorraine, and every mother's son of them was fighting in the Hun army because of compulsion. A lot of them lied, of course, because their names told that they came of German stock, their people having settled there after the war of Seventy-one had given the country to Germany."

"And at last ran across the one you most wanted to meet, did you?"

"I did come on a chap who admitted his home was just on the other side of the border, and who knew all about General von Berthold. Yes, and the Anstey family as well. From him I learned that Gerald Anstey was the name of Jeanne's and


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Rh Helene's father. He was English, of course, and married into that Lorraine family."

"Dead, I suppose?" asked Tom.

"It has been believed so for four years now," replied Jack. "Anstey tried to leave the country in order to join the British regiment to which he belonged, but was followed by the Guards, and they say shot down like a dog. Anyway he's never been heard from in all these years."

"And is the general really the man who took Helene away?" Tom demanded.

"No question about it. This man told me he was connected with the family Mrs. Anstey sprang from. Better still, Tom, this same Lorrainer was at the old chateau just a few days ago, sent there on duty because of his being from the same section of country as von Berthold, he says. And, Tom, he saw Helene!"

"You're getting closer and closer all the time. Jack, let me tell you. If you didn't give him a clue to make him say that, it's very important."

"Oh, I was careful not to let him know why I was interested in von Berthold. When he happened to say he had seen a child there that he could remember having noticed at the Anstey home of course I pumped him, and led him along until he declared that he felt certain it was either Jeanne or Helene."


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120 "I'm glad that point is settled," Tom admitted. "After this we can know what ground we stand on, if ever we find a chance to make a call as uninvited guests on General von Berthold."

"Speed the day!" said Jack. "The sooner it comes the better I'll be pleased. Nellie told me that she hears from Jeanne every few days, for the ambulances pass the door of the little half-demolished house where she has found a temporary home before going to Paris; and the drivers carry notes for Nellie, stopping for answers on the return trip."

"I can easily understand that!" Tom exclaimed eagerly, unconsciously giving himself away. "For who could resist Nellie's sweet smile? Certainly no warm-hearted Yankee ambulance driver with a girl back home who is often in his thoughts. Some fellows would wade through fire and water for a smile from Nellie."

"That's right, too, Tom," admitted Jack promptly. "And they'd feel well repaid for doing it too. I know one who doesn't hesitate to say so. But see here, I'm going to propose something to you, old fellow."

"I can give a pretty shrewd guess what it is. You carry your secrets in your face. Jack. Nothing of the cunning conspirator about you, for a fact. You're going to suggest that we plan some sort of a campaign, by means of which


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Rh we can pay a flying visit to this old chateau and surprise the famous general, perhaps relieve him of the voluntary charge he's taken on his shoulders by carrying Helene away with us."

"You hit the bull's-eye the first shot, Tom. That is just what I had in mind. Please don't try to throw cold water on my hopes by saying it can't be done."

"Make your mind easy on that score. Jack. I'm just as eager as you can be to drop in on the general and bring Helene back to her twin sister."

"I'm right glad to hear you say that. Fact is, I ought to be ashamed to suspect for a single second that you'd decline to back me up. Now the only question that's left is to set the time."

"That may have to be settled by circumstances just now beyond our control," Tom told him, very seriously.

Jack seeing him look around so carefully sensed something of importance.

"See here, what ails you, Tom? You've got something held back, I just know. Is that fair to me, your old chum? I've been told there was an extra big event in the air, but no one seemed able to get a line on it. Those who did know kept it a dead secret. Are you one of them? And won't you put me wise, Tom?"

"I've kept it a secret for two days, until I'm ready to burst," admitted Tom, with a sigh of


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122. "Just a bit ago I received permission to mention it to you, as the observer who was to accompany me is out of the running, and they gave me my choice of another. Of course I took you, Jack."

"It's well you did, because I'd never have forgiven you if you'd gone back on your old pal," Jack replied, nodding his head. "Now tell me what it's all about. Are we going to blast the Kaiser out of his throne?"

"It amounts to about that, I'd say. Jack. Listen. The High Command have laid out a scheme to knock the last prop out from under Fritz. There's a certain stronghold they're banking on as a bulwark of safety in case we do succeed in breaking through here. Get that, Jack?"

"Yes, spin away, Tom."

"All right. Well, they've been getting all kinds of secret information about this particular spot, and it's on the map to knock it sky-high!"

"Bomb it, you mean, of course?"

"We've got a new kind of bomb, it seems, said to be three times as powerful in its effects as the best the Huns handle. Our leaders are anxious that it should be tried out against this stronghold that the Boche seems to think is going to hold Pershing's boys up for ever so long."

"Great stunt! And say, I'm mighty glad you


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Rh got a chance to pull me into the game, Tom. Never forget it, I tell you."

"Don't mention it. Jack. I'll be three times as happy with you beside me, than if I had to have another alongside. But that isn't quite all, boy."

"What, even more coming?" gasped the delighted Jack.

"It seems that rumors have reached us that Ludendorff has his present headquarters in a chateau among the hills that can be easily reached by the bombing plane squadron on their way to the main objective. Yes, and would you believe it, they even suspect that the Old Fox of the Hills, Von Hindenburg himself, is there right now, in consultation with his chief general. Think of a double killing, Jack, will you?"

Jack went through a pantomime that indicated his abounding joy over the prospect of cutting off the responsible heads of the enemy at a single blow.

"This sounds good to me," he said. "And now, Tom, what has it all to do with the prospect of our paying that visit to Jeanne's uncle, and forcing him to give up little Helene? Tell me that!"


text: Air Service Boys Flying for Victory/Chapter 13


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"," Tom said again very solemnly, "this is a dead secret, Jack."

"Not a whisper will get away from me, I give you my word on that," hastily replied the other. "And my word is as good as my bond, any day."

"So it is. I only cautioned you as I did because the same secrecy was impressed on me at the time I was taken into the matter. That was why I couldn't give even you a hint. But it's all right now. As to your question, Jack, it might happen that we would get separated from the rest of the bunch on the return journey, and, if so, why, you see, we could take a little spin around the district where that other chateau lies."

"Yes," added Jack thoughtfully, but with a gleam in his eye, "accidents are apt to happen in even the best regulated families; and it isn't very strange for aviators to get a little mixed in their bearings."

"Especially," Tom went on to say without the ghost of a smile, "when on a night-bombing


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Rh ; for a thousand things are apt to come up, all calculated to bother the best of pilots, and throw him out of his reckoning."

"Why, we've been through that mill more than a few times, you remember, Tom. I could mention at least three occasions when we couldn't tell where we were and had to go it blind for a time. Fortunately, we got home all right where some fellows might have been less lucky."

"Well, that's all I'm going to tell you now, for the reason that it's the extent of my own information," Tom wound up with. "And since the hour is growing pretty late I reckon two tired fellows I know had better be getting over to their bunks."

"One thing more, Tom," urged the other.

"All right, but hurry along, for I saw Bessie looking this way as if she had something to say; and you interrupted our conversation in a very interesting part."

Jack grinned, and said:

"It will stay interrupted, too, for I am going to have the last word with Bessie. But I was wondering whether the officers would want us to work to-morrow, and keep up this flying for victory business, as the boys have taken to calling the work we're doing here over the Argonne these days?"

"Oh! How careless of me to forget to tell


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126 you about that! No, all of those who have been selected for this enterprise are to get a holiday to-morrow, so they can be fresh for the night work. We're to lie around, take things easy, eat doughnuts as fast as the Salvation Army girls can fry them, and get in trim for strenuous work."

Jack sighed.

"Suits me all right," he admitted. "Haven't had much vacation for three weeks or so now, and it gets a bit monotonous buzzing over those treetops, asking Fritz to pop away at you so as to coax him to betray his warm nest down below, and then making signs to our boys so as to locate it for them."

"All of us who haven't been piloting bombing planes will feel about the same way. Jack. I know a day off is going to make me feel fresh and dandy.

"Besides," went on Tom, as if incidentally, "there's a fellow over at the hospital that I'm interested in. His name is Fred Lincoln, and he was hurt yesterday in one of the skirmishes in the woods. I couldn't find out how bad his wounds were, but he was having me take some letters of his only three days ago, telling me then he had a queer feeling he was going to get his before long, and asking me to send them home for him if it happened."


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Rh "I remember Fred," said Jack, looking sorry to hear the news. "He's a fine boy at that. He was married only a week before the draft took him. Said the war had nothing to do with his getting spliced, as they had been engaged for two years. I hope he comes through. Remember me to him; and also to his nurse—if she happens to be named Nellie."

"Sure. Are you off to bed now?" as the other turned away.

"In five minutes or so, after I've spoken to Bessie," came the answer.

Jack was as good as his word, and the two chums were soon preparing for another night's sound sleep, hoping they would not be aroused by any disturbance, such as had occurred on that other night.

In this at least they were lucky. The Germans had evidently suffered so severely on account of that other raid they did not care to repeat it. So the night passed altogether in peaceful fashion; that is, for such times of warfare, where hundreds of thousands of fighting men, backed by unlimited batteries and monster guns, were daily grappling in what was destined to go down in history as the most extraordinary, as well as the most protracted, engagement of the entire war.

