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 have also been described, but it is admitted that the forms vary much, and it is very generally conceded that these two geographical race-forms may be united with even less marked varieties into the one species Quercus robur.

The amount of timber produced by a sound old oak is very large, although the annual increment is so remarkably small. This increment goes on increasing slightly during the first hundred years or so, and then falls off; but considerable modifications in both the habit of the tree and in the amount of timber produced annually, result from different conditions. Trees grown in closely-planted preserves, for instance, shoot up to great heights, and develop tall, straight trunks with few or no branches; and considerable skill in the forester's art is practiced in removing the proper number of trees at the proper time, to let in the light and air necessary to cause the maximum production of straight timber.

Oaks growing in the open air are much shorter, more branched and spreading, and form the peculiar dense, twisted timber once so valuable for ship-building purposes. Such exposed trees, other things being equal, develop fruit and fertile seeds thirty or forty years sooner than those growing in closed plantations. The timber itself is remarkable for combining so many valuable properties. It is not that oak timber is the heaviest, the toughest, the most beautiful, etc., of known woods, but it is because it combines a good

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 of weight, toughness, durability, and other qualities that it is so valuable for so many purposes. The richness of the cortex in tannin warranted the growing of young oaks at one time for the bark alone, and the value of the acorns for feeding swine has been immense in some districts.

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 CHAPTER II.

the acorns are falling in showers from the oaks in October and November, everybody knows that each of the polished leather-brown, long, egg-shaped bodies tumbles out from a cup-like, scaly investment which surrounded its lower third at the broader end. Perhaps everybody would not be certain as to whether the detached acorn is a seed or a fruit, so I anticipate the difficulty by stating at the outset that the acorn is the fruit of the oak, and contains the seed within its brown shell; and I propose to commence our studies by examining an acorn, deferring the explanation of some minute details of structure until we come to trace the origin of the fruit and seed in the flower.

The average size of the fruit is about 15 to 20 mm., or nearly three quarters of an inch, long, by 8 to 10 mm., or nearly one third of an inch, broad at the middle of its length; the end inserted in the cup or cupule is broad and nearly flat, and marked by a large circular scar (Fig. 2, s) denoting the surface of attachment to the cupule. This scar is rough, and exhibits a number of small points which have resulted from the breaking

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 one passenger car, 6 passengers. Very slow travelling up the grades to Glacier Lake, the engine almost stalling on reverse and even on single curves near Cardinal.

Boulder, Colo., Friday Sept. 16 1910

Started horseback from Darnell's stable at 7:10 a.m., pack on back containing 2 single blankets, camera, field glasses, compass and tape. Bright, hot morning. Reached Sunshine at 9:25 and Ward at 12:10 Sprinkled about 11:45, cooler. Dinner 35¢, horse feed 75¢, rope 20¢. Left Ward horseback at 1:15 p.m. Took the road running north to ridge north of town, crossed the R.R. track S of Newmarket Mill and mine and took road running west. On California Gulch, a branch of Left Hand the old glacier overrode the hills, being several hundred feet deep and reached an altitude of about 9000


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 feet. Left an imposing series of recessional moraines, both terminal and lateral, forming ridged terraces extending to within a few hundred rods of Ward. Passed over into South St. Vrain and followed it up, passing Red Rock Lake, Brainerd Lake and Long Lake and at 4 p.m. reached Fred A. Fair's camp just below Isabel Lake, which lies on a rocky bench over which the outlet makes a fine cataract. It sprinkled much of the afternoon and began to rain just before I reached camp. Fair was not in camp, but Patterson and another man was. Valley is finely U shaped with heavy moraines, roches mouton?es and filled lakebeds. The lakes above named are rather large. Country is much of it heavily timbered. Fred Fair returned late in the evening. Pine squirrels common about the lakes, also grouse.

Lake Isabel, Colo., Saturday Sept. 17, 1910

Cloudy and cool. Fair and I arose at 5:15 a.m. and started up N side of gulch to top ((the?)) divide at 6:50 a.m. Cirques must

[marginalia on side]


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 of some extremely delicate groups of minute pipes, called vascular bundles, which placed the acorn in communication with the cup and the tree previous to the

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 ripening of the former. At the more pointed free end of the acorn is a queer little knob, which is hard and dry, and represents the mummified remains of what was the stigma of the flower, and which lost its importance several months previously, after receiving the pollen.

The outer hard coat of the acorn is a tough, leather-brown polished skin, with fine longitudinal lines on it, and it forms the outer portion of the true covering of the fruit, called the pericarp (Fig. 2,p). On removing it we find a thin, papery membrane inside, adhering partly to the above coat and partly to the seed inside. This thin, shriveled, papery membrane is the inner part of the pericarp, and the details of structure to be found in these layers may be passed over for the present with the remark that they are no longer living structures, but exist simply as protective coverings for the seed inside.

The centre of the acorn is occupied more or less entirely by a hard brown body—the seed—which usually rattles about loosely on shaking the ripe fruit, but which was previously attached definitely at the broad end. A similar series of changes to those which brought about the separation of the acorn from the cup—namely, the shriveling up of the tiny connecting cords, etc.—also caused the separation of the seed from the pericarp, and we may regard the former as a distinct body.

Its shape is nearly the same as that of the acorn in which it loosely fits, and it is usually closely covered

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 with a thin, brown, wrinkled, papery membrane, which is its own coat—the seed-coat, or testa (Fig. 2, t). The extent to which the testa remains adherent to the seed, or to the inner coat of the pericarp, and both together to the harder outer coat of the pericarp, need not be

commented upon further than to say that differences in this respect are found according to the completeness and ripeness of the acorn.

Enveloped in its testa and in the pericarp, then, we find the long acorn-shaped seed, which seems at first to be a mere horn-like mass without parts. This is not the case, however, as may easily be observed by cutting the mass across, or, better still, by first soaking it in water for some hours; it will then be found that the

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 egg-shaped body consists chiefly of two longitudinal halves, separated by a median plane which runs through the acorn from top to bottom. These two halves, lying face to face so closely that it requires the above manipulation to enable us to detect the plane of separation (Fig. 2, l), are not completely independent, however; at a point near the narrower end each of them is attached to the side of a small peg-shaped body, with a conical pointed end turned towards the narrow end of the acorn. This tiny peg-shaped structure is so small that it may be overlooked unless some little care is exercised, but if the hard masses are completely torn apart it will be carried away with one of them.

The two large plano-convex structures are called the cotyledons or seed-leaves (Fig. 2, c), and they, together with the small peg-shaped body, constitute the embryo of the oak. The peg-shaped body presents two ends which project slightly between the two cotyledons beyond the points of attachment to them; the larger of these ends has the shape of a conical bullet, and is directed so that its tip lies in the point of the narrower part of the acorn; the other, and much smaller end, is turned towards the broader extremity of the acorn. The larger, bullet-shaped portion is termed the radicle (Fig. 2, r), and will become the primary root of the oak-plant; the smaller, opposite end is the embryo bud, and is termed the plumule (Fig. 2, pl), and it is destined to develop into the stem and leaves of the oak. If the observer takes the trouble to carefully separate the two

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Rh in turn fixed to the sleepers by two iron spikes, half-round wooden cross sleepers being employed on embankments and stone blocks 20 in. square by 10 in. deep in cuttings. The fish bellied rails, however, were found to break near the chairs, and from 1834 they began to be replaced with parallel rails weighing 50 ℔ to the yard.

The next important development in rail design originated in America, which, for the few lines that had been laid up to 1830, remained content with wooden bars faced with iron. In that year Robert Livingston Stevens (1787–1856), devised for the Camden & Amboy railway a rail similar as to its top to those in use in England, but having a flat base or foot by which it was secured to the sleepers by hook-headed spikes, without chairs (fig. 3); he had to get the first lot of these rails, which were 15 ft. long and weighed 36 ℔ to the yard, manufactured in England, since there were then no mills in America able to roll them. This type, which is often known as the Vignoles rail, after Charles Blacker Vignoles (1793–1875), who re-invented it in England in 1836, is in general use in America and on the continent of Europe. The bridge-rail (fig. 4)–so called because it was first laid on bridges—was supported on continuous longitudinal sleepers and held down by bolts passing through the flanges, and was employed by I. K. Brunel on the Great Western railway, where, however, it was abandoned after the line was converted from broad to standard gauge in 1892. In the double-headed rail (fig. 5), originated by Joseph Locke in 1837, and first laid on the Grand Junction railway, the two tables were equal. This rail was more easily rolled than others, and, being reversible, was in fact two rails in one. But as it was laid in cast-iron chairs the lower table was exposed to damage under the hammering of the traffic, and thus was liable to be rendered useless as a running surface. In consequence the bull-headed rail (fig. 6) was evolved, in which the lower table was made of smaller size and was intended merely as a support, not as a surface to be used by the wheels. There was a waste of metal in these early rails owing to the excessive thickness of the vertical web, and subsequent improvements have consisted in adjusting the dimensions so as to combine strength with economy of metal, as well as in the substitution of steel for wrought iron (after the introduction of the Bessemer process) and in minute attention to the composition of the steel employed.

It was found, naturally, that the rails would not rest in their chairs at the joints, but were loosened and bruised at the ends by the blows of the traffic. The fish-joint was therefore devised in 1847 by W. Bridges Adams, the intention being by “fishing” the joints to convert the rails into continuous beams. In the original design two chairs were placed, one under each rail, a few inches apart, as in fig. 7. The joint was thus suspended between the two chairs, and two keys of iron, called “fishes,” fitting the side channels of the rails, were driven in on each side between the chairs and the rails. In subsequent modifications the fishes were, as they continue to be, bolted to and through the rails, the sleepers being placed rather further apart and the joint being generally suspended between them.

