text:
Author:Isaeus

Speeches

 * On The Estate of Cleonymus
 * On the Estate of Menecles
 * On The Estate Of Pyrrhus
 * On the Estate of Nicostratus
 * On the Estate of Dicaeogenes as "In the Suit Against Dicæogenes and Leochares"
 * On the Estate of Philoctemon
 * On The Estate of Apollodorus
 * On The Estate of Ciron
 * On the Estate of Astyphilus
 * On The Estate Of Aristarchus
 * On the Estate of Hagnias
 * On Behalf of Euphiletus

Collections

 * The Speeches of Isaeus in Causes Concerning the Law of Succession at Athens by William Jones (1779)
 * Isaeus by Forster (1927)

title: Author:Isaeus


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230 How he came over I do not know. We saw a toe—it seemed to belong to Moore; we saw Reynaud a flying body, coming down as if taking a header into water; with arms and legs all abroad, his leg of mutton flying in the air, his bâton escaped from his grasp; and then we heard a thud as if a bundle of carpets had been pitched out of a window. When set upon his feet he was a sorry spectacle; his head was a great snowball; brandy was trickling out of one side of the knapsack, chartreuse out of the other—we bemoaned its loss, but we roared with laughter.

This chapter has already passed the limits within which it should have been confined, but I cannot close it without paying tribute to the ability with which Croz led us, through a dense mist, down the remainder of the Glacier de Pilatte. As an exhibition of strength and skill, it has probably never been surpassed in the Alps or elsewhere. On this almost unknown and very steep glacier, he was perfectly at home, even in the mists. Never able to see fifty feet ahead, he still went on with the utmost certainty, and without having to retrace a single step; and displayed from first to last consummate knowledge of the materials with which he was dealing. Now he cut steps down one side of a sérac, went with a dash at the other side, and hauled us up after him; then cut away along a ridge until a point was gained from which we could jump on to another ridge; then, doubling back, found a snow-bridge, across which he crawled on hands and knees, towed us across by the legs, ridiculing our apprehensions, mimicking our awkwardness, declining all help, bidding us only to follow him.

About 1 we emerged from the mist and found ourselves just arrived upon the level portion of the glacier, having, as Reynaud properly remarked, come down as quickly as if there had not been any mist at all. Then we attacked the leg of mutton which my friend had so thoughtfully brought with him, and afterwards raced down, with renewed energy, to La Bérarde.

Reynaud and I walked together to St. Christophe, where we

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Rh parted. Since then we have talked over the doings of this momentous day; and I know that he would not, for a good deal, have missed the passage of the Col de Pilatte, although we failed to make it an easier or a shorter route than the Col du Selé. I rejoined Moore and Walker, the same evening, at Venos, and on the next day went with them over the Lautaret road to the hospice on its summit, where we slept.

So our little campaign in Dauphiné came to an end. It was remarkable for the absence of failures, and for the ease and precision with which all our plans were carried out. This was due very much to the spirit of my companions; but it was also owing to the fine weather which we were fortunate enough to enjoy, and to our making a very early start every morning. By beginning our work at or before the break of day, on the longest days in the year, we were not only able to avoid hurrying when deliberation was desirable, but could afford to spend several hours in delightful ease whenever the fancy seized us.

I cannot too strongly recommend to tourists in search of amusement to avoid the inns of Dauphiné. Sleep in the chalets. Get what food you can from the inns, but by no means attempt to pass a night in them. Sleep in them you cannot. M. Joanne says that the inventor of the insecticide powder was a native of Dauphiné. I can well believe it. He must have often felt the necessity of such an invention in his infancy and childhood.

On June 29 I crossed the Col du Galibier to St. Michel; on the 30th, the Col des Encombres to Moutiers; on July 1, the Col du Bonhomme to Contamines; and on the 2d, by the Pavilion de Belle vue to Chamounix, where I joined Mr. Adams-Reilly to take part in some expeditions which had been planned long before.


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Rh Some unseen cause, some cliff or obstruction in the rocks underneath, had caused our wall of ice to split into two portions, and the huge fissure which had thus been formed extended, on each hand, as far as could be seen. We, on the slope above, were separated from the slope below by a mighty crevasse. No running up and down to look for an easier place to cross could be done on an ice-slope of 54°; the chasm had to be passed then and there.

A downward jump of 15 or 16 feet, and a forward leap of 7 or 8 feet had to be made at the same time. That is not much, you will say. It was not much; it was not the quantity, but it was the quality of the jump which gave to it its particular flavour. You had to hit a narrow ridge of ice. If that was passed, it seemed as if you might roll down for ever and ever. If it was not attained, you dropped into the crevasse below, which, although partly choked by icicles and snow that had fallen from above, was still gaping in many places, ready to receive an erratic body.

Croz untied Walker in order to get rope enough, and warning us to hold fast, sprang over the chasm. He alighted cleverly on his feet; untied himself and sent up the rope to Walker, who followed his example. It was then my turn, and I advanced to the edge of the ice. The second which followed was what is called a supreme moment. That is to say, I felt supremely ridiculous. The world seemed to revolve at a frightful pace, and my stomach to fly away. The next moment I found myself sprawling in the snow, and then, of course, vowed that it was nothing, and prepared to encourage my friend Reynaud.

He came to the edge and made declarations. I do not believe that he was a whit more reluctant to pass the place than we others, but he was infinitely more demonstrative,—in a word, he was French. He wrung his hands, "Oh! what a diable of a place!" "It is nothing, Reynaud," I said, " it is nothing." "Jump," cried the others, "jump." But he turned round, as far as one can do such a thing in an ice-step, and covered his face with his hands, ejaculating, "Upon my word, it is not possible. No! no!! no!!! it is not possible."


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Rh sooner or later spin down the snow which fills the trough; and, as their course and pace are more clearly apparent when falling over snow than when jumping from ledge to ledge, persons with lively imaginations are readily impressed by them. The grooves which are usually seen wandering down the length of snow couloirs are deepened (and, perhaps, occasionally originated) by falling stones, and they are sometimes pointed out by cautious men as reasons why couloirs should not be followed. I think they are very frequently only gutters, caused by water trickling off the rocks. Whether this is so or not, one should always consider the possibility of being struck by falling stones, and, in order to lessen the risk as far as possible, should mount upon the sides of the snow, and not up its centre. Stones that come off the rocks then fly over one's head, or bound down the middle of the trough at a safe distance.

At 9.30 we commenced the ascent of the couloir leading from the nameless glacier to a point in the ridge, just to the east of Mont Bans. So far the route had been nothing more than a steep grind in an angle where little could be seen, but now views opened out in several directions, and the way began to be interesting. It was more so, perhaps, to us than to our companion M. Reynaud, who had no rest in the last night. He was, moreover, heavily laden. Science was to be regarded—his pockets were stuffed with books; heights and angles were to be observed—his knapsack was filled with instruments; hunger was to be guarded against—his shoulders were ornamented with a huge nimbus of bread, and a leg of mutton swung behind from his knapsack, looking like an overgrown tail. Like a good-hearted fellow, he had brought this food, thinking we might be in need of it. As it happened, we were well provided for, and having our own packs to carry, could not relieve him of his superfluous burdens, which, naturally, he did not like to throw away. As the angles steepened,


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Rh admirable skill through a maze of crevasses up to the foot of a great snow couloir, that rose from the head of the glacier to the summit of the ridge over which we had to pass.

We had settled beforehand in London, without knowing anything whatever about the place, that such a couloir as this should be in this angle; but when we got into the Val d'Entraigues, and found that it was not possible to see into the corner, our faith in its existence became less and less, until the telegraphing of Almer, who was sent up the opposite slopes to search for it, assured us that we were true prophets. Snow couloirs are nothing; more or less than


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Rh Again we were received with the most cordial hospitality. Everything that was eatable or drinkable was brought out and pressed upon us; every little curiosity was exhibited; every information that could be afforded was given; and when we retired to our clean straw, we again congratulated each other that we had escaped from the foul den which is where a good inn should be, and had cast in our lot with those who dwell in chalets. Very luxurious that straw seemed after two nights upon quartz pebbles and glacier mud, and I felt quite aggrieved (expecting it was the summons for departure) when, about midnight, the heavy wooden door creaked on its hinges, and a man hem'd and ha'd to attract attention; but when it whispered, "Monsieur Edvard," I perceived my mistake,—it was our Pelvoux companion, Monsieur Reynaud, the excellent agent-voyer of La Bessée. Monsieur Reynaud had been invited to accompany us on the excursion that is described in this chapter, but had arrived at Val Louise after we had left, and had energetically pursued us during the night. Our idea was that a pass might be made over the high ridge called (on the French map) Crête de Bœufs Rouges, near to the peak named Les Bans, which might be the shortest route in time (as it certainly would be in distance) from Val Louise, across the Central Dauphiné Alps. We had seen the northern (or Pilatte) side from the Brèche de la Meije, and it seemed to be practicable at one place near the above-mentioned mountain. More than that could not be told at a distance of


text:
Author:Isocrates

Works

 * Panathenaicus
 * Against the Sophists
 * Antidosis
 * The Panegyric (Panegyricus) or On the Union of Greece to Resist Persia
 * The Doctrinal of Princes Made by the Noble Oratour Isocrates (trans. by T. Elyot)

title: Author:Isocrates


text:
Author:Lysias

Works

 * On the Murder of Eratosthenes
 * Against Simon
 * "Against Eratosthenes" (403 BCE), in The World's Famous Orations, volume 1, 1906
 * Against Agoratus
 * For Mantitheus

Collections

 * The Orations of Lysias and Isocrates, translated by Gillies (1778)
 * Lysias, translated by Lamb (1930)

title: Author:Lysias


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250 The remains from west Florida stand somewhat apart from the typical culture, as outlined above. Here cremation is rare, but with the urn burial, sometimes occurs. Large deposits of pots are often found with the burials, the forms in some cases suggesting a distinct type of mortuary ware. In common with burials on the peninsula, the accompanying pots were almost invariably perforated through the bottom, or "killed." But in addition to this mortuary pottery there is great variety of ornamental and useful vessels. The forms suggest both those of Area 4 and the types found in Georgia (Figs. 27 and 28). Tobacco pipes are heavy and angular. All these differences are, however, in keeping with the marginal culture position of west Florida.