The boys were up early, and Harry Leroy


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128 seemed surprised when told that the two air service boys did not expect to fly that day.

"Something's up, I warrant," he told them bluntly, "and you're bound to keep a tight upper-lip about it. All right, I wouldn't ask you to whisper just one word to me; only I feel sore because they have left me out of the game. But I never was lucky in drawing prizes. I'll go out and vent my spleen on some Fritz who happens to get in my way."

When the airmen trailed in toward noon on that October day, first, rumors reached Tom and Jack, and then came the plain story connected with Harry's extraordinary conduct on that wonderful morning.

Other pilots said the boy seemed to be possessed of a spirit such as they had never known him to show before. He hunted out the Boche wherever he could find him, forced him to give battle, and then simply played with him, no matter if he chanced to be one of the best-known German aces.

Two he had sent down in flames, for which he would receive due credit; and there were reports that he had also made as many more drop to the earth in a condition of impotence.

"Why," said a pilot who recounted some of these happenings to the air service boys, "Harry seemed possessed of a reckless spirit that will be


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Rh the death of him yet unless he curbs it. He'll soon have the entire Boche escadrille on his tail, crazy to fetch him down. And if he keeps up this sort of work and lives, hell soon make our leading ace look to his laurels."

When Harry came in finally he looked flushed, but triumphant.

"What's all this we hear about your carrying on this morning?" demanded Jack, almost immediately.

"Oh, I just made up my mind that I'd got to have a special day of it, that's all," replied the other carelessly. "They wouldn't let me go along with you chaps, and I had to do something to let the ugliness get out; so I put it up to Fritz. And, say, I've had a glorious time, too."

He refused pointblank to tell them anything more at the time, so they had to pick up all their information through other channels; but then it was not so hard to do that, since nearly every working aviator had taken note of Harry's remarkable work that morning.

Then came the afternoon.

Both Tom and Jack might have considered that time dragged, only for the fact that they could pass the hours in a pleasant fashion. Tom managed to get over to the field hospital to see his wounded friend, Fred Lincoln. And, really, he did spend as much as ten minutes trying to cheer


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130 that individual up, for Fred had lost an arm, and was feeling blue over his future home-going to his young wife.

As for Jack, he haunted the Y. M. C. A. dugout and wrote letters home until he could not think of another person who would want to be remembered. It was a great day of rest to those hard-working air pilots, though from the look on their faces when they were greeting the incoming aviators one might have thought they rather envied them their latest achievements.

Such is the force of habit.

At last came night, and the two air service boys thrilled with the realization of what great things were apt to come to pass in their experience before another dawn brought the grey into the eastern sky.


text: Air Service Boys Flying for Victory/Chapter 14


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all there were twenty planes starting out on that momentous expedition to "strafe the Kaiser," as Jack called it. Half of these were monster bombing machines of a late model, capable of carrying more of the deadly explosives than had ever before been attempted.

The others were battle planes, guided by the most expert pilots, some of whom were already famous aces. These were men whose names had become household words over in America, heroes of the masses, whose pictures always evoked storms of applause whenever shown on the screen in the motion picture houses.

Tom owed the fact of his having been selected to guide one of the bombers, instead of a fighting machine, to the fact that one man had fallen sick, and was thus placed out of the running. In casting around for an efficient substitute they had picked Tom.


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132 The start was made an hour before midnight. This was done in order to lead the Boche to believe that the night would pass without unusual occurrences.

Quietly, every man who had been called to duty presented himself at his special station equipped for work. The hostlers, under the supervision of the officer in command at the aviation field, had seen to it that every detail had been looked after. Tanks were filled, and each plane carefully examined for defects that might imperil the lives of those who were to trust themselves to its reliability.

As customary, the pilots and observers themselves took one last survey of certain particular features where experience told them there was the most reason to anticipate trouble.

Not a single plane but stood up under the test, which spoke well for the infinite care taken in their manufacture, as well as the handling they had received since being placed in action.

The signal being given, the monster machines began to take the air one after another, units in a vast whole. There was no demonstration, though scores of other aviators and assistants were on the field watching the send-off, speculating as to the momentous business being thus undertaken and often eating their hearts out with envy.


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Rh Tom and Jack were well satisfied with the big plane that had been given into their charge. Of course Tom had handled just such a machine before, and was well acquainted with its possibilities.

Jack on his part was pleased with the fact that the work of releasing the old-shaped bombs would fall to his share of the duties. It was something to feel pride in, this taking part in the most ambitious expedition of the kind in which the Americans had ever embarked, without a single French or British airman along.

Once aloft, they waited for the remainder of the huge squadron to join them. The hum of the many motors made merry music in the ears of the two young Yankee aviators. That droning sound seemed to be spelling the downfall of autocracy, and the rule of real democracy throughout all the world.

It was just the kind of night for such a raid. Clouds partly covered the sky, but there was an absence of wind. Up there, far removed from the earth, it was not dark, and when looking down objects were dimly seen.

The great forest stretched backward toward the south; and in the other direction, had it been daylight, the aviators could have looked off to the open country, where fields lay. These were no longer covered with the fruits of the harvest, as


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134 in prewar times, but lay desolate, with ruined farm buildings, and everywhere the indelible mark of the ruthless hand of the Hun showing what had befallen the border Departments of poor bleeding France.

Finally came the welcome signal that announced the arrival of the last of the air fleet. All was now ready for the start. Every pilot knew what place he was expected to occupy in the formation; and when another flash was seen they took up their positions.

The leader occupied the place of honor. After him came two more planes a little apart. The next pair were even further away from each other, and so it went on to the end. In as far as Jack could make out, the expedition at its start very much resembled the formation seen when a flock of wild geese passes overhead, winging its flight toward the South in the fall or toward Canada in the spring, making a triangle, or spear head, with an old gander at the apex in supreme command.

Later on, as occasion arose, this formation would be changed, the battleplanes surrounding the heavier bombers in order to protect them from any hostile attack.

Far below could be seen occasional lights. These they knew came from some camp of the Huns, where the tired soldiers were


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Rh in anticipation of another hard day's work ahead. Off to the right a fire was burning, perhaps some building in the process of destruction to prevent its falling into the hands of the Americans, who were in line to overwhelm it on their next day's drive.

These things, however, received very little attention from the raiders. They were more interested in the possibility of their progress being halted by some block of Hun machines, bent on breaking up the raid before it was well started.

No doubt, information had leaked concerning the assembling of all these latest model planes. There were always ways whereby clever and daring spies could communicate with their mates on the other side of the fighting line, which was the main reason for so much secrecy in planning this particular expedition.

So most of the time both Tom and Jack kept their eyes fixed on the line ahead, waiting eagerly for the signal to close in.

"There she goes!" called out Jack suddenly; but of course his companion had already seen the signal light from the leading plane, and was commencing to carry out his part of the programme.

Enemy planes had been discovered barring their further progress, quite a squadron of them being in the air, with others rising as they caught


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136 the sound of the bustling motors coming from the south.

This was the first crisis in the raid. The Huns were "out for blood," as Jack termed it, and would do their utmost to break up the formation. Their object would be to confuse the Yankee pilots, and thus weaken the force to the extent of making them abandon their plan.

But like a speeding avalanche the score of American planes sailed on, bent on forcing their way directly through the feeble defensive line by sheer mass play. It was football tactics over again on a huge scale, as learned by most of those young pilots in their schooldays at home.

The machine-guns commenced to spray around them. Such a furious fire was opened that almost immediately one of the Hun machines took a downward dive, rushed earthward, bursting into flames before it had gone one-quarter of the way to the ground.

This quick result evidently took some of the spirit out of the remainder of the enemy pilots, for they sheered off to right and left, still keeping their guns going, but apparently apprehensive as to their own safety.

A second Boche crumpled up under this mass attack. His plane was seen turning over and over, though it did not take fire, and there was not one chance in ten of its pilot's being able to


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Rh save himself from the doom that apparently confronted him.

Of course, no one ever knew whose lucky shots had accomplished this double result. These victories must go down in the history of the Yankee flying squadron simply as "general damage inflicted upon the enemy." But they counted just as much in demoralizing the Germans, for after that the attempt to hold up the raiders was abandoned. Fritz had done his best, but it had proved to be far from good enough.

Twenty Yankee machines had gone into the battle, and the same number sailed majestically onward after the last spiteful chatter of machine-gun fire had ceased.

For the first encounter of the night this was encouraging. It seemed to give promise of further successes yet to come; and every member of the expedition felt a glow in his heart on realizing how great their victory had been.

They were now headed for the castle where report placed Ludendorff's headquarters. Perhaps report lied. That was a matter with which they had nothing whatever to do; all they knew was that their orders entailed on them the duty of demolishing that castle in the most expeditious manner knowknown [sic] to bombing pilots, and leave the rest to history to record.

The raiders were now of course well back of


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138 the German front, though still flying over French soil. Presently they would come upon that part of the country where the enemy had chosen to place his supreme headquarters while trying with might and main to hold the aggressive Americans in check.

