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User talk:Ehsan25

Beeswaxcandle (talk) 19:09, 5 January 2013 (UTC)

Nosratollah Khakian
Please stop adding the article about this person to Wikisource. This type of biographical article belongs on Wikipedia rather than here on Wikisource. Due to copyright issues we are unlikely to host any works by Khakian and therefore even a cut down version does not belong here. Beeswaxcandle (talk) 19:09, 5 January 2013 (UTC)

title: User talk:Ehsan25


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Page:The Early English Organ Builders and their work.djvu/121

 Tone, or on the contrary, slow, soft and only buzzing, when touch'd singly? And whether they may not more properly be called Mutes than speaking Pipes?

IV. Whether the Organ be not too soft for the Quire now 'tis inclosed? And if so, what will it be when laid open to the Cupolo, and Body of the Church? And what further Addition of Strength, and Lowdness will it require to display its Harmony quite through the large Concave of the Building, and answer the service of the Quire, which is the noblest for Eccho and Sound, and consequently of the greatest advantage to an Instrument, of any in Europe?

V. Whether the Sound-boards, and Foundation of the Instrument, as well as Contrivance and Disposition of the whole Work, will admit of more Stops to render the Organ in Proportion, five times as Lowd as now it is?

VI. Whether if 12 Stops (supposing there were so many in the great Organ) were plaid in full Chorus, 'twould not make St. Paul's Organ vibrate and faint? And if so how can it be render'd lowder by the Addition of Stops since the Wind that does not well supply 12, must of necessity worse supply 13, and so onward?

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I. Whether Sir Christopher Wren would not have been well pleas'd to have received such a Proposal from the Organ-builder of St. Paul's, as shou'd have erected an Organ, so as to have seperatedseparated [sic] 20 Foot in the Middle, as low as the Gallery, and thereby given a full and airy Prospect of the whole length of the Church, and Six Fronts with Towers as high as requisite?

II. Whether the difficulty this Organ-builder finds in making Pipes to speak, whose bodies are but 16 Foot long, does not prove how much harder it would have been for him, to have made Pipes of 22 Foot speak, as those at Exeter; or 32 Foot as several Organs beyond Sea? And whether he has reason to complain of want of height, or room in the case for higher, and larger Pipes, since those of a common size, have put him to a Non-plus? And whether he has not the greater reason because he gave the Dimensions of the Case himself?

III. Whether the double Bases of the Diapasons in St. Paul's Organ speak quick, bold and strong, with a firm, plump and spreading


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Rh “Thy feyther? Is he down? What’s his name?”

“Mr. Morel.”

“What, Walter? Is owt amiss?”

“He’s got to go to London.”

The man went to the telephone and rang up the bottom office.

“Walter Morel’s wanted. Number 42, Hard. Summat’s amiss; there’s his lad here.”

Then he turned round to Paul.

“He’ll be up in a few minutes,” he said.

Paul wandered out to the pit-top. He watched the chair come up, with its waggon of coal. The great iron cage sank back on its rest, a full carfle was hauled off, an empty tram run on to the chair, a bell ting’ed somewhere, the chair heaved, then dropped like a stone.

Paul did not realize William was dead; it was impossible, with such a bustle going on. The puller-off swung the small truck on to the turn-table, another man ran with it along the bank down the curving lines.

“And William is dead, and my mother’s in London, and what will she be doing?” the boy asked himself, as if it were a conundrum.

He watched chair after chair come up, and still no father. At last, standing beside a waggon, a man’s form! The chair sank on its rests, Morel stepped off. He was slightly lame from an accident.

“Is it thee, Paul? Is ’e worse?”

“You’ve got to go to London.”

The two walked off the pit-bank, where men were watching curiously. As they came out and went along the railway, with the sunny autumn field on one side and a wall of trucks on the other, Morel said in a frightened voice:

“ ’E’s niver gone, child?”

“Yes.”

“When wor’t?”

The miner’s voice was terrified.

“Last night. We had a telegram from my mother.”

Morel walked on a few strides, then leaned up against a truck side, his hand over his eyes. He was not crying. Paul stood looking round, waiting. On the weighing-machine a truck trundled slowly. Paul saw everything, except his father leaning against the truck as if he were tired.

Morel had only once before been to London. He set off, scared and peaked, to help his wife. That was on Tuesday.


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138 The children were left alone in the house. Paul went to work, Arthur went to school, and Annie had in a friend to be with her.

On Saturday night, as Paul was turning the corner, coming home from Keston, he saw his mother and father, who had come to Sethley Bridge Station. They were walking in silence in the dark, tired, straggling apart. The boy waited.

“Mother!” he said, in the darkness.

Mrs. Morel’s small figure seemed not to observe. He spoke again.

“Paul!” she said, uninterestedly.

She let him kiss her, but she seemed unaware of him.

In the house she was the same small, white, and mute. She noticed nothing, she said nothing, only:

“The coffin will be here to-night, Walter. You’d better see about some help.” Then, turning to the children: “We’re bringing him home.”

Then she relapsed into the same mute looking into space, her hands folded on her lap. Paul, looking at her, felt he could not breathe. The house was dead silent.

“I went to work, mother,” he said plaintively.

“Did you?” she answered, dully.

After half an hour Morel, troubled and bewildered, came in again.

“Wheer s’ll we ha’e him when he does come?” he asked his wife.

“In the front-room.”

“Then I’d better shift th’ table?”

“Yes.”

“An’ ha’e him across th’ chairs?”

“You know there—— Yes, I suppose so.”

Morel and Paul went, with a candle, into the parlour. There was no gas there. The father unscrewed the top of the big mahogany oval table, and cleared the middle of the room; then he arranged six chairs opposite each other, so that the coffin could stand on their beds.

“You niver seed such a length as he is!” said the miner, and watching anxiously as he worked.

Paul went to the bay window and looked out. The ash-tree stood monstrous and black in front of the wide darkness. It was a faintly luminous night. Paul went back to his mother.

At ten o’clock Morel called:

“He’s here!”


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Rh Everyone started. There was a noise of unbarring and unlocking the front-door, which opened straight from the night into the room.

“Bring another candle,” called Morel.

Annie and Arthur went. Paul followed with his mother. He stood with his arm round her waist in the inner doorway. Down the middle of the cleared room waited six chairs, face to face. In the window, against the lace curtains, Arthur held up one candle, and by the open door, against the night, Annie stood leaning forward, her brass candlestick glittering.

There was the noise of wheels. Outside in the darkness of the street below Paul could see horses and a black vehicle, one lamp, and a few pale faces; then some men, miners, all in their shirt-sleeves, seemed to struggle in the obscurity. Presently two men appeared, bowed beneath a great weight. It was Morel and his neighbour.

“Steady!” called Morel, out of breath.

He and his fellow mounted the steep garden step, heaved into the candle-light with their gleaming coffin-end. Limbs of other men were seen struggling behind. Morel and Burns, in front, staggered; the great dark weight swayed.

“Steady, steady!” cried Morel, as if in pain.

All the six bearers were up in the small garden, holding the great coffin aloft. There were three more steps to the door. The yellow lamp of the carriage shone alone down in the black road.

“Now then!” said Morel.

The coffin swayed, the men began to mount the three steps with their load. Annie’s candle flickered, and she whimpered as the first men appeared, and the limbs and bowed heads of six men struggled to climb into the room, bearing the coffin that rode like sorrow on their living flesh.

“Oh, my son my son!” Mrs. Morel sang softly, and each time the coffin swung to the unequal climbing of the men: “Oh, my son—my son—my son!”

“Mother!” Paul whimpered, his hand round her waist. “Mother!”

She did not hear.

“Oh, my son—my son!” she repeated.

Paul saw drops of sweat fall from his father’s brow. Six men were in the room—six coatless men, with yielding, struggling limbs, filling the room and knocking against the furniture. The coffin veered, and was gently lowered on to the chairs. The sweat fell from Morel’s face on its boards.


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140 “My word, he’s a weight!” said a man, and the five miners sighed, bowed, and, trembling with the struggle, descended the steps again, closing the door behind them.

The family was alone in the parlour with the great polished box. William, when laid out, was six feet four inches long. Like a monument lay the bright brown, ponderous coffin. Paul thought it would never be got out of the room again. His mother was stroking the polished wood.

They buried him on the Monday in the little cemetery on the hillside that looks over the fields at the big church and the houses. It was sunny, and the white chrysanthemums frilled themselves in the warmth.

Mrs. Morel could not be persuaded, after this, to talk and take her old bright interest in life. She remained shut off. All the way home in the train she had said to herself: “If only it could have been me!”

When Paul came home at night he found his mother sitting, her day’s work done, with hands folded in her lap upon her coarse apron. She always used to have changed her dress and put on a black apron, before. Now Annie set his supper, and his mother sat looking blankly in front of her, her mouth shut tight. Then he beat his brains for news to tell her.

“Mother, Miss Jordan was down to-day, and she said my sketch of a colliery at work was beautiful.”

But Mrs. Morel took no notice. Night after night he forced himself to tell her things, although she did not listen. It drove him almost insane to have her thus. At last:

“What’s a-matter, mother?” he asked.

She did not hear.

“What’s a-matter?” he persisted. “Mother, what’s a-matter?”

“You know what’s the matter,” she said irritably, turning away.