The iron tramway or railway had been known for half a century and had come into considerable use in connexion with collieries and quarries before it was realized that for the carriage of general merchandise it might prove a serious competitor to the canals, of which a large mileage had been constructed in Great Britain during that period. In the article on “Railways” in the Supplement to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, published in 1824, it is said: “It will appear that this species of inland carriage [railways] is principally applicable where trade is considerable and the length of conveyance short; and is chiefly useful, therefore, in transporting the mineral produce of the kingdom from the mines to the nearest land or water communication, whether sea, river or canal. Attempts have been made to bring it into more general use, but without success; and it is only in particular circumstances that navigation, with the aid either of locks or inclined planes to surmount the elevations, will not present a more convenient medium for an extended trade.” It must be remembered, however, that at this time the railways were nearly all worked by horse-traction, and that the use of steam had made but little progress. Richard Trevithick, indeed, had in 1804 tried a high-pressure steam locomotive, with smooth wheels, on a plate-way near Merthyr Tydvil, but it was found more expensive than horses; John Blenkinsop in 1811 patented an engine with cogged wheel and rack-rail which was used, with commercial success, to convey coal from his Middleton Colliery to Leeds; William Hedley in 1813 built two locomotives—Puffing Billy and Wylam Dilly—for hauling coal from Wylam Colliery, near Newcastle; and in the following year George Stephenson’s first engine, the Blucher, drew a train of eight loaded wagons, weighing 30 tons, at a speed of 4 m. an hour up a gradient of 1 in 450. But, in the words of the same article, “This application of steam has not yet arrived at such perfection as to have brought it into general use.”

The steam locomotive, however, and with it the railways, soon began to make rapid progress. On the Stockton & Darlington railway, which was authorized by parliament in 1821, animal power was at first proposed, but on the advice of Stephenson, its engineer, steam-engines were adopted. This line, with three branches, was over 38 m. in length, and was in the first instance laid with a single track, passing-places being provided at intervals of a quarter of a mile. At its opening, on the 27th of September 1825, a train of thirty four vehicles, making a gross load of about 90 tons, was drawn by one engine driven by Stephenson, with a signalman on horseback in advance. The train moved off at the rate of from 10 to 12 m. an hour, and attained a speed of 15 m. an hour on favourable parts of the line. A train weighing 92 tons could be drawn by one engine at the rate of 5 m. an hour. The principal business of the new railway was the conveyance of minerals and goods, but from the first passengers insisted upon being carried, and on the 10th of October 1825 the company began to run a daily coach, called the “Experiment,” to carry six inside, and from fifteen to twenty outside, making the journey from Darlington to Stockton and back in two hours. The fare was 1s., and each passenger was allowed to take baggage not exceeding 14 ℔ weight. The rate for carriage of merchandise was reduced from 5d. to one-fifth of a penny per ton per mile, and that of minerals from 7d. to 1½d. per ton per mile. The price of coals at Darlington fell from 18s. to 8s. 6d. a ton.

The example of the Stockton & Darlington line was followed by the Monklands railway in Scotland, opened in 1826, and several other small lines—including the Canterbury &

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INTRODUCTORY] Whitstable, worked partly by fixed engines and partly by locomotives—quickly adopted steam traction. But the Liverpool & Manchester railway, opened in 1830, first impressed the national mind with the fact that a revolution in the methods of travelling had really taken place; and further, it was for it that the first high-speed locomotive of the modern type was invented and constructed. The directors having offered a prize of, £500 for the best engine, trials were held on a finished portion of the line at Rainhill in October 1829, and three engines took part—the Rocket of George and Robert Stephenson, the Novelty of John Braithwaite and John Ericsson, and the Sanspareil of Timothy Hackworth. The last two of these engines broke down under trial, but the Rocket fulfilled the conditions and won the prize. Its two steam cylinders were 8 in. in diameter, with a stroke of 16½ in., and the driving wheels, which were placed in front under the funnel, were 4 ft. 8½ in. in diameter. The engine weighed 4¼ tons; the tender following it, 3 tons 4cwt.; and the two loaded carriages drawn by it on the trial, 9 tons 11 cwt.: thus the weight drawn was 12¾ tons, and the gross total of the train 17 tons. The boiler evaporated 18¼ cub. ft., or 114 gals., of water an hour, and the steam pressure was 50 ℔ per square inch. The engine drew a train weighing 13 tons 35 m. in 48 minutes, the rate being thus nearly 44 m. an hour; subsequently it drew an average gross load of 40 tons behind the tender at 13·3 m. an hour. The Rocket possessed the three elements of efficiency of the modern locomotive—the internal water-surrounded fire-box and the multitubular flue in the boiler; the blast-pipe, by which the steam after doing its work in the cylinders was exhausted up the chimney, and thus served to increase the draught and promote the rapid combustion of the fuel; and the direct connexion of the steam cylinders, one on each side of the engine, with the two driving wheels mounted on one axle. Of these features, the blast-pipe had been employed by Trevithick on his engine of 1804, and direct driving, without intermediate gearing, had been adopted in several previous engines; but the use of a number (25) of small tubes in place of one or two large flues was an innovation which in conjunction with the blast-pipe contributed greatly to the efficiency of the engine. After the success of the Rocket, the Stephensons received orders to build seven more engines, which were of very similar design, though rather larger, being four-wheeled engines, with the two driving wheels in front and the cylinders behind; and in October 1830 they constructed a ninth engine, the Planet, also for the Liverpool & Manchester railway, which still more closely resembled the modern type, since the driving wheels were placed at the fire-box end, while the two cylinders were arranged under the smoke-box, inside the frames. The main features of the steam locomotive were thus established, and its subsequent development is chiefly a history of gradual increase in size and power, and of improvements in design, in material and in mechanical construction, tending to increased efficiency and economy of operation.

In America the development of the locomotive dates from almost the same time as in England. The earliest examples used in that country, apart from a small experimental model constructed by Peter Cooper, came from England. In 1828, on behalf of the Delaware & Hudson Canal Company, which had determined to build a line, 16 m. long, from Carbondale to Honesdale, Pennsylvania, Horatio Allen ordered three locomotives from Messrs Foster & Rastrick, of Stourbridge, and one from George Stephenson. The latter, named the America, was the first to be delivered, reaching New York in January 1829, but one of the others, the Stourbridge Lion, was actually the first practical steam locomotive to run in America, which it did on the 9th of August 1829. The first American-built locomotive, the Best Friend, of Charleston, was made at the West Point Foundry, New York, in 1830, and was put to work on the South Carolina railroad in that year. It had a vertical boiler, and was carried on four wheels all coupled, the two cylinders being placed in an inclined position and having a bore of about 6 in. with a stroke of 16 in. It is reported to have hauled 40 or 50 passengers in 4 or 5 cars at a speed of 16–21 m. an hour. After a few months of life it was blown up, its attendant, annoyed by the sound of the escaping steam, having fastened down the safety-valve. A second engine, the West Point, also built at West Point Foundry for the South Carolina railroad, differed from the Best Friend in having a horizontal boiler with 6 or 8 tubes, though in other respects it was similar. In 1831 the Baltimore & Ohio Company offered a prize of $4000 for an American engine weighing 3½ tons, able to draw 15 tons at 15 m. an hour on the level: it was won by the York of Messrs Davis & Gartner in the following year. Matthias W. Baldwin, the founder of the famous Baldwin Locomotive Works in Philadelphia, built his first engine, Old Ironsides, for the Philadelphia, Germantown & Morristown railroad; first tried in November 1832, it was modelled on Stephenson’s Planet, and had a single pair of driving wheels at the firebox end and a pair of carrying wheels under the smoke-box. His second engine, the E. L. Miller, delivered to the South Carolina railroad in 1834, presented a feature which has remained characteristic of American locomotives—the front part was supported on a four-wheeled swivelling bogie-truck, a device, however, which had been applied to Puffing Billy in England when it was rebuilt in 1815.

The Liverpool & Manchester line achieved a success which surpassed the anticipations even of its promoters, and in consequence numerous projects were started for the construction of railways in various parts of Great Britain. In the decade following its opening nearly 2000 m. of railway were sanctioned by parliament, including the beginnings of most of the existing trunk-lines, and in 1840 the actual mileage reached 1331 m. The next decade saw the “railway mania.” The amount of capital which parliament authorized railway companies to raise was about 4½ millions on the average of the two years 1842–1843, 17¾ millions in 1844, 60 millions in 1845, and 132 millions in 1846, though this last sum was less than a quarter of the capital proposed in the schemes submitted to the Board of Trade; and the wild speculation which occurred in railway shares in 1845 contributed largely to the financial crisis of 1847. In 1850 the mileage was 6635, in 1860 it was 10,410, and in 1870 it was 15,310. The increase in the decade 1860–1870 was thus nearly 50%, but subsequently the rate of increase slackened, and the mileages in 1880, 1890 and 1900 were 17,935, 20,073 and 21,855. In the United States progress was more rapid, for, beginning at 2816 in 1840, the mileage reached 9015 in 1850, 30,600 in 1860, 87,801 in 1880, and 198,964 in 1900. Canada had no railway till 1853, and in South America construction did not begin till about the same time. France and Austria opened their first lines in 1828; Belgium, Germany, Russia, Italy and Holland in the succeeding decade; Switzerland and Denmark in 1844, Spain in 1848, Sweden in 1851, Norway in 1853, and Portugal in 1854; while Turkey and Greece delayed till 1860 and 1869. In Africa Egypt opened her first line (between Alexandria and Cairo) in 1856, and Cape Colony followed in 1860. In Asia the first line was that between Bombay and Tannah, opened in 1853, and in Australia Victoria began her railway system in 1854 (see also the articles on the various countries for further details about their railways).