Only the leader would know when this was reached, though, through signals, his orders could be passed back along the line.

It was now no longer dark down below, thanks to the heavenly bodies that had appeared once more from behind the cloud curtain, as though in league with the raiders.

The squadron descended to lower levels, in order to be better prepared for dropping their bombs when the time arrived.

Jack, having nothing to do with the piloting of the machine, kept a vigilant watch ahead. He wondered how the leader would know when they had arrived close to the castle, since the inmates would of course see to it that every light was extinguished that could be of use to an enemy airman.

Then came the signal telling that they had arrived, and downward further swooped the bombing machines, the raiders intent on sighting their intended quarry so as to blot it out of existence.


text: Air Service Boys Flying for Victory/Chapter 15


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 55/May 1899/Alaska and the Klondike: In by the White Pass and Out by the Chilkoot I


text:
History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 1

CHAPTER I. OF THE ORIGINAL AND NAME OF THE CITY
So many are the fables, and so various the accounts that we have, of the origin of this city, that it would be trouble to no purpose, to recount them all; to pass by therefore the stories of King Gurgunt's founding the Castle, and calling it after his own name; or that of Julius Cæsar's building the walls thereof, and naming it BlancheFlower, from Blanche, his kinswoman, whom he is pretended to have married to King Lud's son;  or to follow the traditions of Polidore Virgil, and others, recited by Nevil, who pretend to find something of Norwicus, in the name of [Ordoviches], or Ordovices, a people of Britain, far enough distant from hence; I shall rather choose to give such an account of it as is most consonant to reason, and agreeable to truth, as far as is evident from such records as we have left us.

Claudius Cæsar the Emperor, in the 4th year of his reign, and the 46th year after Christ, entered this land, and subdued it to the Roman empire, and he was the first of that nation that got footing in these parts; and that he did is plain, because the potent nation of the Iceni, at first sought alliance with the Romans, which being accepted, he soon returned, leaving Ostorius his proprator or lieutenant, who perceiving he began to be not much liked by his new allies, took occasion to disarm all he was suspicious of; but the inhabitants being at that time powerful, having not yet been diminished by wars, would not brook that proceeding, but immediately rose against him, and were overthrown by the Romans, who took this opportunity to fortify themselves against any future attempts, by fixing garrisons and habitations, best suitable to their securities. From this time then, I date the ori ginal of Castor by Yarmouth, and Burgh-Castle in Suffolk,  they being placed on either side of the entrance of the Yare, to guard the river from any naval enemy, and to be, in case of necessity, places of retreat for themselves, where they might receive succours either from sea or land, for at this time, and many ages after, the Garienis Ostium, or mouth of the Yare, extended in breadth from the island of Lothingland (in which Burgh-Castle is placed) to Castor in Flegg, where the opposite camp was made, the name of which it still retains, Castor or Castre in our language being the same as Castrum, a camp, in the Roman tongue, the very place on which Yarmouth now stands being then sea, the arm of which (and that a very large one too) extended all over the marshes, from thence to the place where Norwich now is, and much higher that way, as also to Castor by Norwich, and up those flats as far at least as Taseboro, if not further, where the Romans afterwards raised a fortification to guard that stream: and indeed, Norwich, (as I take it,) long after this, had its original much in the same manner as Yarmouth had, by fishermen and merchants fixing here for traffick sake; for it is plain that it was a fishing town, even in King Canute's time, for then Alfric the Bishop gave to the abbey of Bury, his hagh by Norwich, (on which St. Laurence's church was after built,) which paid to that abbey a last of herrings every year;  so that the account of the Danes coming with their ships to the castle here, which some look upon as a fable, was certainly fact, the sea (if I may so call it, or rather a very extensive arm of it) coming hither till the Conqueror's time,  when the sand at the mouth of the river on which Yarmouth now stands, grew fleeter, and the water did not cover it, as heretofore it had done,  "And then there became two channells for shippes and fishermen to passe and enter into that arm of the sea, for utterance of their fishe and marchandises, whiche were conveyed to divers partes and places, as well in the countye of Norfolke, as in the countye of Suffolk, by reason that all the whole levell of the marshes and fennes whiche now are betwixte the towne of Yermouthe and the citie of Norwiche, were then all an arm of the sea, enteringe within the land by the mouth of Heirus" (or Yare.) But when this grew firm ground, and Yarmouth was built, the course of the sea was then hindered, and the marshes, rivers, &c. settled in the manner they now are, soon after the Conquest. This being the case at that time, the Romans, we see, followed the course of the water, as is plain by their camp at Castor by Norwich, where they certainly had a station fixed; and if that place was not the Venta Incenorum, as most imagine it to have been, it was certainly the most considerable fortification and station in these parts, and was doubtless made to guard that river, which winds southward into the country, as well as to be a commodious situation for pleasure and profit, in the inward part of the land, which they by degrees penetrated into, and fixed camps or places of defence, to keep what they got as they went forward; thus advancing into the country more south, Taseboro was fixed on as a proper place to guard that stream, called anciently Tese, and the station ad Taum, advancing further into land by the northern stream, past that place where now Norwich stands, they went as far as the river held large and good, to Elmham, which, I rather think, was their Venta Icenorum, and that for these reasons, because it every way answers the Itinerary as well as Castor, as to distance, the road besides is much more direct, and this place is very near the middle of the county; add to this, that the Roman coins and prodigious number of urns that are daily dug up here, must convince us that it was a place of principal note under the Romans, if not a city with a general burial place. I own here do not seem to have been any considerable fortifications, but that makes me rather inclined to this opinion, the city being so numerous, and every way defended by stations, camps, &c. from the sea thither, that they did not think it necessary; but what confirms me most in this, is the name of the river, on which this and Norwich stands, which is always called Wentsum or Wensum, and lately Wensar; now this is plainly no more than the way or passage to Venta, the city's name; and here I cannot but observe the errour of Mr. Cambden  and others, concerning the situation and names of these rivers, which may in some measure occasion this mistake; he places Taseboro and Castor upon the Wensum, when they are plainly upon the Tese, as the name of Teseboro, or ad Taum, according to Mark Velser's Chorographical Table plainly proves, and makes Norwich, Attelbridge, &c. to stand on the Yare, which all evidences whatsoever agree stand upon the Wensum, which takes its name from Venta, and if so, Elmham alone is the place that can challenge that appellation. Thus far I am certain, that the river which divides at Trowse from that place, was never called Wensum, for in the Norwich evidences mention is often made of the water from Trow's Bridge, leading to the river Wensom, a plain argument that that was no part of that river; at first it might be, that the two rivers Wensum and Tese being joined, might take the denomination of Garienis, Yarienis, or Yare; but I do not much think it, the river keeping the name of Wensum, till it meets the Waveney, and they being joined, become the Yare; for all lands on the course of this river are bounded by the Wensum, the city being never, but by our late writers, placed on the Yare, but on the Wensum, and indeed not upon the confluence or joining of the Wensum,  and Yare, as Cambden, Spelman,  and others would have it; though the latter of these was sensible that the Yare never came up to the present site of the city.

The alteration and present situation of the rivers being thus fixed, the next enquiry will be, at what time we may expect this city to take its beginning, which I date from the time of the Romans universally leaving this island, and that was as the Saxon Chronicle says, in 418,  at which time the camp or station at Castor being deserted in a good measure, the remaining Romans and natives joined together, and became one people; and the situation of Norwich being much better than than at Castor, many of them retired thither both for the better convenience of fishing, as well as that of carrying their goods, and going themselves, higher up into the heart of the country, even to Venta, which though it was then also deserted, yet remained a place of some note, till the water retiring, cut off all commerce with it, by that element, and then it wasted almost at once, and the new-founded city of Norwich not only got all its trade, but suddenly sprang up to great maturity, out of the ruins of the ancient Venta and Castor.

After the desertion aforesaid, the Saxons made themselves masters of the land, and to them we owe the chief rise of this city, as well as its present name, Norðwc or North-wic, signifying no more, than a northern situation on a winding river; and because they usually placed castles at such situations, the word wic indeed was used for a castle, so that Norwich may signify, the northern castle at the winding of the river, it being north of the ancient station at Castor.

And thus having shown you the rise of the city, and the original of its name, let us see, in the next place, how it fared under its Saxon founders.

title: History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 1


text:
History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 2

CHAPTER II
OF THE CITY UNDER THE SAXONS AND DANES.

