text:
User:Roseohioresident/sandbox

MEIGS, Return Jonathan, soldier, b. in Middletown, Conn., 17 Dec. 1734; d. in Cherokee agency, Ga., 28 Jan., 1823. He marched with a company of light infantry to the vicinity of Boston immediately after the battle of Lexington, and was assigned to duty under Col.

with the rank of major. He accompanied the expedition through Maine to Canada, and was captured in the assault on Quebec, but was exchanged during the following year. He then devoted his energies toward raising a regiment, and in 1777 was promoted to colonel. In May, 1777, at the head of 170 men, he attacked the British troops at Sag Harbor, L. I., making ninety prisoners, and destroying twelve vessels and much forage without the loss of a man. For this brilliant exploit, congress voted him thanks and a sword. Col. Meigs commanded a regiment under Gen.

at the storming of Stony Point, and was honorably mentioned by Washington. Subsequently he served in various places until the close of the war. He was one of the earliest settlers of Ohio, going there in 1788, and he drew up a system of regulations for the first emigrants, that was posted on a large oak-tree, near the confluence of the Ohio and Muskingum rivers. In 1801 he was appointed Indian agent of the Cherokees, among whom he passed the remainder of his life. The origin of his name is of peculiar interest. His father, when a young man, was very attentive to a fair Quakeress, who resided in the vicinity of Middletown, but he was unsuccessful in his suit and repeatedly rejected with “Nay, Jonathan, I respect thee much; but I cannot marry thee.” But on his last visit, as he slowly mounted his horse, the relenting lady beckoned him to stop, saying: “Return, Jonathan ! Return, Jonathan !” These, the happiest words he had ever heard, he gave as a name to his first-born son. Col. Meigs journal of the expedition to Quebec, which is said to be the best account extant, appeared in the “American Remembrancer” of 1776, and was published with and introduction and notes by Charles L. Bushnell (New York, 1864). - His son, Return Jonathan, senator, b. in Middletown, Conn., in November, 1765; d. in Marietta, Ohio, 29 March, 1825, was graduated at Yale in 1785, and then studied law. In 1788 he went to Ohio with his father and settled in Marietta. He was sent on a commission to the British commander at Detroit by Gen.

in 1790, and subsequently participated frequently in the Indian fights of that period. During 1803-'4 he was chief justice of the Ohio supreme court, and he then had charge of the St. Charles district in Louisiana until 1806, with the brevet rank of lieutenant-colonel in the U.S. army, being also judge of the supreme court in that district during 1805-'6. Mr. Meigs was appointed judge of the U.S. district court of Michigan in April, 1807, and continued in that office until 1808, when he was elected as a Democrat to the U.S. senate from Ohio, serving from 6 Jan., 1809, till 1 May, 1810. He was elected governor of Ohio in 1810, and held that office until 1814. During the war with Great Britain in 1812-'15 he did more than any other governor to aid the country during that conflict by the prompt organizing of militia, by garrisoning the forts and securing safety to the exposed settlements, and by the aid that he rendered to the army under Gen. . On the resignationof Postmaster-General Gideon Granger in March, 1814, President Madison invited Col. Meigs to fill that place in the cabinet, and he continued in office under Monroe until December, 1823, when he retired to Marietta, Ohio, and there passed the remainder of his life. - The second Return Jonathan's nephew, Return Jonathan, lawyer, b. in Clark co., Ky., 14 April, 1801, was educated at various academies and after studying law was admitted to the bar in Frankfort, Ky., in October, 1822. He then visited his grandfather, who was stationed at that time as Indian agent in Hiawassee garrison, East Tenn., and subsequently, after that relative's death, administered his estate. He was made special agent to the Cherokee and Creek Indians in 1834, and was appointed in March, 1841, U.S. district attorney for the middle district of Tennessee. Later he served for one term as state senator. In 1863, on the organization of the supreme court of the district of Columbia, he became its clerk, which office he still (1888) holds. He has published “Reports of Cases in the Supreme Court of Tennessee” (Nashville, 1839); “Digest of all the Decisions of the Former Superior Courts of Law and Equity, and of the Supreme Court of Errors and Appeals in the State of Tennessee” (1848); and “The Code of Tennessee,” prepared in connection with William F. Cooper, under enactment of the legislature of Tennessee (1858). His son and grandson, who are residents of Washington, D.C., bear the same name. - Return Jonathan's brother, Josiah, educator, b. in Middletown, Conn., 21 Aug., 1757; d. in Washington, D.C., 4 Sept., 1822, was graduated at Yale in 1788, where among his classmates, were , Uriah Tracy, , and Oliver Wolcott. In 1781 he was appointed tutor in mathematics, natural philosophy, and astronomy in Yale, and at the same time studied law, being admitted to the bar of New Haven in April, 1783. He resigned the tutorship in 1784, and in conjunction with Daniel Bowen and Eleutheros Dana established a printing-office, and published weekly “The New Haven Gazette,” to which in time he added the sub-title of “Connecticut Magazine,” and ultimately became its sole publisher. To its columns many of the distinguished men of the time contributed, but it was not a financial success, and finally ceased in 1788. In 1784 he was elected city clerk of New Haven, which office he held until 1789, during which year he also delivered a series of philosophical lectures in the chapel of Yale college. He went to Bermuda in 1789 for the purpose of establishing a law-practice, and appeared as the defender of American vessels that were captured by British privateers. This course led him into difficulties, and he was tried for treason, but was acquitted, and in 1794 returned to New York. In that year he became professor of mathematics and natural philosophy in Yale, where he remained until 1801. On the opening of the University of Georgia in 1800, he was chosen the first professor and acting president, continuing in the latter office until 1810, but retaining the professorship of mathematics, natural philosophy, and chemistry a year longer. In 1812 he was appointed surveyor-general, and in 1814 became commissioner of the general land-office of the United States, which office he held until his death. Mr. Meigs was always an active student of the sciences, and showed great interest in their advancement. He advised that meteorological registers be established in each of the U.S. land-offices, and that monthly returns be made. In 1821, having been president of the Columbian institute since 1819, he became professor of experimental philosophy on the establishment of Columbian college in Washington, and delivered there lectures during the last year of his life. His name was on the rolls of several scientific societies. See “Life of Josiah Meigs,” by his great-grandson, William M. Meigs (Philadelphia, 1887). - Josiah's son, Charles Delucena, physician, b. in St. George, Bermuda, 19 Feb., 1792; d. in Delaware county, Pa., 22 June, 1869, was graduated at the University of Georgia in 1809, and began the study of medicine at first as an apprentice, and then at the medical department of the University of Pennsylvania, where he received his degree in 1817. Meanwhile he had settled in Augusta, Ga., and there practised until 1817, when he returned to Philadelphia and attained note in his profession. In 1830 he began to lecture on midwifery at the School of medicine, and continued to do so for several years. He was invited in 1841 to fill the chair of obstetrics and the diseases of women and children in Jefferson medical college, and remained there until 1861. In 1818 he received the honorary degree of M.D. from Princeton. Dr. Meigs was a member of the medical societies and of the scientific organizations in Philadelphia, to which he frequently contributed papers. In 1827 he became a fellow of the Philadelphia college of physicians, of which he was censor in 1841-'8, and vice-president in 1848-'55. He was one of the original editors in 1826 of the “North American Medical and Surgical Journal,” and delivered various public addresses and lectures. His literary work was very great. Besides contributing memoirs of Dr.

(1851) and of Dr.