Transcontinental Railways.—A railway line across North America was first completed in 1869, when the Union Pacific, building from the Missouri river at Omaha (1400 m. west of New York), met the Central Pacific, which built from San Francisco eastwards, making a line 1848 m. long through a country then for the most part uninhabited. This was followed by the Southern Pacific in 1881, from San Francisco to New Orleans, 2489 miles; the Northern Pacific, from St Paul to Portland, Ore., in 1883; the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fé, from Kansas City to San Diego; and the Great Northern from St Paul to Seattle and New Westminster in 1893. Meanwhile the Canadian Pacific, a true transcontinental line, was built from Montreal, on Atlantic tide-water, to the Pacific at Vancouver, 2906 m. But these lines have been

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Rh dwarfed since 1891 by the Siberian railway, built by the Russian government entirely across the continent of Asia from Cheliabinsk (1769 m. by rail east of St Petersburg) to Vladivostok, a distance of 4073 m., with a branch from Kharbin about 500 m. long to Dalny and Port Arthur. The main line was finished in 1902, except for a length of about 170 m. in very difficult country around the south end of Lake Baikal; this was constructed in 1904, communication being maintained in the interval by ferry-boats, which conveyed all the carriages of a train across the lake, more than 40 m., when the ice permitted. A transcontinental line was long ago undertaken across South America from Buenos Aires to Valparaiso, where the continent is only about 900 m. wide. The last section through the Andes was finished in 1910.

  Mileage.—At the close of 1907 there were approximately 601,808 miles of railway in the world, excluding tramways. On the whole, the best statistical source for this information is the annual computation published by the Archiv für Eisenbahnwesen, the official organ of the Prussian Ministry of Public Works; but the figure quoted above utilizes the Board of Trade returns for the United Kingdom and the report of the Interstate Commerce Commission for the United States. In the United States and in certain other countries, a fiscal year, ending on the 30th of June or at some other irregular period, is substituted for the calendar year.

The partition of this total between the principal geographical divisions of the world is given in Table I. Table II., classifying the mileage of Europe, shows that Russia has taken the lead, instead of Germany, as in former years. If the Asiatic portions of the Russian Empire were given in the same table, the total Russian mileage would appear nearly as large as that of Germany and Italy together. In the United States railway mileage now tends to increase at the rate of slightly over 5000 miles a year, which is about 2⅕% on the present main line mileage. In the ’eighties, the country passed through a period of competitive building, which was productive of much financial disaster. Thus, in 1882, 11,569 m. were built—an addition equivalent to more than 11% of mileage then existing—and in 1887, 12,876 m. were built. Unjustifiable railway expansion had much to do with the American commercial panics of 1884 and 1893. After the reconstruction period of the 1893 panic, however, the tendency for a number of years was to spend larger sums in bettering existing railways rather than in new extensions. The decade from 1896 until 1905, inclusive, saw huge sums spent on yards, passing tracks, grade reduction, elimination of curves, substitution of large locomotives and cars for small ones, &c. During those ten years, the route mileage increased 34,991 m., or 17%, while the mileage of second, third, fourth and yard tracks and sidings increased 32,666 m., or nearly 57%. The number of locomotives increased 12,407, or 35%, and the number of freight cars, 545,222, or 42% Moreover, the average tractive power per locomotive and the average capacity per freight car advanced greatly in this period, although specific figures cannot be given.

Thus it may fairly be said that the railway system of the United States was reconstructed between 1896 and 1905, so far as concerns rails, sleepers, ballast and the general capacity of a given group of lines to perform work. About 1905, however, a new tendency became apparent. At that time the so-called transcontinental railways, connecting the Pacific coast of the United States with the central portions of the country, and thus with the group of railways reaching the Atlantic seaboard, consisted of five railways within the borders of the United States, and one in Canada. In Canada the Canadian Pacific was the only transcontinental line, extending from St John, on the bay of Fundy, and from Quebec, on the river St Lawrence, to Vancouver, on the strait of Georgia, the distance from St John to Vancouver being approximately 3379 m. Within the boundaries of the United States the northernmost of the transcontinental lines was the Great Northern railway, extending from a point opposite Va-ncouver, B.C., and from Seattle, Wash., to Duluth, on Lake Superior, and to St Paul and Minneapolis, Minn., where connexion through to Chicago was made over an allied line, the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, owned jointly by the Great Northern and the Northern Pacific.

Next, south of the Great Northern, lay the Northern Pacific railway, starting on the west from Portland, Ore., and from Seattle and Tacoma, Wash., and extending east to Duluth, St Paul and Minneapolis by way of Helena, Mont. The Central Pacific–Union Pacific route to the coast, with its important affiliated companies, the Oregon Short Line and the Oregon Railroad & Navigation Company, extended from San Francisco, Cal., and Portland, Ore., to Omaha, Neb., by way of Salt Lake City; the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fé extended from San Francisco and Los Angeles, Cal., to Chicago and to Galveston, Tex.; while the Southern Pacific had its line from San Francisco and Los Angeles to Galveston and New Orleans, running for the greater part of the distance just north of the Mexican border.

Thus it will be observed that the five great cities of the Pacific coast—Seattle and Tacoma, Wash., Portland, Ore., and San Francisco and Los Angeles, Cal.—were already well supplied with railways; but the growth of the fertile region lying west of the transcontinental divide was most attractive to American railway builders; and railways serving this district, almost all of them in trouble ten years before, were showing great increases in earnings. In 1903 the Gould lines determined to enter this Pacific territory. Hitherto the western terminus of this group of lines had been Salt Lake City, Utah; by the exceedingly bold construction of the Western Pacific from Salt Lake City to Oakland, Cal., opposite San Francisco, an additional line to the Pacific coast was provided, having low grades and being in all respects well adapted for cheap operation.

Shortly after the plans were announced for building the Western Pacific, the Chicago, Milwaukee & St Paul also decided to extend west. Before that time the St Paul had been a great local railway, operating primarily in the Dakotas, Minnesota, Iowa, Wisconsin and Illinois; but by the construction of a long arm from the Missouri river to Spokane, Seattle and Tacoma, it became a transcontinental line of the first importance, avoiding the mistakes of earlier railway builders by securing a line with easy gradients through the most favourable regions.

At the same time that these two extensions were being undertaken by old and well-established railways, a new company—the Kansas City, Mexico & Orient—was engaged in constructing a line almost due south-west from Kansas City, Mo., to the lower part of the gulf of California in Mexico; while an additional independent line was under construction from Denver in a north-westerly direction towards the Pacific coast. The guarantee for this activity may be illustrated by a single fact: the combined building operations, in 1908, of San Francisco, Seattle, Portland, Los Angeles, Spokane and Salt Lake City exceeded the combined building operations of Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Kansas City, Boston, Baltimore and Cincinnati during the same year. San Francisco spent more in new permanent structures than Philadelphia, and Seattle spent more than Pittsburg.

Recent American railway development, viewed in its larger aspects, has thus been characterized by what may be described as the rediscovery of the Pacific coast. How far this movement will extend it is impossible to say; it is certain, however, that it will be enormously important in re-aligning trade conditions in the United States, Canada and Mexico.

Table III. illustrates the railway mileage in the continent of America at the close of 1907. Outside the United States and Canada, the most interesting American developments are in Mexico and Argentina, these countries

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Rh  which agitated Rome on the death of the former were confined to the walls of the city. But Nero involved the whole empire in his ruin. In the space of eighteen months four princes perished by the sword; and the Roman world was shaken by the fury of the contending armies. Excepting only this short, though violent, eruption of military licence, the two centuries from Augustus to Commodus passed away, unstained with civil blood, and undisturbed by revolutions. The emperor was elected by the authority of the senate and the consent of the soldiers. The legions respected their oath of fidelity; and it requires a minute inspection of the Roman annals to discover three inconsiderable rebellions, which were all suppressed in a few months, and without even the hazard of a battle.

In elective monarchies, the vacancy of the throne is a moment big with danger and mischief. The Roman emperors, desirous to spare the legions that interval of suspense, and the temptation of an irregular choice, invested their designed successor with so large a share of present power, as should enable him, after their decease, to assume the remainder without suffering the empire to perceive the change of masters. Thus Augustus, after all his fairer prospects had been snatched from him by untimely deaths, rested his last hopes on Tiberius, obtained for his adopted son the censorial and tribunitian powers, and dictated a law, by which the future prince was invested with an authority equal to his own over the provinces and the armies. Thus Vespasian subdued the generous mind of his eldest son. Titus was adored by the eastern legions, which, under his command, had recently achieved the conquest of Judea. His power was dreaded, and, as his virtues were clouded by the intemperance of youth, his designs were suspected. Instead of listening to such unworthy suspicions, the prudent monarch associated Titus to the full powers of the Imperial dignity; and the grateful son ever approved himself the humble and faithful minister of so indulgent a father.


