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Rh compelled them to make the requisite alterations, they took much credit to themselves for their zeal in the cause of the public health and happiness, and rewarded their virtue and philanthropy by charging somewhat more per thousand cubic feet for their purer air.

I expressed my surprise that the Government did not take the air-supply into its own hands, and was told that it had often threatened to do so, but was frustrated by the influences opposed by the monopolist companies, who, though always fighting among themselves for the possession of new districts, invariably combined their forces to resist the interference and encroachments of Government.

On the whole, however, the air-supply was copious and tolerably pure; and if occasionally it was not quite as good as it might have been, very little was said about it, and it was looked on as a necessary but temporary evil that would right itself without any person troubling himself about it.

I should mention that large beds of living bivalves are distributed throughout the subaqueous country, beautifully arranged in various patterns, for which their various colours render them very suitable. These shell-fish answer another purpose besides that of ornamentation: they consume every little impurity that may accidentally escape into the water, and so keep it perfectly transparent, which, without their aid, it would not be.

Living, as the Colymbians do, constantly in the water, they imbibe a sufficient amount of fluid by the pores of the skin to render it quite unnecessary for them to drink; and the same condition of life renders washing and ablutions of all kinds quite superfluous. Therefore, drinking and drinking vessels,

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Manasseh ben Israel

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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64 washing and basins, are only to be met with on land. Below the water nothing of the sort is to be seen.

But in order to impart an artificial hilarity to them when they stand in need of it, they occasionally inhale something different from the ordinary oxygenated air. Houses fitted with tubes supplied with some artificially manufactured gases having curious exciting and exhilarating properties are numerous, and are much frequented, especially by the lower classes. The wealthier classes have private reservoirs of such gases, which they liberally offer to their visitors and friends. Some were reported to be in the habit of partaking of these gases more freely than was altogether good for them.

When the sun shines in full meridian splendour, the light at the bottom of the water is never overpowering, and no shades or screens are required to ward off his rays. And when he is low on the horizon his brilliancy is very much subdued. At sunset darkness sets in with great rapidity, and starlight or even moonlight scarcely affords any illumination. But the ingenuity of the Colymbians and their great acquirements in chemical science had, at an early stage of their existence as a nation, enabled them to illuminate the depths of their aqueous tenement in a very perfect manner.

This illumination is effected by means of electricity or galvanism. Wires are laid in every direction. Every house has its wires for illumination, and all the open spaces betwixt the houses are well furnished with electric lamps. These lamps are globes of dead white glass in which the charcoal points are fixed. As soon as the sun sinks so low

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mason, George Heming


text: Author talk:Thomas Seccombe (1866-1923)

title: Author talk:Thomas Seccombe (1866-1923)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Knight, Charles (1791-1873)


text: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 16

title: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 16


text: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 17

title: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 17


text: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 18

title: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 18


text: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 19

title: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 19


text: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 20

title: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 20


text: Author talk:Andrew George Little

title: Author talk:Andrew George Little


text: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 21

title: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 21


text: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 22

title: The Clipper Ship Era/Chapter 22


text: The Clipper Ship Era/Index

title: The Clipper Ship Era/Index


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Knox, Alexander Andrew


text:
Author:James Gilchrist

Works

 * The Intellectual Patrimony 1817
 * The Etymologic Interpreter

title: Author:James Gilchrist


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Ker, James Innes-


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Rh as to render the depths of the water obscure, the lamps are all lighted at the same moment by connecting the wires with the great electric apparatus on shore, and the whole subaqueous space is immediately illuminated as bright as day. The effect of the thousands of lamps hung in every direction is extremely beautiful. Every nook and cranny of the vast space glows with a marvellous brilliancy. The dazzling white of the coral branches looks like burnished silver, and the elegant forms and exquisite tints of the many sea-plants produce a series of the most charming pictures the imagination can conceive. The exquisite forms and graceful movements of the men and women, youths and maidens, darting or gliding rapidly or slowly hither and thither among the natural grottoes and artificial habitations of these watery depths, as their occupations or amusements require, form a scene more lovely than a poet's dream.