No sooner were the deserted Romans and Britons conquered by the Saxons, but they divided their conquests into seven kingdoms, each King erecting castles and fortifications in his dominions for his own defence, and then in all likelihood was this castle first made, and that most probably in the time of

Uffa, the first King of the East-Angles, soon after the year 575, and from this time it increased much, for about 642, it became a royal castle, and one of the seats of

Anna King of the East-Angles, whose daughter Ethelfred, according to Mr. Cambden,  married Tombert, a nobleman or prince of the Girvij,  and with her he gave him this castle, with the lands belonging to it, as Spelman in his Icenia intimates;  for about 677, he  and his wife Ethelfred or Etheldred, who founded Ely, granted to that monastery certain lands held of Norwich castle by castle-guard, to which service they must have been liable before the grant; for by the laws of the Saxons, lands granted to the church were not liable to secular service, unless they were first imposed on them when they were given to secular men,  which proves this was a royal castle, and had demeans and large possessions in King Anna's time; from thence I meet with no account of it till the Danish wars, and then it was often won and lost by the contending powers; but when

Alfred the Great had wholly subdued the Danes, the author of his life tells us, that finding the earth walls which encompassed the Saxon fortifications not strong enough to resist a furious enemy, he erected strong castles and forts of brick and stone, and among others, improved the fortifications of this castle, and (as I think) erected the first castle of brick and stone that ever was built here; that he was here, and that this was a royal castle in his time, and a place of note, is evident from a coin struck here about 872, having this round the head, ÆLFRED REX. and a monogram or cipher, NORDWIC. on the reverse; this King, on making peace with the Danish King,

Gutrum, assigned him the country of the East-Angles, and gave him this castle for his royal seat, which he did not long enjoy, Alfred, upon Gutrum's breach of promise, not to join any Dunes that should land in England, dispossessing him of it; he died in 901, and was succeeded by

Edward the elder, who kept the Danes in subjection, Ericke their King holding these provinces of him peaceably till 913, when he rebelled, and being overthrown and killed by King Edward, he added the East-Anglian to his own dominions.

Æthelstane, his son, totally expelled the Danes, and brought the whole into one entire monarchy, so that in his time, by reason of a settled peace, this city flourished much; about the year 925, we may suppose him to have been here, there being a coin of his then struck still extant; round the head is this, ÆTHELSTAN. on the reverse is a cross in the midst, and this round it, BARBE MOnetarius de NORDWIC. i. e. Barbe Mintmaster of Northwic. This King died in 941, and left

Edmund, his brother, his successour, of whom we have a coin struck in this city, with his name round his head, viz. EADMUND. REX. on the reverse EADGER MOnetarius de NORDWIC. i. e. Edgar Mintmaster of Northwic. In his time the city increased in wealth and extent, as it did also in the time of his successour,

Edred or Eldred, as is evident from the money made here by that Prince, about 946, with this, EADRED. REX. and on the reverse HANNE MOnetarius de NORDWIC. i. e. Hanne Mintmaster of Northwic; and indeed it flourished very much under him. According to Mr. Watts's collections, the government in the city of  Norwich began in 952, in the reign of King Edred, Eldred, or Etheldred, from which time, he says, it was governed by a Sergeant, named by the King, to hold courts, set fines, and amerciaments, and collect the King's customs and revenues, as was done in other towns of merchandize; but I believe nothing of it, never finding any thing like it, but the contrary, namely that it belonged to the King, and Earl who governed under the Kings, and had the third part of the profits annexed to their earldom for so doing. He was succeeded by

Edwin, and he by

Edgar, who made Alwyn, or Edelwyne, the alderman, his kinsman, governour of the Angles, who much increased that people's ease and welfare, both in this King's reign and that of his son,

Edward the Martyr, of whom there are two coins extant, which were coined about the year 973, the first has round his head, EDWERD RECX]. and on the reverse, leo[fw]ine. on nor: thwic. i. e. Leofwine Mintmaster of Norwich; the other also hath edwerd rex: and leo[fw]ine on nordwwic. as before. This Edward was succeeded by

Ethelred, commonly called the Unready, of whom are also three coins extant, which were made here; round the head of the first is E[th]ELRED REX. ANGLOrum, and on the reverse, LEOFAT MOnetarius de NOrthwic. i. e. Leofat Mintmaster at Norwich; the second hath E[th]ELRED REX ANGLOrum, BRANTING MOnetarius de nor[thw]ic. i. e. Branting Mintmaster of Norwich; the third is like the last, only it was struck when Folceard was Mintmaster here, it having on the reverse FOL[C]EARD MOnetarius de NOR[th]WI[c]. In his time the Danes began to stir, and so far conquered the King's forces, that he was obliged to let them enjoy these parts quietly, which encouraged them so, that in 981 they invited more forces hither, and so harassed the King, that in 991 he agreed to pay them 10,000l. which he levied by the name of Dane-geld, [G]eal[d] signifying in the Saxon language a tribute or tax, which being paid, contrary to their promise, they returned the very next year, and continued their daily incursions, till 994, and then the King was forced to give them 16,000l. more, which so encouraged others of that nation, that they entered the next year, and forced him to a composition of 20,000l. and so increased it till it came to 40,000l.; this reduced the English so much, that they became little better than servants to them, being forced to till the ground, while the idle Danes devoured the produce, the natives fearing them so much, that they called them Lord-Danes, whence afterwards, by way of derision, came the word lurdan, signifying a lazy idle fellow; the kingdom being thus weakened, the King contrived a way to dispatch all the Danes at once, which was executed on St. Brice's day, Nov. 13, 1002; but this was so far from answering his intent, that it only put them upon meditating revenge for the fact, insomuch that Swain, who, ever since the year 994, had, according to his promise, been a friend to England, became now as great an enemy, determining to revenge the death of Gunhild, his sister, Palingus, her husband, and their son, who, though they were all Christians, and laid in hostage on condition of peace, were nevertheless slain in this massacre; getting therefore all things ready, the very next year he came and razed Exeter to the ground, and did other mischief, but hearing the King approached, and not thinking himself quite strong enough, he returned, and having got a great force, came with his whole fleet directly up to Northwic, and entirely burnt and wasted the whole city, so that from this time we must begin the date of the present city, the old one being entirely demolished; and this indeed is the first mention that I any where have seen of this city, by the name of Northwic or Norwich, otherwise than on the Saxon coins; the account of this, is recorded in the Saxon Chronicle, p. 133, in thse words, (which may serve for a specimen of the language of that time;) [see original, page 7] That is to say: "In the year 1004, Sweyn came with his fleet to Northwic, and entirely wasted and burned that city, upon which, Ulfkytel (Earl of the EastAngles) called a council of the East-Anglian nobles, (at Thetford,) who resolved to purchase peace of the Pagans (i. e. the Danes) before they damaged those parts, being obliged to it by their sudden approach, and coming upon them unawares, which gave them no time to raise their forces; but notwithstanding the peace thus made, the Danes privately withdrew from their ships (at Norwich) and went towards Theodford; as soon then as Ulfketel understood it, he sent a messenger directly to the neighbouring country, and commanded them to burn their ships, but they neglected to perform that command; in the mean time he got his forces together as soon as he possibly could; three weeks then alter they had destroyed Northwic or Norwich, they came to Theodford or Thetford, and staying there one night only, they burnt and destroyed that place also; but in the morning, as they marched back towards their ships, Ulfketel met them with his forces, upon which there followed a sharp engagement, and great slaughter on both sides, many of the East-Anglian nobles being slain, but had the whole (Anglian) forces been joined, the Danes had never returned to their ships, as themselves, as well as the English, acknowledged." Upon this, they betook themselves to their ships, and left Norwich quite desolate, which continued so till 1010, when they returned again and settled here; and in 1011, having entirely subdued the East-Angles, it is reasonable to think, they then refortified this castle, the works or fortifications of which are plainly Danish, as is evident from the rotundity of them, they being exactly like their castle, camp, or fortification (call it which you will) at Thetford; and from this time the present city took it rise, and as it were a refoundation.

title: History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 2


text:
History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 3

CHAPTER III
OF THE CITY UNDER THE DANES AND DANISH MONARCHS.

Thus the Danes settled here, and fortified themselves against all enemies, about 1011; and the next year, Turkil, or Turketel, a Danish Earl, took possession of all Norfolk, having expelled the English Earl Ulfketel, and held it under Swain to his death, which happened in 1014, upon which the Danish army chose Cnute or Canute, his son, for their king; but upon Swain's death, the English took courage, sent for Etheldred out of Normandy, who returned and drove Canute out, and forced him to go to Denmark for recruits; notwithstanding this, Turkil continued still governour of the East-Angles, by Ethelred's consent, and being trusted by the King, with his fleet of 40 ships, he sailed with 9 of them into Denmark, and persuaded Cnute to return, who with the assistance of his brother Harold, then King of Denmark, brought a navy of 160 ships, and landed at Sandwich in 1016, and immediately sent Turkil against the English, which he soon conquered, their King being then sick of his last illness, for he died on St. George's day in this year, and the Londoners crowned

Edmund, sirnamed Ironside, for their King, between whom and Cnute were fought many battles; but at last the affair was decided between them by a single combat, both the Kings by agreement entered a small island in the Severne, called Alney, and there they fought, first on horseback and then on foot, with great courage on both sides, till Canute received a wound, upon which he called for a compromise, and Edmund agreeing thereto, they divided the kingdom between them; but little while did Edmund enjoy his part, for being murdered by the traitorous Earl Edric, he died about St. Andrew in this very year, having reigned seven months only, and consequently

Canute became sole monarch of all England; and in 1017, assigned all Norfolk to Earl Turkil, who had enjoyed it ever since the expulsion of Earl Ulfketel, "and committed to him the custody of Cnute, which his father Swain burnt and destroyed; and to keep the East-Angles secure to him, he (Canute) was most like to be the builder of the present stone castle of Norwich; for when, by compact with the English nobles, the law called Engleshire was made with universal consent, for the safety of the Danes that were by agreement to remain in England, Canute sent home to Denmark his mercenary army of Danes; but in great caution built several strong forts and castles, garrisoning them with such Danes as had been settled in England before his time, intermixed with some such English as he had a confidence in," as the author of that ingenious Essay of the Antiquity of the Castle of Norwich has it, at page 18; and indeed I cannot say but that he produces arguments sufficient to show, that here was a building in the fortifications in Canute's time, and as I take it, had been, ever since King Alfred's time, though Canute might repair if not rebuild it; but as to the present building, I cannot imagine it older than Henry I. it being so like Rising castle and others, none of which exceed, if any comes near, the time of the Conquest, and therefore I suppose it was built by Roger Bigot, and much repaired by Thomas de Brotherton, in Edward the Second's time, as his arms, still on the stonework, plainly prove; and I doubt not but it was at this time, that it took the name of Blanchflower, as Sir ''Edw. Coke'' affirms it was called, and that from the whiteness of the stones, then new mended and rubbed over.