(1853) to the “Transactions of the Academy of Natural Sciences,” he translated Velpeau's “Elementary Treatise on Midwifery” (Philadelphia, 1830); Colombat de L'Isere's “Treatise on the Diseases and Special Hygiene of Females” (1845); and “L'Abbaye de Typhanies,” a novel. He was author of “The Philadelphia Practice of Midwifery” (1838); “Woman, her Diseases and Remedies” (1847); “Obstetrics, the Science and Art” (1849); “Observations on Certain Diseases of Children” (1850); “Treatise on Acute and Chronic Diseases of the Neck of the Uterus” (1854); and “On the Nature, Signs, and Treatment of Child-Bed Fevers” (1854). See “Memoir of Dr. Charles D. Meigs,” by John F. Meigs (1872). Charles Delucena's son, Montogomery Cunningham, soldier, b. in Augusta, Ga., 3 May, 1816; d. in Washington, D.C., 2 January, 1892, and was graduated at the U.S. military academy in 1836 with an appointment in the artillery, but in 1837 was transferred to the corps of engineers. He was advanced to 1st lieutenant in 1838 and captain in 1853. Meanwhile he was occupied in the building of Fort Delaware, in the improvement of harbors in Delaware river and bay, and in various other works along the Atlantic coast until 1841, when he became superintending engineer of the construction of Forts Wayne, Porter, Niagara, and Ontario, and so continued during 1841-'9. He then spent the year of 1849-'50 in Washington, D.C. in the engineer bureau, after which he served again as superintending engineer on the building of Fort Montgomery, where he was sent in 1852, but his orders were changed to Washington, D.C., and he was given control of the survey for the aqueduct before he took charge of this work. In November, 1852, he returned to Washington, under orders to take charge of designing and constructing the Potomac aqueduct, also superintending the building of the new wings and iron dome of the capitol extension, and the extension of the U.S. general post-office, and completion of Fort Madison in Annapolis, Md. He was sent to Florida in October, 1860, to take charge of the building of Fort Jefferson, but in 1861 was appointed to organize an expedition to relieve Fort Pickens, Fla., which was besieged by the Confederate forces. On 14 May, 1861, he was promoted to colonel of the 11th infantry, and on the 15th was made quartermaster-general of the U.S. army with the rank of brigadier-general, which post he continued to hold until his retirement in 1882. During the civil war he was engaged in directing the equipment and supply of the armies in Washington, although he was present at the battle of Bull Run in July, 1861, and during 1863-'4 was specially engaged in providing transportation and supplies for the forces at Chattanooga, being present during the investment and bombardment of that city, and the subsequent battle in November, 1863. During the overland campaign in 1864 he had, by orders of the War department, for a short time personal charge of the base of supplies of the Army of the Potomac at Fredricksburg and Belle Plain. He commanded a brigade of quartermasters men and other troops during the threatened invasion of Washington in July, 1864, and was brevetted major-general on 5 July, 1864. Subsequently he visited Savannah, Ga., supplying and refitting the army under , and shipping captured stores, after which he was in Goldsborough, N.C., during March, 1865, directing the opening of communications for again supplying Gen Sherman's armies. After the war he continued in Washington, and in connection with the duties of his office inspected the workings of the department under his control in Texas and the southwest in 1869-'70, in California and Arizona in 1871-'2, the western posts and railroad routes in 1872, and in California and Columbia in 1873-'4. He visited Europe in 1867-'8 for his health, and again in 1875-'6, on special service, to study the constitution and government of European armies, and then was made a member of the commission for reform and reorganization of the army in 1876. Gen. Meigs has also been a member of the board to prepare plans and specifications for the new war department building in 1866, the new building for the National museum in 1876, and in preparing a plan for a hall of records in 1878. Since his retirement he has been architect of the building for the pension bureau in Washington, which was completed during 1887. He is a regent of the Smithsonian institution, and a member of various scientific societies, including the National academy of sciences, to which he was chosen in 1865. He has published annual reports of the quartermasters' department in 1861-'82, and other government reports. - Another son of Charles Delucena, '''John Forsyth,” physician, b. in Philadelphia, Pa., 3 Oct., 1818; d. there, 16 Dec. 1882, was educated at private schools, and graduated at the medical department of the University of Pennsylvania in 1838. In 1841 he travelled and studied in Europe, after which he engaged in the practice of his profession in Philadelphia, devoting his attention especially to diseases of women and children. In 1843 he lectured on obstetrics at the Philadelphia association for medical instruction, and continued his courses until 1854. He was one of the attending physicians of the hospital from 1859 till 1881. He was a member of the College of physicians, and an active member of the Union league of Philadelphia, which was formed in his office. He was a frequent contributor to medical periodicals, and was the author of “Medical Diseases of Children” (Philadelphia, 1848); “History of the 1st quarter of the 2d century of the Pennsylvania Hospital” (1876); and “Memoirs of Charles D. Meigs, M.D.” (1876) - Montgomery Cunningham's son, John Rodgers, soldier, b. in Washington, D.C., 9 Feb., 1842; d. near Harrisonburg, Va., 3 Oct., 1864, was graduated at the U.S. military academy in 1863, standing first in his class, and entered the army as 1st lieutenant in the corps of engineers. He served as engineer on the staffs of various commanders during the campaigns in Maryland and at Harper's Ferry, and was aide-de-camp to Gen.

during the Shenandoah valley campaign in 1864. For the battles of Opequan and Fisher's Hill he received the brevets of captain and major. He attained the office of chief engineer of the Army of the Shenandoah, and while making a military reconnoisance was shot by guerillas.

title: User:Roseohioresident/sandbox


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/257

1896.

 * 45 & 46 Vict. c. 50.
 * Sections one hundred and ninety to one hundred and ninety-four of the
 * Sections one hundred and ninety to one hundred and ninety-four of the

 * 52 & 53 Vict. c. 56.
 * Sections one and nine of the
 * Sections one and nine of the

 * }

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Coronado, Francisco Vasquez de


text:
Jewish Encyclopedia/Spiegel, Frederick S.

SPIEGEL, FREDERICK S.: American jurist; born at Hovestadt, Westphalia, Prussia, Nov. 20, 1858. He attended the gymnasium at Paderborn, Westphalia, until his fourteenth year, when his parents emigrated to the United States, settling in Gadsden, Ala. Here he attended the Southern Institute, from which he was graduated in 1877, whereupon he took up the study of law at the College of Cincinnati, Ohio. In 1881 he was appointed chief of the bureau of statistics of the state of Ohio, and during his term of office he revised the system of compiling statistics; he also published at Columbus a year-book of the history of Ohio. Upon returning to Cincinnati he practised law and was elected a member of the Cincinnati Board of Education, serving as chairman of its German department, in which capacity he inaugurated a new method of studying the German language. In 1890 he was elected county solicitor, and was reelected in 1893. In 1896, and again in 1901, he was elected a justice of the court of common pleas of the first judicial district of the state. Spiegel has taken active interest in the affairs of the Independent Order B'nai B'rith, having served as president of its district No. 2 and as chairman of its district court, and being at present (1905) a member of the supreme court of the order. He has contributed numerous essays on legal and other topics to various journals.


text:
Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/20

 And I will put enmity between thee and the woman and between thy seed and her seed; it shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel. Gen. 3, 15.

To Him give all the prophets witness, that through His name whosoever believeth in Him shall receive remission of sins. Acts. 10, 43.

But when the fulness of the time was come, God sent forth His Son. Gal. 4, 4.

Gen. 22, 18. Hebr. 10, 1.

No; only such as by true faith are ingrafted into Him, and receive all His benefits.

For God so loved the world, that He gave His only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in Him, should not perish, but have everlasting life. He that believeth on the Son hath everlasting life: and he that believeth not the Son, shall not see life; but the wrath of God abideth on him. John 3, 16. 36.

Matth. 7, 13. 14. John 1, 12. John 17, 9. Matth. 7, 24.

It is not only a certain knowledge, whereby I hold for truth all that God has

title: Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/20


text:
Page:O. F. Owen's Organon of Aristotle Vol. 1 (1853).djvu/358

 until so many are first assumed, each of which is or wider extension, but all of them together are not of greater extent, for it is necessary that this should be the substance of a thing. For example, number, the odd is present with every triad, the first in both ways, both as not being measured by number and as not being composed of numbers. Now therefore the triad is this, viz. the first odd number, and the first in this way, for each of these is present, the one with all odd numbers, but the last also with the dual, yet all of them (together) with none (but the triad). Since however we have shown above, that those things which are predicated in respect of what a thing is are necessary, but universals are necessary, but what are thus assumed of a triangle, or any other thing, are assumed in respect to what a thing is, thus from necessity the triad will be these things. That this however is its essence appears from this, since it is necessary, unless the very nature of a triad were not this, that this should be a certain genus, either denominated or anonymous. It will be therefore of wider extension than to be with a triad alone, for let the genus be supposed of that kind as to be more widely extended according to power, if then it is present with nothing else than individual triads, this will be the essence of the triad. Let this also be supposed, that an ultimate predication like this of individuals is the essence of each thing, wherefore in like manner, when any thing is thus demonstrated, it will be the essence of that thing.

Nevertheless it is right when any one is conversant with a certain whole, to divide the genus into the individuals which are first in species,


text:
Template talk:Interwiki Wikisource

Something's wrong
Hi. I wanted to ask you to add Macedonian interwiki on the main page (it has over 2.500 articles, more than some of the current interwikies), but I saw the note on the talk of the Main page, that only "top 30" Wikisources are added. However, there is a problem regarding this. You have to remove the following: Breton, Danish, Estonian, Indonesian, Latin, Malayalam, Norwegian and Venetian, most of them are far beneath the "first 30" line. Otherwise, you have to add Macedonian and Esperanto ad well. It's not fair. Thanks--MacedonianBoy (talk) 20:43, 7 December 2012 (UTC)

Why only top 30?
Why can't we have all the languages interwiki'd? Why discriminate? If it is Proofread Page wikis, then let us say so. As this also shows on the main page, I would much rather we looked at another means to limit the list, or an alternate means to show a full list. — billinghurst  sDrewth  04:26, 23 April 2013 (UTC)

 * The discussion that resulted in this is here: Scriptorium/Archives/2012-11. To summarise, other wikimedia projects limit their mainpage interwikis and the full list is available elsewhere. - AdamBMorgan (talk) 10:13, 23 April 2013 (UTC)

Additions since 2011
aswikisource guwikisource mrwikisource —unsigned comment by Billinghurst (talk).

title: Template talk:Interwiki Wikisource


text:
Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/21

 revealed to us in His word; but also a hearty trust, which the Holy Ghost works in me by the Gospel, that not only to others, but to me also, forgiveness of sins, everlasting righteousness and salvation, are freely given by God, merely of grace, for the sake of Christ's merits.

