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268 was complimented with a finer pair. Keep quiet in your chair now, and leave 'em to me."

With that, he went upon his knees, and began to flay his victim; who, on the first stocking coming off, would certainly have fallen over backward with his chair, but for there being no room to fall anyhow.

I had been afraid until then to say a word about the play. But then, Mr. Waldengarver looked up at us complacently, and said:

"Gentlemen, how did it seem to you, to go, in front?"

Herbert said from behind (at the same time poking me), "capitally." So I said "capitally."

"How did you like my reading of the character, gentlemen?" said Mr. Waldengarver, almost, if not quite, with patronage.

Herbert said from behind (again poking me), "massive and concrete." So I said boldly, as if I had originated it, and must beg to insist upon it, "massive and concrete."

"I am glad to have your approbation, gentlemen," said Mr. Waldengarver, with an air of dignity, in spite of his being ground against the wall at the time, and holding on by the seat of the chair.

"But I'll tell you one thing, Mr. Waldengarver," said the man who was on his knees, "in which you're out in your reading. Now mind! I don't care who says contrary; I tell you so. You're out in your reading of Hamlet when you get your legs in profile. The last Hamlet as I dressed, made the same mistakes in his reading at rehearsal, till I got him to put a large red wafer on each of his shins, and then at that rehearsal (which was the last) I went in front, sir, to the back of the pit, and whenever his reading brought him into profile, I called out 'I don't see no wafers!' And at night his reading was lovely."

Mr. Waldengarver smiled at me, as much as to say "a faithful dependent—I overlook his folly;" and then said aloud, "My view is a little classic and thoughtful for them here; but they will improve, they will improve."

Herbert and I said together, Oh, no doubt they would improve.

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34 friends will cease to depend upon our aid, believing, what may all the while be unjust to our feelings, that we have never entertained any earnest desire to promote their interest.

Above all other subjects, however, connected with the consideration of time, the law of love bears most directly upon that of punctuality. No one can fail in this point, without committing an act of injury to another. If the portion of time allotted to us in this life be aptly compared to a valuable estate, of which an enemy robs us by taking away a certain portion every day; surely it is a hard case that a friend must usurp the same power, and take away another portion, contrary to our expectations, and without any previous stipulation that it should be so. Yet, of how much of this precious property do we deprive our friends during the course of a lifetime, by our want of punctuality? and not our friends only, but all those who are in any way connected with, or dependent upon us. Our friends, indeed, might possibly forgive us the injury for the love they bear us; but there are the poor—the hard-working poor, whose time is often their wealth; and strangers, who owe us no kindness, and who consequently are not able to endure this injury without feelings of irritation or resentment.

The evil, too, is one which extends in its consequences, and widens in its influence, beyond all calculation. Yet, for the sake of conveying to the youthful and inexperienced reader, some idea of its mode of operation, we will suppose the case of a man carrying letters or despatches along one of our public roads, and so calculating his time as to appoint to be met at some post on the road every hour, by this means to transmit his despatches by other couriers along branch-roads to distant parts of the country. The person whose business it is to place these despatches in his hand at a certain time and place, is half an hour too late;

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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Rh "Did you observe, gentlemen," said Mr. Waldengarver, "that there was a man in the gallery who endeavoured to cast derision on the service—I mean, the representation?"

We basely replied that we rather thought we had noticed such a man. I added, "He was drunk, no doubt."

"Oh dear no, sir," said Mr. Wopsle, "not drunk. His employer would see to that, sir. His employer would not allow him to be drunk."

"You know his employer?" said I.

Mr. Wopsle shut his eyes, and opened them again; performing both ceremonies very slowly. "You must have observed, gentlemen," said he, "an ignorant and a blatant ass, with a rasping throat and a countenance expressive of low malignity, who went through—I will not say sustained—the rôle (if I may use a French expression) of Claudius King of Denmark. That is his employer, gentlemen. Such is the profession!"

Without distinctly knowing whether I should have been more sorry for Mr. Wopsle if he had been in despair, I was so sorry for him as it was, that I took the opportunity of his turning round to have his braces put on—which jostled us out at the doorway—to ask Herbert what he thought of having him home to supper? Herbert said he thought it would be kind to do so; therefore I invited him, and he went to Barnard's with us, wrapped up to the eyes, and we did our best for him, and he sat until two o'clock in the morning, reviewing his success and developing his plans. I forget in detail what they were, but I have a general recollection that he was to begin with reviving the Drama, and to end with crushing it; inasmuch as his decease would leave it utterly bereft and without a chance or hope.

Miserably I went to bed after all, and miserably thought of Estella, and miserably dreamed that my expectations were all cancelled, and that I had to give my hand in marriage to Herbert's Clara, or play Hamlet to Miss Havisham's Ghost, before twenty thousand people, without knowing twenty words of it.

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Rh, all the couriers along the road are delayed in the same proportion, and there is the loss of half an hour occasioned, not only to each of them, but to all who have depended upon their arrival at a certain time. It is true, that few of us are placed in the same relative position as this man, with regard to our fellow-creatures; yet, none of us act alone; and the mistress of a house, who detains a poor workman half an hour by her want of punctuality, may be the means of his receiving reproof, nay, even abuse, from others who have lost their time in consequence of his delay; while others still, and others yet beyond, through the wider range of a more extensive circle, may have been calculating their time and means in dependence upon the punctuality of this poor man.

If on particular occasions which recur every day, we find we are generally half an hour too late, the evil to others is sometimes easily remedied by making our appointment half an hour later, and abiding by it. But such is not the plan of those who are habitually negligent of punctuality. They go on, varying from their time, one day perhaps an hour, another a quarter of an hour, and occasionally perhaps being before it, until the whole machinery of intercourse with their fellow-creatures is deranged—those of their dependents who are inclined to indolence taking advantage of their delay; those who are impatient, fretting themselves into angry passions at this wanton waste of their precious time; and many whose connexion might perhaps have been highly valuable, leaving them altogether, in consequence of being wearied or disgusted with the uncertainty which attended all their proceedings.