The galvanic action that produces this magic illumination is not, as with us, derived from voltaic cells but from the earth itself. While cells of the kind we use are subject to waste and deterioration, the electricity of the earth is practically inexhaustible and the supply never fails. The machinery for drawing off the electricity so bountifully furnished by the earth once set up, no care is required except to regulate its intensity, and this is effected by a self-acting regulating apparatus of the most ingenious construction.

Without some illuminating power of this sort the watery depths would have been uninhabitable during twelve hours out of the twenty-four. I was told that the illumination of the country had from a very early period occupied the attention of the scientific men. They had discovered the photogenic property of electricity 5em

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66 long before it had been thought of by us terrestrial mortals. The present perfection of the lighting apparatus, however, has only been attained by slow degrees and after numerous and persevering attempts. The discovery of the mode of extracting the electricity of the earth itself was the crowning event in the series of experiments, as it had rendered the inexpensive illumination of the whole country practicable.

That a constant and powerful current of electricity circulates through the earth in a given direction is well known to physicists, and is shown by the phenomenon of the magnetic needle always pointing to the north; thunderstorms have made us familiar with its stupendous power. In our own country this terrestrial electricity has sometimes been made use of on a very limited scale in the construction of electrical clocks, but the Colymbians have discovered the method of tapping it in any desired quantity and of any required intensity.

The disagreeable glare of the electric light as we know it is removed by the simple expedient of enclosing each light in a globe of milk-white glass, so that the illumination is as soft and pleasant to the eye as the diffused light of a cloudy day.

The Colymbians devote a considerable portion of their time to amusement. One of their favourite pastimes is what they call "gyrating," equivalent to our dancing, though very different in appearance. It is practised in large buildings or halls constructed for the purpose. The amusement is extremely fascinating, and I gladly availed myself of all the invitations I received to join in it. A committee or council of ladies and gentlemen preside over the arrangements of these festal meetings, and determine who shall be invited to them and who excluded. Their decisions

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Rh on all matters connected with the balls are unhesitatingly submitted to. These assemblies only take place by artificial light.

Imagine a vast coral grotto profusely decorated with flowers and plants of the most brilliant colours, and numerous lamps tastefully interspersed, so as to show off the graceful flowers and leaves to the greatest advantage. The flowers are not all sea-flowers; the most exquisite land-flowers are also used for the decoration of the hall. These are preserved in all their freshness under water for a considerable time by being dipped in a kind of transparent varnish, which protects them from the water. Bouquets and garlands of these are largely distributed over the walls of the hall, and many of the young ladies wear a few of the bright blossoms in their hair and about their persons.

The upper part of the hall is a smooth surface of softest and whitest sponges, where those not engaged in the dance recline luxuriously, and amuse themselves by playing at some games or by looking on at the performances of the gyrators.

In the centre of this ceiling-floor is a large glass dome filled with pure fresh air, into which, ever and anon, a performer will plunge his head, or a couple will occasionally remain chatting there for a considerable time, when they wish to let loose their tongues and to discard for a while the telegraphic language.

The bottom of the grotto is entirely formed of branching corals with lamps distributed among them. The length of these halls is sometimes as much as fifty yards, and their height not less than twenty yards. An orchestra placed in a niche at one end or

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68 at the side of the hall play a succession of lively melodies on their peculiar musical instruments, which are on the principle of our glass and metal accordions or musical glasses, the notes being elicited by sharp taps administered with a small hammer. The thin notes producible from the corresponding instruments at home give no idea of the full volume of sound emitted by the musical instruments of Colymbia, where, indeed, music is cultivated to a much higher degree and much more universally than it is with us.