Now faith is the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen. Hebr. ll, 1.

In whom we have boldness and access with confidence by the faith of Him. Eph. 8, 12.

For by grace are ye saved, through faith; and that not of yourselves: it is the gift of God: Not of works, lest any man should boast. Eph. 2, 8. 9.

Eph. 1, 13.

All that is promised us in the Gospel, which the articles of our catholic, undoubted Christian faith teach us in sum.

I believe all things which are written in the law and in the prophets. Acts. 24, 14.

I believe in God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth.

title: Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/21


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Pugh, George Ellis


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gadsden, James


text:
Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/22

 And in Jesus Christ, His only begotten Son, our Lord: who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary; suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead and buried; He descended into hell; the third day He rose from the dead; He ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of God the Father Almighty; from thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead.

I believe in the Holy Ghost; the Holy Catholic Church; the communion of saints; the forgiveness of sins; the resurrection of the body, and the life everlasting.

Into three parts: the first is of God the Father, and our creation; the second, of God the Son, and our redemption; the third, of God the Holy Ghost, and our sanctification.

Elect according to the foreknowledge of God the Father, through sanctification of the Spirit, unto obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ. 1 Pet. 1, 2.

title: Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/22


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Ranney, Rufus Percival


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Smith, John (New York senator)


text:
Page:O. F. Owen's Organon of Aristotle Vol. 1 (1853).djvu/359

 for instance, number into triad and dual, then to endeavour thus to assume the definitions of these, as of a straight line, of a circle, and of a right angle; afterwards assuming what the genus is, for instance, whether it is quantity or quality, he should investigate the peculiar passions through common first (principles.) For those which happen to the composites from individuals will be evident from the definitions, because definition and that which is simple are the principles of all things, and accidents are essentially present with simple things alone, but with others according to them. The divisions indeed by differences are useful for our progression in this way, but how indeed they demonstrate we have shown before, but they would thus be useful only for syllogizing what a thing is, and indeed they may appear to do nothing, but to assume every thing immediately, just as if any one assumed from the beginning without division. It makes some difference, however, whether what is predicated be so, prior or posterior, as for instance, whether we call animal, mild biped, or biped, animal mild, for if every thing consists of two, and one certain thing is animal mild, and again from this, and the difference, man or any thing else which is one, consists, we must necessarily make a postulate by division. Besides, thus only is it possible to leave out nothing in the definition, since when the first genus is assumed, if a person takes a certain inferior division, every thing will not fall into this; for instance, not every animal has entire or divided wings, but every animal which is winged, for this is the difference of it, but the first difference of animal is that into which every


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Smith, John (Ohio senator)


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Marcomanni

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Marcomanni


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Smith, William Henry


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Sloane, John


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Sloane, Rush Richard


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Ruggles, Benjamin


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Stone, Amasa


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Marcos de Niza


text:
Page:O. F. Owen's Organon of Aristotle Vol. 1 (1853).djvu/360

 animal falls. Likewise in regard to each of the rest, both of those genera which are external to animal, and of those which are contained under it, as of bird, is that into which every bird falls, and of fish that into which every fish falls. Thus proceeding we may know that nothing is omitted, but otherwise we must omit something, and not know it. It is not at all necessary that he who defines and divides, should know all things that subsist, though some say it is impossible to know the differences of each thing without knowing each; but it is impossible to know each thing without differences, for that from which this does not differ, is the same with this, but that from which it differs is something else than this. In the first place then this is false, for it is not something else according to every difference, since there are many differences in things which are the same in species, yet not according to substance, nor per se. Next, when any one assumes opposites, and difference, and that every thing falls into this or that, and assumes also that the question is in one part of the two, and knows this, it is of no consequence whether he knows or does not those other things of which the differences are predicated. For it is evident that thus proceeding, if he should arrive at those of which there is no longer a difference, he will obtain the definition of the substance; but that every thing will fall into division, if there should be opposites of which there is no medium, is not a postulate, since every thing must necessarily be in one of them, if indeed it will be the difference of it.

In order to frame definition by divisions, we must attend to three things, viz. to assume the things predicated in respect of what a thing is; to arrange these, which shall be first or second; and that these are all. Now the first of


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Marcou, Jules


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Sproat, Ebenezer


text:
Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/23

Because God has so revealed Himself in His word, that these three distinct Persons are the one, true, eternal God.

Hear, O Israel: The Lord our God is one Lord. Deut. 6, 4.

Go ye therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Matth. 28, 19.

The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ, and the love of God, and the communion of the Holy Ghost, be with you all. 2 Cor. 13, 14.

Matth. 3, 16. 17. John 14, 16. 17. Eph. 4, 6. John 10, 30.

That the eternal Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who of nothing made heaven and earth, with all that in them is, who likewise upholds and governs the same by His eternal counsel and providence, is for the sake of Christ His Son my God and my Father; in whom I so trust, as to have no doubt that He

title: Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/23


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Sayler, Milton


text:
Page:O. F. Owen's Organon of Aristotle Vol. 1 (1853).djvu/364

 Now then we speak according to presented common names, but we must not only consider in these, but also assume if any thing else should be seen to be common, afterwards consider to what things this is consequent, and the quality of the things consequent to this, as those consequent to having horns are the possession of a rough muscular lining to the stomach, and the not having teeth in both jaws. Moreover to what things the possession of horns is consequent, for it will be evident why what has been mentioned is present with them, for it will be so in consequence of their possessing horns.

There is yet another mode of selection by analogy, since it is impossible to assume one and the same thing, which it is necessary to call sepium, spine, and bone, there are also things consequent to these, as if there were one certain nature of this kind.

Chapter 15
problems are the same from having the same medium, for instance, because all things are an antiperistasis, but of these some are the same in


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Dorsey, Godwin Volney


text:
Page:The kernel and the husk (Abbott, 1886).djvu/45

Rh IV

——,

You ask me to pass to the consideration of knowledge of a new kind, knowledge of mathematical truth. "Here at least," you say, "severe reasoning dominates supreme, and Imagination has no place." "Two and one make there," "The angles at the base of an isosceles triangle are equal:" "surely we may assume that Imagination has nothing to do with these propositions. They must be decided by pure Reason." Never was assumption more grotesque. Excuse me; but by what other adjective can I characterize the statement that the Imagination has "nothing to do with" propositions for the very terms of which we are indebted to the Imagination? I maintain without fear of contradiction that the knowledge of these propositions requires an effort of the Imagination so severe that the very young and the completely untrained cannot attain to it.

For, in the first place, what do you mean by "one," "two," and "three"? I have never had any experience of such things; nor have you; nor can you. "Two" oranges, "two" apples, and the like, we have had experience of, and can realize; but to think of "one" or "two" by themselves ("one" or "two" with "anythings," or with "nothings" after them), "one" or "two" as "abstract ideas"—this really is a most difficult or rather (I am inclined to say) an impossible task. When I say


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Dorhman, Arnold Henry


text: Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/3


text: Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/4


text: Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/5


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/6

OF THE

PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY

Vol. VII


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Baker, James H.


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Brindis, Claudio J.


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Brinkerhoff, Jacob


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/7

 Copyright, 1917, BY THE PEABODY MUSEUM OF AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY


text:
Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/24

 will provide me with all things necessary for body and soul; and further, that whatever evil He sends upon me in this vale of tears He will turn to my good; for He is able to do it, being Almighty God, and willing also, being a faithful Father.

Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath blessed us with all spiritual blessings in heavenly places in Christ. Eph. 1, 3.

In six days the Lord made heaven and earth, the sea and all that in them is. Exod. 20, 11.

The Lord is my shepherd; I shall not want. He maketh me to lie down in green pastures: He leadeth me beside the still waters. Ps. 23, 1. 2.

Our God is in the heavens: He hath done whatsoever He hath pleased. Ps. 115, 3.

Ps. 104, 2, 3. Eph. 1, 5, 6. Isa. 49, 15. 16.