It is not, therefore, our own time only that is wasted by our want of punctuality, but hours, and days, and months' and years of the precious property of others, over which

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36 we had no right, and which was not intentionally submitted to our thoughtless expenditure.

It is often alleged by young persons as being of no use for them to be punctual, when others are not so, and that they only waste their own time by being ready at the appointed moment. All this may be too true; for parents and seniors in a family often have themselves to blame for the want of punctuality in the junior members. Yet is it of no importance, whether we are the causes or the subjects of injury—whether we practise injustice towards others, or only endure it ourselves? Surely, no generous mind can hesitate a moment which alternative to choose, especially when such choice refers not to any single act, but to a course of conduct pursued through a whole life-time. Of what material consequence will it appear to us on the bed of death, that certain individuals, at different times of our lives, have kept us waiting for a few hours, which might certainly have been better employed? But it will be of immense importance at the close of life, if, by our habitual want of punctuality, we have been the cause of an enormous waste of time, the property of countless individuals, to whom we can make no repayment for any single act of such unlicensed robbery. It is the principle of integrity, then, upon which our punctuality must be founded, and the law of love will render it habitual.

As there are few persons who deliberately intend to be idle; so there are perhaps still fewer who deliberately intend to waste their own time, or that of their friends. It is the lapse of years, the growth of experience, and the establishment of character on some particular basis, which tell the humiliating truth, that time has been culpably and lamentably wasted. There are other delusions, however, besides those already specified, under which this fruitless expenditure is unconsciously carried on; and none is

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Rh, as a whole, more destructive to usefulness, or more fatal to domestic peace, than the habit of being always a little too late—too late to come—too late to go—too late to meet at the place of appointment—too late to be useful—too late to do good—too late to repent and seek forgiveness while the gates of mercy are unclosed. All these may be the consequences of setting out in life, without a firm determination never to yield to the dangerous habit of being a little too late.

In this case it is not so much the absolute waste of time, as the waste of feeling, which is to be regretted; for no one can be habitually ever so little too late, without experiencing at times a degree of hurry and distraction of mind, most destructive of domestic comfort, and individual peace.

To be a few minutes too early, may appear to many as inconsistent with the order of the present day, when everything is pushed to extremity, and it may consequently be considered as a useless waste of time; yet I am inclined to think that the moments in which we can say, "I am ready," are amongst some of the most precious of our lives, as affording us opportunity for that calm survey of human affairs, without which we should pass in a state of comparative blindness along the thickly-peopled walks of life. To be ready a little before the time, is like pausing for a moment to see the great machine of human events at work, to mark the action and the play of every part, and to observe the vast amount of feeling which depends upon every turn of the mighty wheel of time.

Who that has stood still, and watched the expression of the human countenance during the last struggles of a too-late preparation for pleasure, for business, or for trial, has not, in a single moment, read more plain truths on that unguarded page than years of its ordinary expression would have unfolded? Besides this, however, the great

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38 we derive from being habitually too early, is the power it gives us to husband our forces, to make our calculations upon coming events, to see how to improve upon yesterday, and to resolve to do so; but, above all other means of strengthening our better resolutions, it affords us time for those mental appeals for Divine blessing and support, without which we have no right to expect either safety, assistance, or success. Fortified in this manner, it is less likely that any unexpected event should unsettle the balance of our minds, because we go forth with calmness, prepared either to enjoy with moderation and thankfulness, or to suffer with patience and resignation.

Young persons are often beguiled into the dangerous habit of being a little too late, by the apparent unimportance of each particular transgression of the kind during the season of youth. If, for instance, they are a little too late for breakfast, the matron of the family commences operations without them, and they can easily gain time upon some of the senior members. At the dinner-hour it is the same. They have only to calculate upon a few impatient words, and a few angry looks; and it is not the least unfavourable feature of their case, that to such looks and words they become so accustomed as scarcely to heed them, nor is it often that they bring any more serious consequences upon themselves by their delay, because the young are generally so kindly assisted and cared for by their friends, that by a long, and patient, and often-repeated process of helping, urging, and entreating, they are, for the most part, got ready for every important occasion, or, in other words, are seldom left behind.

It is in more advanced life that the evil begins to tell upon the happiness of all around them; and let it never be forgotten, that the more exalted their situation, the wider their sphere of influence, the more extensive are the evils

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lord Great Chamberlain


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My Dear Wilhelm:—This is the second anniversary of the beginning of the war, and we are both of us hoping that the end will come before another anniversary. So I think I ought to write and tell you something of what has been going on in America.

Of course I know that you have been hearing regularly from Ambassador von Bernstorff; but Mr. von Bernstorff is in a difficult place to secure any real information. He is in Washington, completely surrounded by politicians; he never meets us common Americans. It is easy in Washington to get the idea that the American people are very much interested in politics and politicians, whereas the truth is that we care almost nothing about politics and absolutely nothing about politicians. We love our wives and are interested in our business, and want to raise our sons to be a little better men than we are; and while we aren't too proud to fight, as your English cousin George can tell you if you ask him to look up his records, we do think that a lot of fighting can be avoided if one doesn't take politicians like yours and our own too seriously.

You and I were pretty good friends, Wilhelm, before the war. Of course I used to laugh a bit at you, on the quiet. But it was the friendly sort of laughter that I have for Teddy. You and he—painting pictures, writing books, pretending to know more about everything than anybody else knows about anything—you're a good deal alike, you know; I laughed at you, but I liked you just the same. In spite of all your peacock struttiness, you have created and inspired the most marvelously efficient nation that the world has ever seen. You have abolished poverty; you have so arranged your social system as to take care of a very large population in a very small country; you have made it possible for every man to be sure of a job, and of a comfortable instead of a dreadful old age. You have eliminated loafers and made life a happy experience for your people. No other ruler has ever done so much, and my hat was off to you for it.

I was forever writing editorials to point out how much better you run your schools and your cities and your business life than we do.

Now, as we get toward the end of the war, the question is, How can you and I become friends again? For the war has strained our friendship a good deal, Wilhelm; I wouldn't be frank with you if I tried to pretend otherwise.