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Rh powder magazine of European rivalries in order to buy off a rival to an occupation which we now find is impracticable!

And that decision, taken in 1904 in secret, has cursed our foreign policy ever since. When Germany discovered the facts she challenged the deal and demanded a new International Conference. All the old Franco-German animosities flamed into new life. These Belgian despatches contend that British diplomacy laboured to exacerbate them. Anglo-German relations became poisoned. The Unionist Cabinet prepared to support the deal by Force of arms-the deal of which the British people were in ignorance! The fleet was concentrated in the North Sea. The Dreadnought era was inaugurated. Lord Fisher, the First Sea Lord, began his preparations for the "great task" of a "German war," which included the "Copenhagening" of the German Fleet. The Civil Lord of the Admiralty boasted that by the new disposition of the British fleet Britain could strike the first blow even before war was declared. Preparations for the despatch of an expeditionary force were talked of, and M. Deleassé, the French Foreign Minister, endeavoured to lead his colleagues along his own extreme path by boasting of positive assurances of British military and naval support. And all this arising out of secret deal giving to France what was not ours to give in order that France might agree that we should keep what was not ours to retain. Thus are the destinies of a people made the sport of fools in office, and its patriotism invoked in the most disreputatble and futile of political and strategic combinations.

The Unionist Government disappeared. The Liberals came in, declaiming of peace, retrenchment and reform. Hardly had they taken office when a section of the Cabinet determined, without the knowledge of the other section, let alone Parliament or the country, to base the country's entire foreign policy on the successful accomplishment of this deal, which continued to be unknown to the people. The military editor of a London newspaper, the French military attaché, the chairman of the Committee of Imperial Defence, flit hither and thither

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Rh the doubtful light of a panegyric. There remains, however, one panegyric far removed beyond the suspicion of flattery. Above two hundred and fifty years after the death of Trajan, the senate, in pouring out the customary acclamations on the accession of a new emperor, wished that he might surpass the felicity of Augustus, and the virtue of Trajan.

We may readily believe that the father of his country hesitated whether he ought to intrust the various and doubtful character of his kinsman Hadrian with sovereign power. In his last moments, the arts of the empress Plotina either fixed the irresolution of Trajan, or boldly supposed a fictitious adoption, the truth of which could not be safely disputed; and Hadrian was peaceably acknowledged as his lawful successor. Under his reign, as has been already mentioned, the empire flourished in peace and prosperity. He encouraged the arts, reformed the laws, asserted military discipline, and visited all his provinces in person. His vast and active genius was equally suited to the most enlarged views and the minute details of civil policy. But the ruling passions of his soul were curiosity and vanity. As they prevailed, and as they were attracted by different objects, Hadrian was, by turns, an excellent prince, a ridiculous sophist, and a jealous tyrant. The general tenor of his conduct deserved praise for its equity and moderation. Yet, in the first days of his reign, he put to death four consular senators, his personal enemies, and men who had been judged worthy of empire; and the tediousness of a painful illness rendered him, at last, peevish and cruel. The senate doubted whether they should pronounce him a god or a tyrant; and the honours decreed to his memory were granted to the prayers of the pious Antoninus.

The caprice of Hadrian influenced his choice of a successor. After revolving in his mind several men of distinguished merit, whom he esteemed and hated, he adopted Ælius Verus, a gay and voluptuous nobleman, recommended by uncommon beauty to the lover of Antinous. But whilst Hadrian was delighting


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76 himself with his own applause, and the acclamations of the soldiers, whose consent had been secured by an immense donative, the new Cæsar was ravished from his embraces by an untimely death. He left only one son. Hadrian commended the boy to the gratitude of the Antonines. He was adopted by Pius; and, on the accession of Marcus, was invested with an equal share of sovereign power. Among the many vices of this younger Verus, he possessed one virtue—a dutiful reverence for his wiser colleague, to whom he willingly abandoned the ruder cares of empire. The philosophic emperor dissembled his follies, lamented his early death, and cast a decent veil over his memory.

As soon as Hadrian's passion was either gratified or disappointed, he resolved to deserve the thanks of posterity by placing the most exalted merit on the Roman throne. His discerning eye easily discovered a senator about fifty years of age, blameless in all the offices of life; and a youth of about seventeen, whose riper years opened the fair prospect of every virtue: the elder of these was declared the son and successor of Hadrian, on condition, however, that he himself should immediately adopt the younger. The two Antonines (for it is of them that we are now speaking) governed the Roman world forty-two years with the same invariable spirit of wisdom and virtue. Although Pius had two sons, he preferred the welfare of Rome to the interest of his family, gave his daughter Faustina in marriage to young Marcus, obtained from the senate the tribunitian and proconsular powers, and, with a noble disdain, or rather ignorance, of jealousy, associated him to all the labours of government. Marcus, on the other hand, revered the character of his benefactor, loved him as a parent, obeyed him as his sovereign, and, after he was no more, regulated his own administration by the example and maxims of his predecessor. Their united reigns are possibly the only period of history in which the happiness of a great people was the sole object of government.

Titus Antoninus Pius had been justly denominated a second Numa. The same love of religion, justice, and peace, was the distinguishing characteristic of both princes. But the situation of the latter opened a much larger field for the exercise of those


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386

Economy, 49, 52, 242, 245
 * of psychic expenditure, 180

Ehrenfels, 165

Exaggeration, 280

Exhibitionism, 142

Facade, 155, 158

Facetious questions, 238

Falke, 14, 80, 95

Falstaff, Sir John, 376

Faulty thinking, 81, 84

Fechner, 188, 207, 280

Fischer, 3, 4, 6, 11, 43, 47, 55, 89, 132, 136

Flaubert. 24

Foreconscious, 282

Fore-pleasure, 209, 211

Goethe, 133

Grim humor, 372

Groos, 183, 184, 185, 195

Gross, 278

Harmless wit, 128, 211, 219, 222, 284
 * and tendency- wit, 130

Heine, 9, 15, 26, 43, 44, 47, 55, 57, 92, 94, 106, 109, 119, 122, 171, 215, 216, 223, 341

Heymans, 9, 215

Holmes, 37

Hugo, 373

Humor, 370

Mark Twain's, 374

Imitations, 303, 322

Impulse to impart wit, 200

Indirect expression, 100
 * with allusion, 101

Infantile and the comic, 364

Inhibitions, 140, 197, 206, 230, 231, 236, 290
 * expenditure of, 180

Insults, 209

Invectives, 148, 277

Ironical wit, 100

Irony, 276

Jest, 197, 201, 211, 274, 284

Johnson, 45

Jokes, cynical, 164
 * good or poor, 182
 * Jewish, 59, 72, 97, 166, 218
 * smutty, 139, 140, 145, 233

Kant, 320

Kleinpaul, 198

Kraepelin, 7

Lassalle, 115

Laugh, 221

Laughter as a discharge, 228
 * its determination, 224, 226

Lessing, 97, 130

Libido, 141

Lichtenberg, 39, 78, 89, 95, 97, 104, 115, 118, 121, 122, 129. 132, 149, 218

Lipps, 3, 4. 6, 10, 30, 93, 215, 227, 254, 320, 326

Manifold application, 40, 45

Matthews, 44

Michelet, 78

Modification, 42

Moll, 141

Morality, 163

Motives, 214, 239

Naive, 290
 * characteristics of, 295
 * examples of, 291


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User:Eternal-Entropy

Wikipedia:User:Eternal-Entropy

 * Salutations to that consciousness which is the source of the apparently distinct threefold divisions of knower, knowledge and known; seer, sight and seen; doer, doing and deed.

title: User:Eternal-Entropy


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Page:Franklin D. Roosevelt to Winston Churchill - NARA - 194867.jpg

 :::::December 8, 1941.

WINANT

FOR THE FORMER NAVAL PERSON

 * LONDON

The Senate passed the all-out

declaration of war eighty-two to

nothing, and the House has passed

it three hundred eighty-eight to one.

Today all of us are in the same boat with you and the people of the

Empire and it is a ship which will

not and cannot be sunk.

 * F.D.R.


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June 12

Miss Tully

Showed this to today


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December 10, 1941

FOR FORMER NAVAL PERSON FROM THE PRESIDENT

I know you will understand why it is impossible for me to leave Washington until January sixth. We are in the throes of mobilization and the preparations for the new Congress.

The production and allocation problems are being worked out with complete understanding and accord. Because of the naval situation, Hawaii and West Coast, we shall have to use allotted planes for about three weeks but expect to resume regular schedule of shipments to you and Russia by January first. Practically all other Lend Lease articles are continuing to be shipped.

I wholly agree about the gravity of naval position especially in Pacific. We are both of us reduced to defensive fighting in Pacific Islands and Malaya. At this moment you cannot help us there and we cannot help you except with very small American naval forces now retiring southward from Philippines. Only small reinforcements on both sides can be sent to the area immediately. My first impression is that full discussion would be more useful a few weeks hence then immediately.

However, I will wholeheartedly and gladly accept your opinion on timing. Overjoyed to have you here at White House. If you come, give consideration to Canadian rout, Bermuda rout with plane from there, or sea route all the way.

I know you will disregard anything I may say to you about the personal risk but I want you to remember that it is essential for Empire and us that you stay at the helm.

There are a number of things relating to joint operations that we will be discussing over the radio with you very soon.

Best regards

F.D.R.


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 (To go in Navy Code) November 11, 1941.