The lad—he was sixteen years old—went to bed drearily. He was cut off and wretched through October, November, and December. His mother tried, but she could not rouse herself. She could only brood on her dead son; he had been let to die so cruelly.

At last, on December 23, with his five shillings Christmas-box in his pocket, Paul wandered blindly home. His mother looked at him, and her heart stood still.

“What’s the matter?” she asked.

“I’m badly, mother!” he replied. “Mr. Jordan gave me five shillings for a Christmas-box!”


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 Usage or Disrespect offered towards them, either tending to a Breach of Correspondence or Common Civility by the Act of Parliament of the Middle Temple, of the second of this Instant June, for that the Masters of the Middle Temple thereby only on their own parts, with the Concurrence of the Barristers and Students, declare their Judgments and Choise of Smith's Organ (not imposing but requesting) the Concurrence of the Inner Temple therein with all respect.

"2. As to the Matter of having the two Organs referred to the Judgment of impartiall Musicians, There yet appears not any Difference betweene the two Societyes concerning the same, the Masters of the Bench of the Inner Temple having not as yet in Parliament declared their Judgments and Choise of the other Organ, which if in their Judgments they shall think fit to doe, whereby a Difference shall appear betweene the two Societyes, then their said Mastershippes believe the Society of the Middle Temple will find some other expedient for the determination of the said Difference.

"3. As to the Price of the Organs, Smith the Organ-Maker, absolutely refuseth to set any Price upon his Organ, but offers to submit the same to the Judgment of the Treasures of both Societyes, or to such Artists as they shall choose, which their mastershippes cannot but think reasonable.


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 "4. As to the Numbering the organ Pipes and Stops, their Mastershippes think it below them to trouble themselves therein, because the Proposal can have no other ground than a Supposition of such Fraud in the Artist as is inconsistent with the credit of his Profession."

These strange proceedings on the part of the Benchers of the two Temples do not reflect much credit upon the body. It were needless to carry on further this account of their petty disputes to determine which was the best organ.

"At length," says Burney, "the decision was left to Lord Chief Justice Jefferies, afterwards King James the Second's pliant Chancellor, who was of that Society [the Inner Temple], and he terminated the controversy in favour of Smith; so that Harris's organ was taken away without loss of reputation, having so long pleased and puzzled better judges than Jefferies."

"I have not," says Mr. Macrory, "been able to find anything in the Books of either Society to corroborate this statement, derived by Burney from a letter written by Dr. Tudway to his son, and it is not probable, if the decision had been left to Jefferies, that there would not have been some record either of his appointment, or of the decision. It is, however, certain that Jefferies was not ‘Lord Chief Justice’ at the time of the decision, as he became Lord Chancellor in 1686, and continued until 1690 in that


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Rh He handed it to her with trembling hands. She put it on the table.

“You aren’t glad!” he reproached her; but he trembled violently.

“Where hurts you?” she said, unbuttoning his overcoat.

It was the old question.

“I feel badly, mother.”

She undressed him and put him to bed. He had pneumonia dangerously, the doctor said.

“Might he never have had it if I’d kept him at home, not let him go to Nottingham?” was one of the first things she asked.

“He might not have been so bad,” said the doctor.

Mrs. Morel stood condemned on her own ground.

“I should have watched the living, not the dead,” she told herself.

Paul was very ill. His mother lay in bed at nights with him; they could not afford a nurse. He grew worse, and the crisis approached. One night he tossed into consciousness in the ghastly, sickly feeling of dissolution, when all the cells in the body seem in intense irritability to be breaking down, and consciousness makes a last flare of struggle, like madness.

“I s’ll die, mother!” he cried, heaving for breath on the pillow.

She lifted him up, crying in a small voice:

“Oh, my son—my son!”

That brought him to. He realized her. His whole will rose up and arrested him. He put his head on her breast, and took ease of her for love.

“For some things,” said his aunt, “it was a good thing Paul was ill that Christmas. I believe it saved his mother.”

Paul was in bed for seven weeks. He got up white and fragile. His father had bought him a pot of scarlet and gold tulips. They used to flame in the window in the March sunshine as he sat on the sofa chattering to his mother. The two knitted together in perfect intimacy. Mrs. Morel’s life now rooted itself in Paul.

William had been a prophet. Mrs. Morel had a little present and a letter from Lily at Christmas. Mrs. Morel’s sister had a letter at the New Year.

“I was at a ball last night. Some delightful people were there, and I enjoyed myself thoroughly,” said the letter. “I had every dance—did not sit out one.”

Mrs. Morel never heard any more of her.


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142 Morel and his wife were gentle with each other for some time after the death of their son. He would go into a kind of daze, staring wide-eyed and blank across the room. Then he got up suddenly and hurried out to the Three Spots, returning in his normal state. But never in his life would he go for a walk up Shepstone, past the office where his son had worked, and he always avoided the cemetery.


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 office. It may be that the Middle Temple succeeded in their desire to have him decide ‘the matter in difference,’ or as suggested in a note to the above account in Dr. Rimbault's ‘History of the Organ,’ page 77, ‘that the contest was decided by vote. Jefferies happened to be "of the house," and it fell to his lot to give the casting vote.’ Many other writers have ascribed the decision to Jefferies, but I presume they all derived their information from the same source as did Burney."

The exact date of the termination of this celebrated "battle of the organs" does not appear, but it may fairly be stated as being about the end of 1687, or beginning of 1688. The original deed of sale bears date, June 20, 1688, and is still preserved in the Middle Temple. It read as follows:

"June 21, 1688.

Mr. Bernard Smythe's Bargaine and Sale of ye Organ in ye Temple Church to both ye Societys of ye Temple.

"Know all men by these presents, That I, Bernard Smyth, of London, Gent., for and in consideration of one thousand pounds of lawfull money of England to me paid (to wit) Five hundred pounds, parte thereof, by the Treasurer of the Society of the Middle Temple London, and the other moiety by the Treasurer of the


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had been many times up to Willey Farm during the autumn. He was friends with the two youngest boys. Edgar, the eldest, would not condescend at first. And Miriam also refused to be approached. She was afraid of being set at nought, as by her own brothers. The girl was romantic in her soul. Everywhere was a Walter Scott heroine being loved by men with helmets or with plumes in their caps. She herself was something of a princess turned into a swine-girl, in her own imagination. And she was afraid lest this boy, who, nevertheless, looked something like a Walter Scott hero, who could paint and speak French, and knew what algebra meant, and who went by train to Nottingham every day, might consider her simply as the swine-girl, unable to perceive the princess beneath; so she held aloof.

Her great companion was her mother. They were both brown-eyed, and inclined to be mystical, such women as treasure religion inside them, breathe it in their nostrils, and see the whole of life in a mist thereof. So to Miriam, Christ and God made one great figure, which she loved tremblingly and passionately when a tremendous sunset burned out the western sky, and Ediths, and Lucys, and Rowenas, Brian de Bois Guilberts, Rob Roys, and Guy Mannerings, rustled the sunny leaves in the morning, or sat in her bedroom aloft, alone, when it snowed. That was life to her. For the rest, she drudged in the house, which work she would not have minded had not her clean red floor been mucked up immediately by the trampling farm-boots of her brothers. She madly wanted her little brother of four to let her swathe him and stifle him in her love; she went to church reverently, with bowed head, and quivered in anguish from the vulgarity of the other choir-girls and from the common-sounding voice of the curate; she fought with her brothers, whom she


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144 considered brutal louts; and she held not her father in too high esteem because he did not carry any mystical ideals cherished in his heart, but only wanted to have as easy a time as he could, and his meals when he was ready for them.

She hated her position as swine-girl. She wanted to be considered. She wanted to learn, thinking that if she could read, as Paul said he could read, “Colomba,” or the “Voyage autour de ma Chambre,” the world would have a different face for her and a deepened respect. She could not be princess by wealth or standing. So she was mad to have learning whereon to pride herself. For she was different from other folk, and must not be scooped up among the common fry. Learning was the only distinction to which she thought to aspire.

Her beauty—that of a shy, wild, quiveringly sensitive thing—seemed nothing to her. Even her soul, so strong for rhapsody, was not enough. She must have something to reinforce her pride, because she felt different from other people. Paul she eyed rather wistfully. On the whole, she scorned the male sex. But here was a new specimen, quick, light, graceful, who could be gentle and who could be sad, and who was clever, and who knew a lot, and who had a death in the family. The boy’s poor morsel of learning exalted him almost sky-high in her esteem. Yet she tried hard to scorn him, because he would not see in her the princess but only the swine-girl. And he scarcely observed her.

Then he was so ill, and she felt he would be weak. Then she would be stronger than he. Then she could love him. If she could be mistress of him in his weakness, take care of him, if he could depend on her, if she could, as it were, have him in her arms, how she would love him!

As soon as the skies brightened and plum-blossom was out, Paul drove off in the milkman’s heavy float up to Willey Farm. Mr. Leivers shouted in a kindly fashion at the boy, then clicked to the horse as they climbed the hill slowly, in the freshness of the morning. White clouds went on their way, crowding to the back of the hills that were rousing in the spring-time. The water of Nethermere lay below, very blue against the seared meadows and the thorn-trees.

It was four and a half miles’ drive. Tiny buds on the hedges, vivid as copper-green, were opening into rosettes; and thrushes called, and blackbirds shrieked and scolded. It was a new, glamorous world.