The peninsula also presents marginal peculiarities. Its distinctions lie in the enormous shell-heaps and a highly developed type of ready-made mortuary pottery, bizarre in form, with the perforation made previous to baking; also mortuary pottery arrow points. Again, there are suggestions of cannibalism on the St. Johns and of pile-villages in the south, features prominent on the adjacent coast of South America.

3. The Iroquoian Area. Adjacent to, and in a sense between, the North and South Atlantic areas, is an inland elevated region centering in New York and Pennsylvania. This was the range of tribes speaking Iroquoian languages and it is from the immediate ancestors of these tribes that by far the greater part of our museum collections come.

Iroquoian villages were characterized by defensive walls of circumvallation, their burials by large ossuaries, and their stone-work by lack of variety. A peculiar celt and adze of rectangular cross-section are found to the exclusion of the grooved ax and gouge. In the southern half of the area a chipped celt is typical. The triangular arrow point is abundant and the long stone pestle inconspicuous. Yet the distinguishing feature of Iroquoian archæology is a highly unique form of pottery (Fig. 29). It is well made, with globular body, constricted neck, and overhanging or flaring collar, bearing rectilinear incised decorations. The characteristic form prevails in the east and south of the area; in the western part

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 20/ WMO, Report of International Conference, op. cit.; I. Mintzer, 'Societal Responses to Global warming', submitted to WCED Public Hearings, Oslo, 1985; F.K. Hare, 'The Relevance of Climate', submitted to WCED Public Hearings, Ottawa, 1986.

21/ Lohani, op. cit.; Weidner, op. cit.; Hashimoto, op. cit.; CETESB, op.cit.

22/ Torrens, op. cit.; F. Lixun and D. Zhao, 'Acid ain in China' prepared for WCED, 1985; H. Rodhe, 'Acidification in Tropical Countries', prepared for WCED, 1985; G.T. Goodman, 'Acidification of the Environment, A Policy Ideas Paper', prepared for WCED, 1986.

23/ Torrens, op. cit.

24/ Bolin et al., op. cit.

25/ WMO, Report of International Conference, op. cit.

26/ Ibid.

27/ Ibid.

28/ Goldemberg et al., 'Global Energy Strategy', op. cit.

29/ Mintzer, op. cit.

30/ WMO, Report of International Conference, op. cit.

31/ D.J. Rose et al., Global Energy Futures an CO2-Induced Climate Change, MITEL Report 83–015 (Cambridge, Mass.: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1983); A.M. Perry et al., 'Energy Supply and Demand Implication of CO2', Energy, Vol. 7, pp. 991–1004, 1982.

32/ Bolin et al., op. cit.

33/ G. Brasseur, 'The Endangered Ozone Layer: New Theories on Ozone Depletion', Environment, Vol. 29 No. 1, 1987.

34/ National Research Council, op. cit.; Muniz and Leiverstad, op. cit.

35/ OECD, The State of the Evironment (Paris: 1985).

36/ Muniz and Leiverstad, op. cit.

37/ National Research Council, op. cit.

38/ National Swedish Environmental Protection Board, Air Pollution and Acidification (Solna, Sweden, 1986).

39/ J. Lehmhaus et al., 'Calculated and Observed Data for 1980 Compared at EMEP Measurement Stations', Norwegian Meteorological Institute, EMEP/MSC W Report 1-86, 1986; C.B. Epstein and M. Oppenheimer, 'Empirical Relation Between Sulphur Dioxide Emissions and Acid Deposition Derived fom Monthly Data', Nature, No. 323, pp. 245–47, 1985. /…

title: Page:Brundtland Report.djvu/203


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 II

THE PLACE OF SCIENCE IN A LIBERAL EDUCATION

CIENCE, to the ordinary reader of newspapers, is represented by a varying selection of sensational triumphs, such as wireless telegraphy and aeroplanes radio-activity and the marvels of modern alchemy. It is not of this aspect of science that I wish to speak. Science, in this aspect, consists of detached up-to-date fragments, interesting only until they are replaced by something newer and more up-to-date, displaying nothing of the systems of patiently constructed knowledge out of which, almost as a casual incident, have come the practically useful results which interest the man in the street. The increased command over the forces of nature which is derived from science is undoubtedly an amply sufficient reason for encouraging scientific research, but this reason has been so often urged and is so easily appreciated that other reasons, to my mind quite as important, are apt to be overlooked. It is with these other reasons, especially with the intrinsic value of a scientific habit of mind in forming our outlook on the world, that I shall be concerned in what follows.

The instance of wireless telegraphy will serve to illustrate the difference between the two points of view. Almost all the serious intellectual labour required for the


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34 possibility of this invention is due to three men—Faraday, Maxwell, and Hertz. In alternating layers of experiment and theory these three men built up the modern theory of electromagnetism, and demonstrated the identity of light with electromagnetic waves. The system which they discovered is one of profound intellectual interest, bringing together and unifying an endless variety of apparently detached phenomena, and displaying a cumulative mental power which cannot but afford delight to every generous spirit. The mechanical details which remained to be adjusted in order to utilise their discoveries for a practical system of telegraphy demanded, no doubt, very considerable ingenuity, but had not that broad sweep and that universality which could give them intrinsic interest as an object of disinterested contemplation.

From the point of view of training the mind, of giving that well-informed, impersonal outlook which constitutes culture in the good sense of this much-misused word, it seems to be generally held indisputable that a literary education is superior to one based on science. Even the warmest advocates of science are apt to rest their claims on the contention that culture ought to be sacrificed to utility. Those men of science who respect culture, when they associate with men learned in the classics, are apt to admit, not merely politely, but sincerely, a certain inferiority on their side, compensated doubtless by the services which science renders to humanity, but none the less real. And so long as this attitude exists among men of science, it tends to verify itself: the intrinsically valuable aspects of science tend to be sacrificed to the merely useful, and little attempt is made to preserve that leisurely, systematic survey by which the finer quality of mind is formed and nourished.


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Rh But even if there be, in present fact, any such inferiority as is supposed in the educational value of science, this is, I believe, not the fault of science itself, but the fault of the spirit in which science is taught. If its full possibilities were realised by those who teach it, I believe that its capacity of producing those habits of mind which constitute the highest mental excellence would be at least as great as that of literature, and more particularly of Greek and Latin literature. In saying this I have no wish whatever to disparage a classical education. I have not myself enjoyed its benefits, and my knowledge of Greek and Latin authors is derived almost wholly from translations. But I am firmly persuaded that the Greeks fully deserve all the admiration that is bestowed upon them, and that it is a very great and serious loss to be unacquainted with their writings. It is not by attacking them, but by drawing attention to neglected excellences in science, that I wish to conduct my argument.

One defect, however, does seem inherent in a purely classical education—namely, a too exclusive emphasis on the past. By the study of what is absolutely ended and can never be renewed, a habit of criticism towards the present and the future is engendered. The qualities in which the present excels are qualities to which the study of the past does not direct attention, and to which, therefore, the student of Greek civilisation may easily become blind. In what is new and growing there is apt to be something crude, insolent, even a little vulgar, which is shocking to the man of sensitive taste; quivering from the rough contact, he retires to the trim gardens of a polished past, forgetting that they were reclaimed from the wilderness by men as rough and earth-soiled as those from whom he shrinks in his own day. The habit of being unable to recognise merit


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36 until it is dead is too apt to be the result of a purely bookish life, and a culture based wholly on the past will seldom be able to pierce through everyday surroundings to the essential splendour of contemporary things, or to the hope of still greater splendour in the future.

So says the Chinese poet; but such impartiality is rare in the more pugnacious atmosphere of the West, where the champions of past and future fight a never-ending battle, instead of combining to seek out the merits of both.

This consideration, which militates not only against the exclusive study of the classics, but against every form of culture which has become static, traditional, and academic, leads inevitably to the fundamental question: What is the true end of education? But before attempting to answer this question it will be well to define the sense in which we are to use the word "education." For this purpose I shall distinguish the sense in which I mean to use it from two others, both perfectly legitimate, the one broader and the other narrower than the sense in which I mean to use the word.

In the broader sense, education will include not only what we learn through instruction, but all that we learn through personal experience—the formation of character through the education of life. Of this aspect of education, vitally important as it is, I will say nothing, since its consideration would introduce topics quite foreign to the question with which we are concerned.

In the narrower sense, education may be confined to instruction, the imparting of definite information on


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Rh various subjects, because such information, in and for itself, is useful in daily life. Elementary education—reading, writing, and arithmetic—is almost wholly of this kind. But instruction, necessary as it is, does not per se constitute education in the sense in which I wish to consider it.

Education, in the sense in which I mean it, may be defined as the formation, by means of instruction, of certain mental habits and a certain outlook on life and the world. It remains to ask ourselves, what mental habits, and what sort of outlook, can be hoped for as the result of instruction? When we have answered this question we can attempt to decide what science has to contribute to the formation of the habits and outlook which we desire.