I'm not going to discuss the beginning of the war, and my advice to you is not to discuss it, either. Most of the fellows over on this side blame you for it, and nothing that you can ever say will change their opinions. They say that the ultimatum which Austria sent to Serbia was a brutal document; that it was meant to be so worded that


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 Serbia couldn't possibly accept it; it was meant to start trouble. They still believe and always will believe that you could have held Austria off if you had wanted to; they think that if you had known that England was going to enter the war you would have held her off. And so they blame you, Wilhelm; you got off on the wrong foot with them at the start.

I partly agree with them, but I go back a little farther than they do. I realize the position you were in. There you were with a population that was outgrowing your country. Bismarck never believed in colonies, and shut you off from getting any good ones when the good ones were being given out. And when you did get around to it, all that was left was a few swamps in Africa—everywhere else you looked in the East you found England quietly intrenched; and over here, behind the Monroe Doctrine, were we. You've had diplomatic setbacks right along ever since the Congress of Berlin. Two or three times you've "rattled your shining sword," but each time the Powers have stepped in and made you back down. It just looked to you as if the only way you could get a "place in the sun" was to fight for it. And you thought that 1914 was the time. You were ready; and every year France and Russia were getting readier; every day that passed made you comparatively weaker; 1914 was your year.

But that is past and gone. I'm not going to spend the rest of my life hating you because you started the war. And the best thing you and I can do is not to discuss it.

I'm going to pass over all this stuff about Kultur, too. Some of our fellows over here have taken that very seriously, but I haven't. When your professors and preachers and you yourself talk about Germany's Kultur, about her divine mission to spread her superior brand of civilization over the world, I just laugh. Because I have heard a hundred freshly picked college graduates talk just exactly like that. Every boy who comes out of college, if he amounts to anything, has a deep-seated conviction that the world is pretty much wrong and that he is peculiarly set apart to put it right. It's because Germany is just a college graduate among the nations that she talks like that—just a vigorous, lusty youngster who has studied a little too hard and not played football quite enough. When Germany is older, she will understand that every nation feels itself divinely ordained to perform a mission in the world; she will know that the highest Kultur belongs to that nation which boasts the broadest tolerance. There never was a nation so insignificant or so debased that its people, deep down in their hearts, didn't believe they were a bit better than any other people in the world. The most civilized nation is that one which, without forfeiting its own self-esteem, is quite happy to allow every other nation the same comforting illusion.

When I was a boy ten years old. Wilhelm, each of the families


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 that lived beside us had one of your fellow countrymen as a coachman. They were Prussians; they had decided they would rather be coachmen in a country where they could walk on the grass if they felt like it than to dwell in a land where too many things were verboten. And, generally speaking, they were pretty useful citizens. I remember once, though, that we got into a snow-ball fight—the two men against the ten-year-old boy. And I remember how they chased me across an open lot, throwing hard, icy snow-balls; and how I fell down and cut myself on the crust, and cried; and how they stood one on either side of me and continued to throw, after I was flat in the snow, and how they laughed when they saw me cry.

It's funny, Wilhelm, but I had forgotten all about that boyhood incident until the day when the Lusitania sank; and then suddenly, all in an instant, it flashed over me again. We've read very attentively everything that has been sent out from your side about the Lusitania, and I think we're broad enough to give you credit if any was coming to you. You claimed the Lusitania was armed, which you knew was not true. She did carry munitions, but she also carried women and children, and you knew that also. The submarine commander was under orders; he had no discretion; it was not his to ask, but to act.

And yet, Wilhelm, this is the simple truth: If that commander had been an American instead of a Prussian, he might have fired his torpedo, but he would have managed somehow to miss; and he would have come back to port and taken his punishment like a gentleman. You may not believe it; you may not understand; but it's true. No American would have sunk a boat full of women and children; no American theater audience would have cheered at jokes about it; no American school children would have been given a holiday to celebrate such a sinking. We just aren't built that way, Wilhelm, and if you and I are going to be friends again, you've got to make an effort to understand that.

There have been atrocities enough on both sides in this war, God knows, and we, over here, are no Recording Angels, to sit in judgment upon either you or England. We have read everything that you have published about England's atrocities; and we would like to believe that everything England has published about you is untrue. But, unfortunately, Wilhelm, we have the bitter testimony of too many Americans who have been serving the wounded in France. Only a few days ago an American author whose accuracy I have had occasion to test many times, sat and talked with me in my office. He has been working as a stretcher-bearer in France, and he said:

"We don't wear the Geneva cross any more. It makes too good a mark for the German sharpshooters."

Then he told me how he saw a German aeroplane circle over a French hospital tent, glaringly marked on the top with red crosses,


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 and how the aeroplane descended within a few hundred feet and dropped a bomb into the center of it, scattering its helpless occupants to the four winds.

When a man whom I know as well as I know Dr. Grenfell of Labrador comes back from his hospital in France and makes statements like these in the Outlook, we simply have to listen:

"Are the Germans cruel?" Dr. Grenfell was asked, and he answers: "Systematically so. It is part of 'frightfulness.'"

Perhaps our reports of your "frightfulness" policy have been colored by the awful tension of men's minds; we hope so, Wilhelm. But we can't forget that after the Boxer outrages you ordered your soldiers so to conduct themselves that no Chinese would ever dare to look a German in the face again. Our own soldiers remember how yours acted in that day; and—-I remember my Prussian coachmen.

Putting it as kindly as I can, it still seems to me that in your passion for efficiency you have developed in the Prussian character a certain ruthlessness that gives scant regard to the rights of the weak in the world. And, Wilhelm, it's going to be hard for you and me to become really good friends again until you change that in the character of your people—until I can feel that in my business with them I am going to have a square deal, regardless of my physical power to enforce it.

Of course all the governments have lied a good deal to their people during the war. It will be a pretty good plan if you and all the rest of the kings and czars can work away from that habit after the war, because your people are coming back from the trenches with a good deal more of the "show me" spirit than they had before. You will remember, for instance, that when the war broke out you raised a shout that what you were really fighting for was to save civilization from the devastation of the Russian hordes. It was Russia that had started the war—and your people believed it.