From this time to 1021, Earl Turkil was governour here, but when he and Iric Earl of Northumberland began to be too powerful, the King banished them both, and took this county into his own hands, and gave it to

Harold, who was King at Cnute's death in 1036, and dying in 1059,

Hardicnute succeeded, who died at Lambhithe in June, 1041, being the last prince of the Danish blood that ever sat on the English throne.

Certain it is, that from the time of Swain's settling here in 1010, this city, by the Danes swarming hither, rose almost at once to great maturity, as will appear from the Confessor's survey in the following chapter, it having about 50 years only to grow to this magnitude in, which Mr. Kirkpatrick imagines to be an argument showing Norwich to be much ancienter than we think, it being unlikely, or, as he says, almost incredible, to raise so large a city in few more than 50 years, for it could not exceed 60 from its Danish destruction: but this is not only possible but highly probable, and if we will credit the best of authorities, (I mean the Saxon Chronicle,) it is certainly true, that it did rise from its ruins to this magnitude, in so little time: the Danes settling here, without doubt they immediately repaired the burnt city, for I agree with him that it was a considerable place in the Saxon times, but as to its being a place of remark under the Romans, (as he insinuates, from a few coins found here,) I have no reason to think it so; perhaps Castor being so near, there might settle some few, before its total desertion, here; and that may account for such coins as are rarely found in this place: but why do we wonder at a city repaired and increased so much, in so few years, when we have so late an example as the great city of Petersburgh in Russia, first founded by Peter the great Czar, in 1703, who had 30,000 houses erected in one year's time, as I find in the life of that hero, at page 89, which is become in much less time than this did, one of the largest cities of Europe.

title: History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 3


text:
History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 4

CHAPTER IV
OF THE CITY IN THE CONFESSOR'S TIME.

Edward the Confessor, being now on the throne, this earldom was given to Harold, son of Earl Godwin, who was afterwards King of England, and on his rebellion was seized by the King, and given to Algar, son of Leofrick Earl of Chester, who resigned it again to Harold at his return; and in 1052, on the death of Earl Godwin, Harold, in recompense for his generosity, gave Algar his earldom again; but he being banished in 1055, it came to the King, who pardoned him at Harold's request, and restored him, so that he enjoyed it to his death, and then it came to the King, in whose hands it was when he took the general survey of his land, which was after called Domesday Book, that being the record which gave the [dome] or final judgment, concerning the lands, taxes, and revenues, of the whole kingdom; and from thence we learn the state of the city in his time, which was exceeding grand, if we consider the few years it must be done in, for in Domesday page 13, we have the following account of it.

Rex. H. de Norwic.

Jn Noruic ''erant. t. r. e''. Mcccxx. Burgenses, quocum mus eratita dominicus regis ut non posset recedere, nec homagium facere sine Licencia ipsius, cui erat Nomen Edstan, hic habebat xviii. Acras terra t xii. prati, t ii. Ecclesias in Burgo, t sertam partem tercie, et nni Ecclesie pertinebat una Mansura in Burgo, t vi. Acras prati, hoc tenet Rogerus Bigot ''de dono Regis. t de'' Mccxxxviii. habevant Rex et Comes, Soca, et Sacam, t Consuetudinem, ''et super 1. habebat Stigandus, Socam t Sacam t'' Commendationem. t super xxxii. habebat Heroldus, Socam t Sacam t Commendationem, quorum unus erat ita ei Dominicus, ut non posset recedere nec Momagium facere sine Licencia ipsius, inter totum habebant omnes lxxx. Acras terre, t xx. Acras t dimidium prati, et de istis erat una Mulier soror Stigandi xxxii. ''Acr. terre, t inter eos omnes habebant dimidium Mo- lendini, et quartam partem unius molini, et adhuc habent t adhuc'' xii. ''Acr. t dimid. prati, quas tulit cis Wihenoc, modo habet Rainaldus Filius I vonis, t adhuc'' ii. ''Acr. prati que iacehant ad Ecolesiam omnium Sanctorum, illas etiam tulit Wihenoc, t modo habet'' Rainaldus. Est etiam in Burgo quedam Ecclesia Sancti Martini quam tenuit Stigandus t. r. e. cum xii. Acris terre, eam habet modo Willius de Noiers ad Feudum Stigandi, tenebat etiam Stigandus unam Eoclesiam Sancti Michaelis, cui adiacent cxii. ''Acr. terre, t'' vi. prati t i. Carucata, hoc tenet Willus: Episcopus, sed non de Episcopatu, t Burgenses tenebant xv. Ecclesias, quibus pertinebant in Elemosinam clxxxi. ''Acr. terre t prati, et Ecclesiam Sancte Trinitatis tenebant t. r. e''. xii. Burgenses, modo Episcopus de dono Regis Willi: Rex et Comes habebant clxxx. Acras terre, Abbas habuit Medietatem Ecclesie Sancti Laurentij t i. Domum de Sancto Edmundo. Doc erat Cotum tempore Regis Edwardi.

''Et tota hec Willa reddebat t. r. e. xx. Libr. Regi, t Comiti x. Libr. rt preter hoc xxi. Sol. et iiii. den. Prebendarios, t vi. Sertarios mellis, et i. Ursum t vi. Canes ad ursum''.

''Et Wicman tenuit t. r. e. i. Car. terre t dim: t xvi. Acr. de Pas- tura, t vii. Acr. prati sub. Stigando modo Rainaldus Filius Ivonis, tunc et post i. Car. Modo ii. semper balet xxx. Sol''.

Hundred of Norwic. The King's [Land.] In Norwic in the time of King Edward were 1320 burgesses, of whom one was so much the King's vassal, that he might not depart or do homage (to any other) without his license, this man's name was Edstan, he had 18 acres of land and 12 of meadow, and two churches in the burgh, and a 6th part of a third,  and to one (of these) churches there belonged one mansion in the borough, and 6 acres of meadow; this Roger Bigot holds by the King's gift. And of 1238 (of the said burgesses) the King and the Earl had the soc, sac, and customs, and of 50 Stigand had the soc, sac, and patronage, and of 32 Herold had the soc, sac, and patronage, of whom one was so much his vassal, that he might not depart nor do homage (to any other) without his license; in the whole, they all  had 80 acres of land, and 20 acres and an half of meadow, and of these  one was a woman, sister of Stigand, (who had)  32 acres of land; and among them all they had the half of (one) mill, and the fourth part of (another) mill, and still have. And besides this, they had 12 acres and an half of meadow, which Wihenoc took away from them, but now Rainold, the son of Ivo, hath it;  and there are 2 acres of meadow, which did belong to the church of AllSaints;  these, Wihenoc took away also, but now the said Ruinald hath them.

There is also in the borough, a certain church of St. Martin, which Stigand held in the time of King Edward, with 12 acres of land, (and) now (in the Conqueror's time) William de Noiers hath it, (belonging) to (or with) the fee of ''Stigand. Stigand held also, one church of St. Michael, to which there belong 112 acres of land, and 6 of meadow, and (these are, or were accounted for) one carucate,   this William'' the Bishop holds, but not (in right) of his bishoprick. And the burgesses held 15 churches, to which there belonged in alms,   181 acres of land and meadow. And 12 burgesses held the church of the Holy Trinity in the time of King Edward, (and) now the Bishop (hath it) of the gift of King William. The King and the Earl had 180 acres of land. The Abbot of St. Edmund had one house, and the mediety of the church of St. Laurence, (and) this was the whole in the time of King Edward. And this whole town in the time of King Edward, paid 20l. to the King, and 10l. to the Earl; and be  sides this, 1l. 1s. 4d. (for) prebendaries, and 6 sextaries  of honey, and one bear, and 6 bear-dogs.