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 Society of the Inner Temple London, for wch I have given severall former acquittances, and in consideration of twenty shillings now paid to nice by the Honoble Roger North and Oliver Montague, Esqrs, Benchers, and William Powlett, Esqr now Treasurer of the sd society of the Middle Temple, and by Sr Robert Sawyer, Knt., now Treasurer, and Charles Holloway and Richard Edwards, Esqrs, Benchers of sd Society of the Inner Temple, Have granted bargained and sold and doe hereby fully and absolutely grant bargaine and sell vnto tho sd Roger North, Oliver Montague, and William Powlett, and the said Sr Robert Sawyer, Charles Holloway, and Richard Edwards, Esqrs, all that organ which is now sett up and standing in the organ-loft in the Temple Church belonging to the said two Societyes; and all stops and pipes and other partes and appurtenances of the said organ, and particularly the stops and pipes in the Schedule hereunder written mencioned, and alsoe the curtaine rods and curtaines—and all other goods and chattles being in or belonging to the said organ and organ-loft. To hold to the said Roger North, Oliver Montague, and William Powlett, and the said Sr Robert Sawyer, Charles Holloway, and Richard Edwards, Esqrs, their Execrs and Admrs In trust for and to the use of both the said Societyes of the Middle and Inner Temples. In witness whereof I the said Bernard Smyth have in these Prsents


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80 IX

——,

Your grounds of objection appear to be now changed. You say you do not understand my position with regard to Evolution, as I described it before, and referred to it in my last letter. If I admit Evolution, you ask how I can consistently deny that every nation and every individual, Israel and Christ included, "proceeded from material causes by necessary sequence according to fixed laws;" and in that case what becomes of such metaphors as "the regulating hand of God," "God the Ruler of the Universe" and the like? It is a common saying, you tell me, among those of your companions who have a turn for science, that "Evolution has disposed of the old proofs of the existence of a God:" and you ask me how I meet this objection.

I meet it by asking you another question exactly like your own. I take a lump of clay and a potter's wheel, and "from these material causes by necessary sequence according to fixed laws" I mould a vessel; is there no room in this process for "the regulating hand of man" and for "man the creator of the vessel"? In other words, may not these "fixed laws," and that "necessity" of which you admit the existence, represent the perpetual pressure of the Creator's hand, or will, upon the Universe?

By Evolution is meant that all results are evolved from immediate causes, which are evolved from distant causes, which are themselves evolved from more distant causes;


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Letter 9] and so on. In old times, men believed that God made the world by a number of isolated acts. Now, it is believed that He made a primordial something, say atoms, out of which there have been shaped series upon series of results by continuous motion in accordance with fixed laws of nature. But neither the isolated theory nor the continuous theory can dispense with a Creator in the centre. We speak of the "chain of creation;" and we kno w that in old days men recognized few links between us and the Creator. Now, we recognize many. But, because a chain has more links than we once supposed, are we excused for rejecting our old belief in the existence of a chain-maker? Whether things came to be as they are, by many creations, or by one creation and many evolutions, what difference does it make? In the one case, we believe in a Creator and Sustainer: in the other case, in a Creator and Evolver. In either case, do we not believe in a God?

What then do your young friends mean—for though they express themselves loosely, I think they do mean something and are not merely repeating a cant phrase—when they say that Evolution has "disposed of the old proofs of the existence of a God"? I think they mean that Evolution is inconsistent with the existence of such a God as the Christian religion proclaims, that is to say, a Father in heaven. The old theory of discontinuous creation (in its most exaggerated form) maintained that everything was created for a certain benevolent purpose—our hair to shelter our heads from the weather, our eyebrows and eyelashes to keep off the dust and the sun, our thumbs to give us that prehensile power which largely differentiates us from apes; in a word, paternal despotism was supposed to do everything for us with the best of intentions. The new theory says there is no sufficient evidence of such paternal benevolence. Our hair and our


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82 eyebrows and eyelashes and thumbs came to us in quite a different fashion. Life, ever since life existed, has been one vast scramble and conflict for the good things of this world: those beings that were best fitted for scrambling and fighting destroyed those that were unfit, and thus propagated the peculiarities of the conquerors and destroyed the peculiarities of the conquered. Thus the characteristics of body or brain best fitted for the purpose of life were developed, and the unfit were destroyed. Although therefore a purpose was achieved, it was not achieved as a purpose, but as a consequence. There is no room, say the supporters of Evolution, in such a theory as this for the hypothesis of an Almighty Father of mankind, or even of a very intelligent Maker. What should we think of a British workman who, in order to make one good brick, made a hundred bad ones, or of a cattle-breeder whose plan was to breed a thousand inferior beasts on inadequate pasture, in order ultimately to produce, out of their struggles for food, and as a result of the elimination of the unfittest, one pre-eminent pair?

When he expresses himself in this way, my sympathies go very far with the man of science, if only he could remember that he is protesting, not against Christ's teaching about God, but against some other quite different theory. Though God is called "Almighty" in the New Testament, we must remember that it is always assumed that there is an opposing Evil, an Adversary or Satan, who will ultimately be subdued but is meantime working against the will of God. The origin of this Evil the followers of Christ do not profess to understand; but we believe that it was not originated by God and that it is not obedient to Him. We cannot therefore, strictly speaking, say that God is the Almighty ruler of "the Universe as it is." God is King de jure, but not at present de facto (metaphors again! but metaphors expressive of distinct realities).


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Letter 9] His kingdom is "to come:" He will be hereafter recognized as Almighty; He cannot be so recognized at present.

I know very well that I can give no logical or consistent account of this mysterious resistance to the Supreme God. But I am led to recognize it, first, by the facts of the visible world; secondly, by the plain teaching of Christ Himself. Surely the authority of Christ must count for something with Christians in their theorizing about the origin of evil. Would not even an agnostic admit that as, in poetry, I should be right in following the lead of a poet, so in matters of spiritual belief (if I am to have any spiritual belief at all) I am right in deferring to Christ? It is a marvel to me how some Christians who find the recognition of miracles inextricably involved in the life and even in the teaching of Christ, nevertheless fail to see, or at all events are most unwilling to confess, that the recognition of an evil one, or Satan, is an axiom that underlies all His doctrine. In the view of Jesus, it is Satan that causes some forms of disease and insanity; Satan is the author of temptation, the destroyer of the good seed, the sower of tares, the "evil one"—so at least the text of the Revisers tells us—from whom we must daily pray to be delivered. The same belief pervades the writings of St. Paul. Yet if you preach nowadays this plain teaching of our Lord, the heterodox shrug their shoulders and cry "Antediluvian!" while the orthodox think to dispose of the whole matter in a phrase, "Flat Manichæism!" But to the heterodox I might reply that Stuart Mill (no very antiquated or credulous philosopher) deliberately stated that it was more easy to believe in the existence of an Evil as well as a Good, than in the existence of one good and all-powerful God; and the orthodox must, upon reflection, admit that in this doctrine about Satan Christ's own teaching is faithfully followed.

Of course if any one replies, "Christ was under an


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84 illusion in believing in the existence of Satan," I have no means of logically confuting him. But I think there must be many who would say, with me: "If I am to have any theory in matters of this kind which are entirely beyond the sphere of demonstration, I would sooner accept the testimony of Christ than the speculations of all the philosophers that ever were or are. Christ was possibly, or even probably, ignorant (in His humanity) of a great mass of literary, historical, physiological, and other scientific facts unknown to the rest of the Jews. But we cannot suppose Him to be spiritually ignorant; least of all, so spiritually ignorant as to attribute to the Adversary what ought to have been attributed to God the Father in Heaven.

It would be easy for you to shew that any theory of Satan is absurdly illogical; nobody can be convinced of that more firmly than I am already. Whether Satan was good at first and became evil without a cause; or was good at first and became evil from a certain cause (which pre-supposes another pre-existing Satan); or was evil from the beginning and created by God; or evil from the beginning and not created by God—in all or any of these hypotheses I see, as clearly as you see, insuperable difficulties. If you cross-examine me, I shall avow at once a logical collapse, after this fashion: "Were there then two First Causes?" I believe not. "Did the Evil spring up after the Good?" I believe so. "Did the first Good create the Evil?" I believe not. "Did the Evil then spring


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Letter 9] up without a cause?" I cannot tell. "Did the Good, when He created the Goodness that issued in Evil, know that he, or it, contained the germ of evil, and would soon become wholly evil?" I do not believe this. "Whence then came the Evil, or the germ of the Evil?" I do not know. "Are you not then confessing that you believe, where you know nothing?" Yes, for if I knew, there would be no need to believe.

Here you have a sufficiently amusing exhibition of inconsistency and ignorance: but this seems to me of infinitely little concern where I am dealing not with matters that fall within the range of experience, but with spiritual and supernatural things that belong to the realm of faith, hope, and aspiration. I could just as easily turn inside out my cross-examiner if he undertook to give me a scientific theory on the origin of the world. No doubt he might prefer having no theory about the origin of the world, and might recommend me to imitate him by having no theory about the origin of Evil, or about the nature of the Supreme Good. But my answer would be as follows: "I have a certain work to do in the world, and I cannot go on with my work without having some theories on these subjects. Most men feel with me that they must have some answer to these stupendous problems of existence. As the senses are intended to be our guide in matters of experience, so our faculty of faith seems to me intended to guide us in matters quite beyond experience." There is another answer which I hardly like to give because it seems brutal; but I believe it to be true, and it is certainly capable of being expressed in the evolutionary dialect so as to commend itself to the scientific mind: "An agnostic nation will find itself sooner or later unsuited for its environment, and will either come to believe in some solution of these spiritual problems or stagnate and perish. And something


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86 of the same result will follow from agnosticism in the family and in the individual."