Our whole life is built about a certain number—not a very small number—of primary instincts and impulses. Only what is in some way connected with these instincts and impulses appears to us desirable or important; there is no faculty, whether "reason" or "virtue" or whatever it may be called, that can take our active life and our hopes and fears outside the region controlled by these first movers of all desire. Each of them is like a queen-bee, aided by a hive of workers gathering honey; but when the queen is gone the workers languish and die, and the cells remain empty of their expected sweetness. So with each primary impulse in civilised man: it is surrounded and protected by a busy swarm of attendant derivative desires, which store up in its service whatever honey the surrounding world affords. But if the queen-impulse dies, the death-dealing influence, though retarded a little by habit, spreads slowly through all the subsidiary impulses, and a whole tract of life becomes inexplicably colourless. What was formerly full of zest, and so obviously worth doing that it raised


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Rh the vessel is somewhat squat with short neck turned outward into a notched rim. The typical pottery pipe is trumpet-shaped, slightly bent, with the bowls representing miniature pots, animals, etc. Finally, note should be made of the richness and variety in objects made of bone and antler.

This older Iroquoian culture seems to overlie one (or more) of different form, now believed to be Algonquian. This would appear to center to the southeast of Lake Ontario—perhaps only because that region is best known to us. It includes the grooved ax, gouge, long stone pestle, banner stones and other problematical forms, all having analogies elsewhere, more particularly in New England. Separated from these, perhaps, but occurring in the same region are a series of slate objects—bayonet-shaped points, barbed points with notched tangs, etc.—presenting analogies to objects in the North Atlantic area and in particular to the "red-paint" culture of the Penobscot.

title: Page:The American Indian.djvu/307


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38 no questions, has now grown dreary and purposeless: with a sense of disillusion we inquire the meaning of life, and decide, perhaps, that all is vanity. The search for an outside meaning that can compel an inner response must always be disappointed: all "meaning" must be at bottom related to our primary desires, and when they are extinct no miracle can restore to the world the value which they reflected upon it.

The purpose of education, therefore, cannot be to create any primary impulse which is lacking in the uneducated; the purpose can only be to enlarge the scope of those that human nature provides, by increasing the number and variety of attendant thoughts, and by showing where the most permanent satisfaction is to be found. Under the impulse of a Calvinistic horror of the "natural man," this obvious truth has been too often misconceived in the training of the young; "nature" has been falsely regarded as excluding all that is best in what is natural, and the endeavour to teach virtue has led to the production of stunted and contorted hypocrites instead of full-grown human beings. From such mistakes in education a better psychology or a kinder heart is beginning to preserve the present generation; we need, therefore, waste no more words on the theory that the purpose of education is to thwart or eradicate nature.

But although nature must supply the initial force of desire, nature is not, in the civilised man, the spasmodic, fragmentary, and yet violent set of impulses that it is in the savage. Each impulse has its constitutional ministry of thought and knowledge and reflection, through which possible conflicts of impulses are foreseen, and temporary impulses are controlled by the unifying impulse which may be called wisdom. In this way


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Rh education destroys the crudity of instinct, and increases through knowledge the wealth and variety of the individual's contacts with the outside world, making him no longer an isolated righting unit, but a citizen of the universe, embracing distant countries, remote regions of space, and vast stretches of past and future within the circle of his interests. It is this simultaneous softening in the insistence of desire and enlargement of its scope that is the chief moral end of education.

Closely connected with this moral end is the more purely intellectual aim of education, the endeavour to make us see and imagine the world in an objective manner, as far as possible as it is in itself, and not merely through the distorting medium of personal desire. The complete attainment of such an objective view is no doubt an ideal, indefinitely approachable, but not actually and fully realisable. Education, considered as a process of forming our mental habits and our outlook on the world, is to be judged successful in proportion as its outcome approximates to this ideal; in proportion, that is to say, as it gives us a true view of our place in society, of the relation of the whole human society to its non-human environment, and of the nature of the nonhuman world as it is in itself apart from our desires and interests. If this standard is admitted, we can return to the consideration of science, inquiring how far science contributes to such an aim, and whether it is in any respect superior to its rivals in educational practice.

Two opposite and at first sight conflicting merits belong to science as against literature and art. The one, which is not inherently necessary, but is certainly true


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40 at the present day, is hopefulness as to the future of human achievement, and in particular as to the useful work that may be accomplished by any intelligent student. This merit and the cheerful outlook which it engenders prevent what might otherwise be the depressing effect of another aspect of science, to my mind also a merit, and perhaps its greatest merit—I mean the irrelevance of human passions and of the whole subjective apparatus where scientific truth is concerned. Each of these reasons for preferring the study of science requires some amplification. Let us begin with the first.

In the study of literature or art our attention is perpetually riveted upon the past: the men of Greece or of the Renaissance did better than any men do now; the triumphs of former ages, so far from facilitating fresh triumphs in our own age, actually increase the difficulty of fresh triumphs by rendering originality harder of attainment; not only is artistic achievement not cumulative, but it seems even to depend upon a certain freshness and naïveté of impulse and vision which civilisation tends to destroy. Hence comes, to those who have been nourished on the literary and artistic productions of former ages, a certain peevishness and undue fastidiousness towards the present, from which there seems no escape except into the deliberate vandalism which ignores tradition and in the search after originality achieves only the eccentric. But in such vandalism there is none of the simplicity and spontaneity out of which great art springs: theory is still the canker in its core, and insincerity destroys the advantages of a merely pretended ignorance.

The despair thus arising from an education which suggests no pre-eminent mental activity except that of artistic creation is wholly absent from an education


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Rh which gives the knowledge of scientific method. The discovery of scientific method, except in pure mathematics, is a thing of yesterday; speaking broadly, we may say that it dates from Galileo. Yet already it has transformed the world, and its success proceeds with ever-accelerating velocity. In science men have discovered an activity of the very highest value in which they are no longer, as in art, dependent for progress upon the appearance of continually greater genius, for in science the successors stand upon the shoulders of their predecessors; where one man of supreme genius has invented a method, a thousand lesser men can apply it. No transcendent ability is required in order to make useful discoveries in science; the edifice of science needs its masons, bricklayers, and common labourers as well as its foremen, master-builders, and architects. In art nothing worth doing can be done without genius; in science even a very moderate capacity can contribute to a supreme achievement.

In science the man of real genius is the man who invents a new method. The notable discoveries are often made by his successors, who can apply the method with fresh vigour, unimpaired by the previous labour of perfecting it; but the mental calibre of the thought required for their work, however brilliant, is not so great as that required by the first inventor of the method. There are in science immense numbers of different methods, appropriate to different classes of problems; but over and above them all, there is something not easily definable, which may be called the method of science. It was formerly customary to identify this with the inductive method, and to associate it with the name of Bacon. But the true inductive method was not discovered by Bacon, and the true method of science


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252 4. The Mississippi-Ohio Area. Perhaps the most striking feature here is mound building. Although in the popular mind mounds are associated with the state of Ohio, they are very numerous on both sides of the Ohio River and on down the Mississippi. Some of the most striking structures are the pyramidal Cahokia mound in Madison County, Illinois; Etowah mound, Forsyth County, Georgia; Grave Creek mound, Marshall County, West Virginia, the largest conical mound known; Fort Ancient and the Serpent mound of Ohio. Effigy mounds are rare, this type being characteristic of an adjoining area. The whole of the mound-building culture in the Ohio Valley had vanished before the period of discovery, but farther south there are historical and other evidences that it still survived.

Pottery is also distinctive. Here we find fine bottle-shaped vases and many life forms, including human figures. Color is used in decoration, especially in Arkansas. The center of the art may be roughly defined by a circle inscribed about Memphis, intersecting Nashville, Tennessee. We have already noted that other artifacts tended to center in this region, so that we have a true culture center here. As one goes north into Ohio, the pottery becomes cruder and color disappears.

Of stone objects, we may note the fine discoidal stones south of the Ohio. Also very large stone pipes in animal and human forms. In the middle of the area the grooved ax is not uncommon and we find some very fine flaked objects. Shell objects are numerous; particularly striking are the engraved gorgets and the so-called hair pins. The margin of the Gulf Coast and over into Texas is one of simpler archæological culture, though the absence of the grooved ax and some other forms suggests similarities to the South Atlantic area.

To enumerate some of the unique objects indexing the cultural units of the whole area, we have: occasional truncated mounds; stone box-like graves; large effigy pipes; color decoration of pottery and skilful modeling of life forms, particularly the human head; numerous gorgets of shell and stone; reel-shaped copper ornaments; spool-like earplug; large chipped blades variously designated as spades and

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42 is something which includes deduction as much as induction, logic and mathematics as much as botany and geology. I shall not attempt the difficult task of stating what the scientific method is, but I will try to indicate the temper of mind out of which the scientific method grows, which is the second of the two merits that were mentioned above as belonging to a scientific education.

The kernel of the scientific outlook is a thing so simple, so obvious, so seemingly trivial, that the mention of it may almost excite derision. The kernel of the scientific outlook is the refusal to regard our own desires, tastes, and interests as affording a key to the understanding of the world. Stated thus baldly, this may seem no more than a trite truism. But to remember it consistently in matters arousing our passionate partisanship is by no means easy, especially where the available evidence is uncertain and inconclusive. A few illustrations will make this clear.

Aristotle, I understand, considered that the stars must move in circles because the circle is the most perfect curve. In the absence of evidence to the contrary, he allowed himself to decide a question of fact by an appeal to æsthetico-moral considerations. In such a case it is at once obvious to us that this appeal was unjustifiable. We know now how to ascertain as a fact the way in which the heavenly bodies move, and we know that they do not move in circles, or even inaccurate ellipses, or in any other kind of simply describable curve. This may be painful to a certain hankering after simplicity of pattern in the universe, but we know that in astronomy such feelings are irrelevant. Easy as this knowledge seems now, we owe it to the courage and insight of the first inventors of scientific method, and more especially of Galileo.