It is well known that sonorous bodies, though they retain their pitch or timbre when struck under water lose much of their sonorousness. The sound is not prolonged as in air but abruptly cut short as when the damper is applied to the strings of the piano. The ingenuity of the Colymbians has enabled them to overcome this defect, and to give to every note any amount of prolongation required. Unless they had been able to accomplish this their music would have been absolutely expressionless; whereas, on the contrary, it abounds in the most exquisite cadences, and even their ordinary instruments are capable of calling forth an amount of expression and feeling in the notes they produce that is scarcely to be matched by the finest performances on our own wind and stringed instruments.

The company begins to arrive simultaneously with the striking up of the music. The sole garment of the gentlemen is of gayer colours than that usually worn by them in the daytime, and the ladies are further decorated with necklaces of pearls or beautiful shells. The same ornaments are intertwined with the plaits of their hair, and they have armlets and

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Rh bracelets of gold and silver, and similar ornaments on their legs and ankles.

They have various descriptions of dances—as I must call them for want of a better name. Sometimes a number of couples execute a regular figure, reminding me of our quadrilles at home, though very different. A large central space being cleared, a young man darts out from one side of the hall, and is met by a lady from the opposite side. Touching hands, they whirl round one another several times, then dart back to their original position. Sometimes one, sometimes many couples do this at once; sometimes all the performers mingle together, and gyrate round one another promiscuously; then suddenly all dart back to their respective places, soon to recommence with a new figure. In all their evolutions, the performers keep time to the music, which is distinctly heard in the most distant parts of the hall. This dance, with the graceful movements and attitudes of the performers, is like nothing I had ever seen before. It sometimes reminded me a little of the figures executed by good skaters on the ice, but on the whole I think it more nearly resembles the mazy evolutions performed by flies round a tassel on a summer morning.

Another dance, which reminded me of the round dances of our country, consists in a lady and gentleman whirling rapidly round the hall, their hands just touching and their bodies gliding gracefully, now above, now below one another. Sometimes the whole company would thus form into couples, and keep on gyrating round the room as long as the music played.

The lithe and supple figures whose development had not been marred by any straps or cords, whose

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70 bodies no stays had compressed, whose legs no garters had indented, whose feet no boots had squeezed out of shape,—these pictures of natural beauty skimming about and around, with more than the freedom of birds in the air, never two consecutive instants in the same attitude, it was a delight to behold; but it was ecstasy to thread the mazes of this watery dance in companionship with one of the bewitching mermaidens.

Immersed in the clear, pure water, all positions are alike pleasant. It does not matter whether head or heels be uppermost, for the equal pressure of the water prevents anything like congestion of blood to the head when our position is inverted.

Although at first these dances appeared to me more like the mad orgies of a set of bacchanals than the amusements of a party of self-respecting ladies and gentlemen, this feeling soon wore off, and I found that it was only the strangeness of the scene that made it appear to me indecorous. As I got more used to these entertainments their novelty wore off, and I saw that no feeling of indecorum or immodesty possessed the performers. The young ladies were as correct in their ideas as those we meet with in the best society at home; and, though their garments were scanty, their conversation was innocent, and their thoughts apparently pure. I found that modesty does not require yards of silk or muslin for its preservation, but may exist independently of flowing robes. Manners and customs that differ from those we are used to we are apt at first to consider improper and immodest, until we find that to those who are used to them they convey no prurient ideas, and lead to no immoral consequences.

While going through these graceful acrobatics with a beautiful dark-eyed mermaid, I endeavoured to

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Rh to her the waltz of terrestrial mortals. She looked shocked, and exclaimed, "How dreadfully immodest! What would mama say to see me whirled round, clasped in the embrace of a man?" And yet mama smiled placid approval at her more than semi-nude daughter gyrating round the hall, attended by a man as scantily clad, and mixed up with a whole bevy of similarly-attired, or unattired, men and women.