From this doctrine of Christ then I am not to be dislodged by any philosophic analysis demonstrating that good and evil so run into one another that it is impossible to tell where one ends and the other begins. "Is all pain evil? Is it an evil that a sword's point pains you? Would it not be a greater evil that a sword should run you through unawares because it did not pain you? Is not the pain of hunger a useful monitor? Has not pain in a thousand cases its use as a preservative? Is not what you call "sin" very often misplaced energy? If a child is restless and talkative and consequently disobedient, must you consequently bring in Satan to account for the little one's peccadilloes? If a young man is over-sanguine, reckless, rash, occasionally intemperate, must all these faults be laid upon the back of an enemy of mankind? Is animal death from Satan, but vegetable death from God? And is the death of a sponge a half and half contribution from the joint Powers? And when I swallow an oyster, may I give thanks to God? but when a tiger devours a deer, or an eagle tears a hare, or a thrush swallows a worm, are they doing the work of the Adversary? Where are you to begin to trace this permeating Satanic agency? Go back to the primordial atom. Are we to say that the Devil impelled it in the selfish tangential straight line, and that God attracts it with an unselfish centripetal force, and that the result is the harmonious curve of actuality? If you give yourself up to such a degrading dualism as this, will you not be more often fearing Satan than loving God? Will you not be attributing to Satan one moment, what the next moment will compel you to attribute to God? Where will you draw the line?" To all this my answer is very simple: "I shall draw the line where the spiritual instinct within me draws it. Whatever I am


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Letter 9] forced to pronounce contrary to God's intention I shall call evil and attribute to Satan." Herein I may go wrong in details, and I may have to correct my judgments as I grow in knowledge; but I am confident that, on the whole, I shall be following the teaching of Christ. My spiritual convictions accord with the teaching of that ancient allegory in the book of Genesis, which tells us that Satan, not God, brought sin and death into the world. There was a Fall somewhere, in heaven perhaps as well as on earth—"war in heaven" of the Evil against the Good—a declension from the divine ideal, a lapse by which the whole Universe became imperfect. It has been the work of God, not to create death, but upon the basis of death to erect a hope and faith in a higher life; not to create sin, but out of sin, repentance, and forgiveness, to elicit a higher righteousness than would have been possible (so we speak) if sin had never existed. Similarly of disease, and pain, and the conflict in the animal world for life and death: good has resulted from them; yet I cannot think of them, I cannot even think of change and decay, as being, so to speak, "parts of God's first intention." Stoics, and Christians who imitate Stoics, may call these things "indifferent:" I cannot. And even if I could, what of the ferocity, and cruelty, and exultation in destruction, which are apparent in the animal world? "Death," say the Stoics, "is the mere exit from life." Is it? I was once present at a theatre in Rouen where the hero took a full quarter of an hour to die of poison, and the young Normans who sat round me expressed their strenuous disapprobation: "C'est trop long," they murmured. I have made the same remonstrance in my heart of hearts, ever since I was a boy and saw a cat play with a mouse, and a patient stoat hunt down and catch at last a tired-out rabbit: "It is too long," "It is too cruel." "Did God ordain this?"—I asked: and I answered


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88 "No." These are but small phenomena in Nature's chamber of horrors: but for me they have always been, and will always remain, horrible. I believe that God intends us to regard them with horror and perhaps to see in them some faint reflection of the wantonly destructive and torturing instinct in man.

Those are fine-sounding lines, those of Cleanthes:—

I should like to agree with them; but I cannot. The picture of the cat and the mouse appears—fertile in suggestions. "This at least," I say, "was not wrought by 'evil men in their folly;' and yet it did not come direct from God." Isaiah pleases me better with his prediction, physiologically absurd, but spiritually most true: "The lion shall eat straw like a bullock." That is just the confession that I need: it comes to me with all the force of a divine acknowledgment, as if God thereby said: "Death and conflict must be for a time, but they shall not be for ever: it was not my intention, it is not my will, that my creatures should thrive by destroying each other."

Applying this theory to Evolution, I believe that Satan, not God, was the author of the wasteful and continuous conflict that has characterized it; but that God has utilized this conflict for the purposes of development and progress. This is what I had in my mind when I said that Evolution diminished the difficulties in the way of acknowledging the existence of a God. The problems of death, destruction, waste, conflict and sin, are not new; they are as old as Job, perhaps as old as the first-created man; but it is new to learn that good has resulted from


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Letter 9] those evils. In so far as Evolution has taught this, it has helped to strengthen, not to weaken, our faith. But then, if we are to use this language, we must learn to think, not of "Evolution by itself," but of "Evolution with Satan." "Evolution without Satan" would appal us by the seeming wastefulness and ubiquity of conflict and the indirectness of its benefits; but "Evolution with Satan" enables us to realize God as our refuge and strength amid the utmost storms and tempests of destruction.

If any one says that the belief in Satan is inexpedient, I am ready to give him a patient hearing; but I find it difficult to listen patiently to what people are pleased to call arguments against it. For example, "Duty can exist only in a world of conflict;" to which the reply is obvious, "But God might have made men for love and harmonious obedience, and not for duty and conflict." This, of course, is a very presumptuous statement, such as Bishop Butler would have condemned; but it is a fitting reply to a still more presumptuous implied statement. God has revealed Himself as Righteousness and Goodness without internal conflict; He has also revealed His purpose to conform us to Himself; and the Bible speaks of Him as being opposed by an Adversary who caused men for a time to differ from the divine image; is it not then a very presumptuous thing to imply that "God could not have created men but for conflict and duty," or, in other words, "God could not have made us better than we are, even had there been no Adversary opposing His will?" Again, we hear it said that, "An evil Spirit contending against a good Spirit must needs have produced two distinct worlds, and not the one progressive world of which we have experience:" to which the answer is equally obvious, "The orbit of every planet, or the path of any projectile, shews that two different forces may result in one continuous curve."


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90 The only consistent and systematic way of rejecting a belief in the existence of Satan is to reject the belief in the existence of sin. Then you can argue thus, "The notion of a Satan arises from the false and sharp antagonism which our human imaginations set up between 'good' and 'evil,' whereas what we call 'evil' is really nothing but an excess of tendencies good in themselves and only evil when carried to excess. The difference therefore between good and evil is only a question of degree." That theory sounds plausible; but it ignores the essence of sin, which consists in a rebellion against Conscience. It is not excess, or defect, the more, or the less; it is the moral disorder, the subversion of human nature, which is so frightful to contemplate that we cannot believe it to have proceeded from God. But perhaps you reply, "That very disorder is merely the result of energy out of place or in excess." Well, in the same way, when gas is escaping in a room in which there is a lighted candle, there is first a quiet and inoffensive escape of the gas, and secondly a violent and perhaps calamitous explosion; and you might argue similarly, "The difference was only one of degree; the explosion was merely the result of a useful element out of place and in excess." But I should answer that no sober and sensible householder would justify himself in this way for allowing a lighted candle and escaping gas to come together; and so I cannot believe that God is willing that men should justify Him for tolerating theft, murder, and adultery, on the ground that these things are "only questions of degree." I think we please Him better, and draw closer to Him, when we say, "An Enemy hath done this." And besides, for our own sakes, if we are to resist sin with our utmost force, it seems to me we are far more likely to do so when we regard it as Christ and St. Paul regarded it than when we give it the name of "misplaced energy," or "an


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Letter 9] excessive use of faculties, in themselves, good and necessary."

To me it seems that if we are to have a genuine trust in God, it is almost necessary that we should believe in the existence of a Satan. I say "almost," because there may be rare exceptions. A few pure saintly souls, of inextinguishable trust, may perhaps be able to face the awful phenomena of Evil and to say, "Though He hath done all this yet will we trust in Him; what may have moved Him to cause His creatures to struggle together, and to thrive, each on the destruction of its neighbour, we know not, and we are not careful to know; our hearts teach us that He is above us in goodness, and in wisdom, as in power; we know that we must trust Him; more than this we do not wish to know." Such men are to be admired—but to be admired by most of us at a great distance. For the masses of men, and especially for those who know something of the depth of sin, it must be a great and almost a necessary help to say, "The Good that is done upon Earth, God doeth it Himself; the evil that is upon earth God doeth it not: an Enemy hath done this."

One evil resulting from the rejection of Christ's doctrine is that we consequently fail to understand much of His life and sufferings. If Christ was really manifested that He might destroy the works of the Devil, then much is clear that is otherwise incomprehensible. There was then no delusion nor insincerity in the parables of the Sower and the Tares. God did not first cast the good seed and then blow it away with His own breath. God did not sow wheat with the right hand and tares with the left. "An Enemy" had done the mischief. There was no fiction when Jesus spent those long hours by night on the mountain top in prayer. He needed help, and needed it sorely. He was fighting a real battle. It was not the mere anticipation of pains in the flesh, the piercing nails, the


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92 parching thirst, the long-protracted death, that made the bitterness of Christ's passion. Even when He had regained composure, and in perfect calm was going forth to meet His death, we find Him declaring that Satan had asked for one of his Apostles "to sift him as wheat," and implying that all His prayers were needed that the faith of the tempted disciple should not "fail." But in Gethsemane the battle for the souls of men was still pending. There was an Enemy who was pulling down His heart, striving hard to make Him despair of sinful mankind, perhaps to despair of we know not what more beyond; forcing Him in the extremity of that sore conflict to cry that He was "exceeding sorrowful even unto death," and afterwards, on the Cross, to utter those terrible words, "My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?" All this is full of profound meaning, if there was indeed an Enemy. But if there was no Enemy, what becomes of the conflict? What meaning is left to the Crucifixion, except as the record of mere physical sufferings, the like of which have been endured, before and after, by thousands of ordinary men and women?