WINANT

FOR FORMER NAVAL PERSON

Halifax has asked the Secretary of War for one of our reports which he has gotten wind of relating to some American Army opinions as to the condition of the defense of the British Isles. Frankly these reports are critical and I have asked the Secretary of War to give them to Halifax because I am very confident that our relations are such that this criticism will not be misunderstood in British Army circles. They are intended to be helpful as between two nations working in the closest friendship. I hope you will personally make this clear to your army and air people.

ROOSEVELT

copy to Secretary Hull


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 own independent walls, but the wall which divides any two of them belongs as much to one as to the other, and only here and there do we find a minute opening between three or more cells at the corners, and produced by the partial splitting of the thin wall. We may, if we like, regard the whole embryo as a single mass of material cut up into chambers by means of partition walls, which have a tendency to split a little here and there, much as one could split a piece of pasteboard by inserting a paper-knife between the layers composing it; what we must not do, is to suppose that these cells are so many separate chambers which have been brought into juxtaposition. In other words, the cell-wall separating any two of the chambers is in its origin a whole, common to both chambers, and the plane which may be supposed to divide the limits of each is imaginary only.

I have said that the embryo consists almost entirely of this mass of polygonal, thin-walled cells, and such is called fundamental tissue; but here and there, in very much smaller proportion, we shall find other structures. Surrounding the whole of the embryo, and following every dip and projection of its contours, will be found a single layer of cells of a flattened, tabular shape, and fitting close together so as to constitute a delicate membrane or skin over the whole embryo; this outer layer of the young plant is called the epidermis.

Whenever the cotyledons, or the radicle, or plumule are cut across transversely to their length, there are visible certain very minute specks, which are the cut

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 surfaces of extremely delicate strands or cords of relatively very long and very narrow cells, the minute structure of which we will not now stay to investigate, but simply mention that these extremely fine cords, running in the main longitudinally through the embryo, are termed "vascular bundles" (Fig. 2, ). It may be shown that there is one set of them running up the central part of the radicle, starting from just beneath its tip, and that these pass into the two cotyledons, and there branch and run in long strands towards the ends of the latter.

The three sets of structures which have been referred to are called "tissues," and although they are still in a very young and undeveloped condition, we may say that the embryo consists essentially of a large amount of thin-walled cell-tissue of different ages, which is limited by an epidermal tissue and transversed by vascular tissue. At the tips of the radicle and plumule the cell-tissue is in a peculiar and young condition, and is known as embryonic tissue.

As regards the contents and functions of these tissues, the following remarks may suffice for the present. The polygonal cells of the fundamental tissue of the cotyledons are crowded with numerous brilliant starch grains, of an oval shape and pearly luster, and these lie imbedded in a sort of matrix consisting chiefly of proteids and tannin, together with small quantities of fatty substances.

In each cell there is a small quantity of protoplasm

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 To go in Navy Code Winant to former Naval Person

Halifax has asked the Secretary of War for one of our reports which he has gotten wind of relating to some American Army opinions as to the condition of the defense of the British Isles. Frankly these reports are critical and I have asked the Secretary of War to give them to Halifax because I am very confident that our relations are such that this criticism will not be misunderstood in British Army circles. They are intended to be helpful as between two nations working in the closest friendship. I hope you will personally make this clear to your army and air people.

Roosevelt

(Copy to Hull)


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 and a nucleus, but this latter is only to be detected with difficulty. Certain of the cells contain a dark-brown pigment, composed of substances of the nature of tannin; and small quantities of a peculiar kind of sugar, called quercite, are also found in the cells, together with a bitter substance.

In the main, the above are stored up in the thin-walled parenchyma cells as reserve materials, intended to supply the growing embryo or seedling with nutritious food; the starch grains are just so many packets of a food substance containing carbon, hydrogen, and oxygen in certain proportions, the proteids are similarly a supply of nitrogenous food, and minute but necessary quantities of certain mineral salts are mixed with these. The vascular bundles are practically pipes or conduits which will convey these materials from the cotyledons to the radicle and plumule as soon as germination begins, and I shall say no more of them here, beyond noting that each strand consists chiefly of a few very minute vessels and sieve-tubes. The young epidermis takes no part either in storing or in conducting the food substances; it is simply a covering tissue, and will go on extending as the seedling develops a larger and larger surface.

We are now in a position to inquire into what takes place when the acorn is put into the soil and allowed to germinate. In nature it usually lies buried among the decaying leaves on the ground during the winter, and it may even remain for nearly a year without any

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 change; and in any case it requires a period of rest before the presence of the oxygen of the air and the moisture of the soil are effective in making it germinate—a fact which suggests that some profound molecular or chemical changes have to be completed in the living substance of the cells before further activity is possible. We have other reasons for believing that this is so, and that, until certain ferments have been prepared in the cells, their protoplasm is unable to make use of the food materials, and consequently unable to initiate the changes necessary for growth.

Sooner or later, however, and usually as the temperature rises in spring, the embryo in the acorn absorbs water and oxygen, and swells, and the little radicle elongates and drives its tip through the ruptured investments at the thin end of the acorn, and at once turns downward, and plunges slowly into the soil (Fig. 3). This peculiarity of turning downward is so marked that it manifests itself no matter in what position the acorn lies, and it is obviously of advantage to the plant that the radicle should thus emerge first, and turn away from the light, and grow as quickly as possible towards the center of the earth, because it thus establishes a first hold on the soil, in readiness to absorb water and dissolve mineral substances by the time the leaves open and require them.

The two cotyledons remain inclosed in the coats of the acorn, and are not lifted up into the air; the developing root obtains its food materials from the stores

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Index talk:Sacred Books of the East - Volume VIII.djvu

Newer edition of this volume
FYI There is a newer edition (currently with fewer proofread pages) of this Volume here. Mark Hurd (talk) 17:01, 1 August 2012 (UTC)


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FYI There is an older edition (currently with more proofread pages) of this volume here. Mark Hurd (talk) 17:02, 1 August 2012 (UTC)


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 in the cells of the cotyledons, as do all the parts of the young seedling at this period. In fact, these stores in

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Page:John Winant to Franklin D. Roosevelt - NARA - 194874.jpg

 14 NOVEMBER 1941

FROM WINANT (LONDON) FOR THE PRESIDENT

REGARDING YOUR MESSAGE OF THE 11TH, I PERSONALLY GAVE YOUR CABLE TO THE PRIME MINISTER. HE UNDERSTOOD PERFECTLY YOUR GIVING LORD HALIFAX THE MILITARY INFORMATION REFERRED TO IN YOUR MESSAGE. HE TOLD ME AND I ALSO VERIFIED THE FACT THAT BOTH THE ARMY AND THE AIRFORCE WERE GLAD TO RECEIVE OUR ESTIMATES OF THE MILITARY SITUATION IN ENGLAND. THE PRIME MINISTER DEEPLY APPRECIATED YOUR THOUGHTFULNESS IN WHAT YOU DID AND YOUR CONSIDERATION IN NOTIFYING HIM.

CR 0736

COPY FOR THE PRESIDENT.

NOTE:( REPRODUCTION OF THIS MATERIAL IN ANY FORM IS NOT AUTHORIZED EXCEPT BY SPECIFIC APPROVAL OF THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY)


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 the cotyledons contribute to the support of the baby plant for many months, and even two years may elapse before they are entirely exhausted.

When the elongated radicle, or primary root, has attained a length of two or three inches in the soil, and its tip is steadily plunging with a very slight rocking movement deeper and deeper into the earth, the little plumule emerges from between the very short stalks of the cotyledons (Fig. 3, st), which elongate and separate to allow of its exit, and grows erect into the light and air above ground. It will be understood that this plumule also is living at the expense of the food stores in the cotyledons, the dissolved substances passing up into it through the tiny vascular bundles and cells, as they have all along been passing down to the growing root through the similar channels in its tissues.

The plumule—or, as we must now call it, primary shoot—differs from the root not only in its more tardy growth at first, but also in its habit of growing away from the center of gravitation of the earth and into the light and air; and here, again, we have obviously adaptations which are of advantage to the plant, which would soon be top-heavy, moreover, if the shoot were far developed before the root had established a hold-fast in the soil.

The little oak shoot is for some time apparently devoid of leaves (Fig. 4), but a careful examination shows that as it elongates it bears a few small scattered scales, like tiny membranes, each of which has a very

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 minute bud in its axil. When the primary shoot has attained a length of about three inches there are usually two of these small scale-leaves placed nearly opposite one another close to the tip, and a little longer and narrower than those lower down on the shoot; from between these two linear structures the first true green foliage leaf of the oak arises, its short stalk being flanked by them. This first leaf is small, but the tip of the shoot goes on elongating and throwing out others and larger ones, until by the end of the summer there are about four to six leaves formed, each with its minute stalk flanked by a pair of tiny linear scales ("stipules," as they are called) like those referred to above.

Each of the green leaves arises from a point on the young stem which is a little higher, and more to one side, than that from which the lowermost one springs; hence a line joining the points of insertion of the successive leaves describes an open spiral round the shoot axis—i. e., the stem—and this of such a kind that when the spiral comes to the sixth leaf

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 My dear Mr. Secretary:

I am sending you the message which I received from the other day and a draft of a reply which has been prepared in the Department of Agriculture.

I wish you would have this reviewed by the State Department before it is transmitted to London.

Very sincerely yours,

Enclosure.

The Honorable The Secretary of State.