It is not the custom of the Colymbians to eat in company; drinking, I have said is not needed in the water, where quite sufficient moisture is absorbed through the pores of the skin to supply all the wants of the system. Instead of refreshments the performers resort to certain tubes which supply the exhilarating gases I have before alluded to, and which are plentifully distributed throughout the hall. These gases are similar in properties to the nitrous oxyde with which we are familiar; they are never inhaled pure, but diluted with a certain proportion of air, so that they do not stupefy, but only cause a sensation of pleasant excitement.

After some hours spent in this fascinating amusement the company disperses, and the young ladies retire to their respective homes under the careful guidance of their matron chaperones.

I received many invitations to visit at the private domiciles of my fair partners and thus was enabled to see a good deal of the domestic life of the Colymbians.

I became particularly intimate with the family of the beautiful dark-eyed maiden I have before alluded to. Her father held some important office connected with Government, and was usually absent from home most of the day. Her mother was a pleasant lady, scarcely past her prime, and still very handsome. She had a

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72 brother—the same young man who had attached himself to me and acted as my cicerone in showing me many of the curious ways and institutions of the country. During my morning visits I usually found the ladies occupied in reading, or engaged in some pretty fancy-work for the embellishment of their house.

The young lady, whose name was Lily, had several pets. She had a cage containing several pairs of the beautiful little paradise or peacock fish, with their brilliant spots and bands of red and green, and their quaintly-cut fins and tails. The habits of these pretty creatures are interesting and amusing. The male gathers up in his mouth the eggs deposited by the female, and conveys them to a nest he has built, and over which he forms a canopy, studded with innumerable air-bubbles, which glisten like gems, and which are emitted from his mouth. The vivacity with which he defends the nest and its contents against all comers, and even against the female whom he drives away if ever she ventures to approach the nest, was a constant source of amusement. The only creature he did not attack was his pretty mistress, who might approach her hand as near the nest as she liked, without any display of irritation on the part of its faithful guardian.

In another cage were some large lobsters, whose singular gait and voracious appetites were very funny.

Her favourite pet, however, was a very diminutive seal, which gambolled about her like a spaniel, and displayed the most lively affection. She could not train this animal to use the breathing tubes, so it had frequently to go to the air-reservoir in the ceiling to breathe or to the surface of the water when out of doors.

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Rh Seals I found to be very numerous in Colymbia, and there are several different sorts, indigenous and imported.

The indigenous seal is a very intelligent and easily-domesticated animal, varying from four to six feet in length and with much longer flippers than those inhabiting our coasts; in fact, they are so long that the animal can walk on shore without its body being in contact with the ground. These seals, being so tame and sensible, are much used for hunting purposes, chiefly for hunting the turtle whose flesh forms a staple article of the food of the country. A small variety of it is kept as a domestic pet, like this one of Miss Lily's. Their intelligence and attachment to human beings are marvellous. They will attack and destroy any cuttles, crabs, or other sea vermin that might invade the house, and will give warning of the intrusion of a stranger. For these good qualities they are in great request in the houses of the better class of people. Great pains are bestowed by the Colymbians on the breeding of them, and by dint of careful selection of stock, numerous useful and beautiful varieties have been produced from the indigenous seal that differ as much from the typical original as our varieties of dogs differ from their wild progenitor.

A large and ferocious kind, with a head like a leopard's, and a formidable array of teeth, are used as watch-dogs along the reef to give notice of the approach of ships and shipwrecked persons. They are chained up in order to keep them at their post on the reef, and by their loud barking noise, which I had heard when I first approached the barrier, they warn the police of the approach of anything strange. I remembered having seen in England a large barking

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Knollys, William Thomas


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74 seal, which was exhibited under the name of the "Talking fish," and whose bark was similar to that of these watch-seals.