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Rh We may take as another illustration Malthus's doctrine of population. This illustration is all the better for the fact that his actual doctrine is now known to be largely erroneous. It is not his conclusions that are valuable, but the temper and method of his inquiry. [sic] As everyone knows, it was to him that Darwin owed an essential part of his theory of natural selection, and this was only possible because Malthus's outlook was truly scientific. His great merit lies in considering man not as the object of praise or blame, but as a part of nature, a thing with a certain characteristic behaviour from which certain consequences must follow. If the behaviour is not quite what Malthus supposed, if the consequences are not quite what he inferred, that may falsify his conclusions, but does not impair the value of his method. The objections which were made when his doctrine was new—that it was horrible and depressing, that people ought not to act as he said they did, and so on—were all such as implied an unscientific attitude of mind; as against all of them, his calm determination to treat man as a natural phenomenon marks an important advance over the reformers of the eighteenth century and the Revolution.

Under the influence of Darwinism the scientific attitude towards man has now become fairly common, and is to some people quite natural, though to most it is still a difficult and artificial intellectual contortion. There is however, one study which is as yet almost wholly untouched by the scientific spirit—I mean the study of philosophy. [sic]Philosophers and the public imagine that the scientific spirit must pervade pages that bristle with allusions to ions, germ-plasms, and the eyes of shell-fish. But as the devil can quote Scripture, so the philosopher can quote science. The scientific spirit is not an affair of


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44 quotation, of externally acquired information, any more than manners are an affair of the etiquette-book. The scientific attitude of mind involves a sweeping away of all other desires in the interests of the desire to know—it involves suppression of hopes and fears, loves and hates, and the whole subjective emotional life, until we become subdued to the material, able to see it frankly, without preconceptions, without bias, without any wish except to see it as it is, and without any belief that what it is must be determined by some relation, positive or negative, to what we should like it to be, or to what we can easily imagine it to be.

Now in philosophy this attitude of mind has not as yet been achieved. A certain self-absorption, not personal, but human, has marked almost all attempts to conceive the universe as a whole. Mind, or some aspect of it—thought or will or sentience—has been regarded as the pattern after which the universe is to be conceived, for no better reason, at bottom, than that such a universe would not seem strange, and would give us the cosy feeling that every place is like home. To conceive the universe as essentially progressive or essentially deteriorating, for example, is to give to our hopes and fears a cosmic importance which may, of course, be justified, but which we have as yet no reason to suppose justified. Until we have learnt to think of it in ethically neutral terms, we have not arrived at a scientific attitude in philosophy; and until we have arrived at such an attitude, it is hardly to be hoped that philosophy will achieve any solid results.

I have spoken so far largely of the negative aspect of the scientific spirit, but it is from the positive aspect that its value is derived. The instinct of constructiveness, which is one of the chief incentives to artistic creation, can find


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Rh in scientific systems a satisfaction more massive than any epic poem. Disinterested curiosity, which is the source of almost all intellectual effort, finds with astonished delight that science can unveil secrets which might well have seemed for ever undiscoverable. The desire for a larger life and wider interests, for an escape from private circumstances, and even from the whole recurring human cycle of birth and death, is fulfilled by the impersonal cosmic outlook of science as by nothing else. To all these must be added, as contributing to the happiness of the man of science, the admiration of splendid achievement, and the consciousness of inestimable utility to the human race. A life devoted to science is therefore a happy life, and its happiness is derived from the very best sources that are open to dwellers on this troubled and passionate planet.


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Rh hoes; unusually large caches of chipped blanks and occasional repoussé copper plates.

While the true center of the area lies, as just defined, the northern and southern extensions present some individualities. As noted at the outset, along the Ohio River centering in Ohio, is a rich mound area, which has, perhaps, more earthworks to the square mile than any other part of the world. However, this prominence may be due to excessive zeal in exploration rather than actual superiority. Students of the subject usually recognize two varieties of mound culture here: that known as Hopewell, culminating in the Scioto Valley; and that known as Fort Ancient, centering in the Miami drainage. The latter seems to reach southward into Kentucky, and is, on the whole, more extended and less specialized than that of the Hopewell type. Further, the distinctive traits of Hopewell culture are more like those at the center of the area in Tennessee than are those of Fort Ancient.

Some observers propose a third culture for Ohio, embracing certain curious burials in gravel banks, seemingly independent of mound structures. This type of interment extends westward into Indiana. However, no definite estimate of these observations can be made until closer studies of the area as a whole are available.

As remarked above, the southern portion of the area seems truly marginal to this and the South Atlantic area.

5. The Great Lake Area. This is also a mound area and for that reason may be but a part of the preceding; yet, the well-developed copper industry south of Lake Superior and the specialized type of effigy mound in the same region is generally considered as sufficient warrant for the designation of a separate archæological area. Small mounds occur in most parts and there is no reason for believing them historically independent of the whole mound trait extending from the Gulf Coast northward, but the aboriginal copper workings previously referred to give this outlying culture area a unique position. The most distinctive forms of copper objects found here are the socketed ax, or spud, which may be interpreted as a hafting adaptation to metal. Some of the copper arrow

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254 points are notched like those of stone, but others have a socket similar to the spud. A few copper axes duplicating the form of the grooved stone ax have been found here, and in the area to the south, but the usual form of ax is a simple celt-like blade without grooves or socket. Knives are common. Ornamental objects are not so numerous as in the preceding area, particularly the fine repoussé work of southern mounds.

Peculiar features in Michigan are the "garden beds," ridged or furrowed tracts, the use of which is by no means obvious. Of stone objects, the most peculiar are the fluted ax, faceted celt, and problematic forms. The latter include banner stones, bird- and saddle-shaped stones, etc., and extend eastward into the northern half of the North Atlantic area. They are rarely found in graves and seldom in mounds, and for this reason have been regarded as older even than mound culture. Yet their distribution corresponds closely to the known Algonquian linguistic area and the Eastern Woodland culture area, a fact that must be considered in estimating their chronological positions. Another feature is the use of catlinite, a handsome red stone, for pipes, which though limited as to sources, yet found its way over the entire area.

The archæology of the Missouri Valley is somewhat differentiated from the center in Wisconsin. Such remains as have come to light in Dakota are associated with the cultures of the historic tribes. Bone artifacts predominate, reminding one of the great hunting area to the north. This analogy is further stimulated by the presence of certain parallel forms; for example, the knife made by inserting small stone blades into the side of a bone handle, suggesting Eskimo types.

Farther south in Nebraska some recent excavations report evidences of older cultures whose people lived in rectangular pit-houses, a form so far unique in the area.

6. The Plains. The present state of our knowledge indicates that the Plains is a barren area around whose border we find a fringe of artifacts common in the adjoining areas. Thus, the metate of Area 7 finds its way into this one, pottery of the Missouri type spreads somewhat on its eastern border, and the stone club and tubular pipe of 9 are also found in the west.

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Rh Yet, there has been very little field exploration in the heart of the area so that its vacuity may be more apparent than real. Such collections as have been made contain the grooved

hammer, chipped scrapers, points, and the bone implements found among the historic tribes.

Among the most striking features are the great quarries of quartzite in the valley of the Platte, Wyoming, where tracts many acres in extent show deep and extensive diggings for

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256 quartzite nodules. When found, these were broken into convenient blanks for transport, while the chips and rejected pieces were left behind where they serve to mark the site. In addition to these localized works, we find scattered everywhere in the great central reaches of the area, circles and lines of boulders, with an occasional effigy in outline. The small circles are assumed to mark tipi sites; but long lines of stones have been noted whose use is problematical, though in Montana the historic Indians claim them as markers for buffalo pounds. About the only other permanent evidences of man's work are the numerous pictographs pecked into the faces of rocks and ledges. Though not carefully studied, these seem to fall into two types, one of which is quite modern. Pottery is not found in the heart of the area, but stone vessels of original form are rather numerous. These are often crude, suggesting hollowed-out boulders, though some are dressed to the shape of an egg, while others are roughly pyramidal. All these data lead us to suspect that a more systematic survey of the true archæological center of the Plains will clearly define a distinct type of prehistoric culture.

7. The Pueblo Area. In the states of Arizona and New Mexico centers the richest archæological province north of old Mexico. For years ruthless relic hunters have overrun it, turning over burial grounds and knocking down ruined walls in their search for marketable plunder, without exhausting the supply. Also a number of distinguished archæologists have spent the active years of their lives surveying groups of these remains, but notwithstanding all this, whole regions are still unknown. Thus, though some progress has been made in the cultural analysis of the area, the greater part of the task remains unraveled.

If we consider first the general geography of the country, the mere topography seems to segregate the ruins into four large groups: those of the Rio Grande drainage, the San Juan, the Little Colorado, and the Gila. These four river valleys contain by far the greater part of the known sites. By using these gross distinctions as the points of departure, we can the more readily summarize the present state of the subject.

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Rh The two distinguishing archæological characters here are architecture and ceramics. As more attention has been given the latter, we may consider it at once. In the first place, there is a kind of glazed decoration which characterizes the sites of the Rio Grande country, but which extends westward into that of the Little Colorado. As this is territory occupied by the historic Pueblo peoples, a connection between the two has been assumed and, in fact, recently proven.

Another easily distinguishable type of pottery is that finished in white and decorated in black. This black-on-white ware has for long been considered one of the oldest and fundamental Pueblo types, chiefly because it is found in almost all parts of the area. Yet, its distribution does not equal that of corrugated ware, that type in which the original coils of clay can be seen, which in the Rio Grande Valley, at least, has as good claim to antiquity as the black-on-white. In addition, a number of more recent and local types of pottery have been defined, but the preceding are sufficient to show that we can safely assume the fundamental unity of the original Pueblo cultures.