The almighty everywhere present power of God, whereby, as it were by His hand, He still upholds heaven and earth, with all creatures; and so governs them, that herbs and grass, rain and drought, fruitful and barren years, meat and drink, health and sickness, riches and poverty, yea, all things, come not by chance, but by His fatherly hand.

title: Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/24


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/8

HIS Paper is the result of work carried on by Mr. Means as a graduate student in the Division of Anthropology during the years 1915-1917. It consists mainly of translations of early Spanish books and manuscripts.

It is gratifying to note that this is the first publication by the Museum based upon the large collection of photographic reproductions of early manuscripts from Mexico and Central America brought together by Professor W. E. Gates of Point Loma, California, and presented to the Museum by Mr. Charles P. Bowditch. Among these manuscripts is Avendaño's account of his journey to Peten, the greater part of which is included in the present paper. The original of this manuscript is in the British Museum. Cano's account of a trip to Guatemala is also given here. This manuscript is in the Brinton Collection at the University of Pennsylvania. It is through the kindness of Dr. George B. Gordon, Director of that Museum, and of Miss Adela C. Breton, who copied the manuscript, that it is possible to publish it at this time. The Avendaño and the Cano manuscripts were translated by Mr. Bowditch and Señor G. Rivera.

CHARLES C. WILLOUGHBY


text: Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/9


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/10

N the library of the Peabody Museum of Harvard University there is an invaluable collection of photographs of old manuscripts relating to Middle America. These photographs, made by Professor William E. Gates of Point Loma, California, were given to the Peabody Museum by Charles P. Bowditch, Esq., of Boston. One of the volumes contains a photographic reproduction of an original manuscript entitled Relación de las dos Entradas que hizé a Peten Ytza. The author, Fray Andrés de Avendaño y Loyola, of the Order of Saint Francis, will receive much of our attention later. Fortunately Mr. Bowditch and Sr. Guillenno Rivera have deciphered and translated the crabbed old text, so that we have at hand an account of the subjection of the Itzas of Tayasal, or Peten Itza, which is not only invaluable as being the work of an eyewitness of that subjection, but which also is filled with a rare charm. It was largely with a view to bringing this old manuscript to the attention of students that Mr. Bowditch and Dr. Tozzer asked me to work it up into a study of the Itzas of Tayasal. At the same time we must not neglect to notice here the translation, made by Mr. Bowditch and Sr. Rivera, of another inedited worlt on the same subject. I refer to the account by Fray Alonso Cano, which will be of great use to us later.

Though Avendano and Cano are, so to speak, the prime reasons for the writing of this study, they have been supplemented in no inconsiderable degree by two other early Spanish writers on the history of Yucatan and its people, Diego Cogolludo and Juan de Villagutierre y Sotomayor. A few comments on the works of these two authors will later prove useful to the reader.

Though Villagutierre’s Spanish style is far superior to that of such writers as Fernando Montesinos and Antonio de la


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/258

238

 * }


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/11

vi Calancha, it is, nevertheless, atrocious. Although he wrote about 1700, Villagutierre's style is excessively archaic; his grammatical construction can hardly be called construction at all, so formless and ambiguous is it. Villagutierre never hesitates to write several long sentences without a single main verb between them, nor does he often refrain from going on and on for a page or so without using a period. In the use of capitals he is most whimsical; usually he has them when they are called for, but he has many that are out of place as well.

The style of Cogolludo, on the other hand, is very good, and that, be it noted, despite the fact that Cogolludo wrote prior to 1688. One remarks with considerable surprise that in several cases Villagutierre and Cogolludo use almost the same words. For example, in speaking of the visit which Cortes made to the island of Tayasal, Cogolludo says: "...y aun la ida de Cortes se tuvo por ossadia, y demasiada confianza..." Villagutierre, in the same connection says: "...que lo tenian a grandissima temeridad, y ossadia, y por demasiada confianza. ..." This is an interesting point, and perhaps it is significant that Cogolludo's book was published in 1688, whereas that of Villagutierre was not brought out until 1701. It is to be noted that Cogolludo, the earlier writer, uses only two epithets, and that Villagutierre, the later writer, uses the same two, plus a new one of his own. I know of two other cases where equally close and significant similarity exists between the two. It is possible, then, that Villagutierre copied (not to say plagiarized) the work of Cogolludo without giving credit for it. But the important point for us in this matter does not concern the personal integrity of Villagutierre. Rather does the importance of the matter lie in this: if Villagutierre was acquainted with the history of Yucatan by Cogolludo to such a degree that he frequently borrowed whole phrases from it, he must have had a very good reason for diverging widely now and again from the version of events given by Cogolludo. Such a reason could only be supplied by the fact that Villagutierre possessed information which he regarded as superior to and more official than that of Cogolludo. Therefore, since in several instances (as in his account of the events leading up to the visit of Cortes to


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/12

Rh Tayasal) Villagutierre occasionally departs from the footsteps of Cogolludo, we may safely assume that he was at once more critical and better informed than the latter, whom, however, he valued enough to be willing to draw from his work much of his information and even some of his phraseology.

The virtues and defects of Avendaño and of Cano are less subtle; so much so, indeed, that it would be absurd to attempt a criticism of them here. The reader will have ample opportunity to see their qualities for himself in the body of the book.

A word as to the method adopted in translating is in order. In the various passages taken from Cogolludo and Villagutierre I have preserved the spelling and capitalization of proper names that appear in the text. All passages from Avendaño and Cano are from the translations made by Mr. Bowditch and Sr. Rivera.

All the other works used are so well known that comment on them is superfluous.

Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to Mr. Bowditch and to Dr. Tozzer, both of whom have spent much time and thought in going over the manuscript of this work. Among the others who have shown me kindness and courtesy during the preparation of this study are Mr. Putnam of the Library of Congress; Dr. George Byron Gordon of the University Museum, Philadelphia; Professor Holmes of the United States National Museum; Dr. Edward Luther Stevenson of the Hispanic Society of America, New York; and, lastly, my mother, Mrs. James Means. These and others have generously given me much of their time and information.

PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS


text: Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/13


text: Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/14


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/15

x


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Irvin, William W.


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Lane, Ebenezer


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Harmar, Josiah


text:
Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/25

 Neither is He worshipped with men's hands, as though He needed any thing, seeing He giveth to all life, and breath, and all things. For in Him we live, and move, and have our being. Acts. 17, 25. 28.

The Lord maketh poor, and maketh rich: He bringeth low, and lifteth up. 1 Sam. 2, 7.

Jer. 5, 24. Ps. 145, 15. 16.

That we may be patient in adversity; thankful in prosperity; and for what is future, have good confidence in our faithful God and Father, that no creature shall separate us from His love; since all creatures are so in His hand, that without His will they can not so much as move.

And not only so, but we glory in tribulations also: knowing that tribulation worketh patience; and patience experience; and experience, hope; and hope maketh not ashamed. Rom, 5, 3.—5.

In everything give thanks: for this is the will of God in Christ Jesus concerning you. 1 Thess. 5, 18.

I am as a wonder unto many; but Thou art my strong refuge. Ps. 71, 7.

Rom. 8, 35. 38, 39.

title: Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/25


text:
Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/26

Because He saves us from our sins; and no salvation is to be either sought or found in any other.

And thou shalt call His name Jesus: for He shall save His people from their sins. Matth. 1, 21.

Neither is there salvation in any other: for there is none other name under heaven given among men, whereby we must be saved. Acts. 4, 12.

John 6, 38. 1 Tim. 1, 15. 1 Cor. 3, 11.

No; although they may make their boast of Him, yet in act they deny the only Saviour Jesus. For either Jesus is not a complete Saviour, or they who by true faith receive this Saviour, must have in Him all that is necessary to their salvation.

title: Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/26


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 37

==37. To Atarbius == [362, Constantinople or Antioch] I affirm by the gods that I do not wish the Galilaeans to be either put to death or unjustly beaten, or to suffer any other injury; but nevertheless I do assert absolutely that the god-fearing must be preferred to them. For through the folly of the Galilaeans almost everything has been overturned, whereas through the grace of the gods are we all preserved. Wherefore we ought to honour the gods and the god-fearing, both men and cities.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 37


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 38

==38. Julian the Apostate to Porphyrius == [362, after the middle of July from Antioch] The library of George was very large and complete and contained philosophers of every school and many historians, especially, among these, numerous books of all kinds by the Galilaeans. Do you therefore make a thorough search for the whole library without exception and take care to send it to Antioch. You may be sure that you will yourself incur the severest penalty if you do not trace it with all diligence, and do not by every kind of enquiry, by every kind of sworn testimony and, further, by torture of the slaves, compel, if you cannot persuade, those who are in any way suspected of having stolen any of the books to bring them all forth. Farewell.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 38


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 39

==39. To the citizens of Byzacium == [362, Probably from Antioch] I have restored to you all your senators and councillors whether they have abandoned themselves to the superstition of the Galilaeans or have devised some other method of escaping from the senate, and have excepted only those who have filled public offices in the capital.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 39