I was told that the naturalists of the country do not consider these fierce seals as indigenous to the country. It is supposed that the original parents had been found on board some vessel—a whaler, probably—that had been wrecked on its voyage from the South Seas, or that they had been captured when endeavouring to make their way from one latitude to another. From some peculiarities about them, the parent stock is believed to have inhabited a much colder region of the earth. However this may be, their descendants seem thoroughly acclimatized to the scorching heat of the tropics, and perform their duties in the most satisfactory manner.

Other pets this charming water Lily possessed, such as sea-anemones, of every variety of shape and colour, which she daintily fed every morning with tiny morsels of mussels, or other common shell-fish. She also kept a hideous squid in a dark hole, and would pull it out and let it crawl all over her with its eight long arms. Crabs and sea-urchins she detested, and she had trained her little seal to attack and destroy any that might venture into her room.

Like other girls of her station in life, Lily had received a tolerable education. She was well read in English literature, an accomplished musician, and skilled in the small ornamental arts which occupy much of the time of the Colymbian ladies. In her parents' house there was a small but select library of English authors; and from a neighbouring establishment all the recent works of lighter literature were procurable. All books used in the subaqueous country

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text: Author talk:William George Dimock Fletcher


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Longchamp, William of


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Lumsden, James


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Mary of Modena eagerly recommended by Rizzini, who had been purchased by Louis XIV (, iv. 269), and whose advice the king and queen preferred to that of Dartmouth and Terriesi (ib. pp. 251-3). The flaw in Louis's calculation was the uncertainty whether James would adhere to the understanding that he would quickly follow the queen, without which she could not have been induced to fly (, Life of James II, ii. 252). It is even doubtful whether she felt quite sure that he would follow her instead of recalling her to him (, ii. 416). In any case James before long justified the calculations of his ally.

On the stormy night of 9-10 Dec. the aueen and prince, who had been fetched from Portsmouth, accompanied only by two nurses, Lauzun, Louis XIV's agent, and the Italian Riva (by his own account the real manager of the enterprise), left Whitehall and crossed the river at Horseferry ; thence they pursued their journey in a coach-and-six, lent by Terriesi, to Gravesend, while the queen's esquire, Leybourn, and St. Victor, a gentleman of Avignon, rode by the side. At Gravesend they were joined by Lord and Lady Powis, Madame Davia-Montecuculi, Lady Strickland, the queen's sub-governess, her faithful bedchamber-woman, Pellegrina Turini, who had been the confidante of an earlier scheme of flight, and others, and they entered a yacht officered by three Irish captains. A favourable wind blew it out to sea (ib. ii. 381-413; see also Clarke, Life of James II, ii. 246; Dalrymple, ii. 212; Dangeau, i. 253seqq.; Madame de Sevigne, viii. 351-5; Madame de La Fayette, pp. 192-5; Klopp, iv. 267-80: Macaulay, ii. 544-5).

After a woful crossing the queen landed safely at Calais on 11 Dec. (Miss Strickland, ix. 262). In England she had actually been reported to have landed at Ostend (Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd ser. iv. 177). Her first act was to attend mass at the Capuchin convent. From Calais she wrote the letter, preserved in the British Museum, to Louis XIV signed ' the Queen of England,' and appeal- ing, with a rhetorical phraseology hardly her own, to his protection on behalf of her son. Every attention was shown to her by the governor, the Due deCharost, notwithstanding her wish to avoid publicity; and the Bishop of Beauvais was equally courteous (, pp. 195 seqq.) When her husband failed to join her as she had hoped at Calais (, Life of James II, ii. 247), she went on to Boulogne. Here she was en- tertained with magnificent hospitality by the governor, the Due d'Aumont ; but James's continued delay filled her with despair ; she wrote letters (one of which was intercepted, Dalrymple, ii. 225) entreating him to follow her (Burnet, iii. 363 ; Madamb de Sevigne, viii. 359 ; Campana di Cavelu, ii. 428-9), and when at last informed of his arrest at Feversham, formed a design of rejoining him in England (Dangeau, i. 256). No sooner, however, had J *ouis XIV become aware of x his project, through D'Aumont and Lauzun, than the latter was instructed to use every endeavour to induce her to proceed on her journey inland. The roads were put under repair, and a splendid equipage and retinue despatched for her use; while Beringhen, the king's master of the horse, received orders, in the event of the queen being required by James II to return to England, to conduct her to Vincennes, where preparations were made for her reception (Campana di Cavelli, ii. 450-454, 413). Soon, however, St. Germains was substituted, and hither the queen pursued her journey, receiving at Beaumont the news of her husband's landing at Ambleteuse, On 28 Dec. Louis XIV met her at Chatou, within a league of St. Germains, accompained by his court in one hundred carriages-and-six (, viii. 309; cf. Mme. de La Fayette, pp. 205 seqq.), and accompanied her to the palace assigned by his munificence to her and her husband, whom he brought to her on the following day (Dangeau, i. 261-7).