And Wicman held in the time of King Edward, one carucate and an half of land, and 16 acres of pasture, and 7 acres of meadow, under Stigand; now Rainald the son of Ivo holds the same, then and afterwards (it was reckoned) one carucate, now two, (and) it was always worth 30 shilling; and further, Ecclesiam Sanctorum Simonis et Jude, tenuit Almarius Episcoupus t. r. e. post Erfastus, modo Willus. ''huie adiacent tres patres unius motendini et dimidium Acc. prati A''. i mansura A non est de Episcopatu, sed de Patrimonia Almari Episcopi in Burgo hab. ii. ''Arr. prati de Episcopatu; A bal''. xx. Sol. That is, Bishop Almar held the church of St. Simon and Jude in the time of King Edward, afterwards (Bishop) Erfast, (and) now (Bishop) William; to this belong three parts of a mill, and half an acre of meadow, and one mansion, and is not (part) of the bishoprick, but of the patrimony of Bishop Almar. In the burgh he had 2 acres of meadow  belonging to the bishoprick, and (the whole) is worth 20 shillings.

From all which it appears, that at that time this city had 25 parochial churches, if not more; that the number of burgesses exceeded Lincoln, Ipswich, Yarmouth, Cambridge, Canterbury, and the chief places in England, and it is plain that York only could pretend to exceed Norwich at this time, none of the rest coming near it; and it is not certain that that exceeded it, for it is said that there were 1628 mansions inhabited in York, but in Norwich the burgesses only are named: now because there were more houses and householders in a city than burgesses, it is likely Norwich might have as many, if not more, houses than York; for it appears from the account of Lincoln, that there were 1070 houses inhabited, and only 900 burgesses, and the bordarij or bordars, which were in Norwich in the Conqueror's time, (300 of which, it is very probabe, might be here in the Confessor's time,) had their houses here, which are not mentioned in the survey, which is not so minute and exact as the Conqueror's.

Such was the magnitude of Norwich near 700 years ago, being then a Hundred by itself, containing 883 acres of land and meadow, with a sheep's walk within its jurisdiction, so that it seems to have extended then about a mile beyond the present walls: but it did not continue long in this state, but daily increased, in the peaceable reign of this King, as well as in the short one of his successour,

King Harold, who was Earl and Governour here.

First, 1238 of them dwelt in the part whereof the King and the Earl had the soc, sac, and custom, that is the entire jurisdiction, for soc is the power that any one hath to hold courts, wherein all that dwelt on his land, or in his jurisdiction, are answerable to do suit and service, and sac is the right of having all the amerciaments and forfeitures of all such suitors; and custom, includes all other profits, as landgable or tax, tolls, heriots, and other customs, which differed according as they were used in divers places, but every where the division between the King and an Earl, was two parts to the King, and a third to the Earl, in right of an earldom.

In the second part dwelt 50 of these Burgesses, and they belonged to Stigand's court, who had their amerciaments, protection or patronage; that is, (to speak after the old Roman manner,) he was their patron, and they his clients; but it is not said that he had the customs of these burgesses, which makes me think they belonged to the King and the Earl, for the soc was sometimes one person's, and the customs another: this Stigand was Bishop of the diocese, and after Archbishop of Canterbury, in King Edward's time; and this was part of the city, now St. Martin's on the Plain, and Tombland where St. Michael's stood.

The other 32 of the 1320, dwelt in that part which was Herold the Earl's land, who had therefore the jurisdiction of court over them, received their amerciaments, and was their patron; he was son of Earl Godwin of Kent, and after the Confessor's death, King of England.

title: History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 4


text:
History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 5

CHAPTER V
Of The City In The Conqueror's Time.

In the beginning of the reign of

William the Conqueror, it daily increased, till the year 1075,  when the King gave the earldom, city, and castle, to Ralf de Waiet, Waher, or Guader, a Norfolk man born, son of Ralf, an Englishman, by a Welsh woman; this Ralf, while the King was in Normandy, and against his command, as some historians say,  but, as the Saxon Chronicle says, with his leave and approbation, married Emma, daughter of William Fitz-Osborn or Osbert, sister to Roger Earl of Hereford, cousin to the Conqueror, and celebrated his nuptials with great pomp at this city;  Waltheof, the great Earl of Northumberland, Roger Earl of Hereford, and many other bishops, abbots, and barons, being present at the solemnity; such was the pride raised in the Earl by this affinity, that on his very wedding-day, (when wine had intoxicated his brain,) he persuaded his guests to join with him in a rebellion, to which they all consented, and immediately entered into a conspiracy against the the absent King; but Earl Waltheof having consulted his pillow, and perceiving the danger, went the next day to Archbishop Lanfrank, who was guardian of the realm in the King's absence, and discovered the whole to him, by whose advice he went over into Normandy, and with submissive repentance showed the whole to the King: the Earls therefore of Norfolk and Hereford, (whose state now lay open to chance,) as desperate men, took themselves to arms, and endeavoured to join their forces; this sudden noise of war immediately roused the King's subjects, so that Wolstan Bishop of Worcester, and others, raised forces in Worcestershire, and hindered Earl Roger's passing the Severne, and joining Earl Ralf, and at the same time, Odo Bishop of Bajeux, and Jeffry Bishop of Constance, who had assembled a mighty power of English and Normans, went directly against him, and forced him to retire to Norwich; but when he was there, seeing that neither the keepers of the several castles, nor the people, joined him, in such numbers as he expected, he took shipping at his castle at Norwich,  and fled into Little-Britain with the chief of his followers, leaving his wife to keep the castle, against which the King immediately sent an army,  and besieged the same, till through famine, she was forced to yield, but upon composition that the besieged should depart the realm, as persons abjured and banished for ever;  and then she and her adherents followed her husband; and so  this castle, city, and earldom, came again into the Conqueror's hands, and became part of the royal demeans of England. In this siege the city suffered much, as we learn from Domesday; many of the citizens who took the Earl's part fled away, and so forfeited all they had, others were forced to go away, because Waleram, under pretence that they joined the Earl, whether they did or no, invaded and seized their inheritances, and a greater part were forced to look out for themselves, the chief of the city being burned down at the siege, so that they had no places of residence, and others were so heavily fined and taxed by the King, that they were forced to fly; and thus by this one conspiracy, the city received prodigious damage every way. Things being thus appeased, the King kept his Christmas at Westminster, and then punished all the English that were at Earl Ralph's wedding at Norwich, some of which were condemned to have their eyes put out, others to be banished, and others to forfeit all they had; and thus ended this rebellion in England, but the King did not forget him,  but the next year went into Brittanny, and besieged Earl Ralph in his castle of Dol or Dolence, to whose assistance Philip the French King came with a powerful army, and constrained King William, who wanted provisions for his army, to raise the siege, with so great loss of men, horses, and money, that the next year he was glad to make peace with him; and thus ended the whole affair, in the year 1077.

The whole of the castle, earldom, and city, being in the Conqueror's hands, he made Roger Bigot constable of the castle, who was the King's bailiff also, to gather all the rents arising from the borough of the castle, city, and earldom.

In the year 1085, the Saxon Chronicle says, the King sent messengers into every county to take an exact account of every hide of land, and the several owners thereof, how much rent, cattle, &c. every one had, in short, the substance of every man in England, whether in land, cattle, or money, was set down; so that neither ox, cow, or hog, was omitted: and from this record we have the exact account of this city in the year 1086.

''Rex. M. de Norwic''.

In Nowic erant t. r. e. tc. as before;  ¶ modo sunt in Burgo MDLXV. Burgenses Anglici et Consuetudines reddunt, et cccclxxx. Bordarij, qui propter pauperiem nullam reddunt Consuetudinem, et in illa terra quam tenebat Stigandus tempore Regis Edwardi manent modo er illis Superioribus xxxviiii. Burgenses et in eadem sunt ix. ''Mansure vacue. Et in illa terra, de qua Heroldus habebat Socam Sunt'' xv. Burgenses, et xvii. Mansure vacue que Sunt in Occupatione Castelli, et in Burgo clxxxx. Mansure vacue in hoc quod erat in Soca Regis et Comitis, et lxxxi. in Occupatione Castelli, et in Burgo Sunt adhuc L ''Dom. de quibus non habet Rex suam Consuetudinem, et his habet Rainaldus homo'' Rogeri Bigot ii. ''Domus et ii. Mansuras et'' Robertus Baro ii. Domos, et Abba i. ''dom. t'' Rabel ii. domos, et ii. Mansure, et ii. Mansure quas ten. ii. femine, et Ascolf Unglicus [Anglicus] i ''dom. et homo Teodbald Abbatis Sri. Edmundi i. dom. rt Burghard i. dom. et Wala i. Dom. et'' Wills. homo Hervi. B. i. ''Dom. et''. meinardus vigil i ''Dom. et Meinburgenses {Mein Burgensis} i. Dom. t Hervius Deb''. [Herveus} i ''dom. et'' Rad. Arbalistarius ii. ''Dom. t i Mansura t Hereberd Fossator'' iii. ''dom. t Rogerus Pete- vinus i. Dom. et Meinardus homo Abbatis de'' Sco. Benedicto i. ''Do- mus. et Petrus homo Abbatis Sri''. Edmundi i, Mans. Everwinus Burgensis i. Dom, et Baldeuuinus i. Dom, t Wills. i. Anglicus i. Dom, t Gerardus vigil i. Dom. Rodbertus Lorimarus i Mansura t Hildebrand Lorimarus i. Domus t Godwinus Burgensis i. ''Dom. et'' Wills. homo Hermeri i. ''Dom. t Gislebertus Vigil i. dom. et Fulbertus quidam sacerdos Hermeri i. Dom. t Walterus i. dom. t Reinoldus Filius Ivonis i. Dom. et Richardus de Sentebor (potius Sent-cler) i dom. et Hugo homo'' Willi. de Scoies i. dom.