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 Then, when you were checked at the Marne, it was perfidious England who had leagued the nations against you. To crush England–that was the real reason for the war. And your people believed it.

Now it's for the freedom of the seas that you must take Verdun—and your people apparently still believe.

But in dealing with me, Wilhelm, after the war, if you'll lay the cards face up on the table right from the start, we'll get on a good deal faster.

Business, Wilhelm, is nothing but credit. That's old stuff, of course, but true. Money is only scraps of paper; all I've got to show for my life savings are a few scraps of paper printed in green ink and red. When you were fighting France in 1870, and had her army penned up against the Belgian frontier, she surrendered rather than regard her treaties as mere matters of convenience. That little remark about "scraps of paper" and the careless way in which your press bureau handles facts (that funny note, for instance; about the ship you sunk being some other ship than the Sussex—you remember, the note with the foolish little drawing), things like that made me wonder whether you are fundamentally a truthful citizen, or whether you are only truthful in so far as it suits your convenience. I just can't help it, Wilhelm.

There are a half dozen little things, Wilhelm, that have sort of estranged me from you; but I'm going to pass them over, because I want to get the big things set right first of all. And the other big thing that sticks in my crop is this: I can't understand at all why a nation which professes to want peace as much as you do should have to fill the houses of its friends so full of spies. When your troops marched into Belgium, the well-to-do Belgian women looked out of their windows and saw in the front ranks, leading the way, the very men whom they had entertained as guests. "They had used the sacred cloak of a guest's privilege to ferret out and report to you all the household secrets of poor little Belgium.

How far does this system extend in the world, Wilhelm? I don't know; and the very fact that I don't know makes me afraid. Our factories have been blown up and our ships sunk, our bridges and railroads menaced. Of course, you have explained through von Bernstorff that this was done by fanatics and not at all by your orders. Yet why did the explosions cease all at once after we had finally given von Bernstorff notice that our patience was exhausted and that we were on the point of sending him home? If nobody ordered them to start, who ordered them all of a sudden to cease?

If you really wanted our friendship, Wilhelm, was it tactful to blow us up? And if you really want us to take you at face value hereafter, won't you have to begin right away to throw this spy system out? It puts the poison of suspicion in my heart, Wilhelm. How can I


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 know who is a spy and who isn't. It makes me wonder every time a man named Schwartz or Hinderburg calls on me whether he is going to lift some private papers off my desk when he goes out. And when my friend Hensel comes over to have dinner at the house—though I've known him for years—I just can't help wondering, when he admires my new rug, whether he's thinking how nice it will look in his house when his friends in uniform arrive.

It may be a foolish way to feel, Wilhelm, but I can't help it. I've got some dandy German friends over here. I love them! I want to keep on loving them. Don't you see what a terrible injustice you are doing them, when you make me wonder all the time whether they are, in fact, all that they seem to be, whether they are really and truly my friends, or only pretending to be my friends because it will boost your game? For the sake of our future business relations you simply must let me know where you stand on this spy question. Life is too short to do business if one must keep one hand on a revolver and be looking into a mirror all the time.

It isn't I alone who feel this way. All over the world people are feeling nervous because of the wonderful efficiency of your system of spies. Only last night I was reading about the fight in Holland's Parliament over the admission of twenty-six Germans to citizenship. Holland has always been proud of her hospitality; she has opened the doors of her citizenship freely. But these twenty-six applicants were your countrymen.

"We have a right to know the real motives of these men for requesting a change of nationality," said Mr. Van Doorn, the leader of the opposition.

Was it because they really wanted to become citizens of Holland, or was it a part of a well worked out plan of "peaceful penetration"? Holland wouldn't have asked that question before the war; she took your countrymen at their face value. It is the revelations of your spy system that have changed her attitude from frankness to suspicion. Don't you see what an injustice such a system does to Germans in every corner of the world? Can't you understand how it is going to make it hard for them to do business anywhere? Don't you owe it to them, Wilhelm, to put all your efficiency at work now in cleansing that suspicion from the thought and memory of the world?

I know that I shouldn't call you Wilhelm; the proper formula, of course, is Your Majesty or something like that. But I've called you Wilhelm deliberately, for your own good. I want to get you used to it. For when your men get back from the trenches, Wilhelm, and see you all nice and warm and cozy in Potsdam, you're going to notice something in their attitude that wasn't there in 1913. They're going to be a little restless and shuffle their feet a bit when you tell them how God has called you to rule over them; and they are going to


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 want to know whether God didn't call them also for something better than merely dumbly doing what they are told.

It's coming, Wilhelm; I'm trying to get you prepared for it by easy stages. I call you Wilhelm. But some private soldier is like as not to walk up to you and slap you on the back and call you Bill.

I've tried to keep hate out of my heart in this war. I don't hate you; but we aren't the friends we once were. I—speaking for myself and my crowd of about a hundred million—used to buy a lot of goods made in Germany, and I can buy a lot more. I want to be friends. I don't want to hand down to my son a distrust or bitterness against any nation in the world. But, Wilhelm, right now, before the war is over, I think you ought to begin making up with me. If we're going to do business together as we used to, I've got to know that you're telling me the truth; I've got to know that you are going to be just to me in accordance with deserts, not merely in proportion to my weakness; I must know that while you are calling on me in my parlor your friends aren't around at the back door corrupting my cook.

I don't suppose Mr. von Bernstorff has ever told you about me at all. But there are a great many million of me, and the subjects that you and von Bernstorff correspond about—politics, internal or foreign—really don't amount to a hill of beans with me. What I'm interested in is, How are you and I, Wilhelm, going to be friends again?