Mary Beatrice bore herself in her new position with a consistent dignity which called forth warm and frequent praises from Louis, whose courtesies to her set the tongues of the gossips wagging, and were said to have aroused the jealousy of Madame de Maintenon, whom the queen was most anxious to please (Mme. de La Fayette, p. 253; cf. Dangeau, i. passim). In marked contrast to her husband, she made a most favourable' impression upon the society of the French court at large (Mme. de Sevigne, viii. 444). In the political designs and efforts of the exiled king she at first took an active part. Restless, and eager for a speedy restoration (ib. p. 448), she for a time cherished the delusion that the throne which had been lost in a religious cause might be regained by a religious war. Not only did she apply to Louis for aid towards an invasion of England (, iv. 464), but she built hopes upon the goodwill of Innocent XI, whom she desired to reconcile with the French king (, ii. 510-12, 504-565). She even called for a league of all catholic princes in support of the sacred cause, and complained passionately to the general 'of the Jesuits of the indifference of some among them (ib''. pp. 492-4). She shared the


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Mary of Modena hopes founded on the election of Pope Alexander VIII (October 1689) by many of the Jacobites, including Melfort, in whom she placed great trust, and whose special mission to Rome was partly brought about by her (Klopp, v. 8-9, 125). But before very long she began to recognise the grave difficulties in her way, and to seek satisfaction in a simple life at St. Germains (ib. iv. 402 ; Campana di Cavelli, ii. 513), and, above all, in the religious consolations to which she had been accustomed from her youth. As time went on, the nunnery of the Visitation (her favourite order) at Chaillot, close to Paris, became her chosen refuge during the absences of her husband and at other seasons of trouble ; a suite of apartments was fitted up for her there by Louis's orders, and everything belonging to or concerning her was preserved in it for the better part of a century (ib. i. 57 seqq.)

In James's Irish expedition of 1689, on which she had seen him start with the deepest anguish (Mme. de Sevigne, viii. 500), she took anxious interest, helping to bring about the despatch of Lauzun in 1690, at the head of a French army in his support (Klopp, v. 170-1), and striving to persuade Louis to allow of the transportation of the Irish forces into England (Clarke, Life of James II, ii. 386). She carried on an active correspondence with the Jacobites in England, some of which was betrayed (Macaulay, iii. 390) ; exulted in Beachy Head (Klopp, v. 134), and consoled herself for the Boyne by her husband's return to France (Clarke, ii. 406). To the Scottish Jacobites of 'the Club' she transmitted or promised large sums (ib, pp. 426, 432; cf. Macaulay, iii. 696).

The courtesies of Louis XIV continued, and in November 1690 Mary Beatrice knelt at church between the two kings (Dangeau, i. 354, 358-9). In 1692, when the great invasion scheme which ended at La Hogue was preparing, she was once more looking forward to the birth of a child (ib. i. 394-6), and by way of bringing home to his subjects the falsity of the calumnies to which they had formerly lent ear, James invited ' his privy council and a number of English peeresses to be present on the occasion (Clarke, ii. 474-475). When, a week after the king's return from La Hogue, a princess, afterwards named, in honour of her godfather, Louisa Mary, was born on 28 June, none of the invited were present, and Madame Meyercron, the wife of the Danish ambassador, was asked to attend, ' as a person on whose testimony the people of England might reasonably rely ' (ib. pp. 496-7).