Turning to architecture, we note that the surviving Pueblo structures are merely accumulations of one-room houses and that those now occupied in the Rio Grande Valley do not differ in essentials from those in ruins. Hence, it is clear that a large portion of these ruined houses belong to the antecedent culture of the historic Pueblo natives, whose traits have been outlined in the preceding chapter. The center of dispersion for this type seems to have been in the Rio Grande Valley, from which it spread outward in all directions. To the north and west, across the headwaters of the Rio Grande and over into the San Juan country, we have what is known as the cliff-dweller type of house. Just what may be the specific relations of these to the central type cannot be determined from the data at hand, but since the basic house plan seems to be of the Pueblo type, we may safely assume a close historical connection. The essentials of this plan are a bracket-like enclosure of articulated rooms in the open court of which is a kiva, or ceremonial chamber. In fact, the presence of

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258 this kiva alone, because of its unique form and functions, would be sufficient ground for assuming such a connection.

In the Little Colorado country and down the Rio Verde toward its junction with the Gila, we find again the three kinds of houses noted in the preceding localities; the cave-like dwelling in the rock, the true cliff house, and the larger Pueblo pile of the open country. The remainder of the Gila is not so well known but seems to present some differences, both in architecture and ceramics. The best-known ruin is that of Casas Grandes, whose groundplan reminds us of southern Mexico rather than of the Rio Grande.

8. California. While from the artifacts in collections this area can be separated into three more or less distinct parts, there is still a great deal in common. One of the most numerous artifacts, and therefore the best index of California archæology, is the stone mortar, found throughout the length and breadth of the state, in the bottoms and tops of shell deposits and apparently in the auriferous gravels. Another equally distributed, but apparently less ancient artifact, is the tubular stone pipe. Bone awls and a number of other less striking artifacts could be added to this list.

The recognized subdivisions of the area are the southwestern, central, and northwestern portions of the state. The former, centering in the Santa Barbara Islands, is the home of the most unique artifacts. These are finely wrought bowls, boat-shaped vessels, baking slabs, and many problematic forms, all of steatite; great varieties of shell beads and pendants, also inlay shell-work in asphaltum; and fine examples of flaked edge tools. Among the very unique objects are numerous steatite carvings of the killer whale or at least a fish with an erect fin; perforated ring-like stones reminding one of African digging-stick weights, and curious shell hooks very much like those from the Pacific Islands.

In northwestern California is a relatively small area which, though less distinctive, still presents unique features. Among these are curious curved stone adze handles, a stone hammer with broad base and flanged head, pestles with pointed handles, and flanges at their bases, and perforated net sinkers.

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Rh The artifacts from the great central area are far less unique, but still we find here a curious plummet stone, very rarely, if at all, met with in the north and the south. Some slight evidences of intrusion from the southwestern area are noted, particularly in inlay work. While the distribution of the typical artifacts is quite uniform, there is the suggestion of local divergence about the city of Stockton where small mounds have yielded a few unusual objects. Shell mounds are numerous on the coast, particularly around San Francisco Bay. So far as these have been investigated, they show essentially the same culture from top to bottom, though improvements in form and finish are in evidence. Toward the southeast we meet with some intrusive traits from Area 7, as pottery and the metate, almost entirely confined to the Shoshonean-speaking peoples.

In general, the most striking feature of California culture is its unity, both geographically and chronologically. Rather more evidences of antiquity have come to hand for this area than elsewhere, as we shall see later.

9. The Columbia Basin. This area comprises the greater part of the Columbia drainage, and a part of the Frazer Valley. Its archaeology has been investigated in type localities by Harlan I. Smith, who finds a fairly uniform culture throughout, characterized by the prevalence of chipped points and the rarity of those of ground stone; bone and antler, digging-stick handles; bone tubes; arrow-shaft smoothers; hand hammers; pestles; summer lodge circles of stones; and semi-subterranean house pits. Yet over and above this similarity, two centers can be differentiated, one in the heart of British Columbia, the range of the Thompson Indians, and the other along the Columbia between the Willamette and the Snake rivers. The latter seems to be the seat of the most highly developed culture characterized by several unique artifacts, the so-called ape-head stone carvings, weight stones with suspension hoops, carved clubs, etc. Lewis suggests that this exuberance of carving in stone is due to the lack of suitable wood, since further down the river and along the coast, where wood is available, we find carving.

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260 The Thompson country in British Columbia is not so unique but it is differentiated by the use of nephrite, sometimes called jade, a special form of stone scraper, etc.

Between these two centers, particularly in the Yakima Valley, Washington, is found a less intense culture having some of the peculiarities of the two flanking centers.

10. North Pacific Coast Area. Very little is known of the archæology here, except in the vicinity of Puget Sound, where the investigations of Smith reveal an early historical connection with Area 9. As this locality is truly marginal to the area, we assume that the true center lies northward, since we find there some evidences of a culture directly antecedent to that of the historic tribes.

11. The Arctic Area. The only noteworthy archæological work in this area was by Dall and Jochelson in the Aleutians, Solberg in Greenland, and Stéfansson at Point Barrow and Franklin Bay. Though relic-bearing deposits of considerable depth have been reported by these explorers, their great antiquity has not been established; and while some changes in culture have been noted, these are, in the main, but variants of the historic Eskimo culture. A description of the artifacts is, therefore, unnecessary.

12. The Canadian Area. By the mere process of elimination we have left the whole interior of Canada. Practically no archæological work has been done here except in the southern border, where, as may be anticipated, the cultures are marginal to those of the adjoining areas. The reports of missionaries and explorers lead us to suspect that it is the weakest archæological area on the continent.

13. Northern Mexico. In turning to the southern extension of the continent, we approach a difficult task. The problem is not only complex, but further complicated by the lack of definite knowledge. We have already sketched the cultures found here by the Spanish invaders, but an empirical grouping of the archæological artifacts gathered from this general region introduces an unknown chronological factor, which may give quite a different result from our previous grouping by historical data. Holmes proposes five archæological areas which we

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O Dr. Faustus in his study Mephistopheles told the history of the Creation, saying:

"The endless praises of the choirs of angels had begun to grow wearisome; for, after all, did he not deserve their praise? Had he not given them endless joy? Would it not be more amusing to obtain undeserved praise, to be worshipped by beings whom he tortured? He smiled inwardly, and resolved that the great drama should be performed.

"For countless ages the hot nebula whirled aimlessly through space. At length it began to take shape, the central mass threw off planets, the planets cooled, boiling seas and burning mountains heaved and tossed, from black masses of cloud hot sheets of rain deluged the barely solid crust. And now the first germ of life grew in the depths of the ocean, and developed rapidly in the fructifying warmth into vast forest trees, huge ferns springing from the damp mould, sea monsters breeding, fighting, devouring, and passing away. And from the monsters, as the play unfolded itself, Man was born, with the power of thought, the knowledge of good and evil, and the cruel thirst for worship. And Man saw that all is passing in this mad, monstrous world, that all is struggling to snatch, at any cost, a few brief moments of life before Death's inexorable decree. And


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Rh Man said: 'There is a hidden purpose, could we but fathom it, and the purpose is good; for we must reverence something, and in the visible world there is nothing worthy of reverence.' And Man stood aside from the struggle, resolving that God intended harmony to come out of chaos by human efforts. And when he followed the instincts which God had transmitted to him from his ancestry of beasts of prey, he called it Sin, and asked God to forgive him. But he doubted whether he could be justly forgiven, until he invented a divine Plan by which God's wrath was to have been appeased. And seeing the present was bad, he made it yet worse, that thereby the future might be better. And he gave God thanks for the strength that enabled him to forgo even the joys that were possible. And God smiled; and when he saw that Man had become perfect in renunciation and worship, he sent another sun through the sky, which crashed into Man's sun; and all returned again to nebula.

"'Yes', he murmured, 'it was a good play; I will have it performed again.'"

Such, in outline, but even more purposeless, more void of meaning, is the world which Science presents for our belief. Amid such a world, if anywhere, our ideals henceforward must find a home. That Man is the product of causes which had no prevision of the end they were achieving; that his origin, his growth, his hopes and fears, his loves and his beliefs, are but the outcome of accidental collocations of atoms; that no fire, no heroism, no intensity of thought and feeling, can preserve an individual life beyond the grave; that all the labours of the ages, all the devotion, all the inspiration, all the noonday brightness of human genius, are destined to extinction in the vast death of the solar


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48 system, and that the whole temple of Man's achievement must inevitably be buried beneath the débris of a universe in ruins—all these things, if not quite beyond dispute, are yet so nearly certain, that no philosophy which rejects them can hope to stand. Only within the scaffolding of these truths, only on the firm foundation of unyielding despair, can the soul's habitation henceforth be safely built.

How, in such an alien and inhuman world, can so powerless a creature as Man preserve his aspirations untarnished? A strange mystery it is that Nature, omnipotent but blind, in the revolutions of her secular hurryings through the abysses of space, has brought forth at last a child, subject still to her power, but gifted with sight, with knowledge of good and evil, with the capacity of judging all the works of his unthinking Mother. In spite of Death, the mark and seal of the parental control, Man is yet free, during his brief years, to examine, to criticise, to know, and in imagination to create. To him alone, in the world with which he is acquainted, this freedom belongs; and in this lies his superiority to the resistless forces that control his outward life.

The savage, like ourselves, feels the oppression of his impotence before the powers of Nature; but having in himself nothing that he respects more than Power, he is willing to prostrate himself before his gods, without inquiring whether they are worthy of his worship. Pathetic and very terrible is the long history of cruelty and torture, of degradation and human sacrifice, endured in the hope of placating the jealous gods: surely, the trembling believer thinks, when what is most precious has been freely given, their lust for blood must be appeased, and more will not be required. The religion of


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Rh Moloch—as such creeds may be generically called—is in essence the cringing submission of the slave, who dare not, even in his heart, allow the thought that his master deserves no adulation. Since the independence of ideals is not yet acknowledged, Power may be freely worshipped, and receive an unlimited respect, despite its wanton infliction of pain.