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lord Chief Justice


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The New International Encyclopædia/Samaritans

SAMARITANS. A term used to designate the inhabitants of the Province of Samaria after the Assyrian conquest, and in later times the members of a religious community having its centre in Shechem (Nabulus) and the

Mount Gerizim. The territory of Samaria became for the first time a distinct political organization after Gilead and Galilee had been captured by the Assyrians in B.C. 734. In B.C. 722 the independence of this State was lost. The city of Samaria was probably taken by Shalmaneser IV., but Sargon claims the victory and undoubtedly carried away a part of the population, according to his own account 27,290 persons. The bulk of the Israelitish population remained in the land subject to the same tribute as before (Display Inscription, 24). In B.C. 720 Samaria united with Hamath, Arpad, Simyra, and Damascus in an unsuccessful rebellion. A number of Arabian tribes such as the Tamudi, Ibadidi, Marsamani, and Hayapa were settled in the district of Samaria by Sargon in B.C. 715. According to II. Kings xvii. 24, the King of Assyria brought men from Babylon and from Cuthah and from Ava and from Hamath and Sepharvaim, and placed them in the cities of Samaria. It is probable that this King of Assyria was Asshurbanipal (B.C. 668-626). This is undoubtedly the King meant by “the great and noble Asnapper,” who, according to Ezra iv. 9-10, brought a number of Elamitish and Babylonian peoples into the Province of Abar Nahara, or Trans-Euphratene. Such deportations would be natural after the conquest of Elam in B.C. 645, and the quelling of Shamash-shum-ukin's insurrection in Babylon, Cutha, and Sippara in B.C. 648. The statement in Ezra iv. 2 that the people of the land had been brought up by Esarhaddon is from the hand of the chronicler and deemed by some scholars unhistorical. The inhabitants of the Province of Samaria in the Chaldean and Persian periods were consequently made up of the descendants of the Israelites, who had never been deported, and of the Arabs, Babylonians, and Elamites settled there by Sargon and Asshurbanipal. The Israelites naturally continued the worship of Yahweh and retained the local traditions and the household gods honored by their fathers. The others added the worship of ‘the god of the land’ to their veneration of the gods of their fathers. But the gradual assimilation of the foreigners to the native stock involved the ascendency of the Yahweh cult.

It has been supposed, on the ground of the chronicler's statement in Ezra iv. 1-5, that the Samaritans desired to participate in the building of the temple in Jerusalem, but were refused permission to do so, and therefore conceived a hatred of the Jews. There is no mention, however, of the Samaritans, and the historical narrative is subject to grave doubts. In order to show that the completion of the temple was prevented by enemies until the second year of Darius, the chronicler refers to a letter sent to Xerxes and another sent to Artaxerxes by Tabeel, neither of which is given, but produces in extenso the text of letters written by Rehum and Shimshai to Artaxerxes, by Tatnai and Shetharboznai to Darius, by Cyrus, and by Darius. These letters, found in Ezra iii.-vi., are written in Aramaic. There is no indication in them which of the several kings who bore the names Xerxes, Artaxerxes, and Darius is intended, and even the most plausible construction leaves the impression that these documents should be considered in the same light as the numerous spurious decrees and official documents in Daniel, Esther, Maccabees, Aristeas, and Josephus. The

most valuable historical work in Hebrew from the Persian period is the Memoirs of Nehemiah. It has been supposed that Sanballat, Tobiah, and Geshem, the enemies of the Judean governor, were Samaritans. The text rather suggests that Sanballat, the Horonite, was a Moabite from Horonaim, that Tobiah was an Ammonite and Geshem was an Arab. (See .) Only a single phrase in Nehemiah iv. 2, by which “his brothers” is explained by the addition, “that is, the army of Samaria” (according to the Greek version), can be urged in favor of the former view, and this phrase is probably a late gloss.

According to Josephus {Ant. xi., 7, 2; 8, 2 sqq.), Sanballat, a Cuthean, was sent to Samaria as satrap by Darius III. (B.C. 336-330), and was permitted by Alexander to build a temple on Mount Gerizim, where he made Manasseh, his son-in-law, high priest. This Manasseh is evidently identical with the unnamed son of Joiada in Nehemiah xiii. 28, who was the son-in-law of Sanballat and was driven away by Nehemiah. His cousin, Jaddua, the son of Johanan, Joiada's brother, was high priest in the time of Darius III. (Neh. xii. 22) and Alexander (Josephus, l.e.). There is no reason to doubt the concurrent testimony of the Chronicler and Josephus as to the high priest in the days of Darius III. and Alexander. But it is necessary, if this be accepted, to assume that Nehemiah and Sanballat began their enmity in the reign of Artaxerxes II. (B.C. 404-359) and that Sanballat in his old age was Satrap of Samaria. The temple on Mount Gerizim was therefore, in all probability, built in B.C. 332, though no doubt there existed long before this time a shrine upon this mountain. How much of the older Israelitish literature was preserved in Samaria in the Persian period is not known, nor to what extent the Yahweh-worshiping communities there kept in touch with their kinsmen in Judea. Their deep interest in the Mosaic period and the religious associations of their own sacred places would naturally render them anxious to possess every document known to them as claiming Mosaic authorship. An evidence of such a desire to know and to practice what Moses taught is the fact that the Pentateuch, probably in the form given to it by the editorial activity of Ezra (see ), was accepted by the Samaritans. The consciousness of worshiping Yahweh in the place where he had commanded that an altar should be built and benedictions pronounced (see ) must have given a strong impetus to the Samaritan movement. It is not likely, however, that the centralization of the cult could be carried out everywhere in the province. The city of Samaria seems to have been hellenized at an early date, and the same is true of Scythopolis. Nor is it probable that those who lived in the Egyptian town of Samaria mentioned in papyri from the reign of Ptolemy II. (B.C. 285-247) were adherents of the Shechemite faith. Jews and Samaritans may indeed have disputed about the legitimate place of a Yahweh sanctuary in the time of Ptolemy VII. Philometor (B.C. 181-145), though it is not likely that this discussion was held before the King and that the deported Samaritans were put to death. It is generally recognized that no credence can be given to the alleged request of the Samaritans to Antiochus IV. (B.C. 175-164) for permission to dedicate their temple to Zeus Xenios (Ant., xii. 5). II. Maccabees vi. 2 knows

of no such request. While the Samaritans did not take a part in the Maccabean revolt, they profited from it at first, as the Seleucid rulers abandoned their policy of suppressing the native cults. The worship of Yahweh on Mount Gerizim could consequently be resumed. But the expansion of the Jewish power proved disastrous to the Samaritans. Jonathan secured possession of three districts, Ephraim, Lydda, and Ramathaim (I. Macc. xi. 34); and John Hyrcanus destroyed the temple on Mount Gerizim. In B.C. 107 the entire Province of Samaria became Jewish territory, after the fall of the city. Though the temple on Gerizim was not rebuilt, it is probable that a smaller shrine existed there even during tlic Asmonean period. Pompey, in B.C. 63, restored Samaria and Scythopolis as free cities, and Gabinius (B.C. 57-55) rebuilt Samaria and permitted Samaritans to dwell in the city. It was rebuilt on a still grander scale by Herod (B.C. 37-4) and given the name Sebaste in B.C. 27.