This belief in the existence of Satan appears to me to be confirmed by daily present experience as well as by the life of Christ. It "works." It enables us, as no other belief does, to go to the poor, the sick, the suffering, and the sinful, and to preach Christ's Gospel of the fatherhood of God. All simple, straightforward people who are acquainted with the troubles of life must naturally crave this doctrine. If you ascribe to Providence the work of Satan, they will consciously or unconsciously identify Providence with the author of evil, and look to One above to rescue them from Providence. Instead of attempting to console people for all their evils by laying them on the Author of Goodness, we ought to lay them in part upon themselves, in part on the author of evil.


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Letter 9] "God, the Father in heaven, did not intend you to be thus miserable"—thus we can begin our message—"your sufferings come from an Enemy against whom He is contending. Do not for a moment suppose that you are to put up in this life with penury, disease, misery, and sin as if these things came from God. Very often they are the just punishments of your own faults, as when drunkenness brings disease; but as the sin, so also the punishment, was of Satan's making, though God may use both for your good. You are to be patient under tribulation; you are to be made perfect through suffering; you are to regard the trials and troubles of life as being in some sense a useful chastisement proceeding from the fatherly hand of God. But never let your sense of the need of resignation lead you to attribute to the origination of God that which Christ teaches us to have been brought into the world by God's adversary. Satan made these evils to lead men wrong; God uses them to lead men right. Death, for example, came from Satan, who would fain make us believe that our souls perish with our bodies, that friends are parted for ever by the grave, and that there is no righteousness hereafter to compensate for what is wrong here: but God uses death to make men sober, thoughtful, steadfast, courageous, and trustful. It remains with you to decide whether you will bear your evils so as to succumb to the temptations of Satan, or so as to prevail over them and utilize them to your own welfare and to the glory of God. On which side will you fight? We ask you to enlist on the side of righteousness."

I feel sure that this theory of life would commend itself to the poor, that it would be morally advantageous to the rich, and that it would be politically useful to the State. There has been too prevalent a habit—among those believers especially who ignore Satan and attribute all things to God—of taking for granted that the social inequalities


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94 and miseries of the lower classes which have come down to us from feudal and non-Christian times, can never pass away. I remember once in my boyhood how, when I represented to a farmer that the condition of his labourers was not a happy one, he met me with a text of Scripture, "The poor shall never depart out of the land;" and that seemed to him to leave no more to be said. It is this provoking acquiescence of the comfortable classes in the miseries of the suffering classes, which irritates the latter into a disbelief of the religion that dictates so great a readiness to see in the miseries of others a divinely ordained institution.

The time will soon come (1885) when the very poor will demand a greater share in the happiness of life: and the question will arise whether they can be helped to obtain this by their own individual efforts or by the co-operation of those of their own class, or by the State, or by the Church. Caution must be shewn in trying experiments with nations; but as some experiments will assuredly have to be tried, it is most desirable in this crisis of our history that the Church at all events should faithfully follow Christ by regarding physical evil, not as a law of fate, but as a device of Satan. If, by descending a step or two lower in the scale of comfort, the comfortable classes could lift the very poor a step or two higher, the Church ought not to help the rich to shut their eyes to their obvious duty by giving them the excuses of such texts as "The poor shall never depart out of the land," or, "Man is born to trouble as the sparks fly upward." Poverty is often a good school: but penury is distinctly an evil; and the Church should regard it as an evil not coming from God, and should make war against it, and teach the poor not to acquiesce in it. The Gospel of Christ would be made more intelligible to the poorer classes than it has been made for many centuries past, if


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Letter 9 it could be preached as a war against physical as well as moral harm. Such a crusade would call out and enlist on the right side all the combative faculty in us; it would inspire in us a passionate allegiance towards Christ, as our Leader, desiring, asking, yes, and we may almost say, needing our help in a real conflict in which His honour as well as our happiness and highest interests are at stake; it would attract the co-operation of all faculties in the individual, of all classes in the country. In other words the theory would work; and so far as a religious theory works, so far have we evidence, present and, intelligible to all, that it contains truth.

I have recently heard views similar to mine controverted by an able theologian, who contended that, although they professed to be illogical, they went beyond the bounds even of the illogicality permissible in this subject. But the controverter's solution of the problem was this: "Evil is a part of God's intention. We have to fight, with God, against something which we recognise to be His work." Is not this a "hard saying"? Is it not harder than the saying of Christ, "An enemy hath done this"? I say nothing about its being illogical and absurd: but does it not raise up a new stumbling-block in the path of those who are striving to follow Christ?

It may be urged that the belief in Satan has been tested by the experience of centuries and has been found to be productive of superstition, insanity, and immorality; but these evils appear to me to have sprung, not from the belief in Satan, but from a superstitious, disorderly and materialistic form of Christianity, which has perverted Christ's doctrine about the Adversary into a recognition of a licensed Trafficker in Souls. The same materialistic and immoral tendency has perverted Christ's sacrifice into a bribe. But, just as we should not reject the spiritual doctrine of Christ's Atonement, so neither should we


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96 reject the spiritual doctrine of an Evil in the world resisting the Good, although both doctrines alike have been grossly and harmfully misinterpreted.

Of course it is possible that in our notions of spiritual personality, and therefore in our personification of Satan, we may be under some partial illusion. The subject teems with difficulties; and I have not concealed from you my opinion that some passages in the Old Testament appear to support a view at variance with the tenour of the New. The real truth, while justifying our Lord's language, may not accord with all our inferences as to its meaning; and I should myself admit that it would be most disastrous to attempt to personify the Adversary with the same vividness with which we personify the Father in heaven. Still,—in answer to the taunt of the agnostic or sceptic, "Is this, or that, the work of the God whom you describe as Love?"—I think we avail ourselves of our truest and most effective answer, when we resolve to separate certain aspects of Nature from the intention of God, and to say, with Christ, "An enemy hath done these things."


text: Talk:The Moths of the British Isles

title: Talk:The Moths of the British Isles


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Whitney, William Collins

WHITNEY, (1841-1904). An American politician and Cabinet officer, born in Conway, Mass., and educated at Yale and at Harvard. He settled in New York City, where he was admitted to the bar. In 1871 he was prominent in organizing the Young Men's Democratic Club, and was active in the movement against the ‘Tweed Ring.’ From 1875 to 1882 he was Corporation Counsel of the City of New York, and during his administration of the office the work of the city's Law Department was completely reorganized and simplified in such a manner as to save thousands of dollars annually. He was active in 1882 in the State campaign which resulted in the election of Grover Cleveland as Governor, and from 1885 to 1889, during Cleveland's first administration as President, was Secretary of the Navy. Under his control considerable progress was made in building the ‘new navy.’ He afterwards engaged in extensive financial enterprises in New York, and in 1892 successfully managed the Cleveland Presidential campaign.


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The New International Encyclopædia/Whitney, William Dwight

WHITNEY, (1827-94). An American Sanskrit scholar and philologist, born at Northampton, Mass. He graduated at Williams College in 1845. For the next three or four years he was clerk in the Northampton Bank, but began to show a marked interest in natural science and in languages. In 1849, as assistant sub-agent, he accompanied the United

States Geological Survey to Lake Superior, and on this expedition he began the study of Sanskrit in his leisure hours. On his return in the autumn of the same year he studied Sanskrit at Yale under Salisbury. In 1850 he went to Germany and spent three winters at Berlin under Weber, the summers being devoted to work under Roth at Tübingen. In 1853 he returned to America, and in 1854 was appointed to a chair of Sanskrit and comparative philology at Yale College, where he remained as professor until his death. The American Oriental Society owes much to him for his prolonged services as corresponding secretary, editor of the society's journal, and president. He was also first president of the American Philological Association. Among his publications are: Language and the Study of Language (1867; 4th ed. 1884); German Grammar (6th ed. 1888); Oriental and Linguistic Studies (1872-74); The Life and Growth of Language (1875); Essentials of English Grammar (1877); Sanskrit Grammar (3d ed. 1896); Roots, Verb-forms, and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit Language (1885); Practical French Grammar (1886); translations with commentaries of the Sûrya Siddhânta, the Atharva Veda Prâtiçâkhya, and the Tâttirîya Prâtiçâkhya (in vols. vi., viii., and ix., of the Journal of the American Oriental Society); and the posthumous Translation of the Atharva Veda, with Commentary (1904). With Roth he edited the Atharva Veda (1856), besides which he made noteworthy contributions to the Sanskrit Dictionary of Böhtlingk and Roth (Saint Petersburg, 1852-76), and an Index Verborum to the Published Text of the Atharva Veda (1881). He was editor-in-chief of the Century Dictionary. A complete bibliography of his writings is given in the nineteenth volume of the Journal of the American Oriental Society (New Haven, 1897), a memorial in his honor.