But gradually, as morality grows bolder, the claim of the ideal world begins to be felt; and worship, if it is not to cease, must be given to gods of another kind than those created by the savage. Some, though they feel the demands of the ideal, will still consciously reject them, still urging that naked Power is worthy of worship. Such is the attitude inculcated in God's answer to Job out of the whirlwind: the divine power and knowledge are paraded, but of the divine goodness there is no hint. Such also is the attitude of those who, in our own day, base their morality upon the struggle for survival, maintaining that the survivors are necessarily the fittest. But others, not content with an answer so repugnant to the moral sense, will adopt the position which we have become accustomed to regard as specially religious, maintaining that, in some hidden manner, the world of fact is really harmonious with the world of ideals. Thus Man creates God, all-powerful and all-good, the mystic unity of what is and what should be.

But the world of fact, after all, is not good; and, in submitting our judgment to it, there is an element of slavishness from which our thoughts must be purged. For in all things it is well to exalt the dignity of Man, by freeing him as far as possible from the tyranny of non-human Power. When we have realised that Power is largely bad, that man, with his knowledge of good and evil, is but a helpless atom in a world which has no such


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50 knowledge, the choice is again presented to us: Shall we worship Force, or shall we worship Goodness? Shall our God exist and be evil, or shall he be recognised as the creation of our own conscience?

The answer to this question is very momentous, and affects profoundly our whole morality. The worship of Force, to which Carlyle and Nietzsche and the creed of Militarism have accustomed us, is the result of failure to maintain our own ideals against a hostile universe: it is itself a prostrate submission to evil, a sacrifice of our best to Moloch. If strength indeed is to be respected, let us respect rather the strength of those who refuse that false "recognition of facts" which fails to recognise that facts are often bad. Let us admit that, in the world we know, there are many things that would be better otherwise, and that the ideals to which we do and must adhere are not realised in the realm of matter. Let us preserve our respect for truth, for beauty, for the ideal of perfection which life does not permit us to attain, though none of these things meet with the approval of the unconscious universe. If Power is bad, as it seems to be, let us reject it from our hearts. In this lies Man's true freedom: in determination to worship only the God created by our own love of the good, to respect only the heaven which inspires the insight of our best moments. In action, in desire, we must submit perpetually to the tyranny of outside forces; but in thought, in aspiration, we are free, free from our fellow-men, free from the petty planet on which our bodies impotently crawl, free even, while we live, from the tyranny of death. Let us learn, then, that energy of faith which enables us to live constantly in the vision of the good; and let us descend, in action, into the world of fact, with that vision always before us.


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Rh When first the opposition of fact and ideal grows fully visible, a spirit of fiery revolt, of fierce hatred of the gods, seems necessary to the assertion of freedom. To defy with Promethean constancy a hostile universe, to keep its evil always in view, always actively hated, to refuse no pain that the malice of Power can invent, appears to be the duty of all who will not bow before the inevitable. But indignation is still a bondage, for it compels our thoughts to be occupied with an evil world; and in the fierceness of desire from which rebellion springs there is a kind of self-assertion which it is necessary for the wise to overcome. Indignation is a submission of our thoughts, but not of our desires; the Stoic freedom in which wisdom consists is found in the submission of our desires, but not of our thoughts. From the submission of our desires springs the virtue of resignation; from the freedom of our thoughts springs the whole world of art and philosophy, and the vision of beauty by which, at last, we half reconquer the reluctant world. But the vision of beauty is possible only to unfettered contemplation, to thoughts not weighted by the load of eager wishes; and thus Freedom comes only to those who no longer ask of life that it shall yield them any of those personal goods that are subject to the mutations of Time.

Although the necessity of renunciation is evidence of the existence of evil, yet Christianity, in preaching it, has shown a wisdom exceeding that of the Promethean philosophy of rebellion. It must be admitted that, of the things we desire, some, though they prove impossible, are yet real goods; others, however, as ardently longed for, do not form part of a fully purified ideal. The belief that what must be renounced is bad, though sometimes false, is far less often false than untamed passion supposes; and the creed of religion, by providing a reason


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52 for proving that it is never false, has been the means of purifying our hopes by the discovery of many austere truths.

But there is in resignation a further good element: even real goods, when they are unattainable, ought not to be fretfully desired. To every man comes, sooner or later, the great renunciation. For the young, there is nothing unattainable; a good thing desired with the whole force of a passionate will, and yet impossible, is to them not credible. Yet, by death, by illness, by poverty, or by the voice of duty, we must learn, each one of us, that the world was not made for us, and that, however beautiful may be the things we crave, Fate may nevertheless forbid them. It is the part of courage, when misfortune comes, to bear without repining the ruin of our hopes, to turn away our thoughts from vain regrets. This degree of submission to Power is not only just and right: it is the very gate of wisdom.

But passive renunciation is not the whole of wisdom; for not by renunciation alone can we build a temple for the worship of our own ideals. Haunting foreshadowings of the temple appear in the realm of imagination, in music, in architecture, in the untroubled kingdom of reason, and in the golden sunset magic of lyrics, where beauty shines and glows, remote from the touch of sorrow, remote from the fear of change, remote from the failures and disenchantments of the world of fact. In the contemplation of these things the vision of heaven will shape itself in our hearts, giving at once a touchstone to judge the world about us, and an inspiration by which to fashion to our needs whatever is not incapable of serving as a stone in the sacred temple.

Except for those rare spirits that are born without sin, there is a cavern of darkness to be traversed before that


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Rh temple can be entered. The gate of the cavern is despair, and its floor is paved with the gravestones of abandoned hopes. There Self must die; there the eagerness, the greed of untamed desire must be slain, for only so can the soul be freed from the empire of Fate. But out of the cavern the Gate of Renunciation leads again to the daylight of wisdom, by whose radiance a new insight, a new joy, a new tenderness, shine forth to gladden the pilgrim's heart.

When, without the bitterness of impotent rebellion, we have learnt both to resign ourselves to the outward rule of Fate and to recognise that the non-human world is unworthy of our worship, it becomes possible at last so to transform and refashion the unconscious universe, so to transmute it in the crucible of imagination, that a new image of shining gold replaces the old idol of clay. In all the multiform facts of the world—in the visual shapes of trees and mountains and clouds, in the events of the life of man, even in the very omnipotence of Death—the insight of creative idealism can find the reflection of a beauty which its own thoughts first made. In this way mind asserts its subtle mastery over the thoughtless forces of Nature. The more evil the material with which it deals, the more thwarting to untrained desire, the greater is its achievement in inducing the reluctant rock to yield up its hidden treasures, the prouder its victory in compelling the opposing forces to swell the pageant of its triumph. Of all the arts, Tragedy is the proudest, the most triumphant; for it builds its shining citadel in the very centre of the enemy's country, on the very summit of his highest mountain; from its impregnable watchtowers, his camps and arsenals, his columns and forts, are all revealed; within its walls the free life continues, while the legions of Death and Pain and Despair, and all


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54 the servile captains of tyrant Fate, afford the burghers of that dauntless city new spectacles of beauty. Happy those sacred ramparts, thrice happy the dwellers on that all-seeing eminence. Honour to those brave warriors who, through countless ages of warfare, have preserved for us the priceless heritage of liberty, and have kept undefiled by sacrilegious invaders the home of the unsubdued.

But the beauty of Tragedy does but make visible a quality which, in more or less obvious shapes, is present always and everywhere in life. In the spectacle of Death, in the endurance of intolerable pain, and in the irrevocableness of a vanished past, there is a sacredness, an over powering awe, a feeling of the vastness, the depth, the inexhaustible mystery of existence, in which, as by some strange marriage of pain, the sufferer is bound to the world by bonds of sorrow. In these moments of insight, we lose all eagerness of temporary desire, all struggling and striving for petty ends, all care for the little trivial things that, to a superficial view, make up the common life of day by day; we see, surrounding the narrow raft illumined by the flickering light of human comradeship, the dark ocean on whose rolling waves we toss for a brief hour; from the great night without, a chill blast breaks in upon our refuge; all the loneliness of humanity amid hostile forces is concentrated upon the individual soul, which must struggle alone, with what of courage it can command, against the whole weight of a universe that cares nothing for its hopes and fears. Victory, in this struggle with the powers of darkness, is the true baptism into the glorious company of heroes, the true initiation into the overmastering beauty of human existence. From that awful encounter of the soul with the outer world, enunciation, wisdom, and charity are born; and with


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Rh their birth a new life begins. To take into the inmost shrine of the soul the irresistible forces whose puppets we seem to be—Death and change, the irrevocableness of the past, and the powerlessness of man before the blind hurry of the universe from vanity to vanity—to feel these things and know them is to conquer them.

This is the reason why the Past has such magical power. The beauty of its motionless and silent pictures is like the enchanted purity of late autumn, when the leaves, though one breath would make them fall, still glow against the sky in golden glory. The Past does not change or strive; like Duncan, after life's fitful fever it sleeps well; what was eager and grasping, what was petty and transitory, has faded away, the things that were beautiful and eternal shine out of it like stars in the night. Its beauty, to a soul not worthy of it, is unendurable; but to a soul which has conquered Fate it is the key of religion.

The life of Man, viewed outwardly, is but a small thing in comparison with the forces of Nature. The slave is doomed to worship Time and Fate and Death, because they are greater than anything he finds in himself, and because all his thoughts are of things which they devour. But, great as they are, to think of them greatly, to feel their passionless splendour, is greater still. And such thought makes us free men; we no longer bow before the inevitable in Oriental subjection, but we absorb it, and make it a part of ourselves. To abandon the struggle for private happiness, to expel all eagerness of temporary desire, to burn with passion for eternal things—this is emancipation, and this is the free man's worship. And this liberation is effected by a contemplation of Fate; for Fate itself is subdued by the


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56 mind which leaves nothing to be purged by the purifying fire of Time.