Even the city of Shechem was not uninfluenced by foreign thought. An evidence of this is the rise of sects, such as the Essenes, Sabuæans, Gorthenes, and Dositheans. The Essenes show so marked a kinship to Neo-Pythagoreanism that it must be accounted for either by direct influence or by a common Oriental source; and the Dositheans seem to have derived from Greek philosophy the notion of the eternity of matter, while they adhered to the traditional idea of the future and rejection of the doctrine of a resurrection or the immortality of the soul. It is not probable that Dositheus regarded himself as the Messiah, nor can this be affirmed of either of the political leaders who in A.D. 36 and in A.D. 66 were punished by Pontius Pilate and Ceratus, or of Simon of Gitta, perhaps the most influential Samaritan thinker of all time. It is probable that the repudiation of the sects led the great body of the Samaritans nearer to the Pharisaic party. Especially after the fall of Jerusalem in A.D. 70 the intense zeal for the law formed a bond of union, and the participation of the Samaritans in the revolt under Hadrian tended to improve the relations. Eminent Jewish teachers, such as Rabbi Akiba and Rabbi Simon ben Gamaliel, regarded them as co-religionists and their land as clean. In 195 Jews and Samaritans seem to have taken sides together with Piscennius Niger against Septimus Severus, and as a consequence Shechem was severely punished. During the third century the attitude of the Jews changed. In the reign of Diocletian (284-305) Rabbi Abbaha held that the Samaritans should be treated as pagans. Christianity gradually won its way into Shechem. Bishops of Neapolis and Sebaste were present at the Council of Nicæa (325). During the fifth and sixth centuries the Samaritans were subject to cruel persecutions by the Christian emperors, leading to revolts under Zeno in 484 and Justinian in 529. From the Imperial decrees against them it is evident that Samaritans lived in Egypt and Cyrenaica, in Rome and Constantinople, as well as in Syria. Arabic writers such as Masudi (died c.950), Biruni (died 1038), and Shahristani (born 1086), speak of Samaritan communities in Assyria and Egypt. After the capture of Jerusalem by the Crusaders in 1099, Nabulus freely accepted Christian rule, which continued until Saladin's victory of Lake

Tiberias in 1187. The Mamelukes of Egypt ordered the Samaritans to wear red turbans in 1301, according to Suyuti and Al-Fath, and Wilhelm of Baldensel in 1336 found such in use. In 1516 Nabulus with the rest of Syria passed under Turkish rule. In answer to letters sent by Joseph Scaliger, epistles were forwarded to him in 1590 from Samaritans in Gaza and Cairo. Pietro della Valla in 1616 and 1625 found Samaritans not only at Nabulus, but also in Cairo, Gaza, Damascus, and Jerusalem. In 1672 Robert Huntington visited Nabulus, where he found thirty Samaritan families. As he was able to read the Samaritan letters and assured them that there were Israelites in England, he left the impression that there were Samaritans in that country. They consequently opened a correspondence with the Sons of Israel, the Samaritans in the cities of the Franks, or more particularly “their brethren, descendants of Israel and Samaritans living in the city of Oxonia.” Thomas Marshall answered these letters on behalf of the brethren in Oxford between 1672 and 1685. Three letters were also sent to Ludolf (1685-1689). Niebuhr found Samaritans at Nabulus, Jaffa, Jerusalem, and Damascus in 1766. A letter to Corancez in 1808 states that there were 200 Samaritans in Shechem and Jaffa. A number of letters were written by the Samaritans to Silvestre de Sacy between 1808 and 1826, and during the reign of Louis Philippe an appeal was made by them to the French Government. Robinson visited Nabulus in 1832, Bargès in 1854, and Petermann in 1872. At present fewer than 200 persons survive of the Samaritans, all in ../Nabulus/ (q.v. ).

While the Samaritans have at all times agreed in recognizing the authority of the law only, and in regarding Mount Gerizim as the only legitimate place of worship, they have manifestly changed their opinion on many other questions under the influence of foreign thought. Thus there is no reason to doubt the practically unanimous testimony of early writers that the Samaritans did not accept the doctrines of a resurrection or the immortality of the soul. But, surrounded as they were by Jews, Christians, and Mohammedans looking forward to a resurrection of the dead, it is not strange that later they should have adopted this belief. It is found in the Carmina Samaritana, in the Chronicles of Abulfath, and in the letters to European scholars. Since the Samaritans rejected the prophetic books and the Psalms in which Jewish exegesis especially found references to the ../Messiah/ (q.v.), they could not share the hope of a king, a son of David. But Deuteronomy xviii. 18 suggested the coming of a prophet like unto Moses. In the earliest testimony to a Samaritan Messiah (John iv. 25) his character is that of a prophet. In later times the Messiah was called the Ta'eb, or ‘The Returning One.’ It is found in Abulfath, the Songs, and especially in the Gotha Code, 963. Many interpretations of the law, also found among Sadducees and Karaites, have no doubt preserved old traditions. But the limitation of levirate marriage to betrothed virgins, the stricter regulations as to intercourse with pregnant women, and the purification of unclean places by fire, seem to point to Indian and Persian influence. The Samaritans of Nabulus go in pilgrimage to Mount Gerizim annually for each of the three great feasts. They offer sacrifice only

at the Passover. See ; .