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 Rh this time a convenient earthquake happened, and the walls of Gallipoli fell down. The Turks immediately marched in, declaring that Providence had opened the city to them, and they could not think of disregarding so clear an instance of divine interposition. From Gallipoli in a few years the Turks had spread over all what is now known as Turkey in Europe, and then began to conquer the outlying provinces—Servia, Bulgaria, Rumania.

This development of Turkish aggrandizement had been a wonderful one, and it occupied only a century and one-half. We shall look far and wide to find a parallel. The reason for this growth was not in the circumstances which surrounded the Turks, but in the great abilities which each of their rulers represented. Cruel they were, and rudely ruled a rude race; yet there is no question as to their pre-eminent power in militarism and statecraft. Now, however, there came an event which not only delayed by fifty years the capture of Constantinople, but seemed to blot out the Ottoman Empire. It was the descent of Tamerlane. This great warrior was himself of Mongol-Turkish race, and had established his dominion throughout lower Russia, Central Asia, India, Persia and Syria, but he had been resisted by the Mamluk Sultans of Egypt and by the Ottoman Sultan of Turkey. The latter was crushed by Tamerlane on that same plain of Angora where the Ottoman Empire had taken its start. The Moslems, believers in fate, regarded the empire doomed where it had begun.

Yet by the energy of a great man—the Sultan Mohammed—the start was made all over again, and only half a century


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 it is vertically above the first or oldest leaf from which we started, and has passed twice round the stem.

At the end of this first year, which we may term the period of germination, the young oak-plant or seedling has a primary root some twelve to eighteen inches long, and with numerous shorter, spreading side rootlets, and a shoot from six to eight inches high, bearing five or six leaves as described, and terminating in a small ovoid bud (Figs. 3 and 4). The whole shoot is clothed with numerous very fine soft hairs, and there are also numerous fine root-hairs on the roots, and clinging to the particles of soil. The tip of each root is protected by a thin colorless cap—the root-cap—the description of which we defer for the present.

About May, in the second year, each of the young roots is elongating in the soil and putting forth new root-hairs and rootlets, while the older roots are thickening and becoming harder and covered with cork; and each of the buds in the axils of the last year's leaves begins to shoot out into a branch, bearing new leaves in its turn, while the bud at the end of the shoot elongates and lengthens the primary stem, the older parts of which are also becoming thicker and clothed with cork. And so the seedling develops into an oak-plant, each year becoming larger and more complex, until it reaches the stage of the sapling, and eventually becomes a tree.

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 4 sufficed to rebuild the empire, to overwhelm the Christians with just retribution for their perfidy, and to capture Constantinople. How could all this be done, and so soon? First, because of the superiority in physical and moral worth of the Ottoman Turks; because they represented a better government than those about them; because the disintegrated peoples of Asia Minor in the south and the conquered Christians in the north had become so impressed with these things that they were ready to fuse with the turks, even to accepting the religion of the latter; and because the clever Ottomans made no difference between born and converted Moslems in preferment; indeed, most of the Grand Viziers have been of Christian or of Jewish birth.

After Constantinople, the Crimea, Greece, Armenia and Kurdistan were taken, while a foothold was gained on the Italian coast at Otranto. Many important conquests now followed—those of Mesopotamia, Syria, Arabia and Egypt; this was not only a vast addition, but, what was of infinitely greater moment, gave to the Ottoman Sultan the title of Khalif, for by the conquest of the Mamluks he succeeded to their supremacy over the sacred cities of Mecca and Medina, while the last of the Baghdad Khalifs made over to the Ottoman Sultan the symbols of his high office—namely, the cloak and the standard of the Prophet himself. Then came the conquest of Hungary; but when Suleiman the Magnificent would take Vienna, his siege came to naught, and the Ottoman Empire met its first rebuff. Still, its conquests increased, as a rule, in spite of a second check—this time at Lepanto; Cyprus, Tunis, and Georgia were added to the


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 Rh empire, and the first conflict experienced with Russia. The year 1600 marked the point of greatest territorial extent.

Then followed a decline; Turkey itself receded, then it was dismembered. Hungary was first lopped off, then Transylvania, then Wallachia, and so on; and the empire had to acknowledge the independence of peoples once subject to it. We have noted the causes of growth: those of decline are no less evident. In the first place, Turkey has ever been a consumer, not a producer: a military power, she has fattened on what conquered lands could give her: she gave them nothing. Often she gave them worse than nothing—cruelty, brutal lust, slavery. After Suleiman—a prince who held his own in that Renaissance age which saw a Charles V, an Elizabeth, a Francis I, a Leo X—there was, in place of barbaric but direct government, indirection and the growing seclusion of the Sultan, induced largely by the pernicious harem influence. The first ten sultans had been robust, able, cruel; the last twenty-five (save Mahmud II) have been no less cruel, but no longer robust, no longer able. There were now, however, external causes to accentuate the internal, the chief of which was Russia's rise. By 1700 the Turkish dominions in Europe had shrunk to half their former extent. The next century saw Russian aggrandizement come to such a point that not only did the Crimean Khanate become independent of Turkey, but gates at Moscow and Kherson were inscribed "The Way to Constantinople," and Constantine became henceforth an honored name in the Russian Imperial family. Later events—Navarino, the disaffection of Egypt, the treaty of Unkiar-Skelessi lately rumored to have been readopted), the


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In the preparation of this book great care and pains has been taken to use only such information of the massacres and condition of the country as were known to be trustworthy. Many hundreds of letters, written by eye-witnesses, have been placed at our disposal; but nearly all of these we are unable to publish. Nearly all which are given were furnished by private parties, who had friends in Armenia, or were written by missionaries. We are compelled to withhold in nearly every instance the names of the writers of these letters on account of their personal safety. The illustrations, which greatly increase the value of this book, have been secured through the kindness of former residents in that country and also by direct importation from Constantinople, and furnish the reader a truthful knowledge of the country and its people.

The publishers desire to make a public acknowledgment of the kindness of the editors of the Review of Reviews, Independent, and Outlook, of New York. They kindly gave permission to make use of articles which had appeared in their papers.


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 very inconvenient criticism of abuses in church and state. The fact is that the Lettres persanes is the first book of what is called the Philosophe movement. It is amusing to find Voltaire describing the Lettres as a “trumpery book,” a “book which anybody might have written easily.” It is not certain that, in its peculiar mixture of light badinage with not merely serious purpose but gentlemanlike moderation, Voltaire could have written it himself, and it is certain that no one else at that time could.

The reputation acquired by this book brought Montesquieu much into the literary society of the capital, and he composed for, or at any rate contributed to, one of the coteries of the day the clever but rather rhetorical Dialogue de Sylla et d’Eucrate, in which the dictator gives an apology for his conduct; For Mlle de Clermont, a lady of royal blood, a great beauty and a favourite queen of society, he wrote the curious prose-poem of the Temple de Gnide. This is half a narrative, half an allegory, in the semi-classical or rather pseudo-classical taste of the time, decidedly frivolous and dubiously moral, but of no small elegance in its peculiar style. A later jeu d’esprit of the same kind, which is almost but not quite certainly Montesquieu’s, is the Voyage à Paphos, in which his warmest admirers have found little to praise. In 1725 Montesquieu was elected a member of the Academy, but an almost obsolete rule requiring residence in Paris was appealed to, and the election was annulled. It is doubtful whether a hankering after Parisian society, or an ambition to belong to the Academy, or a desire to devote himself to literary pursuits of greater importance, or simple weariness of not wholly congenial work determined him to give up his Bordeaux office. In 1726 he sold the life-tenure of his office, reserving the reversion for his son, and went to live in the capital, returning, however, for half of each year to La Brède. There was now no further formal obstacle to his reception in the Académie Française, but a new one arose. Ill-wishers had brought the Lettres persanes specially under the minister André Hercule de Fleury’s attention, and Fleury, a precisian in many ways, was shocked by them. There are various accounts of the way in which the difficulty was got over, but all seem to agree that Montesquieu made concessions which were more effectual than dignified. He was elected and received in January 1728.