Et homines Episcopi x. ''Do,. et in propria Curia'' Episcopi xiiii. Mansure, quas dedit Wills. Rex. Æ. (Ærfasto) ad principalem sedem Episcopatus, et Gislebertus Arbalistarius i. ''Dom. et'' ii. Mansure, et Wills. de Scoies i. Dom, et Meinardus i. ''Dom. Abbas de Eli i. Man- sura. Et in Burgo tenent'' Burgenses xliii. Capellas, et tota hee Willa reddibat t. r. e. tc. as before.

Et modo lxx. ''Lib. pensum Regis, t c. Sol. ad numerum de Gersu- ma Regine, et i. Asturconem; et'' xx. ''Lib. Blancas comiti, et'' xx. ''Sol. Bersuma ad numerum'' G. [sc. Godrico.]

Et Ecclesiam Sanctorum Simonis t Jude tc as before.

De Burgensibus qui manserunt in Norwic. abierunt t manent in Beccles, villa abbatis Sancti Burgum. et in Torp regis i. et in terra Rogeri Bigot i. et sub Willo de Noiers i. et Ricus de Sent-cler i. Jiti fugientes et alii remanentes omnino sunt vastati, partim propter foris- farturas Radi Comitis, partim propter Arsuram, partim propter Gel- tum Regis, partim per Walerannum.

In hoc Burgo, si bult Episcopus, potest habere i. Monetarium.

In Burgo erat quedam basta Domus, hanc accepit Ranulfus filius Walteri de dono Regis, et Walterus Diaconus i. Dom, in Burgo, sed non euit t. r. e. et ii. ''Acc. prati de Sancto Sepulchro, abstulere'' ii. ha mines Radi. Comitis, post rebabuit Presbiter concessu bicecomitis. Radulfus Comes tenuit xiv. ''Acr. terre t i. Acr. t dim. prati, post tenuit Alunard de'' Niwetuna.

Terra Burgenisum in Hundret de Humiliat. semper lxxx. ''Acr. t.'' xiii. ''Bord. t i. Car. et'' iii. ''Acr. yroti, et val''. xiii. s. iiij. d

Franci de Norwic. in Nouo Burgo xxxvi. Burgenses, et vi. Anglici, et er annua Consuetudine reddebat unusqufsque i.d. preter fortisfactu- ras, de hoc toto habebat Rex.ii Pactes et tertiam, modo xli. Burgenses Franci, in dominio et Comitis, t Roger Bigot habet L. et Radulfus Bellafago xiiii. t Hermerus viii. et Robertus Arbalis- tarius v. Fulcherus homo Abbatis i. t Isac i. et Rad. Visus Lupi i. et in habet et ''man- suram bastam. Tota hec terra Burgensium erat in Dominio Tomitis'' Radi. et concessit eam Gegi in Tommune ad faciendum Burgum inter se et Gegem, ut testatur Vicecomes et omnes terre iste tam Militum quam Burgensium reddunt Gegi suam Consuetudinem.

Est etiam in Novo Burgo quedam Ecclesia quam fecit Radus. Comes et eam dedit suis capellanis, modo eam tenet quidam sacerdos Vice-Comitis, de dono Regis nomine Wala, et bal. lx. ''Sol. et quamdiu'' Rob. Blundus Comitaum tenuit, habuit inde unoquoque anno i. unciam auri.

The Hundred of Norwich is the King's land.

In Norwich, in the time of the Confessor, were 1320 burgesses, &c. Now Roger Bigot holds of the King's gift, Edstan the burgess and his land, churches, &c. and Wihenoc hath also 12 acres and an half taken from the burgesses, which now belong to Rainald son of Ivo, St. Martin's church also, with 12 acres of land, which Stigand had in King Edward's time, belonged now to William de Noiers, who owned part of the fee, that belonged to Stigand; St. Michael's church on Tombland, was Bishop William's, of his own inheritance, and the church of the Holy Trinity, or St. John's Maddermarket, which belonged to 12 burgesses in the Confessor's time, was the Bishop's also by the King's gift.

Now at the time of the survey, there were in the borough 665 burgesses, Englishmen, and they pay the customs, and there are 480 bordars, who, because of poverty, pay no custom,  and in that land which Stigand held in the time of King Edward, there now remain 39 burgesses of those above mentioned,  and in the same there are 9   mansions void.

And in that land of which Harold had the soc, there are 15 burgesses, and 17 mansions void, which are in the occupation of the castle,   and in the borough 190 mansions are void, in that which was the soc of the King and the Earl, and 81  in the occupation of the castle.

In the Borough there are moreover 50 houses, of which the King hath not his custom. Of these Rainald, a man or tenant of Roger Bigot, hath 2 houses, and 2 mansions, and Robert the Baron 2 houses, and the Abbot (of St. Edmund) 1 house, and Rabel  2 houses and 2 mansions, and 2 mansions which 2 women hold, and Ascolf an Englishman 1 house, and Teodbald a man or tenant of the Abbot (of St. Edmund) 1 house, and Burghard 1 house, and Wala   1 house, and William a man or tenant of Hervy the burgess 1 house, and Meinnard the watchman  1 house, and Mein the burgess 1 house, and Hervi the invalid  1 house, and Ralph the arbalister  2 houses and 1 mansion, and Hereberd the ditcher 3 houses, and Roger the Pictavian 2 houses, and Meinard, a man (or tenant) of the Abbot of St. Bennet, 1 house, and Peter a man of the Abbot of St. Edmund, 1 mansion, and Everwin a burgess 1 house, and Baldewin 1 house, and William 1 house, Englishman 1 house, and Gerard the watchman 1 house, and Robert the lorimer   1 mansion, and Hildebrand the lorimer 1 house, and Godwin a burgess 1 house, and William, a man of Hermer, 1 house, and Gislebert the watchman 1 house, and Fulbert, a certain priest of Hermer, 1 house, and Walter 1 house, and Reinold the son of Ivo 1 house, and Richard de Sentbor  1 house, and Hugh, a man of William de Scoies, (Le Escois or the Scot,) 1 house, and the men (or tenants) of the bishop 10 houses, and in the bishop's own court (or palace) 14 mansions, which King William gave to Ærfast,  for the principal seat of the bishoprick,  and Gislebert the  arbalister  1 house and 2 mansions, and William de Scoies 1 house, and Meinard 1 house, and the Abbot of Ely 1 mansion.

And the burgesses held 43 chapels in the borough.

And this whole town, in the time of King Edward paid, as before.

And now it pays 70l. by weight to the King, and a hundred shillings by tale, as a free gift  to the Queen, and an ambling palfrey, and twenty pounds blanch,  or silver uncoined to the Earl, and 20s. by tale, as a free gift to Godric.

St. Simon and Jude's church was now held by Bishop William, and Wicman's land was held by Rainald the son of Ivo, &c. as under the Confessor's reign.

Of the burgesses who dwelt in Norwich, 22 are gone away, and dwell in Beccles, a town of the Abbot of St. Edmund, and 6 in Humilgar or (Humbleyard) hundred, and have forsaken the Burgh, and in King's Torp or Thorp 1, and in the land of Roger Bigot 1, and under ''Will. de Noiers 1, and Richard de Sentcler'' 1.

Those who fled, and those remaining, are altogether wasted or impoverished, partly through Earl Ralph's forfeitures, partly through fire, partly by the King's tribute, and partly by Waleran.

In this borough, if the Bishop will, he may have one monyer. (mintmaster, or man to coin money, and consequently a mint.)

In the burgh there was a certain decayed house, which Ralf the son of Walter had of the King's gift, and Walter the Deacon hath one house in the burgh, but it was not in the time of King Edward. And 2 men took away from St. Sepulcher 2 acres of meadow, which afterwards the priest had again, by the grant of the sheriff.

Earl Ralph held 14 acres of land, and one acre and an half of meadow, which afterwards Alward de Nieweton (or Newton) held.

The land of the burgesses in the hundred of Humilait, was always 80 acres, and there were 13 bordars, and it is reckoned or valued at one carucate, and there is of meadow 3 acres, and it is worth, that is the whole paid, 13s. and 4d.

Frenchmen of Norwic.

In the New-Burgh there were 36 burgesses Frenchmen, and 6 English, and by a yearly custom, every one paid 1d. besides forfeitures; of all this, the King had 2 parts, and the Earl the third. Now there are 51 French burgesses, in the demean of the King and the Earl, and Roger Bigot hath 50, and Ralf de Bellafago or Beaufo   14, and Hermer 8, and Robert the arbalister 5, and Fulcher, a man of the Abbat 1, and Isac 1, and Ralf Vice de Lieu 1, and in the Earl's ''bakehouse, Rob. Blund hath 3, and Wimer'' hath one decayed mansion.