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 40

==40. To Hecebolius == [End of 362 or early in 363, Antioch] I have behaved to all the Galilaeans with such kindness and benevolence that none of them has suffered violence anywhere or been dragged into a temple or threatened into anything else of the sort against his own will. But the followers of the Arian church, in the insolence bred by their wealth, have attacked the followers of Valentine and have committed in Edessa such rash acts as could never occur in a well-ordered city. Therefore, since by their most admirable law they are bidden to sell all they have and give to the poor that so they may attain more easily to the kingdom of the skies, in order to aid those persons in that effort, I have ordered that all their funds, namely, that belong to the church of the people of Edessa, are to be taken over that they may be given to the soldiers, and that its property be confiscated to my private purse. This is in order that poverty may teach them to behave properly and that they may not be deprived of that heavenly kingdom for which they still hope. And I publicly command you citizens of Edessa to abstain from all feuds and rivalries, else will you provoke even my benevolence against yourselves, and being sentenced to the sword and to exile and to fire pay the penalty for disturbing the good order of the commonwealth.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 40


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 41

==41. To the citizens of Bostra == [362, August 1st, Antioch] I thought that the leaders of the Galilaeans would be more grateful to me than to my predecessor in the administration of the Empire. For in his reign it happened to the majority of them to be sent into exile, prosecuted, and cast into prison, and moreover, many whole communities of those who are called "heretics" were actually butchered, as at Samosata and Cyzicus, in Paphlagonia, Bithynia, and Galatia, and among many other tribes also villages were sacked and completely devastated; whereas, during my reign, the contrary has happened. For those who had been exiled have had their exile remitted, and those whose property was confiscated have, by a law of mine received permission to recover all their possessions. Yet they have reached such a pitch of raving madness and folly that they are exasperated because they are not allowed to behave like tyrants or to persist in the conduct in which they at one time indulged against one another, and afterwards carried on towards us who revered the gods. They therefore leave no stone unturned, and have the audacity to incite the populace to disorder and revolt, whereby they both act with impiety towards the gods and disobey my edicts, humane though these are. At least I do not allow a single one of them to be dragged against his will to worship at the altars; nay, I proclaim in so many words that, if any man of his own free will choose to take part in our lustral rites and libations, he ought first of all to offer sacrifices of purification and supplicate the gods that avert evil. So far am I from ever having wished or intended that anyone of those sacrilegious men should partake in the sacrifices that we most revere, until he has purified his soul by supplications to the gods, and his body by the purifications that are customary.

It is, at any rate, evident that the populace who have been led into error by those who are called "clerics," are in revolt because this license has been taken from them. For those who have till now behaved like tyrants are not content that they are not punished for their former crimes, but, longing for the power they had before, because they are no longer allowed to sit as judges and draw up wills and appropriate the inheritances of other men and assign everything to themselves, they pull every string of disorder, and, as the proverb says, lead fire through a pipe to fire, and dare to add even greater crimes to their former wickedness by leading on the populace to disunion. Therefore I have decided to proclaim to all communities of citizens, by means of this edict, and to make known to all, that they must not join in the feuds of the clerics or be induced by them to take stones in their hands or disobey those in authority; but they may hold meetings for as long as they please and may offer on their own behalf the prayers to which they are accustomed; that, on the other hand, if the clerics try to induce them to take sides on their behalf in quarrels, they must no longer consent to do so, if they would escape punishment.

I have been led to make this proclamation to the city of Bostra in particular, because their bishop Titus and the clerics, in the reports that they have issued, have made accusations against their own adherents, giving the impression that, when the populace were on the point of breaking the peace, they themselves admonished them not to cause sedition. Indeed, I have subjoined to this my decree the very words which he dared to write in his report: "Although the Christians are a match for the Hellenes in numbers, they are restrained by our admonition that no one disturb the peace in any place." For these are the very words of the bishop about you. You see how he says that your good behaviour was not of your own choice, since, as he at any rate alleged, you were restrained against your will by his admonitions! Therefore, of your own free will, seize your accuser and expel him from the city, but do you, the populace, live in agreement with one another, and let no man be quarrelsome or act unjustly. Neither let those of you who have strayed from the truth outrage those who worship the gods duly and justly, according to the beliefs that have been handed down to us from time immemorial; nor let those of you who worship the gods outrage or plunder the houses of those who have strayed rather from ignorance than of set purpose. It is by reason that we ought to persuade and instruct men, not by blows, or insults, or bodily violence. Wherefore, again and often I admonish those who are zealous for the true religion not to injure the communities of the Galilaeans or attack or insult them. Nay, we ought to pity rather than hate men who in matters of the greatest importance are in such evil case. (For in very truth the greatest of all blessings is reverence for the gods, as, on the other hand, irreverence is the greatest of all evils, It follows that those who have turned aside from the gods to corpses and relics pay this as their penalty.) Since we suffer in sympathy with those who are afflicted by disease, but rejoice with those who are being released and set free by the aid of the gods. Given at Antioch on the First of August.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 41


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 42

42. To Callixeine
[362, Antioch] "Time alone proves the just man," as we learn from men of old; but I would add the god-fearing and pious man also. However, you say, the love of Penelope for her husband was also witnessed to by time. Now who would rank a woman's piety second to her love for her husband without appearing to have drunk a very deep draught of mandragora? And if one takes into account the conditions of the times and compares Penelope, who is almost universally praised for loving her husband, with pious women who not long ago hazarded their lives; and if one considers also that the period was twice as long, which was an aggravation of their sufferings; then, I ask, is it possible to make any fair comparison between you and Penelope? Nay, do not belittle my praises. All the gods will requite you for your sufferings and for my part I shall honour you with a double priesthood. For besides that which you held before of priestess to the most venerable goddess Demeter, I entrust to you the office of priestess to the most mighty Mother of the gods in Phrygia at Pessinus, beloved of the gods.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 42


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 43

==43. To Eustathius the Philosopher == [362, Antioch] Perhaps the proverb "An honest man" — is too hackneyed. I am sure you know the rest. More than this, you possess it; for, rhetorician and philosopher as you are, you know the words that come next, and you possess me for a friend, at least if we are both honest men. On your behalf I would strenuously maintain that you are in that category, but about myself I say nothing. I only pray that others may find by experience that I also am honest! You ask why I go round in a circle as though I were going to say something extraordinary when I ought to speak out? Come, then, lose no time; fly hither, as we say. A kindly god will speed you on your way with the aid of the Maiden of the Cross Roads and the state post will be at your disposal if you wish to use a carriage; and two extra horses.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 43


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 44

==44. To Eustathius == [362, Antioch] "Entreat kindly the guest in your house, but speed him when he would be gone." Thus did wise Homer decree. But the friendship that exists between us two is stronger than that between guest and host, because it is inspired by the best education attainable and by our pious devotion to the gods. So that no one could have fairly indicted me for transgressing the law of Homer if I had insisted that you should remain still longer with us. But I see that your feeble frame needs more care, and I have therefore given you permission to go to your own country, and have provided for your comfort on the journey. That is to say, you are allowed to use a state carriage, and may Asclepius and all the gods escort you on your way and grant that we may see you again!

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 44


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 45

45. To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt
[362, October, from Antioch] As the proverb says, "You told me my own dream." And I fancy that I am relating to you your own waking vision. The Nile, they tell me, had risen in full flood, cubits high, and has inundated the whole of Egypt. If you want to hear the figures, it had risen fifteen cubits on the twentieth of September. Theophilus, the military prefect, informs me of this. So, if you did not know it, hear it from me, and let it rejoice your heart.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 45


text: Historical Account of the Navigable Rivers, Canals, and Railways, of Great Britain/Blyth River, Suffolk


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 46

46. To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt
[362, about October, from Antioch] Even though you do not write to me on other matters, you ought at least to have written about that enemy of the gods, Athanasius, especially since, for a long time past, you have known my just decrees. I swear by mighty Serapis that, if Athanasius the enemy of the gods does not depart from that city, or rather from all Egypt, before the December Kalends, I shall fine the cohort which you command a hundred pounds of gold. And you know that, though I am slow to condemn, I am even much slower to remit when I have once condemned. Added with his own hand. It vexes me greatly that my orders are neglected. By all the gods there is nothing I should be so glad to see, or rather hear reported as achieved by you, as that Athanasius has been expelled beyond the frontiers of Egypt. Infamous man! He has had the audacity to baptise Greek women of rank during my reign! Let him be driven forth!

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 46


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 47

47. To the Alexandrians
[362, Nov. or Dec. from Antioch] If your founder had been one of the Galilaeans, men who have transgressed their own law and have paid the penalties they deserved, since they elected to live in defiance of the law and have introduced a new doctrine and newfangled teaching, even then it would have been unreasonable for you to demand back Athanasius. But as it is, though Alexander founded your city and the lord Serapis is the city's patron god, together with his consort the Maiden, the Queen of all Egypt, Isis. . . not emulating the healthy part of the city; but the part that is diseased has the audacity to arrogate to itself the name of the whole.