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356 Northumberland, Darcy, Clifford, and all the gentlemen of Yorkshire hastened to the rescue. The musters of Lancashire, Cheshire, Nottingham, and Derby were not far behind: a second Flodden was looked for—an action so considerable as should decide the fate of Scotland for the lifetime of the existing generation. The only fear in the English camp was that Albany's courage would fail him. The Scotch army came down upon the Tweed opposite Newark, which was held by Sir William Lisle and a small garrison. The river was high, but Albany had guns with him, which played on the castle across the water. A detachment of the French came over in boats, and, under cover of the fire, attempted to storm. They were beaten off with loss; and an express having been sent off to Surrey, the


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1523.] whole English, power came up with forced marches. 'In all my life,' said the gallant Earl, 'I never saw so many Englishmen so well willed as those who were with me, from the highest to the lowest.'

The Scots were as eager as their enemies. 'The gentlemen of the Border' gathered about Albany, entreating him to do something worthy of his mighty preparations, and give them their revenge for their wasted harvests and blackened villages. But at the prospect of a general action the Duke's cowardice was too much for him. An order was issued for retreat; and, in their rage and disappointment, 'the said gentlemen being evil contented,' tore the badges of their craven Regent from their breasts, and dashed them on the ground. 'By God's blood,' they cried, 'we will never serve you more. Would to God we were all sworn English.'

Albany's disgrace was followed by universal disruption. Henry again offered peace, on condition of his expulsion; while the Regent and his friends imagined measure after measure, which they wanted resolution to execute. But their despair was dangerous; and in the failure of their open policy they were tempted to fall back upon crime. The Queen sent warning that the life of the young King was in danger. In the beginning of December it was expected either that he would be poisoned


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Author:Algernon Edward West

Works

 * Recollections

title: Author:Algernon Edward West


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358 or that Albany would carry him away to France. On the 27th a stormy council was held at Stirling, where Albany attempted his usual shift in difficulty, and required five months' leave of absence to go to Paris. This time the nobles refused to be left to bear the consequences of the Regent's weakness. If he went again, his departure should be final; nor should he depart at all, unless the French garrisons were withdrawn. The Duke, 'in marvellous great anger and foam,' agreed to remain; but his cause sank daily, and misfortunes thickened about him. He was without the means to support the French auxiliaries, they were obliged to shift as they could for their own security. Some escaped to their own country; others, sent away in unseaworthy vessels, were driven among the Western Islands, engaged in piracy, and were destroyed in detail. At length, for the last time, on the 20th of May, Albany turned his back upon the country with which he had connected himself only to his own and others' misery. He sailed away, and came again no more.

The friends of the English alliance were now


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Author:Richard South

Works

 * Catalogue of the Collection of Palæarctic Butterflies formed by the late John Henry Leech, and presented to the trustees of the British Museum by his mother, Mrs. Eliza Leech (1902)
 * The Butterflies of the British Isles (1906)
 * The Moths of the British Isles, (First Series) (1907)
 * The Moths of the British Isles (Second Series) (1909)

title: Author:Richard South


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1524.] the ascendant. The young King was twelve years old. It was concerted between Margaret and Henry that the minority should be considered at this point to have expired. No fresh regency should be established, and the Government should be conducted in the King's own name. James was in Stirling Castle, virtually a prisoner in the hands of the Duke of Albany's friends. Henry wrote to him with encouragement and promises of help; and the queen-mother, pressing to know explicitly to what extent she might rely on support from England if she attempted a coup d'état, was told that she might expect unlimited assistance in men, in money, and in advice, which she equally needed. This was enough. On the 26th of July she escaped through Stirling gates, carrying her son with her, and made her way to Edinburgh. A convention of the lords was immediately summoned; and with almost unanimous consent they pronounced the Regent deposed, and swore fealty to the King. The Archbishop of St Andrew's and the Bishop of Aberdeen, who alone remained constant to Erance, were committed to custody in Edinburgh Castle. Negotiations were at once set on foot for the betrothal of James and the Princess Mary, and now at length all obstacles seemed to be removed, and quarrels five centuries old promised to be finally buried.

Scotland has suffered much from vicious queens. The licentiousness of a profligate woman was permitted to spoil the opportunity and obscure the clearing sky. The Earl of Angus, on hearing of the revolution, left


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360 France, and repaired with his brother, Sir George Douglas, to the English Court, preparatory to his return to his own country. Margaret, whose honour had already once been compromised, had again, in the first giddiness of her success, committed herself in such a manner as to make the reappearance of her husband the worst of misfortunes. She had surrounded herself with a circle of frivolous young men, the most worthless of whom, Henry Stewart, afterwards Lord Methuen, she had chosen as her peculiar favourite. Careless alike of her good name, her interest, or even of ordinary decency, she dared to write to her brother, threatening that, if Angus was again forced upon her, she would turn elsewhere for help before she would allow him 'to trouble her in her living.' She affected to colour her objections with stories of Angus's injuries to herself, and of his unpopularity with the nobles. Her liaison with Stewart being as yet a secret from the world, the English Government did not understand the motive of her urgency: they were anxious to avoid fresh complications or difficulties; and Wolsey replied that, if the return of Angus was so distasteful to her, he would find some pretext to detain him in London till affairs had settled down into a more regular train. At the particular moment both Henry and his minister were desirous to be on good terms with the queen-mother, in the hope that through her influence they might obtain possession of the persons of the two imprisoned bishops,


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1524.] whose French, tendencies they dreaded, and for whom Berwick appeared a more secure place of confinement than Edinburgh.'

This, however, was not easy. Margaret was now the instrument of her paramour, and politically was again not to be depended on. She pretended, and perhaps with justice, that the Scotch council would never entrust to the English Government the custody of their own State-prisoners; but she was entangled in her private intrigues, and Methuen and his friends preferred to retain in their hands the means of making themselves formidable. The Earl of Surrey, now Duke of Norfolk, began, to comprehend the Queen's character, and with the assistance of spies to understand her motives. So far from Angus being unpopular, he ascertained that half the realm would take his part if he returned, and he suggested to Wolsey that it would be well if a priest could be found to give Margaret some wholesome counsel. She was playing an underhand game with the Harniltons in order to be secured from her husband; 'the grudge was universal against her for her ungodly living' and open infidelity. The extent of her fault was even yet scarcely credited at the English Court; but at least it was not thought desirable to detain Angus longer. Both he and his brother were impatient to be again in Scotland. The Earl promised Henry that he would not force himself into his sister's presence without her consent; that in any disputes


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The New International Encyclopædia/Whitney, Mount

WHITNEY,. A peak of the Sierra Nevada (q.v.), in eastern California, in about latitude 36° 35' N., and longitude 113° 17' W. (Map: California, D 3). It is the highest mountain in the United States, exclusive of Alaska, having an altitude of 14,898 feet. Its eastern slope, which rises nearly 11,000 feet above the valley, is very precipitous. The mountain was named for Professor Josiah Dwight Whitney.


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362 which might arise with her he would submit to be guided by the English Government, he would forget his personal feuds and quarrels, and would bend himself wholly to carry out the policy which he had learnt to be best for his country. Sir George Douglas accepted the same obligations, and under these engagements the brothers repaired to the Border to the English camp, and Norfolk was directed to interpose no obstacle in the way of their return.

And in Scotland there was no little need of the presence of honourable men. The nobles were playing severally their own game for their own advantage. Such government as existed was conducted by the Earl of Arran and the Queen; the Hamiltons were altogether French; and Margaret, in whom hatred of her husband and an infatuated passion for Methuen had superseded every other consideration, had fallen off, as she had threatened, in the same direction. As soon as she was assured that Angus was really on his way, she threw off all concealment. She wrote insolently to the Duke of Norfolk, saying that the King of England might act as he pleased, but he would do wisely to consider other interests besides the pleasure of Lord Angus; 'and as to my part,' she added, 'if his desires be more regarded than mine, I will labour no more to the pleasure of the King my brother, but look the best way I may for myself.' Acting upon her menace, she released the imprisoned prelates from the


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1524.] Castle: David Beton, the nephew of the Archbishop of St Andrew's, was accredited to the Court of France: again the stone which had been dragged with so much labour to the crest of the hill, was bounding helplessly back into the plain.

Opposition of policy in Scotland generally, when it grew hot, took the form of an attempt at assassination. Before the approaching return of the Douglases had been announced, the Earls of Lennox, Argyle, Murray, and Glencairn, the leaders in the absence of Angus of the English faction, informed the Duke of Norfolk that, if he was detained any further, they did not intend to tolerate the present scandalous Government. Angus, if he came, could give peace to Scotland; but, peace or no peace, there should be a change of some kind. They might have waited his arrival but for the haste of the Queen. The liberation of the bishops, however, put an end to their forbearance. Lennox collected five hundred horse three miles from Edinburgh. They had scaling ladders ready prepared, and the intention was to surprise Holyrood and kill Arran; and probably Methuen. The design was well laid, and would in all likelihood have succeeded, but it was betrayed by the treachery of a confederate; a certain 'unhappy James Pringle,' as Norfolk called him, in deep regret at the


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 even looked upon ill-health as an advantage rather than the reverse, because with health he says he might have been fond of sports, and occupied his time in other ways than in studies. Anybody reading Priestley's memoirs will see that he was no believer in the old adage "mens sana in corpore sano."