. Cellarius, Collectanea Historiæ Samaritanæ {Giessen, 1688); Juynboll, Commentarii in Historiam Gentis Samaritanæ (Leyden, 1846); Knobel, “Zur Geschichte der Samaritaner,” in Theologische Studien und Kritiken (Leipzig, 1840); Joseph Grimm, Die Samariter und ihre Stellung in der Weltgeschichte (Munich, 1854); Bargès, Les Samaritains de Naplouse (Paris, 1855); Kosters, Het Herstel van Israël in het Perzische tijdvak (Leyden, 1893); Marquart, Fundamente (Göttingen, 1890); Ed. Meyer, Die Entstehung des Judentums (Leipzig, 1896); Torrey, The Composition of Ezra-Nehemiah (Giessen, 1896); Cheyne, Jewish Religious Life After the Exile (New York, 1899); N. Schmidt, “Nehemiah,” in The Biblical World (Chicago, 1899); Freudenthal, Alexander Polyhistor (Breslau, 1875); Willrich, Juden und Griechen (Göttingen, 1895); id., Judaica (ib., 1900); Büchler, Tobiaden and Oniaden (Vienna, 1899); Appel, Questiones de Rebus Samaritanorum sub Imperio Romano Subactis (Leipzig, 1874); Schürer, Geschichte des jüdischen Volkes (3d ed., Leipzig, 1901); Hamburger, article “Samaritaner,” in Realencyclopädie des Judentums (Strelitz, 1896); Gesenius, De Samaritanorum Theologia (Halle, 1822); Wreschner, Samaritanische Traditionen (Halle, 1888); Merx, Ein samaritanisches Fragment über den Ta'eb oder den Messias (Leyden, 1893); Nutt, Fragments of a Samaritan Pentateuch (London, 1874); Petermann, Reisen (Leipzig, 1860); De Sacy, Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la bibliothèque du roi (Paris, 1831).


text: The Hundred Best Poems (lyrical) in the English language - second series/I have trod the upward and the downward slope


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 Rh case of the Commonwealth against Lizzie Borden, indicted for the crime of murder. At a special election held in 1895 to fill the vacancy caused by the death of General William Cogswell, who represented the sixth Massachusetts district in the fifty-fourth Congress, Mr. Moody was elected his successor over Harvey N. Shepard, Democrat, the vote standing 14,970 for Moody, 5,796 for Shepard and 8 votes scattering. He took his seat in the fifty-fourth Congress December 2, 1895, completed General Cogswell's term and was reelected to the fifty-fifth, fifty-sixth and fifty-seventh Congresses, serving 1895-1902. He was a member of the committee on Appropriations. He also served on the committee on Insular Affairs, on Expenditures in the Department of Justice and on the Joint Commission on Transportation of the Mails, etc. His prominence in the House and his thorough knowledge of parliamentary rules led to favorable mention of him as a possible candidate for the speakership to succeed Thomas B. Reed. On the resignation of Secretary Long in March, 1902, President Roosevelt made Mr. Moody secretary of the United States navy, and he resigned his seat as a representative in congress and took his place in the cabinet May 1, 1902. While a representative Mr. Moody visited Cuba in 1901 in order to study the condition of the people who had been so recently relieved from the yoke of Spain and to determine if possible how soon they would be capable of carrying on a republican government for themselves without the aid of the United States army. As secretary of the navy, he had charge of the disburse ment of the largest sum of money ever appropriated by congress during one administration to strengthen the United States naval force, and the vessels built under his administration are a monument to his efficiency and carefulness. He also instituted reforms in the department, notably that of sending shore officers to sea, and providing for the needed recruits for the enlarged navy by enlisting men from the Western states and training them for the sea service instead of depending entirely on men from the seaports. In this way he secured Americans to man the United States vessels instead of filling vacancies with the seamen of various nationalities who could be found in the maritime ports looking for work, as had been the practice of former administrations. He also recommended to congress the elevation of the standard of incentive to recruits by making the duties of the service and chances for promotion and a possible commission as attractive as are those offered by the army. Mr. Moody


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lord High Chancellor


text: The Hundred Best Poems (lyrical) in the English language - second series/The Moon


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Immortal (Coates, "Life is like a beauteous flower")

 * "Immortal" from Lippincott's Monthly Magazine (Oct 1894)
 * "Immortal" from Poems (1898)
 * "Immortal" from Poems Vol. I (1916)


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Immortal (Coates, "How living are the dead")

 * "Immortal" from Harper's Monthly Magazine (Jan 1911)
 * "Immortal" from The Unconquered Air, and Other Poems (1912)
 * "Immortal" from Poems Vol. II (1916)


text: The Hundred Best Poems (lyrical) in the English language - second series/Choric Song, from "The Lotus Eaters"


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lord High Constable


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Portal:Acts of the United States Congresses/Acts of the 83rd United States Congress

First session

 * Public Law 83-163: To dissolve the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, to establish the Small Business Administration, and for other purposes.
 * Public Law 83-280: To confer jurisdiction on the States of California, Minnesota, Nebraska, Oregon, and Wisconsin, with respect to criminal offenses and civil causes of action committed or arising on Indian reservations within such States, and for other purposes.

Second session

 * Public Law 83-396: Joint Resolution To amend the pledge of allegiance to the flag of the United States of America.
 * Public Law 83-591: Internal Revenue Code of 1954


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iv. 15- is vātā varṣasya varṣatuṣ pravahantu pṛthivīm anu. The comm. renders avantu by tarpayantu; ajagarās here by ajagarātmanā vitarkyamānāḥ, and under vs. 9 by ajagarasamānākārāḥ: i.e. "that look like great serpents as they wind sinuously along"; he takes sudānavas in a alternatively as vocative, notwithstanding its accent.

8. Let it lighten to every region (ā́çā); let the winds blow to (from ?) every quarter; let the clouds, started forward by the Maruts, come together along the earth.