I am overwhelmed with shame, I affirm it by the gods, O men of Alexandria, to think that even a single Alexandrian can admit that he is a Galilaean. The forefathers of the genuine Hebrews were the slaves of the Egyptians long ago, but in these days, men of Alexandria, you who conquered the Egyptians — for your founder was the conqueror of Egypt — submit yourselves, despite your sacred traditions, in willing slavery to men who have set at naught the teachings of their ancestors. You have then no recollection of those happy days of old when all Egypt held communion with the gods and we enjoyed many benefits therefrom. But those who have but yesterday introduced among you this new doctrine, tell me of what benefit have they been to the city? Your founder was a god-fearing man, Alexander of Macedon, in no way, by Zeus, like any of these persons, nor again did he resemble any Hebrews, though the latter have shown themselves far superior to the Galilaeans. Nay, Ptolemy son of Lagus proved stronger than the Jews, while Alexander, if he had had to match himself with the Romans, would have made even them fight hard for supremacy. And what about the Ptolemies who succeeded your founder and nurtured your city from her earliest years as though she were their own daughter? It was certainly not by the preachings of Jesus that they increased her renown, nor by the teaching of the Galilaeans, detested of the gods, did they perfect this administration which she enjoys and to which she owes her present good fortune. Thirdly, when we Romans became her masters and took her out of the hands of the Ptolemies who misgoverned her, Augustus visited your city and made the following speech to your citizens: "Men of Alexandria, I absolve the city of all blame, because of my reverence for the mighty god Serapis, and further for the sake of the people themselves and the great renown of the city. But there is a third reason for my goodwill towards you, and that is my comrade Areius." Now this Areius was a fellow-citizen of yours and a familiar friend of Caesar Augustus, by profession a philosopher.

These, then, to sum them up briefly, are the blessings bestowed by the Olympian gods on your city in peculiar, though I pass over very many because they would take too long to describe. But the blessings that are vouchsafed by the visible gods to all in common, every day, not merely to a few persons or a single race, or to one city, but to the whole world at the same time, how can you fail to know what they are? Are you alone insensible to the beams that descend from Helios? Are you alone ignorant that summer and winter are from him? Or that all kinds of animal and plant life proceed from him? And do you not perceive what great blessings the city derives from her who is generated from and by him, even Selene who is the creator of the whole universe? Yet you have the audacity not to adore any one of these gods; and you think that one whom neither you nor your fathers have ever seen, even Jesus, ought to rank as God the Word. But the god whom from time immemorial the whole race of mankind has beheld and looked up to and worshipped, and from that worship prospered, I mean mighty Helios, his intelligible father's living image, endowed with soul and intelligence, cause of all good. . . if you heed my admonition, do ye lead yourselves even a little towards the truth. For you will not stray from the right road if you heed one who till his twentieth year walked in that road of yours, but for twelve years now has walked in this road I speak of, by the grace of the gods.

Therefore, if it please you to obey me, you will rejoice me the more. But if you choose to persevere in the superstition and instruction of wicked men, at least agree among yourselves and do not crave for Athanasius. In any case there are many of his pupils who can comfort well enough those itching ears of yours that yearn to hear impious words. I only wish that, along with Athanasius, the wickedness of his impious school had been suppressed. But as it is you have a fine crowd of them and need have no trouble. For any man whom you elect from the crowd will be in no way inferior to him for whom you crave, at any rate for the teaching of the scriptures. But if you have made these requests because you are so fond of the general subtlety of Athanasius — for I am informed that the man is a clever rascal — then you must know that for this very reason he has been banished from the city. For a meddlesome man is unfit by nature to be leader of the people. But if this leader is not even a man but only a contemptible puppet, like this great personage who thinks he is risking his head, this surely gives the signal for disorder. Wherefore, that nothing of the sort may occur in your case, as I long ago gave orders that he depart from the city, I now say, let him depart from the whole of Egypt.

Let this be publicly proclaimed to my citizens of Alexandria.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 47


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 48

48. To the Alexandrians
[Early 363, from Antioch] I am informed that there is in your neighbourhood a granite obelisk which, when it stood erect, reached a considerable height, but has been thrown down and lies on the beach as though it were something entirely worthless. For this obelisk Constantius of blessed memory had a freight-boat built, because he intended to convey it to my native place, Constantinople. But since by the will of heaven he has departed from this life to the next on that journey to which we are fated, the city claims the monument from me because it is the place of my birth and more closely connected with me than with the late Emperor. For though he loved the place as a sister I love it as my mother. And I was in fact born there and brought up in the place, and I cannot ignore its claims. Well then, since I love you also, no less than my native city, I grant to you also permission to set up the bronze statue in your city. A statue has lately been made of colossal size. If you set this up you will have, instead of a stone monument, a bronze statue of a man whom you say you love and long for, and a human shape instead of a quadrangular block of granite with Egyptian characters on it. Moreover the news has reached me that there are certain persons who worship there and sleep at its very apex, and that convinces me beyond doubt that on account of these superstitious practices I ought to take it away. For men who see those persons sleeping there and so much filthy rubbish and careless and licentious behaviour in that place, not only do not believe that it is sacred, but by the influence of the superstition of those who dwell there come to have less faith in the gods. Therefore, for this very reason it is the more proper for you to assist in this business and to send it to my native city, which always receives you hospitably when you sail into the Pontus, and to contribute to its external adornment, even as you contribute to its sustenance. It cannot fail to give you pleasure to have something that has belonged to you standing in their city, and as you sail towards that city you will delight in gazing at it.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 48


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 49

49. To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt
[362 or early in 363, from Antioch] If there is anything that deserves our fostering care, it is the sacred art of music. Do you therefore select from the citizens of Alexandria boys of good birth, and give orders that two artabae of corn are to be furnished every month to each of them, with olive oil also, and wine. The overseers of the Treasury will provide them with clothing. For the present let these boys be chosen for their voices, but if any of them should prove capable of attaining to the higher study of the science of music, let them be informed that very considerable rewards for their work have been set aside at my court also. For they must believe those who have expressed right opinions on these matters that they themselves rather than we will be purified in soul by divinely inspired music, and benefit thereby. So much, then, for the boys. As for those who are now the pupils of Dioscorus the musician, do you urge them to apply themselves to the art with still more zeal, for I am ready to assist them to whatever they may wish.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 49


text:
Letters of Julian/Letter 50

50. To Nilus, surnamed Dionysius
[362-363, Winter, from Antioch] Your earlier silence was more creditable than your present defence; for then you did not utter abuse, though perhaps it was in your mind. But now, as though you were in travail, you have poured out your abuse of me wholesale. For must I not regard it as abuse and slander that you supposed me to be like your own friends, to each of whom you offered yourself uninvited; or rather, by the first you were not invited, and you obeyed the second on his merely indicating that he wished to enlist you to help him. However, whether I am like Constans and Magnentius the event itself, as they say, will prove. But as for you, from what you wrote it is very plain that, in the words of the comic poet, "You are praising yourself, lady, like Astydamas." For when you write about your "fearlessness" and "great courage," and say "Would that you knew my real value and my true character!" and, in a word, all that sort of thing, — for shame! What an empty noise and display of words is this! Nay, by the Graces and Aphrodite, if you are so brave and noble, why were you "so careful to avoid incurring displeasure," if need be, "for the third time"? For when men fall under the displeasure of princes, the lightest consequence — and, as one might say, the most agreeable to a man of sense — is that they are at once relieved from the cares of business; and if they have to pay a small fine as well, their stumbling block is merely money; while the culmination of the prince's wrath, and the "fate beyond all remedy" as the saying is, is to lose their lives. Disregarding all these dangers, because, as you say, "you had come to know me in my private capacity for the man I am" — and in my common and generic capacity for the human being I am, though unknown to myself, late learner that I am! — why, in heaven's name, did you say that you were careful to avoid incurring displeasure for the third time? For surely my anger will not change you from a good man into a bad. I should be enviable indeed, and with justice, if I had the power to do that; for then, as Plato says, I could do the converse as well. But since virtue owns no master, you ought not to have taken into account anything of the 'sort. However, you think it is a fine thing to speak ill of all men, and to abuse all without exception, and to convert the shrine of peace into a workshop of war. Or do you think in this way to excuse yourself in the sight of all for your past sins, and that your courage now is a screen to hide your cowardice of old? You have heard the fable of Babrius: "Once upon a time a weasel fell in love with a handsome youth.". The rest of the fable you may learn from the book. However much you may say, you will never convince any human being that you were not what you were, and such as many knew you to be in the past. As for your ignorance and audacity now, it was not philosophy that implanted them in you, no, by heaven! On the contrary, it was what Plato calls a twofold lack of knowledge. For though you really know nothing, just as I know nothing, you think forsooth that you are the wisest of all men, not only of those who are alive now, but also of those who have ever been, and perhaps of those who ever will be. To such a pitch of ignorance has your self-conceit grown!