Almost immediately afterwards he started on a tour through Europe to observe men, things and constitutions. He travelled through Austria to Hungary, but was unable to visit Turkey as he had proposed. Then he made for Italy, where he met Chesterfield. At Venice, and elsewhere in Italy, he remained nearly a year, and then journeyed by way of Piedmont and the Rhine to England. Here he stayed for some eighteen months, and acquired an admiration for English character and polity which never afterwards deserted him. He returned, not to Paris, but to La Brède, and to outward appearance might have seemed to be settling down as a squire. He altered his park in the English fashion, made sedulous inquiries into his own genealogy, arranged an entail, asserted, though not harshly, his seignorial rights, kept poachers in awe and so forth. But these matters by no means engrossed his thoughts. In his great study at La Brède (a hall rather than a study, some 60 ft. long by 40 wide) he was constantly dictating, making abstracts, revising essays, and in other ways preparing his main book. He may have thought it wise to soften the transition from the Lettres persanes to the Esprit des lois, by interposing a publication graver than the former and less elaborate than the latter. The Considérations sur les causes de la grandeur et de la décadence des Romains appeared in 1734 at Amsterdam, without the author’s name. This, however, was perfectly well known; indeed, Montesquieu formally presented a copy to the French Academy. But the author’s reputation as a jester stuck to him, and the salons affected to consider the Lettres persanes and the new book respectively as the “grandeur” and the “décadence de” M. de Montesquieu; but more serious readers at once perceived its extraordinary merit, and it was eagerly read abroad. A copy of it exists or existed which had the singular misfortune to be annotated by Frederick the Great, and to be abstracted from the Potsdam library by Napoleon. It is said, moreover, by competent authorities to have been the most enduringly popular and the most widely read of all its author’s works in his own country, and it was certainly been the most frequently and carefully edited. Merely scholastic criticism may of course object to it, as to every other book of the time, the absence of the exactness of modern critical inquiry into the facts of history; but the virtue of Montesquieu’s book is in its views, not in its facts. It is (putting Bossuet and Giovanni Vico aside) almost the first important essay in the philosophy of history. The point of view is entirely different from that of Bossuet, and it seems entirely improbable that Montesquieu knew anything of Vico. In the Grandeur et decadence the characteristics of the Esprit des lois appear with the necessary subordination to a narrower subject. Two things are especially noticeable in it: a peculiarity of style, and a peculiarity of thought. The style has a superficial defect. The page is broken up into short paragraphs of but a few lines each, which look very ugly, which irritate the reader by breaking the sense, and which prepare him to expect an undue and ostentatious sententiousness. On the other hand, the merits of the expression are very great. It is grave and destitute of ornament, but extraordinarily luminous and full of what would be called epigram, if the word epigram had not a certain connotation of flippancy about it. It is a very short book; for, printed in large type with tolerably abundant notes, it fills but two hundred pages in the standard edition of Montesquieu’s works. But no work of the century, except Turgot’s second Sorbonne Discourse, contains, in proportion to its size, more weighty and original thought on historical subjects, while Montesquieu has over Turgot the immense advantage of style.

Although, however, this ballon d’essai, in the style of his great work, may be said to have been successful, and though much of that work was, as we have seen, in all probability already composed, Montesquieu was in no hurry to publish it. He went on “cultivating the garden” diligently both as a student and as an improving landowner. He wrote the sketch of Lysimaque for Stanislaus Leczinski; he published new and final editions of the Temple de Gnide, of the Lettres persanes, of Sylla et Eucrate (which indeed had never been published, properly speaking). After allowing the Grandeur et decadence to be reprinted without alterations some half-dozen times, he revised and corrected it. He also took great pains with the education of his son Charles and his daughter Denise, of whom he was extremely fond. He frequently visited Paris, where his favourite resorts were the salons of Mme de Tencin and Mme d’Aiguillon. Yet it seems that he did not begin the final task of composition till 1743. Two years of uninterrupted work at La Brède finished the greater part of it, and two more the rest. It was finally published at Geneva in the autumn of 1748, in two volumes quarto. The publication was, however, preceded by one of those odd incidents which in literature illustrate Clive’s well-known saying about courts-martial in war. Montesquieu summoned a committee of friends, according to a very common practice, to hear and give an opinion on his work. It was an imposing and certainly not an unfriendly one, consisting of Charles Jean François Hénault, Helvétius, the financier Étienne de Silhouette, the dramatist Joseph Saurin, Crébillon the younger, and, lastly, Fontenelle—in fact, all sorts and conditions of literary men. They unanimously advised the author not to publish a book which has been described as “one of the most important books ever written,” and which may be almost certainly ranked as the greatest book of the French 18th century.

Montesquieu, of course, did not take his friends’ advice. In such cases no man ever does, and in this case it was certainly fortunate. The Esprit des lois represents the reflections of a singularly clear, original, and comprehensive mind, corrected by forty years’ study of men and books, arranged in accordance with a long deliberated plan, and couched in language of remarkable freshness and idiosyncrasy. In the original editions the full title runs L’Esprit des lois : ou du rapport que les lois

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 doivent avoir avec la constitution de chaque gouvernement, les mœurs, le climat, la religion, le commerce, &c. It consists of thirty-one books, which in some editions are grouped in six parts. Speaking summarily, the first part, containing eight books, deals with law in general and with forms of government; the second, containing five, with military arrangements, with taxation, &c.; the third, containing six, with manners and customs, and their dependence on climatic conditions; the fourth, containing four, with economic matters; and the fifth, containing three, with religion. The last five books, forming a kind of supplement, deal specially with Roman, French, and feudal law. The most noteworthy peculiarity of the book to a cursory reader lies in the section dealing with effects of climate, and this indeed was almost the only characteristic which the vulgar took in, probably because it was easily susceptible of parody and reductio ad absurdum. The singular spirit of moderation which distinguishes its views on politics and religion was indeed rather against it than in its favour in France, and Helvétius, who was as outspoken as he was good-natured, had definitely assigned this as the reason of his unfavourable judgment. On the other hand, if not destructive it was sufficiently critical, and it thus raised enemies on more than one side. It was long suspected, but is now positively known, that the book (not altogether with the goodwill of the pope) was put on the Index, and the Sorbonne projected, though it did not carry out, a regular censure. To all these objectors the author replied in a masterly défense; and there seems to be no foundation for the late and scandalous stories which represent him as having used Mme de Pompadour’s influence to suppress criticism. The fact was that, after the first snarlings of envy and incompetence had died away, he had little occasion to complain. Even Voltaire, who was his decided enemy, was forced at length to speak in public, if not in private, complimentarily of the Esprit, and from all parts of Europe the news of success arrived.

Montesquieu enjoyed his triumph rather at La Brède than at Paris. He was becoming an old man, and, unlike Fontenelle, he does not seem to have preserved in old age the passion for society which had marked his youth. He certainly spent much of his later years in the country, though he sometimes visited Paris, and on one visit procured the release of his admirer Laurent Angliviel de La Beaumelle from an imprisonment which La Beaumelle had suffered at the instance of Voltaire. He is said also to have been instrumental in obtaining a pension for Alexis Piron. Nor did he by any means neglect literary composition. The curious little romance of Arsace et Isménie, a short and unfinished treatise on Taste, many of his published Pensées, and much unpublished matter date from the period subsequent to the Esprit des lois. He did not, however, live many years after the appearance of his great work. At the end of 1754 he visited Paris, with the intention of getting rid of the lease of his house there and finally retiring to La Brède. He was shortly after taken ill with an attack of fever, which seems to have affected the lungs, and in less than a fortnight he died, on the 10th of February 1755, aged sixty-six. He was buried in the church of St Sulpice with little pomp, and the Revolution obliterated all trace of his remains.

The literary and philosophical merits of Montesquieu and his position, actual and historical, in the literature of France and of Europe, are of unusual interest. At the beginning of the next century the vicomte de Bonald classed him with Racine and Bossuet, as the object of a “religious veneration” among Frenchmen. But Bonald was not quite a suitable spokesman for France, and it may be doubted whether the author of the Esprit des lois has ever really occupied any such position in his own country. For a generation after his death he remained indeed the idol and the great authority of the moderate reforming party in France. Montesquieu is not often quotable, or quoted, at the present day, and the exact criticism of our time challenges the accuracy of his facts. Although he was really the founder, or at least one of the founders, of the sciences of comparative politics and of the philosophy of history, his descendants and followers in these sciences think they have outgrown him. In France his popularity has always been dubious and contested. It is a singular thing that for more than a century there was no properly edited edition of his works, and nothing even approaching a complete biography of him, the place of the latter being occupied by the meagre and rhetorical Éloges of the last century. According to his chief admirers, he is hardly read at all in France to-day, and they attempt to explain the fact by confessing that Montesquieu, great as he is, is not altogether great according to French principles. It is not only that he is an Anglo-maniac, but that he is rather English than French in style and thought. He is almost entirely dispassionate in politics, but he lacks the unswerving deductive consistency which Frenchmen love in that science. His wit, it is said, is quaint and a little provincial, his style irregular and in no definite genre.

Some of these things may be allowed to exist and to be defects in Montesquieu, but they are balanced by merits which render them almost insignificant. It is on his three principal works that his fame does and must rest. Each one of these is a masterpiece in its kind. It is doubtful whether the Lettres persanes yield at their best either in wit or in giving lively pictures of the time to the best of Voltaire’s similar work, though they are more unequal. There is, moreover, the great difference between Montesquieu and Voltaire that the former is a rational reformer, and not a mere persifleur or frondeur, to whom fault-finding is more convenient than acquiescence for showing off his wit. Of course this last description does not fully or always describe Voltaire, but it often does. It is seldom or never applicable to Montesquieu. Only one of Voltaire’s own charges against the book and its author must be fully allowed. He is said to have replied to a friend who urged him to give up his habit of sneering at Montesquieu, “Il est coupable de lèse-poésie,” and this is true. Not only are Montesquieu’s remarks on poetry childish (he himself occasionally wrote verses, and very bad ones), but he is never happy in purely literary appreciation. The Considérations are noteworthy, not only for the complete change of style (which from the light and mocking tone of the Lettres becomes grave, weighty and sustained, with abundance of striking expression), but for the profundity and originality of the views, and for the completeness with which the author carries out his plan. These words—except, perhaps the last clause—apply with increasing force to the Esprit des lois. The book has been accused of desultoriness, but this arises, in part at least, from a misapprehension of the author’s design. At the same time, it is impossible to deny that the equivocal meaning of the word “law,” which has misled so many reasoners, has sometimes misled Montesquieu himself. For the most part, however, he keeps the promise of his sub-title (given above) with fidelity, and applies it with exhaustive care. It is only in the last few books, which have been said to be a kind of appendix, that something of irrelevancy suggests itself. The real importance of the Esprit des lois, however, is not that of a formal treatise on law, or even on polity. It is that of an assemblage of the most fertile, original and inspiriting views on legal and political subjects, put in language of singular suggestiveness and vigour, illustrated by examples which are always apt and luminous, permeated by the spirit of temperate and tolerant desire for human improvement and happiness, and almost unique in its entire freedom at once from doctrinairism, from visionary enthusiasm, from egotism, and from an undue spirit of system. As for the style, no one who does not mistake the definition of that much used and much misused word can deny it to Montesquieu. He has in the Esprit little ornament, but his composition is wholly admirable. Yet another great peculiarity of this book, as well as of the Considérations, has to be noticed. The genius of the author for generalization is so great, his instinct in political science so sure, that even the falsity of his premises frequently fails to vitiate his conclusions. He has known wrong, but he has thought right.