Ppp. has in d varṣantu, as our text in the preceding verse. The comm. also points out the possibility of taking diçás as either accus. pl. or abl. sing. The Anukr. somehow omits to define the metrical character of this verse and of vs. 14.

9. Waters, lightning, cloud, rain—let the liberal ones favor you, also the fountains, great serpents; let the clouds, started forward by the Maruts, show favor (pra-av) along the earth.

Ppp. begins with vātas instead of āpas, and omits (as in 7 a) vas in b; and, for the last two pādas, it reads prā pyāyasva pra pitṛsva saṁ bhūmiṁ payasā sṛja. The comm. again takes sudānavas as vocative, and makes the elements mentioned in a subjects of sam avantu; in d he reads plāvantu but regards it as for prā ’vantu ⌊parallel with palāyate etc. (W's Gram. §1087 c), for which he cites Pāṇini viii. 2. 19⌋.

10. Agni, who, in unison with the waters' selves (tanū́), hath become overlord of the herbs—let him, Jātavedas, win (van) for us rain, breath for [our] progeny, amṛ́ta out of the sky.

The comm. paraphrases amṛtam with amṛtatvaprāpakam. The Anukr. duly notes the redundant syllable in d.

11. May Prajāpati from the sea, the ocean, sending waters, excite the water-holder; let the seed of the stallion (vṛ́ṣan áçva) be filled up; come hitherward with that thunder,—

To this verse really belongs the first pāda of our vs. 12, as the sense plainly shows, as well as its association in RV. (v. 83. 6 b, c, d) with the two closing pādas here. ⌊Cf. Lanman, Reader, p. 370; misdivision as between hymns.⌋ But the mss., the Anukr., the comm., and both editions, end vs. 11 with é ’hi. RV. reads in our c pinvata for pyāyatām, and dhā́rās for rétas. Ppp. combines in b āp’ īrayann, and begins c with prā py-. The comm. gives viṣṭos instead of vṛṣṇas in c, and explains both it and salilād in a by vyāpanaçīla, which is one of his standing glosses for obscure words; ardayāti he paraphrases with raçmibhir ādānena pīḑayatu, and udadhim simply by jaladhim. This verse is as much bhurij as vs. 10, unless we combine ā́pe ”ráyan in b. ⌊For -núnéhi, see Prāt. iii. 38, note.⌋

12. Pouring down waters, our Asura father.

Let the gurgles of the waters puff, O Varuṇa; let down the descending waters; let the speckled-armed frogs croak (vad) along the water-courses (íriṇa).

What is left of the verse after transferring its first triṣṭubh pāda to vs. 11, where it belongs, is (but for the intruded word varuṇa, which is wanting in Ppp.) a regular anuṣṭubh, having its avasāna division after sṛja; and this is the division actually made

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175 in all the mss., and in SPP's text. Ppp. combines gargarā ’pām. The comm. declares gargara an imitative word (īdṛgdhvaniyuktāḥ pravāhāḥ), and the translation so renders it; as second pāda of the anuṣṭubh he reads avanīcīr (avanim añcanti, i.e. bhūmiṁ gacchanti!) apa sṛja; his first account of asura is as from as 'throw' (meghānāṁ kṣeptā). ⌊Discussed and translated, apropos of íriṇa, by Pischel, ''Ved. Stud.'' ii. 223.⌋

13. Having lain for a year, [like] Brahmans performing a vow, the frogs have spoken forth a voice quickened by Parjanya.

14. Speak forth unto [it], O she-frog; speak to the rain, O tādurī; swim in the midst of the pool, spreading thy four feet.

15. O khaṇvakhā! O khāimakhā! in the middle, O tadurī! win ye rain, O Fathers; seek the favor (mánas) of the Maruts.

16. The great vessel (kóça) do thou draw up (ud-ac); pour on; let

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HE Hermitage (unrivalled scenery, superb cuisine, Daniel Brewster, proprietor) was a picturesque summer hotel in the green heart of the mountains, built by Archie's father-in-law shortly after he assumed control of the Cosmopolis. Mr. Brewster himself seldom went there, preferring to concentrate his attention on his New York establishment; and Archie and Lucille, breakfasting in the airy dining-room some ten days after the incidents recorded in the last chapter, had consequently to be content with two out of the three advertised attractions of the place. Through the window at their side quite a slab of the unrivalled scenery was visible; some of the superb cuisine was already on the table; and the fact that the eye searched in vain for Daniel Brewster, proprietor, filled Archie, at any rate, with no sense of aching loss. He bore it with equanimity and even with positive enthusiasm. In Archie's opinion, practically all a place needed to make it an earthly Paradise was for Mr. Daniel Brewster to be about forty-seven miles away from it.

It was at Lucille's suggestion that they had come to the Hermitage. Never a human sunbeam, Mr. Brewster had shown such a bleak front to the world, and particularly to his son-in-law, in the days following the Pongo incident, that Lucille had thought that he and Archie

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 would for a time at least be better apart—a view with which her husband cordially agreed. He had enjoyed his stay at the Hermitage, and now he regarded the eternal hills with the comfortable affection of a healthy man who is breakfasting well.

"It's going to be another perfectly topping day," he observed, eyeing the shimmering landscape, from which the morning mists were swiftly shredding away like faint puffs of smoke. "Just the day you ought to have been here."

"Yes, it's too bad I've got to go. New York will be like an oven."

"Put it off."

"I can't, I'm afraid. I've a fitting."

Archie argued no further. He was a married man of old enough standing to know the importance of fittings.

"Besides," said Lucille, "I want to see father." Archie repressed an exclamation of astonishment. "I'll be back to-morrow evening. You will be perfectly happy."

"Queen of my soul, you know I can't be happy with you away. You know"

"Yes?" murmured Lucille, appreciately. She never tired of hearing Archie say this sort of thing.

Archie's voice had trailed off. He was looking across the room.

"By Jove!" he exclaimed. "What an awfully pretty woman!"

"Where?"

"Over there. Just coming in. I say, what wonderful eyes! I don't think I ever saw such eyes. Did you notice her eyes? Sort of flashing! Awfully pretty woman!"

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