In the year 1752, or when he was nineteen, he went to the Dissenting Academy at Daventry, and at this institution developed the power of free discussion on most subjects, especially theology: and as Priestley tells us in his Autobiography, he was generally on "the heterodox side of almost every question."

After three years at the Academy, namely, in 1755, Priestley became a Calvinistic minister at Needham Market in Suffolk; but whether it was due to his heterodoxy or to his stuttering, the congregation left him, and he was obliged to seek fresh pastures. Too great to be fettered by rules, too original to condescend to imitation, he consulted his own inspiration only, and, like other workers, had to pay dearly for living apart from the general weal of mankind. After other vicissitudes, he removed in 1761, one year after the succession of George III. to the throne of his ancestors, to Warrington, having been appointed tutor of languages in a dissenting academy. Here he gave instruction in Latin, Greek, Hebrew, French, and Italian, and lectured on logic, on elocution, on the theory of language and universal grammar, on oratory


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364 failure, 'let a good deed to have been done for the welfare of Scotland and of England.'

Lennox having missed his aim, the Government sat the firmer in their seats for it, especially as having earned the support of the Church by the release of the Archbishop. Dr Magnus, an English diplomatist, had been sent by Henry to observe and report on his sister's conduct and, if possible, reconcile her with her husband. He reached Edinburgh at the end of October, and on the 1st of November was admitted to an interview. In the opening conversation Margaret was tolerably moderate, and Magnus had hopes that, after all, he might win her back to some sense of propriety; but he soon found the uselessness of his labour. The day following he reported that she was clean gone from all her first concessions. 'A certain young man' was at the bottom of the change; she would listen to no advice except it was approved by Methuen, with whom she was so infatuated as to have induced the King to make over to him the seals of State and all such powers as went along with them. Methuen was devoted to Arran and Archbishop Beton, and Arran and the Archbishop were devoted to France. Margaret was thus wholly committed to the faction most inimical to England; supported by the whole ecclesiastical strength of Scotland, the ruling faction believed that they could defy her brother with


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1540.] and to feel the real temper of the people they summoned the Estates to meet at Edinburgh on the 15th of November.

Henry was profoundly angry. The behaviour of the queen-mother, he said, 'sounded openly to her extreme reproach an the blemishing of the royal house and blood whereof she descended. He accounted her rather like an unnatural and transformed person than like a noble princess or a woman of wisdom or honour.' For the present, however, he was forced to leave events to their own course, and to wait for the effect of the restoration of the Douglases. The French faction only among the nobility answered to the call of the camarilla; those exclusively who shared their schemes and sympathies. The remainder, either acting under Angus's advice or because they disdained to pay even outward obedience to the authority which had summoned them, held a separate convention by themselves, and prepared to assert their influence in a more effective manner. The Parliament had sat for eleven days. On the 26th of November, Angus, Lennox, the Laird of Buccleugh, and several hundred followers, scaled the walls of Edinburgh at four in the morning. They took possession of the gates, and when the day broke, the citizens, looking out into the twilight, saw the dark mass of horsemen drawn up in arms at the cross before St Giles's Church. The two Earls were come (so ran their manifesto) to claim their rights, their


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46 and criticism, on history and general policy, on civil law, and on anatomy. A goodly number of subjects, but Priestley was a most versatile man, as the catalogue of his 108 books published in 1794 bears witness. During his six years' residence at Warrington, he married the daughter of Isaac Wilkinson, an ironmaster of Wrexham, and the union proved a happy one. In 1766 he became acquainted with Benjamin Franklin (who lived in Craven Street, Strand, London). The acquaintance ripened into friendship. Franklin encouraged Priestley in his philosophical pursuits, and no doubt this was the origin of his electrical researches, which were subsequently published in his History of Electricity. This work greatly enhanced his fame, and gained for him an F.R.S., and the degree of LL.D. of Edinburgh University.

In 1767 Priestley left Warrington for Leeds, having been appointed minister of Millhill Chapel. In the Yorkshire town he commenced his chemical investigations, at the same time freely expressing his opinions on theology and metaphysics. Living near a brewery, he made experiments on the "fixed air" (carbon dioxide) of Black, and this led to investigations with "airs," or, as we should say, with gases. Priestley's chemical work was essentially in the domain of pneumatic chemistry. In 1772 he published a work on the method of impregnating water with fixed air—hence the birth of the mineral water


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Rh personality. As an advertisement, it must be confessed, it is not all that could be desired. The colour scheme, while very dainty, is not one which insists on its presence on the hoardings, so that the proximity of (for example) a Chéret renders it to some extent ineffective. At the same time, it is one of the most charming designs of the kind in existence, and no collector should fail to possess himself of a copy. It exists in three states: proofs before letters pulled in two tints only, ordinary proofs before letters, and prints after letters. In the former state it is rapidly increasing in value, but, insomuch as the lettering is of the essence of the design, the final state is the most desirable of all. To advertise an exhibition of his own work, Steinlen produced another study of cats, which is almost as agreeable as the "Lait pur." It is in two states: proofs before and after letters. The artist's design for the watering-place, Vernet-les-Bains, is not very important, but his early "Mothu et Doria," in three states, should not be overlooked. Earlier in date than any of the designs I have discussed is the "Trouville" and "Le Rève." The latter is a pretty composition reproduced in chromotypo-gravure. While the posters of Steinlen are not so striking on the hoarding as those of some of his contemporaries, they are of the highest artistic interest, and will no doubt take a place second to none in the affections

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102 of many collectors. It is significant that already the rarest of them are by no means easy to procure.

The art of Ibels is as little comprised in the poster as that of Steinlen. It is happily characteristic of young artists of the present day, both here and in France, that painting is not the only god of their æsthetic adoration: they experiment in many mediums, and it is really remarkable in how great a number of such experiments they succeed. What is generally true, is especially so of H. G. Ibels. Like Grasset, he has held an exhibition of his pictures at the Salon des Cent; he has made his mark in the galleries of the Champs de Mars; he has designed the covers of several pieces of music, and of a volume of poems by his brother, entitled "Chansons Colorées"; in addition, he is well known as a book illustrator. His point of view is somewhat akin to that of Toulouse Lautrec: he is passionately interested in his own moment, and depicts modern life with similar insistence on its ugly and grotesque aspects. And yet Ibels rarely fails to be decorative, and his style is the outcome of his own artistic personality, rather than the result of study of the work of other men. In his posters he has been conspicuously successful; so much so, that it is difficult to point to a single failure, though, it must be remembered, that as yet his productions have not been very numerous. It is possible

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Rh that with some the "Mévisto à l’Horloge" will be deemed his best design, but it can in no sense be considered his most original. It represents the actor as Pierrot, and is graceful and pleasing rather than characteristic; indeed, one would almost think that in designing it the artist had been at pains to conceal his personality. Nor is the "Salon des Cent"—a charming and delicate little lithograph—in spite of the ingenuity and fantasy of its grouping of Pierrot, Harlequin and Columbine, the most noteworthy of Ibels' posters. We see him at his most original, in an advertisement for the illustrated paper entitled "l'Escarmouche," to which he, together with Lautrec, Vuillard, Willette, and Anquetin, contributed drawings. It represents a café of the lower class, such as abounds in the workmen's quarter of Paris. The enormously fat patron enthroned behind the metal-topped bar, the waitress, cloth in hand, clad in her slovenly dress, the ouvriers in typical blue blouses, are studies in which accurate portraiture has been but slightly sacrificed to grotesqueness. The whole scene is admirably conceived, and the colour scheme, though very restrained, is certainly telling. Those who can do so should secure a proof before letters of this work, for the lettering is, I believe, not by the artist himself, and mars the effect of the design, although not in a very marked degree. Another interesting

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108 bill is that done for Mévisto's performances at the Scala music-hall; this is of great size and striking originality. But if grotesque force, and the power of reducing scenes of modern lower-class life into decoration, are Ibels' most pronounced characteristics, he can produce posters of the suavest charm. Amongst all the affiches I know, none seems to me more delightful than this artist's "Irène Henry." The café chantant singer whom it represents is justly a popular favourite with the Parisian public from the fact that she infuses into her performances no small amount of personality; moreover, her art is marked by grace and finish. Those who would see her as she appears to audiences at the Horloge, without going there, have only to look at Ibels' poster. With the rarest felicity, he has caught her physical individuality. She is represented in the act of singing in the open air to a crowd in the café, lighted by the familiar circle of white lamps. The line of the figure is most expressive: violet is the predominating colour. This poster is worthy a place in the French music hall series, which includes those designed by Lautrec for Jane Avril, by Steinlen for Yvette Guilbert, and by an artist whom I am about to consider, Anquetin, for Marguerite Dufay.