United with his fellow-men by the strongest of all ties, the tie of a common doom, the free man finds that a new vision is with him always, shedding over every daily task the light of love. The life of Man is a long march through the night, surrounded by invisible foes, tortured by weariness and pain, towards a goal that few can hope to reach, and where none may tarry long. One by one, as they march, our comrades vanish from our sight, seized by the silent orders of omnipotent Death. Very brief is the time in which we can help them, in which their happiness or misery is decided. Be it ours to shed sunshine on their path, to lighten their sorrows by the balm of sympathy, to give them the pure joy of a never-tiring affection, to strengthen failing courage, to instil faith in hours of despair. Let us not weigh in grudging scales their merits and demerits, but let us think only of their need—of the sorrows, the difficulties, perhaps the blindnesses, that make the misery of their lives; let us remember that they are fellow-sufferers in the same darkness, actors in the same tragedy with ourselves. And so, when their day is over, when their good and their evil have become eternal by the immortality of the past, be it ours to feel that, where they suffered, where they failed, no deed of ours was the cause; but wherever a spark of the divine fire kindled in their hearts, we were ready with encouragement, with sympathy, with brave words in which high courage glowed.

Brief and powerless is Man's life; on him and all his race the slow, sure doom falls pitiless and dark. Blind to good and evil, reckless of destruction, omnipotent matter rolls on its relentless way; for Man, condemned to-day to lose his dearest, to-morrow himself to pass


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Rh through the gate of darkness, it remains only to cherish, ere yet the blow falls, the lofty thoughts that ennoble his little day; disdaining the coward terrors of the slave of Fate, to worship at the shrine that his own hands have built; undismayed by the empire of chance, to preserve a mind free from the wanton tyranny that rules his outward life; proudly defiant of the irresistible forces that tolerate, for a moment, his knowledge and his condemnation, to sustain alone, a weary but unyielding Atlas, the world that his own ideals have fashioned despite the trampling march of unconscious power.


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 In faith whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed it, and affixed to it the seal of their arms.

Done at London, the 10th day of March, 1883.

GRANVILLE.

E. FITZMAURICE.

MÜNSTER.

KÀROLYI.

CH. TISSOT.

C. BARRÈRE.

NIGRA.

MOHRENHEIM.

MUSURUS.

ANNEXE.

Règlement de Navigation, de Police Fluviale et de Surveillance, applicable à la partie du Danube située entre les Portes de Fer et Braïla.

navigation continuera à être entièrement libre sur toute la partie du Danube comprise entre Braïla et les Portes de Per. Les bâtiments marchands de toutes les nations y effectueront librement, comme par le passé, le transport des passagers et des marchandises ou le remorquage, sous les conditions d'une parfaite égalité stipulées par l'Article XVI du Traité de Paris.

II. Il ne sera perçu sur le Danube aucun péage basé uniquement sur le fait de la navigation du fleuve, ni aucun droit sur les marchandises, tant qu'elles se trouveront à bord des bâtiments, transports ou radeaux.

III. Les États Riverains ont le droit de percevoir dans leurs ports respectifs les droits de quai, grue, balance, magasinage, débarquement, pour les établissements existants ou à établir.

Toutefois, ces droits devront être prélevés indistinctement, suivant des tarifs fixes et publics, sans égard à la provenance des bâtiments et de leur cargaison, et pour autant seulement que les bâtiments assujettis à ces droits auraient profité des dits établissements.

Il est bien entendu que ces tarifs ne pourront être une source de revenus financiers, mais qu'ils produiront seulement la


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 quotité nécessaire au paiement de l'intérêt et à l'amortissement du capital de premier établissement et d'entretien. L'amortissement une fois opéré, les tarifs ne représenteront plus que la quotité nécessaire à l'entretien.

( 4, 5, Bridges and Mills.)

VI. Les lignes douanières suivront partout les rives du fleuve, sans jamais le traverser. Il s'ensuit que les bâtiments, transports, radeaux, &c., tant qu'ils sont en voie de navigation ou à l'ancre dans le lit du fleuve, sans faire aucune operation de commerce avec la rive, sont entièrement en dehors de toute action des Douanes.

En consequence, les États Riverains ne peuvent percevoir les taxes douanières qu'à l'égard des marchandises débarquées sur les rives, et cette interdiction s'applique même aux bâtiments, transports ou radeaux traversant les sections du fleuve dont les deux rives appartiennent au même État.

VII. Le transit est absolument libre pour les marchandises de toutes les nations, quelles que soient leur provenance et leur destination. Lorsqu'un bâtiment, transport ou radeau traverse une section fluviale dont les deux rives dépendent d'un seul État, les capitaines ou patrons ne sont pas assujettis à d'autres formalités, quant aux marchandises transportées en transit, qu'au plombage ou à la surveillance d'un agent douanier, exercée à bord jusqu'au point où les deux rives, ou l'une d'elles, cessent d'appartenir au dit État. L'agent douanier, pendant son séjour à bord, a droit a la nourriture, au chauffage, et à l'éclairage, sur le même pied que les hommes de l'équipage, mais sans autre rémunération quelconque. Le bâtiment sera tenu de donner passage gratuit au dit agent douanier, sans nourriture ni autres frais, au moins jusqu'au dernier port national qu'il touchera dans son premier voyage de retour.

VIII. Les bâtiments de mer ne pourront être tenus de produire d'autres documents que leurs papiers de bord. Les bâtiments ou transports fluviaux devront être munis des documents nécessaires, délivrés par l'autorité dont ils relèvent, pour constater le nom, la nationalité et la capacité du bâtiment ou transport, et l'identité du capitaine ou patron et des hommes d'equipage.


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 made him sad. He knew why they were leaving the hot pavements of the city and fleeing to the seashore, lakes and rivers. He knew, also, that wherever they went, whatever they did, they could not escape. The world seemed doomed.

Each day the glowing Mass in the sky was drawing steadily nearer and increasing in size as it came closer. It was so bright that it could be seen by day. Its brilliance was like that of a small sun. And its heat more intense.

He turned from the window. As he reached his desk he noted the small calendar. The year of 2017 still had four months to go. Probably it would be the last year in the history of mankind. The door to the corridor was opening. Through it came Danzig and Vignot. Their faces were red and moist with sweat.

"It's what you might call warm outside," complained the chemist. "And it isn't going to get any cooler either. Everybody is leaving the city. As a matter of fact all the cities are being abandoned. Wherever there is a lake, river or any body of water, the populace is flocking toward these blessed spots. Any news?" he finished.

"None," said Carruthers, grimly, "but what you already know."

"How is your Annihilator progressing?"

"It's about finished—or it should be. I'm making an inspection trip in a few minutes. Better come with me."

"You think it will work?"

Carruthers shrugged, and his jaw tightened. "How can I be absolutely certain. It should work by all the laws of science. At any rate, it's too late to worry as to whether it'll work or not. If it succeeds, we'll live to know. If it doesn't, I don't know as it will matter. We'll be nothing but powdered ashes. If you're ready now, we'll go to Thunder Mountain at once."

They left the laboratory, went to the roof and there boarded a rocket ship which carried them north to the site of what might prove to be the world's last folly in scientific engineering.

From the air as the ship approached the landing field on top of Thunder Mountain towered a giant steel tube that at first glance seemed puny when viewed from the great heights of the air. But once the rocket ship had landed, and the men reached the workings, its monstrous size became apparent.

Through a new metallurgical process, the metal tube had been cast in a block without seams or rivets. It towered nearly three-hundred feet upwards from its base, and was roughly fifty feet in diameter. What the tube contained inside only a few men understood.

Its purpose—to annihilate the approaching Mass of vegetation and earth by a continuous bombardment of its metal core with a concentrated beam of heavy neutrons. People, including many famous scientists, had scoffed at the sheer audacity of the idea. It was preposterous and doomed to failure.

Yet, in spite of opposition from all quarters, Aaron Carruthers had gone ahead perfecting the Annihilator. It had taken him years to figure out the construction and beam control. First there had been a small model which hadn't worked. That was the first setback. The metal of which he had constructed the first tube wouldn't stand up under the terrific onslaught of neutrons pouring from the electro-carbonide rods. Even the best of the metallurgists had been unable to furnish him with the right kind of metal.

Quite by accident Carruthers discovered a formula he had once used to replace a Tungsten wire within a vacuum tube of an electronic oscillator resistor coil. Using this formula, he had constructed a second machine. The metal walls of the tube on this second machine not only took the beating from the neutrons, but also increased their


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 Il est bien entendu qu'aucune autre modification ne sera apportée aux conditions dans lesquelles s'exercent actuellement le grand et petit cabotage sans distinction de pavilion.

Les petites embarcations et les barques de pêche sont dispensées de se faire délivrer les actes spécifiés dans le présent Article; les patrons et les hommes d'équipage sont simplement tenus de se munir des documents nécessaires pour constater leur identité, lorsqu'ils veulent accoster à une rive étrangère. Il est bien entendu, d'ailleurs, que cette disposition ne porte aucune atteinte aux lois et règlements ayant pour objet l'exercice de la pêche dans les eaux de chacun des États Riverains.

( 9, 10, Mills and Quarantine.)

( 11–95.)

XCVI. L'exécution du présent Réglement est placée sous l'autorité d'une Commission dite 'Commission Mixte du Danube,' dans laquelle l'Autriche-Hongrie, la Bulgarie, la Roumanie et la Serbie seront chacune représentées par un Délégué. La présidence de cette Commission appartiendra au Délégué de l'Autriche-Hongrie.

Un membre de la Commission Européenne du Danube, désigné pour une période de six mois, par ordre alphabétique des États, prendra part aux travaux de la Commission Mixte et jouira, pendant cette participation, de tous les droits appartenant à ses autres membres.