However, as far as you are concerned, this that I have said is more than enough; but perhaps I ought to apologise on your account to the others because I too hastily summoned you to take part in public affairs. I am not the first or the only one, Dionysius, who has had this experience. Your namesake deceived even great Plato; and Callippus the Athenian also deceived Dio. For Plato says that Dio knew he was a bad man but that he would never have expected in him such a degree of baseness. Why need I quote the experience of these men, when even Hippocrates, the most distinguished of the sons of Asclepius, said: "The sutures of the head baffled my judgement." Now if those famous men were deceived about persons whom they knew, and the physician was mistaken in a professional diagnosis, is it surprising that Julian was deceived when he heard that Nilus Dionysius had suddenly become brave? You have heard tell of the famous Phaedo of Elis, and you know his story. However, if you do not know it, study it more carefully, but at any rate I will tell you this part. He thought that there is nothing that cannot be cured by philosophy, and that by her all men can be purified from all their modes of life, their habits, desires, in a word from everything of the sort. If indeed she only availed those who are well born and well bred there would be nothing marvellous about philosophy; but if she can lead up to the light men so greatly depraved, then I consider her marvellous beyond anything. For these reasons my estimate of you, as all the gods know, inclined little 'by little to be more favourable; but even so I did not count your sort in the first or the second class of the most virtuous. Perhaps you yourself know this; but if you do not know it, enquire of the worthy Symmachus. For I am convinced that he would never willingly tell a lie, since he is naturally disposed to be truthful in all things. And if you are aggrieved that I did not honour you before all others, I for my part reproach myself for having ranked you even among the last in merit, and I thank all the gods and goddesses who hindered us from becoming associated in public affairs and from being intimate. . . And indeed, though the poets have often said of Rumour that she is a goddess, and let us grant, if you will, that she at least has demonic power, yet not very much attention ought to be paid to her, because a demon is not altogether pure or perfectly good, like the race of the gods, but has some share of the opposite quality. And even though it be not permissible to say this concerning the other demons, I know that when I say of Rumour that she reports many things falsely as well as many truthfully, I shall never myself be convicted of bearing false witness.

But as for your "freedom of speech," do you think that it is worth four obols, as the saying is? Do you not know that Thersites also spoke his mind freely among the Greeks, whereupon the most wise Odysseus beat him with his staff, while Agamemnon paid less heed to the drunken brawling of Thersites than a tortoise does to flies, as the proverb goes? For that matter it is no great achievement to criticise others, but rather to place oneself beyond the reach of criticism. Now if you can claim to be in this category, prove it to me. Did you not, when you were young, furnish to your elders fine themes for gossip about you? However, like Electra in Euripides, I keep silence about happenings of this sort. But when you came to man's estate and betook yourself to the camp, how, in the name of Zeus, did you behave? You say that you left it because you gave offence in the cause of truth. From what evidence can you prove this, as though many men and of the basest sort had not been exiled by the very persons by whom you yourself were driven away? O most wise Dionysius, it does not happen to a virtuous and temperate man to go away obnoxious to those in power! You would have done better if you had proved to us that men from their intercourse with you were better behaved. But this was not in your power, no, by the gods, nor is it in the power of tens of thousands who emulate your way of life. For when rocks grind against rocks and stones against stones they do not benefit one another, and the stronger easily wears down the weaker.

I am not saying this in Laconic fashion and concisely, am I? Nay, I think that on your account I have shown myself even more talkative than Attic grasshoppers. However, in return for your drunken abuse of myself, I will inflict on you the appropriate punishment, by the grace of the gods and our lady Adrasteia. What, then, is this punishment, and what has the greatest power to hurt your tongue and your mind? It is this: I will try, by erring as little as may be in word and deed, not to provide your slanderous tongue with so much foolish talk. And yet I am well aware that it is said that even the sandal of Aphrodite was satirised by Momus. But you observe that though Momus poured forth floods of criticism he could barely find anything to criticise in her sandal. Even so may you grow old fretting yourself over things of this sort, more decrepit than Tithonus, richer than Cinyras, more luxurious than Sardanapalus, so that in you may be fulfilled the proverb, "Old men are twice children."

But why does the divine Alexander seem to you so pre-eminent? Is it because you took to imitating him and aspired to that for which the youth Hermolaus reproached him? Or rather, no one is so foolish as to suspect you of that. But the very opposite, that which Hermolaus lamented that he had endured, and which was the reason for his plotting, as they say, to kill Alexander — everyone believes this about you also, do they not? I call the gods to witness that I have heard many persons assert that they were very fond of you and who made many excuses for this offence of yours, but I have found just one person who did not believe it. However he is that one swallow who does not make a spring. But perhaps the reason why Alexander seemed in your eyes a great man was that he cruelly murdered Callisthenes, that Cleitus fell a victim to his drunken fury, and Philotas too, and Parmenio and Parmenio's son; for that affair of Hector, who was smothered in the whirlpools of the Nile in Egypt or the Euphrates — the story is told of both rivers — I say nothing about, or of his other follies, lest I should seem to speak ill of a man who by no means maintained the ideal of rectitude but nevertheless excelled as a general in the works of war. Whereas you are less endowed with both these, namely, good principles and courage, than a fish with hair. Now listen to my advice and do not resent it too much. "Not to thee, my child, have been given the works of war." The verse that follows I do not write out for you, because, by the gods, I am ashamed to do so. However I ask you to understand it as said. For it is only fair that words should follow on deeds, and that he who has never avoided deeds should not avoid the phrases that describe them.

Nay, if you revere the pious memory of Magnentius and Constans, why do you wage war against the living and abuse those who excel in any way? Is it because the dead are better able than the living to avenge themselves on those who vex them? Yet it does not become you to say this. For you are, as your letter says, "Very brave indeed." But if this is not the reason, perhaps there is a different one. Perhaps you do not wish to satirise them because they cannot feel it. But among the living is there anyone so foolish or so cowardly as to demand that you should take any notice of him at all, and who will not prefer if possible to be altogether ignored by you; but if that should be impossible, to be abused by you, as indeed I am now abused rather than honoured? May I never be so ill-advised — may I never aspire to win praise rather than blame from you!

But perhaps you will say that the very fact that I am writing to you is a proof that I am stung? No, I call the Saviour Gods to witness that I am but trying to check your excessive audacity and boldness, the license of your tongue and the ferocity of your soul, the madness of your wits and your perverse fury on all occasions. In any case it was in my power, if I had been stung, to chastise you with deeds and not merely with words, and I should have been entirely within the law. For you are a citizen and of senatorial rank and you disobeyed a command of your Emperor; and such behaviour was certainly not permissible to anyone who could not furnish the excuse of real necessity. Therefore I was not satisfied with inflicting on you any sort of penalty for this conduct, but I thought I ought to write to you first, thinking that you might be cured by a short letter. But since I have discovered that you persist in the same errors, or rather how great your frenzy is which I previously did not know. . . lest you should be thought to be a man, when that you are not, or brimful of freedom of speech, when you are only full of insanity, or that you have had the advantage of education when you have not the smallest acquaintance with literature, as far, at any rate, as one may reasonably judge from your letters. For instance, no one of the ancients ever used φροῦδος to mean "manifest" as you do here, — for, as for the other blunders displayed in your letter, no one could describe them even in a long book, or that obscene and abominable character of yours that leads you to prostitute yourself. You tell me indeed that it is not those who arrive offhand or those who are hunting for public office whom we ought to choose, but those who use sound judgement and in accordance with this prefer to do their duty rather than those who are ready and eager to obey. Fair, truly, are the hopes you hold out to me though I made no appeal to you, implying that you will yield if I again summon you to take part in public business. But I am so far from doing that, that, when the others were admitted, I never even addressed you at any time. And yet I did address many who were known and unknown to me and dwell in Rome, beloved of the gods. Such was my desire for your friendship, so worthy of consideration did I think you! Therefore it is likely that my future conduct towards you will be much the same. And indeed I have written this letter now, not for your perusal alone, since I knew it was needed by many besides yourself, and I will give it to all, since all, I am convinced, will be glad to receive it. For when men see you more haughty and more insolent than befits your past life, they resent it.

You have here a complete answer from me, so that you can desire nothing more. Nor do I ask for any further communication from you. But when you have read my letters use them for whatever purpose you please. For our friendship is at an end. Farewell, and divide your time between luxurious living and abuse of me!