So far as I know, Anquetin has only produced two affiches of importance, but each

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Rh of them is worthy of the closest attention. The design for Marguerite Dufay is a piece of triumphant vulgarity. The subject is a very simple one; it is merely a woman of almost impossible fatness who performs at various Parisian music-halls on the trombone. Having stated this, one has, however, given no idea of the extraordinary qualities of this bill. It is safe to say that, once seen, it will never be forgotten; it should have made the fortune of the performer whom it advertises. The mirth of the thing is victorious and infectious; one seems almost to hear the coarse laugh; the ample body in the green dress seems to move as one stares at it. In line, in movement, this poster is, from a certain point of view, a veritable masterpiece. An advertisement which is, it seems to me, altogether more worthy of Anquetin's great talent is one designed for "Le Rire," a recently issued journal. It is an extremely fine lithograph in a single printing, and, as at present it can be procured for a few shillings, it should be in the possession, not only of those who care for posters as such, but also of all who are amateurs of the beautiful art of lithography. In the foreground is the figure of a huge man in mediaeval costume, which, while touched with the grotesque, is splendidly flamboyant. At his side he carries a large portfolio, adorned with a grinning mask, while his hands, which are admirably drawn, point

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114 towards a crowd of grinning pigmies beneath him. Every one of the crowd is extremely expressive, and the effect of the whole production is enhanced by very excellent lettering. It would be difficult to meet with two affiches more interesting than the "Marguerite Dufay" and "Le Rire," and they place Anquetin amongst the masters of the art of the poster.

If Anquetin is an artist of marked originality, so, in a manner totally different, is Pierre Bonnard. Save in the small number of his posters, he resembles Anquetin in hardly anything; on the other hand, his work has points of similarity with the later work of Lautrec. The posters of both these artists are decorative in a curious and somewhat similar sort of way, decorative in spite of their marked grotesqueness. Between the "Confetti" of Lautrec and the "Revue Blanche" of Bonnard there is a distinct decorative affinity. As both of them are dated the same year, 1894, it is needless to suggest that either of these intensely personal artists has derived anything from the other; there is, indeed, no evidence whatsoever of imitation, or even influence. Of the two best-known posters of Bonnard, the "France Champagne" is the earlier in point of time, having been published in 1891. It is a lithograph in three colours, and represents an extraordinarily fantastic, and extremely décolletée girl, who holds in one hand a

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Rh closed fan, and in the other an overflowing glass of champagne, which tumbles about her in a great cascade of foam. The background is yellow and the girl's dress red, while the upper part of the design is occupied by the arms of Paris and the text in large letters. The draughtsmanship is curious and vivacious, and the colouring conspicuously successful. This poster is not large, measuring as it does, only thirty-two by twenty-nine inches. The "Revue Blanche," though of nearly the same size, is much more complicated. In the foreground is a woman in huge hat and cape, which partly conceal her face, at whom an extraordinarily grotesque street urchin points his finger. The background is composed of innumerable advertisements of the revue, which a man in a great coat and silk hat, with his back to the spectator, is reading attentively. All the figures are in a sort of slate colour. The legend is admirably introduced into the foreground by means of huge white letters. Owing to the curiosity of its decoration, this specimen of Bonnard's work is a most desirable possession for the collector.

It has been the good fortune of Valloton to produce at least one poster which is excellent from every point of view. Nothing more appropriate to the advertisement of a frivolous burlesque than his "Ah! la Pé. la Pé, la pépinièré" could well be imagined. It represents a characteristic audience at a

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124 theatre convulsed with laughter at what is taking place on the stage. The variety of expression on the faces of the spectators is infinite, and the effect of the whole thing is as mirthful as may be. From the advertiser's point of view, I can conceive nothing more completely satisfactory. It exists in colours and in black, and the latter is the rarer. The same artist's "Carte de Paris" would seem already to have become scarce. It is a large lithograph in one colour; an example was shown at the Poster Exhibition at the Royal Aquarium. There is also a large address card designed by Valloton for M. Sagot. While this is not actually a poster it almost amounts to one, and were it to be executed on a large scale, it would doubtless be most successful. It is to be hoped that Valloton, encouraged by his universally recognized success in the art of the poster, will not altogether give up its practice in favour of those other branches of art in which he is distinguished.

The style of De Feure, if not so well adapted to poster work as that of some of his contemporaries, is nevertheless very interesting. His most characteristic effort is, perhaps, the "Salon des Cent, 5e Exposition." This design is very modern and very fantastic. It exists in three states— proofs before letters on vellum, proofs on Japanese paper, and ordinary' prints. The proofs before letters command very good

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 industry. In the same year he presented a paper to the Royal Society entitled "Observations on Different Kinds of Air," which secured for him the Copley medal.

Having published a method of preventing scurvy, a proposition was made to Priestley that he should accompany Captain Cook in his second voyage to the South Seas. It was accepted, but not confirmed by the Board of Longitude. On the Board were many clergymen, and no doubt they were against Priestley's "religious principles."

In 1772 Priestley was appointed librarian to Lord Shelburne (afterwards Marquis of Lansdowne) at a salary of £250 a year, a house, and an annuity for life. He remained in the service of his lordship for seven years, living sometimes at Calne, and sometimes in London; and during this time he travelled in Germany and Holland, and in 1774 visited Paris, where he made the acquaintance of Lavoisier and other French savants. Why Priestley severed his connection with Lord Shelburne will never be exactly known, but his lordship treated him with the greatest kindness and consideration.

The publication of Priestley's Disquisitions relating to Matter and Spirit in 1777 brought him much odium theologicum, because it was a powerful exposition of materialism. Critics denounced him as an atheist, as an infidel, and other epithets were hurled at him from all parts of the country. It is probable that this denunciation was the cause of Priestley leaving the service of Lord


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Rh prices. Amongst the other posters of De Feure is that done for the performance of the singer, Edmée Lescaut, at the Casino de Paris; for the newspaper "Le Diablotin"; and for the "Paris Almanach". In addition, we must not overlook the pleasant little design for the contents bill of a special issue of "To-Day."

The posters of Lucien Métivet are of very unequal merit. On the one hand the designs done by him for Eugénie Buffet, in her realistic répertoire of songs, are extremely distinguished. While, on the other, I could point to examples by this artist which are utterly unworthy his talent. Amongst Métivet's earlier works are "La Famille, journal hebdomadaire illustré," and "L'Hygiène." A more recent bill advertises "Les Joyeuses commères de Paris," but Métivet’s talent is seen at its best in the Eugénie Buffet advertisements, two studies worthy a place amongst the best posters which have come from the hands of contemporary French artists.

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Rh is pretty, alike in colour and pattern, and has already become rare.

Entirely appropriate to its purpose is the "Nouveau Cirque" advertisement, in which clowns, bare-back riders, and performing animals of all kinds—from a frog to an elephant—disport themselves with the utmost abandon. From this to the "Cacao Van Houten," is a far cry. From the point of view of the advertiser, Willette has done nothing better than his life-size study of a Dutch waitress in national costume. The thing is very decorative, and succeeds admirably in attracting attention: another and more complicated design for the same firm is only a shade less successful. This is entitled "La loi défendent le cacao contre le chocolat." The other posters of this artist include the rare "Petite National," the "Evénement Parisien" (which was, I believe, suppressed), the "Courrier Française," the "Exposition Charlet," and the "Elysée Montmartre." The posters of Willette are marked by variety and ingenuity of invention, and there is little doubt that they will be of permanent value as revelations of a talent as individual as it is powerful.

If the artistic poster is an unimportant incident in the career of Willette, it is still more so in that of Forain, whose essays in this direction have been few and far between. Forain is known to nearly every artist in Europe as a great master of black and white.

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90 Few, if any, can approach him in technical dexterity, few can express so much in so few lines. Moreover, to his technical mastery is added a searching power of criticism which gives to his work a further, and a most important, interest. In his desire to depict the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, he (no doubt unconsciously) becomes a moralist. He depicts life from no sentimental point of view; he can be realistic without seeming to appreciate the tragedy which is of the very essence of realism, so that on seeing one of his illustrations of modern life, one receives, apart from technical delight, a distinctly literary impression. Of his posters, perhaps the earliest is one unsigned and without lettering, representing an illuminated garden, in which a woman is depicted in the midst of an explosion of fireworks. Subsequent to this comes a bill to advertise one of the novels of Dubut de Laforest, which bears the artist's signature. The design which announces Forain's political drawings for the "Figaro" is of slight importance, as it was not originally intended for a poster. In spite of this it is by no means easy to meet with. Of greater interest is the "Exposition des Arts de la Femme." It was, however, only when Forain received a commission to produce an illustrated advertisement for a cycle show that he achieved a really memorable poster, a poster of real charm and rare

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Rh originality. The sport of bicycling seems to have fascinated the Parisienne completely, and Forain has made a charming design, in which she is depicted in complete enjoyment of the fashionable pastime. The colour scheme is restrained and delicate, and the production, which exists in two sizes, should certainly be found amongst the treasures of every amateur of the affiche.

The somewhat risky pages of the Gil Bias Illustré have for a considerable time been noticeable to artists, chiefly on account of a series of coloured illustrations by Steinlen. His relentless veracity in depicting the life of the lower classes of the Paris of to-day is almost without rival. No detail of squalor seems to escape him; without a tinge of remorse he proceeds to inform us of the meanest incidents in the tragedy of the poor or vicious quarters of the great city. By reason of a certain emphasis of colour and crudeness of design the art of Steinlen is admirably adapted to the production of such human documents. But it cannot be maintained that, whatever their technical merits, these studies of human misery are other than unpleasant—even painful. It is, therefore, altogether agreeable, when one turns to his essays in the art of the poster, to find his work graceful rather than tragic, urbane rather than mordant. Forsaking his mission of realistic illustration, he becomes gay, dainty, and fanciful as the best of his

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