Les États déjà représentés à la Commission Mixte ne seront pas compris dans ce roulement alphabétique.

Afin que le membre de la Commission Européenne ainsi désigné soit en mesure de prendre part aux délibérations de la Commission Mixte, celle-ci lui fera parvenir le programme de ses travaux un mois avant l'ouverture de chaque session.

La Commission Européenne, quand elle le jugera utile, pourra demander à la Commission Mixte, par l'entremise de son Délégué, les renseignements dont elle aurait besoin


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 celles des décisions de la Commission Mixte qui toucheraient à la liberté de la navigation.

XCVII. Les pouvoirs de la Commission Mixte auront une durée égale à ceux de la Commission Européenne du Danube, et cette Commission Mixte subira, s'il est besoin, les modifications qu'il pourrait devenir nécessaire d'introduire dans sa constitution et dans ses pouvoirs, sous réserve de la coexistence des deux Commissions.

XCVIII. La Commission Mixte tiendra chaque année deux sessions ordinaires qui seront fixées de manière á éviter la réunion simultanée de la Commission Mixte et de la Commission Européenne.

Ses décisions seront prises à la majorité des voix.

Elle arrêtera elle-même le règlement intérieur pour l'ordre de ses travaux, ainsi que les instructions spéciales à ses agents en vue de l'application du présent Règlement, sauf les points sur la solution desquels le présent Règlement a statué lui-même. La Commission procédera, dans sa première session, à la nomination des agents désignés à 1'Article 100, sous les numéros 1, 2 et 4.

Toutefois, le reglèment intérieur et les instructions d'un caractère général et réglementaire, telles que celles dont il est question dans l'Article 9 de l'Acte-Public du 2 Novembre 1865, relatif à la navigation des embouchures du Danube, seront communiqués préalablement à la Commission Européenne, et ne seront appliqués qu'après que cette Commission les aura trouvés conformes aux principes qui ont servi de base au présent Règlement.

XCIX. Les frais d'administration seront à la charge des États représentés dans la Commission Mixte. Ils y contribueront dans la proportion suivante: l'Autriche-Hongrie pour quatre dixièmes, la Roumanie pour quatre dixièmes, et la Bulgarie et la Serbie, chacune pour un dixième.

À la seconde réunion ordinaire, la Commission Mixte fixera son budget pour l'année suivante.

Les contributions des États seront faites d'avance pour chaque semestre. Les amendes perçues pour contravention au présent Règlement seront versées dans la caisse de la Commission Mixte, pour être affectées aux besoins du service.


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 power by keeping them into a solid beam that could be directed into space without endangering any metallic substance near at hand.

And this was the machine they had come to inspect. It had been erected on a high mountain away from any city. Its foundations were anchored deep in bedrock. Steel cables, their tension controlled by pneumatic shock absorbers, kept the metal tube from swaying in the high winds that constantly swept the mountain top.

Current for the dynamos beneath the structure came from a power-station at the base of the mountain. Yet no one knew, even Carruthers himself, whether this mammoth tube, pouring forth a controlled stream of annihilating neutrons, would be of sufficient power to break up the Mass hurtling toward the earth. But the young scientist had gone too far with his preparations to abandon them for something equally unpredictable. The Mass must be destroyed.

Even in the light of day men all over the world could see that it was coming steadily nearer and nearer. Occasionally it would flare into a white brilliance as it crashed into a meteor or wandering planetoid. But these collisions did not turn it aside. It came on and on, never swerving never slowing up.

Its heat spread out before it, increasing each day, Now the glowing Mass was in the east, now in the west as the earth circled lazily around the sun. The temperature continued to rise steadily night and day from seventy, to ninety, to a hundred and three. On this day it had reached a hundred and seven.

As Carruthers walked swiftly toward the metal structure that was destined to play so important a part in the world's salvation, the construction engineer came to meet him.

"It's no use, Carruthers," he said, grimly. "We're near the end of the job, but not yet finished. All the men are quitting. It's too damned hot. They can't stand it."

"Hire more men," ordered Carruthers. "The work's got to go on. We can't stop now. Don't you understand the importance—?"

"I'm simply explaining' the facts." "Hire more men as I said, and work them three hours a day at double pay for a full day's work."

"I'll do the best I can," nodded the engineer, "but I make no promises that the work will continue according to schedule. It isn't that the men don't want—" He stopped abruptly and stared stupidly at the young scientist.

The earth was trembling. A sudden flash of bluish light struck the top of the mountain, swirled like a miniature cyclone, then vanished in a thunderous, splitting crack. The shock knocked every man down.

Carruthers scrambled to his feet. He had known this was coming. Earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, enormous tides and floods all over the world would be the natural result of the approaching Mass. And his heart began to pound with unknown fears. Yet there was no sign of fear on his face as he stood erect once more and then braced himself against the next ground upheaval. His eyes swerved upward. The steel tube was rocking perilously. One of the cables had come loose from its anchorage in the ground.

He raced toward its free end whipping crazily at the tube's base. But he never reached it. Something else claimed his attention. He kept on running to where the ground sloped away sharply, and checked suddenly on the raw edge of an earth crevasse six feet wide. He understood now why the cable had pulled loose from its anchorage. The earth had split in a wide seam, and from it began to roll thick clouds of brownish smoke.


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 C. Les agents ci-après désignés fonctionneront, chacun dans le ressort qui lui sera assigné, sous les ordres de la Commission Mixte, savoir:
 * 1°. Un Inspecteur;
 * 2°. Des Sous-Inspecteurs;
 * 3° Des Capitaines de Port, pour autant que leur action s'exercera sur la voie fluviale;
 * 4°. Un Secrétaire et des agents subalternes.

CI. Les agents désignés à l'Article précédent seront choisis parmi des personnes compétentes; ils seront nommés et rétribués comme il suit:

L'Inspecteur sera nommé et rétribué par la Commission Mixte, ainsi que le Secrétaire et les agents subalternes. Les Sous-Inspecteurs et Capitaines de Port seront nommés et rétribués par les États Riverains respectifs, lesquels feront part à la Commission Mixte de la nomination de ces agents ou de leur remplacement.

Les agents ci-dessus nommés, sauf les Sous-Inspecteurs et les Capitaines de Port, pourront être révoqués par la Commission Mixte.

CII. L'Inspecteur est appelé à veiller par voie administrative à la stricte observation des dispositions du présent Règlement et à mettre de l'ensemble dans son application.

Sous ce rapport, il est considéré comme directement préposé aux Sous-Inspecteurs et aux Capitaines de Port. Sections.

CIII. Le Danube entre les Portes de Fer et Braïla sera divisé sur la rive gauche en quatre sections d'inspection; dont

 * La première s'étendra des Portes de Fer à Beket inclusivement;
 * La seconde, de Beket jusqu'à Simnitza inclusivement;
 * La troisième, de Simnitza jusqu'à Calarash-Silistrie;
 * La quatrième, comprenant les deux rives, de Calarash-Silistrie jusqu'à Braïla exclusivement.

Sur la rive droite il sera divisé en trois sections; dont

 * La première s'étendra des Portes de Fer jusqu'à l'embouchure du Timok;
 * La seconde, du Timok jusqu'à Nicopolis inclusivement;
 * La troisième, de Nicopolis jusqu'à Silistrie inclusivement;


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 La résidence de chacun des Sous-Inspecteurs sera ultérieurement fixée par les États Riverains de concert avec la Commission Mixte.

CIV. Les États Riverains prêteront à la Commission Mixte et à ses agents tout le concours dont elle pourra avoir besoin dans l'accomplissement de sa tâche.

CV. Les ports ou échelles situés sur le parcours de chaque section fluviale et pour lesquels les États Riverains auront institué des Capitaines de Port, conformément aux dispositions du présent Règlement, ne seront pas compris dans le ressort du Sous-Inspecteur de la section. Les ports ou échelles seront placés sous la surveillance des Capitaines de Port, lesquels relèveront directement de l'Inspecteur et seront tenus de suivre ses instructions, pour tout ce qui concernera leur action sur la voie fluviale.

On entend par la dénomination de port, au sens du présent Règlement, toute la partie du fleuve comprise entre deux lignes droites partant, normalement aux rives, des limites d'amont et d'aval des dits ports ou échelles et se prolongeant jusqu'au thalweg.

Si la rive opposée appartient au même État, le port comprend également la partie du fleuve située au delà du thalweg, entre les deux lignes prolongées jusqu'à la dite rive, à moins toutefois qu'il n'existe sur cette rive, dans les mêmes eaux, un port ou échelle muni d'un Capitaine de Port.

Les bâtiments en cours de navigation et traversant les eaux d'un port, sans s'y arrêter, ne sont pas soumis à la juridiction des Capitaines de Port; l'Inspecteur et les Sous-Inspecteurs sont seuls compétents pour agir à l'égard de ces bâtiments.

CVI. Les attributions spéciales de la police judiciaire fluviale seront exercées par les Sous-Inspecteurs et les Capitaines de Port, par chacun dans son domaine de surveillance, et les appels seront portés devant la Commission Mixte, qui jugera en dernier ressort. Si, dans l'exercice de leurs fonctions, les Sous-Inspecteurs avaient à relever des contraventions commises en dehors de leur ressort, ils constateraient ces contraventions et les porteraient à la connaissance du Sous-Inspecteur compétent.


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 CVII. La Commission Mixte aura son siége à Giurgevo.

CVIII. Les Articles I, II, III, VI, VII, VIII, IX, et X, ainsi que les Articles XCVI à CVIII inclusivement du présent Règlement, ne pourront être modifiés qu'à la suite d'une entente des Puissances intéressées. Les autres Articles ne pourront être modifies par la Commission Mixte qu'avec le concours de la Commission Européenne du Danube.