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 50


text: Historical Account of the Navigable Rivers, Canals, and Railways, of Great Britain/Blyth River, Northumberland


text: Historical Account of the Navigable Rivers, Canals, and Railways, of Great Britain/Bolton and Leigh Railway


text:
Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/27

 Is Christ divided? was Paul crucified for you? or were ye baptized in the name of Paul. 1. Cor. 1, 13.

Col. 1, 19. 20.

Because He is ordained of God the Father, and anointed with the Holy Ghost, to be our chief Prophet and Teacher, who fully reveals to us the secret counsel and will of God concerning our redemption; and our only High Priest, who by the one sacrifice of His body has redeemed us, and ever liveth to make intercession for us with the Father; and our eternal King, who governs us by His word and spirit, and defends and preserves us in the redemption obtained for us.

The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because He hath anointed me to preach the gospel to the poor; He hath sent me to heal the broken hearted, to preach deliverance to tho captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them that are bruised, to preach the acceptable year of the Lord. Luk. 4, 18. 19.

But this man, because He continueth ever, hath an unchangeable priesthood. Wherefore He is able also to save them to the uttermost that come unto God by Him, seeing He ever liveth to make intercession for them. Hebr, 7, 24. 25.

title: Page:Heidelberg catechism.pdf/27


text: Historical Account of the Navigable Rivers, Canals, and Railways, of Great Britain/Borrowstowness Canal


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/16

Rh {| align=center width=100%
 * The name Canek
 * 54
 * Increased power of the Itzas
 * 55
 * The mock embassy from Tayasal
 * 55
 * The mock embassy considered to be a rebellion
 * 56
 * A new period in the history of the Itzas
 * 58
 * Fuensalida and Orbita
 * 59
 * Preliminaries to the departure of the Padres
 * 59
 * Briceño's opposition
 * 59
 * The Padres set out
 * 60
 * Their route
 * 61
 * The journey up the river from Tipu
 * 62
 * Arrival at Tipu
 * 63
 * Events at the village of Tipu
 * 63
 * The friendliness of Carrillo and the Indians
 * 64
 * Don Christoval Na, Cacique of the Indians of Tipu
 * 64
 * Francisco Cumux goes with an embassy to Canek
 * 65
 * Cumux returns from Canek with two chiefs of Tayasal
 * 66
 * The two chiefs are cordially received
 * 66
 * The Padres prepare to travel to Tayasal
 * 67
 * Delays; the Padres' anger
 * 67
 * The return to Tipu
 * 68
 * All precautions taken, they set out once more
 * 68
 * Lake Yaxha is crossed; arrival at Lake Zacpeten
 * 69
 * The Padres camp beside Lake Peten
 * 69
 * The Padres arrive at Tayasal and are well received
 * 70
 * Mass is said
 * 71
 * Fuensalida preaches; Orbita destroys an idol
 * 71
 * The Padres urge the Itza to be Christians
 * 72
 * They refuse because the appointed time has not come
 * 72
 * After a few days the Padres leave Tayasal
 * 73
 * }
 * Delays; the Padres' anger
 * 67
 * The return to Tipu
 * 68
 * All precautions taken, they set out once more
 * 68
 * Lake Yaxha is crossed; arrival at Lake Zacpeten
 * 69
 * The Padres camp beside Lake Peten
 * 69
 * The Padres arrive at Tayasal and are well received
 * 70
 * Mass is said
 * 71
 * Fuensalida preaches; Orbita destroys an idol
 * 71
 * The Padres urge the Itza to be Christians
 * 72
 * They refuse because the appointed time has not come
 * 72
 * After a few days the Padres leave Tayasal
 * 73
 * }
 * The Padres urge the Itza to be Christians
 * 72
 * They refuse because the appointed time has not come
 * 72
 * After a few days the Padres leave Tayasal
 * 73
 * }
 * After a few days the Padres leave Tayasal
 * 73
 * }


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/17

xii


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/18

Rh {| align=center width=100%
 * Preamble
 * 103
 * Preparations for the journey
 * 103
 * The start
 * 105
 * Indian singers
 * 105
 * Arrival at Cauich
 * 106
 * Departure from Cauich
 * 106
 * Aguada of Hobon Ox; Chunzalam, Vecanxan
 * 106
 * Nohhalal, Tha Ayn, Sucte
 * 107
 * Ix Kata-Kal
 * 107
 * Nohku
 * 108
 * Nohvecan
 * 108
 * Hardships suffered by the Padres
 * 109
 * Oppol; a bridge built across a river
 * 109
 * Tanche
 * 109
 * Deserted village of Temchay
 * 110
 * Nohpek
 * 110
 * Nohthub
 * 111
 * Bacechac
 * 111
 * Buete
 * 112
 * Lack of supplies
 * 112
 * Paredes seizes some farms
 * 112
 * Fifty-one Indians of Buete surrender
 * 113
 * Avendaño argues with Paredes about his plundering
 * 113
 * The royal decrees are mentioned by Avendaño
 * 114
 * Paredes promises to return the plunder
 * 115
 * Paredes fails to keep his word
 * 115
 * Tzucthok, once before reduced, had rebelled
 * 115
 * The Padres endeavor to instruct the Indians
 * 116
 * The captains promise to give warning before fighting
 * 117
 * A skirmish
 * 117
 * The avarice of Paredes
 * 118
 * Chunpich is reached
 * 118
 * Zuviaur goes to the Itzas; the Padres return
 * 119
 * Further troubles
 * 120
 * The Padres determine to get to the Itzas some other way
 * 121
 * Letter to the captains
 * 121
 * Governor Ursua vexed by the captains' letter
 * 121
 * Return to Merida
 * 122
 * }
 * 115
 * Paredes fails to keep his word
 * 115
 * Tzucthok, once before reduced, had rebelled
 * 115
 * The Padres endeavor to instruct the Indians
 * 116
 * The captains promise to give warning before fighting
 * 117
 * A skirmish
 * 117
 * The avarice of Paredes
 * 118
 * Chunpich is reached
 * 118
 * Zuviaur goes to the Itzas; the Padres return
 * 119
 * Further troubles
 * 120
 * The Padres determine to get to the Itzas some other way
 * 121
 * Letter to the captains
 * 121
 * Governor Ursua vexed by the captains' letter
 * 121
 * Return to Merida
 * 122
 * }
 * The Padres determine to get to the Itzas some other way
 * 121
 * Letter to the captains
 * 121
 * Governor Ursua vexed by the captains' letter
 * 121
 * Return to Merida
 * 122
 * }
 * Return to Merida
 * 122
 * }
 * }


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/19

xiv


text:
Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/20

Rh


text:
Page:Public General Statutes 1896.djvu/64

44
 * 39 Geo. 3. c. 78.
 * An Act for exempting certain specifick Legacies which shall be given to bodies Corporate or other Publick Bodies from the Payment of Duty.
 * 39 Geo. 3. c. 79.
 * An Act for the more effectual Suppression of Societies established for seditions and treasonable purposes and for better preventing treasonable and seditions practices.
 * 39 Geo. 3. c. 100.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act for the Augmentation," and ends with the words "of their respective Offices."
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 14.
 * An Act for empowering his Majesty to shorten the Time for the Meeting of Parliament in cases of Adjournment.
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 28.
 * An Act for establishing an Agreement with the Governor and Chairman of the Bank of England for advancing the Sum of Three millions towards the Supply for the Service of the Year One thousand eight hundred.
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 86.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act to enable Courts," and ends with the words "party thereto."
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 8. c. 41.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words " An Act for explaining," and ends with the words "Ecclesiastical Living or Promotion."
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 8. c. 54.
 * An Act for more effectually charging Publick Accountants with the Payment of Interest, for allowing Interest to them in certain Cases, and for compelling the Payment of Balances due from them.
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 67.
 * An Act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland.
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 77.
 * An Act for the Security of Collieries and Mines, and for the better Regulation of Colliers and Miners.
 * }
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 86.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words "An Act to enable Courts," and ends with the words "party thereto."
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 8. c. 41.
 * An Act the title of which begins with the words " An Act for explaining," and ends with the words "Ecclesiastical Living or Promotion."
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 8. c. 54.
 * An Act for more effectually charging Publick Accountants with the Payment of Interest, for allowing Interest to them in certain Cases, and for compelling the Payment of Balances due from them.
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 67.
 * An Act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland.
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 77.
 * An Act for the Security of Collieries and Mines, and for the better Regulation of Colliers and Miners.
 * }
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 67.
 * An Act for the Union of Great Britain and Ireland.
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 77.
 * An Act for the Security of Collieries and Mines, and for the better Regulation of Colliers and Miners.
 * }
 * 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 77.
 * An Act for the Security of Collieries and Mines, and for the better Regulation of Colliers and Miners.
 * }
 * }


text: Page:History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas.pdf/21