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 8 Crimean war reaction, quickly followed by the Lebanon affair, the independence of Rumania, the successive revolts of the Herzegovina, of Bulgaria, Servia and Montenegro, resulting in the Russo-Turkish war, and the further dismemberment of Turkey in both Europe and Asia—are not these summed up in Lord Beaconsfield's phrase, "Peace with honor?"—a phrase which has meant so much peace to some of the European States, little and big, so little honor to Great Britain and Turkey. The latter's hold in Europe, both in area and population, is now reduced to less than one-fourth of what it once was. It still has much of its vast area and population in Asia; but in Africa the loss of Algiers, Tunis and Egypt takes away two-thirds of its area and twelve times the present population in Tripoli.

Fifty years ago the Emperor Nicholas said to Sir Hamilton Seymour: "We have on our hands a sick man, a very sick man." The present invalid is the Sultan Abdul-Hamid II. He succeeded to the throne in 1876, on the deposition of his older brother, Murad V, who was declared to be suffering from idiocy, and has since been kept in strict seclusion. Abdul-Hamid is the thirty-fifth sovereign in uninterrupted male descent of the House of Othman, the founder of the empire. No family in European history can show such an example of continuous authority. The crown is inherited by the eldest male descendant in the imperial line, no matter whether he be the Sultan's son, uncle, cousin, or nephew.

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 found for Wolsey, More was raised to the chancellorship. The selection was justified by More’s high reputation, but it was also significant of the modification which the policy of the court was then undergoing. It was a concession to the rising popular party, to which it was supposed that More’s politics inclined him. The public favour with which his appointment had been received was justified by his conduct as judge in the court of Chancery. Having heard causes in the forenoon between eight and eleven, after dinner he sat again to receive petitions. The meaner the suppliant was the more affably he would speak to him and the more speedily he would despatch his case. In this respect he formed a great contrast to his predecessor, whose arrears he soon cleared off. One morning being told by the officer that there was not another cause before the court, he ordered the fact to be entered on record, as it had never happened before. He not only refused all gifts—such as had been usual—himself, but took measures to prevent any of his connexions from interfering with the course of justice. One of his sons-in-law, Heron, having a suit in the chancellor’s court, and refusing to agree to any reasonable accommodation, because the judge “was the most affectionate father to his children that ever was in the world,” More thereupon made a decree against him.

Unfortunately for Sir Thomas More, a lord chancellor is not merely a judge, but has high political functions to perform. In raising More to that eminent position, the king had not merely considered his professional distinction but had counted upon his avowed liberal and reforming tendencies. In the Utopia, which, though written earlier, More had allowed to be printed as late as 1516, he had spoken against the vices of power, and declared for indifference of religious creed with a breadth of philosophical view of which there is no other example in any Englishman of that age. At the same time, as he could not be suspected of any sympathy with Lutheran or Wickliffite heretics, he might fairly be regarded as qualified to lead the party which aimed at reform in State and Church within the limits of Catholic orthodoxy. But in the king’s mind the public questions of reform were entirely sunk in the personal one of the divorce. The divorce was a point upon which Sir Thomas would not yield. And, as he saw that the marriage with Anne Boleyn was determined upon, he petitioned the king to be allowed to resign the Great Seal, alleging failing health. With much reluctance the royal permission was given and the resignation accepted, on the 10th of May 1532, with many gracious expressions of goodwill on the part of the king. The promise held out of future bounty was never fulfilled, and More left office, as he had entered it, a poor man. His necessitous condition was so notorious that the clergy in convocation voted him a present of £5000. This he peremptorily refused, either for himself or for his family, declaring that he “had rather see it all cast into the Thames.” Yet the whole of his income after resigning office did not exceed £100 a year.

Hitherto he had maintained a large establishment, not on the princely scale of Wolsey, but in the patriarchal fashion of having' all his sons-in-law, with their families, under his roof. When he resigned the chancellorship he called his children and grandchildren together to explain his reduced circumstances. “If we wish to live together,” said he, “you must be content to be contributories together. But my counsel is that we fall not to the lowest fare first: we will not, therefore, descend to Oxford fare, nor to the fare of New Inn, but we will begin with Lincoln’s Inn diet, where many right worshipful men of great account and good years do live full well; which if we find ourselves the first year not able to maintain, then we will in the next year come down to Oxford fare, where many great learned and ancient fathers and doctors are continually conversant; while if our purses stretch not to maintain neither, then may we after, with bag and wallet, go a-begging together, hoping that for pity some good folks will give us their charity.”

More was now able, as he writes to Erasmus, to return to the life which had always been his ambition, when, free from business and public affairs, he might give, himself up to his favourite studies and to the practices of his devotion. Of the Chelsea interior Erasmus has drawn a charming picture, which may vie with Holbein’s celebrated canvas, “The Household of Sir Thomas More.”

But More was too conspicuous to be long allowed to enjoy the happiness of a retired life. A special invitation was sent him by the king to attend the coronation of Anne Boleyn, accompanied with the gracious offer of £20 to buy a new suit for the occasion! More refused to attend, and from that moment was marked out for vengeance. A first attempt made to being him within the meshes of the law only recoiled with shame upon the head of the accusers. They were maladroit enough to attack him on his least vulnerable side, summoning him before the privy council to answer to a charge of receiving bribes in the administration of justice. One Parnell was put forward to complain of a decree pronounced against him in favour of the contending party Vaughan, who he said had presented a gilt cup to the chancellor. More stated that he had received a cup as a New Year’s gift. Lord Wiltshire, the queen’s father, exultingly cried out, “So, did I not tell you, my lords, that you would find this matter true?" “But, my lords,” continued More, “having pledged Mrs Vaughan in the wine wherewith my butler had filled the cup, I restored the cup to her.” Two other charges of a like nature were refuted as triumphantly. But the very futility of the accusations must have betrayed to More the bitter determination of his enemies to compass his destruction. Foiled in their first ill-directed attempt, they were compelled to have recourse to that tremendous engine of regal tyranny, the law of treason. A bill was brought into parliament to attaint Elizabeth Barton, a nun, who was said to have held treasonable language. Barton turned out afterwards to have been an impostor, but she had duped More, who now lived in a superstitious atmosphere of convents and churches, and he had given his countenance to her supernatural pretensions. His name, with that of Fisher, was accordingly included in the bill as an accomplice. When he came before the council it was at once apparent that the charge of treason could not be sustained, and the efforts of the court agents were directed to draw from More some approbation of the king’s marriage. But to this neither cajolery nor threats could move him. The preposterous charge was urged that it was by his advice that the king had committed himself in his book against Luther to an assertion of the pope’s authority, whereby the title of “Defender of the Faith” had been gained, but in reality a sword put into the pope’s hand to fight against him. More was able to reply that he had warned the king that this Very thing might happen, that upon some breach of amity between the crown of England and the pope Henry’s too pronounced assertion of the papal authority might be turned against himself, “therefore it were best that place be amended, and his authority more slenderly touched.” “Nay,” replied the king, “that it shall not; we are so much bound to the see of Rome that we cannot do too much honour unto it. Whatsoever impediment be to the contrary, we will set forth that authority to the utmost; for we have received from that see our crown imperial,” “which,” added More, “till his grace with his own mouth so told me

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 Rh sea-wall of Constantinople. It is called Bab-i-Humayum (the great gate of the Seraglio), or the Sublime Porte. In the old days, just without this gate pyramids of heads used to be piled up, trophies of war. The Sublime Porte really means the Sultan. He is absolute in matters both temporal and spiritual. He delegates his authority in temporal things to his Grand Vizier, and in religious affairs to the Sheik-ul-Islam. In connection with the Sultan and Grand Vizier is the Privy Council, the ministers of which, however, are little more than secretaries. Connected with the Sheik-ul-Islam is the Ulema, a body comprising priests and lawyers, and also the Mufti, the interpreters of the Koran. The government is thus before everything a theocracy, and is irreformable to any permanent degree. True, a constitution was proclaimed in 1876, but it lasted only a few months. There can be no equality of Moslem and Christian before the law. Yet the Sultan has repeatedly promised "perfect equality of civil rights" to all his subjects. What he really has had to do, however, is to exercise his Khalifate. By its votaries the Mohammedan religion is believed to be God's last expression of His will. Therefore, the Sultan, the Moslem counterpart of papal vicegerency and infallibility, is not only a sovereign, he is also an Inquisitor. He must needs compel all to embrace Islam; if the "heathen" will not, then death to them; if Christians and Jews will not, then servitude to them. The Turkish dominion in Europe is about equally divided between Mohammedans and Christians, but in Asia the former form a vast majority. The Christians number those who