All this land of the burgesses was in the demean of Earl Ralf, and he granted it to the King, in common to make a new-borough, between himself and the King; and all these lands, as well of the knights (or soldiers) as of the burgesses, pay to the King his custom.

There is also in the new-borough, a certain church which Earl Ralph made, and gave it to his chaplains, now, a certain priest of the sheriff, by name Wala, holds it by the King's gift, and it is worth 60  shillings, and so long as ''Rob. Blund'' held the county, he had thence every year, one ounce of gold.

And thus we see, that in the Confessor's time, there were 25 churches, and in the Conqueror's time we find 54 churches and chapels here, so that the chapels belonging to the burgesses, seem to be built since the Confessor, they being not mentioned in his survey.

There were no Jews in England before this King's reign, who brought many from Roan in Normandy, and settled them in London, Norwich, Cambridge, &c. In what capacity they came over, says Fuller in his Church History, p. 9, I do not find, perchance as plunderers, to buy such oppressed Englishmen's goods as Christians would not meddle with; sufficeth it us to know, that an invasion by conquest (such as King William then made) is like an inn, entertaining all adventurers; and it may be, these Jewish bankers assisted the Conqueror with their wealth. These Jews (though forbidden to buy land in England) grew rich by usury, (their consciences being so wide, that they were none at all,) so that in the barest pasture in which a Christian would starve, a Jew would grow fat, he bites so close unto the ground. And ever bow down their backs, is part of God's curse upon the Jews, and crook-back'd men, as they eye the earth, the centre of wealth, so they quickly see what straight persons pass by, and easily stoop to take up that they find thereon; and therefore no wonder if the Jewish nation, whose souls are bowed down with covetousness, quickly wax wealthy therewith. King William favoured them very much, and Rufus his son much more; especially if that report of him be true, that he should swear by St. Luke's face, his common oath, If the Jews could overcome the Christians, he himself would become one of their sect.

On Thursday the 9th of September, 1087, died this Great Conqueror, and the city fell to his son and successour, William Rufus.

title: History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 5


text:
History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 6

Chapter VI
OF THE CITY IN WILLIAM RUFUS'S TIME.

Upon William Rufus's succession to the crown, Roger Bigod, who held the castle under the Conqueror, seized it, or rather retained it, which, as it happened, was unfortunate for the city, he being in the interest of ''Rob. Curthose Duke of Normandy, elder brother to Rufus'', whom he assisted to the utmost of his power by garrisoning the castle, wasting the city and adjacent country, and spoiling such as would not join with him. The Essay on the Antiquity of the Castle, p. 21, says, that Roger Bigot had the custody of it committed to him; and quotes the Baronage, fo. 132, for this purpose; but there we find nothing of its being committed to his custody, but on the contrary, that "adhering to those great men, who put themselves in arms against the King, he fortified the castle of Norwich, on the behalf of Robert Curthose, and wasted the country thereabouts." Sure I am, that Roger was of them (meaning that favoured Curthose) who seized or garrisoned the castle at Norwich, and wasted all that land or country:  and accordingly Holingshed tells us, in the reign of this King, that in the year 1088, "Roger de Bigod departing from Norwich, with great forreys (or foragers) over-rode and robbed all the countreys about, and conveyed such riches as he had gotten, into the said city." But these troubles being appeased by the King's making large promises to the English, that he would restore them such favourable lawes as they wished and desired, and upon his commanding all unjust imposts, tolls, and tollages, to be laid down, and granting freehunting in the woods, chases, and forests, to his subjects, which he knew was a thing very agreeable, and much desired, he had respite from the insurrections, but yet the whole was not settled till 1091, when there was peace made between the King and his brother Robert Duke of Normandy, one article of which was, that the lands and inheritances of all such as had assisted Robert should be restored; by virtue of which, this castle, &c. was in the custody of Roger Bygot, by the King's consent, who it seems dwelt peaceably the rest of this King's reign, and answered the King his part of the profits, of the castle, city, &c. as is evident by his never being complained of for want of so doing; and from this time the city began to recover itself, which Herbert Losinga, then Bishop of Thetford, perceiving, having been quite disappointed, as well as his predecessors, as to settling the see at Bury, he determined to translate it hither, and that contributed very much to raise the city to that degree that it soon rose unto in these times; and it is plain that Roger had a great hand in this translation, it being said in the King's charters and grants made to the Bishop, that he did it at Roger's request, who seemingly had a mind to bring the see to his chief mansion, which was the Castle here; and so the see, as all agree, was by Herbert translated and fixed here Apr. 9, A $o$. 1094, and in the year 1096, he laid the first stone of the cathedral church. And this confirmed the flourishing state of the city, which from this time daily increased in wealth, trade, and buildings.

At this time Alsi, Abbot of Ramsey, owned several tenements here, for the King directed his writ to Bishop Herbert, to let him have soc, sac, toll, theam, infangenthef, and all customs that his ancestors had.

Speed, fo. 437, exhibits a coin of this King coined here, round the head is [w]illem rex anglorum, and on the reverse godric MOnetarius nor[thwi]c. i.e. William King of the Englishmen, and Godric Mintmaster of Norwich.

More I find not of this King, nor any thing in reference to this place in his time, only make no doubt but that the number of Jews here much increased, as well as elsewhere, he being such a favourer of that people, who (we are not to imagine) had it for nothing. He died in the year 1100, being accidentally killed as he hunted in NewForest, by Sir Walter Tirrell, who shot at a stag, and the arrow glanced from a tree into the King's breast, so deep that he died immediately.

title: History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 6


text:
History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 7

CHAPTER VII
OF THE CITY IN HENRY THE FIRST'S TIME.

This King at his coming to the crown, met with opposition from several of the great men of the kingdom, who favoured Robert Duke of Normandy, his elder brother, who was then engaged in the Holy War; upon this, Roger Bigot stood true to the King, and so became a great favourite, for he was one of his witnesses to his laws, and in the first year of his reign, had Framlingham in Suffolk of the King's gift, and was constable of the castle to his death: in 1104, or some say in 1103, at the request of the King and Queen, the Bishop, and his own wife, he founded the priory or abbey at Thetford, and at his death was buried in the cathedral,  being succeeded by

William Bygod, his son, who was also constable of this castle, and as such, sole governour of the city, steward of the King's household, and a great favourite: he was drowned in going to Normandy with the King's children, in the twentieth year of this King's reign, and was succeded in honour and estate by

Hugh Bigot, his brother, who was also steward of the household to King Henry I. constable of the castle, and sole governour of the city, and so continued till 1122, in which year the King came to Norwich, and kept his Christmas there; and it is plain he much liked the accommodation and treatment of the citizens, for he then granted them by charter the same franchises and liberties as the city of London then had. And from this time they were governed by a Præpositus, Provost, or Portreve, chosen by the King, who was to collect all the King's duties, and govern the city; and this was the first grant or charter the city had, by which the government of it was severed from the castle, the constable of which till now, was always sole governour, and answered the King his two parts of the profits, and kept the third to himself; and the sheriff, who was then under him, was the officer that collected it; but now the third part of the profits remained to the castle, and was the King's liberty belonging to the castle, which belonged to the constable thereof, who governed it by the sheriff,

And the king's two parts became the citizens, who by this charter exercised all jurisdictions that the King did, in reference to those parts, and returned their fee-farm or annual profits, by the hands of their Provost, who accounted yearly for them to the King: whether this officer was recommended by the citizens to the King, which is most likely, it being annual, or whether the King named without any such recommendation, I cannot find; neither have I met with any copy of this charter, though the truth of it is confirmed not only from many evidences, but by the charter of Henry II. which mentions it.

Daniel, fo. 56, tells us that this King, "had an especial regard to the due administration of justice, that no corruption or oppression might disease his people, whereby things were carried to that eveness, between the great men and commons, as gave all satisfaction; he made divers progresses into remote parts of the land, to see how the state was ordered, and for that purpose, whensoever he was in England, he kept no certain residence, but solemnized the great festivals in several and far distant places of the kingdom, that all might partake of him." A laudable and good example, worthy the learning of this King, who deservedly had the name of Beauclerk, or the fine scholar; for Fuller says, "he was one that crossed the common proverb, the greatest clerks are not the wisest men, being one of the most profound scholars, and most politick princes in his generation."

It appears from the record called Testa de Nevil, that at this time felons were imprisoned in the castle, for it is said that the lands of Bunde son of Harvy Gamel, a resident in North Erpingham hundred, who was imprisoned at Norwich on account of his wife's death, and was acquitted by Harvy Belet, were in the King's hands, but were to be restored.

To say exactly what were the liberties granted, and exercised by, the city in this King's reign, for want of copies of the records, no one can; but whatever they were, they enjoyed them peaceably to his death, in 1135.

title: History of Norfolk/Volume 3/Chapter 7