In September 1694 Mary lost her brother, and her uncle, the Cardinal d'Este, became Duke Rinaldo of Modena (Dangeau, i. 445). It was about this time that funds ran very low at St. Germains, and the queen is said to have proposed the sale of all her jewels (Miss Strickland, ix. 349). In 1696 she took part in an attempt to dissipate the rumours as to the connection of both kings with the assassination plot against William III (Klopp, vii. 198). Before the close of this year, when the desire of Louis to make peace had become irresistible, it fell to her to assure him, through Madame de Maintenon, that her husband and herself were prepared to submit to the inevitable (ib. p. 324). In the subsequent Ryswick negotiations (1697), one of the French demands was the payment of the jointure of 50,000l. a year settled upon her by act of parliament after her marriage. Though the national account with the Stuarts was now, so to speak, being made up, William III naturally inclined to insist in return on the withdrawal of the exiled family from France. Finally, the treaty omitted both points, and though the English plenipotentiaries were authorised to promise the satisfaction of Mary Beatrice's lawful claims, it was afterwards pretended that the promise was conditional, and it may at all events be surmised that it was not intended to be carried out so long as King James remained where he was (see Lexington Papers, p. 301 and note ; Grimblot ap. Klopp, viii. 110; Macaulay, iv. 795 seqq., v. 92 ; cf. Burnet, iv. 380 note). Whether or not, as stated in the ' Review of the Account of the Duchess,' Mary Beatrice declined to sign a receipt for her jointure while her husband was alive (cf. Burnet, iv. 511), none of it was paid to her till the last year of the reign of Anne, when on her offering to file a bill in chancery for her arrears, the first quarter of an annual sum computed at 47,000/. was actually remitted through the agency of Gaultier (Dangeau, iii. 301-3 ; Miss Strickland, x. 177). She is said to have left her otherwise undiminished arrears, together with other property settled upon her at her marriage, to the king of France, in whose name they are stated to have been afterwards demanded from the British crown by the regent Orleans. After Ryswick James and his (jueen remained at St. Germains, and in receipt, as before, of a monthly pension of fifty thousand crowns (Dangeau, ii. 90-7, 180).

Not even the death of James II, preceded as it was by the promise of Louis XIV to recognise his son, which Macaulay (v. 289), perhaps rightly, connects with Madame de Maintenon's visit of sympathy to Mary Beatrice,


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Mary of Modena made any practical change in her position. On the evening of the day of James's death (6 Sept. 1701) she withdrew to Chaillot; four days afterwards she and her son received the visit of their protector (, ii. 284-287). Her affliction was profound (, ii. 590-1, 601-2); her regard for her husband had become such that she is said to have expected his canonisation (, Life of Ken, ii. 118). She obeyed his injunction by conveying his dying admonitions to the Princess Anne (, ii. 602). The attempt made in parliament to attaint her, as having assumed the 'regency' for her son, was allowed to drop (, iv. 548-9).

The remainder of her days she spent in retirement at St. Germains, and when possible at Chaillot, only appearing at the French court when the interests of her son seemed to demand it (, iv. 370-1, 388-90, 393-4, iii. 2 et al.) Her health was shaken in 1693 (, ix. 343), and again in 1703 (, ii, 370), and in 1705 (, x. 38-9, on this occasion speaks of cancer). On 18 Aug. 1712 she lost her daughter, Louisa Mary, who had become her chosen friend and consoler (see her letter to the Abbess of Chaillot ap., x. 105; cf. , vi. 120 and note). Her condition after this caused anxiety, and in February 1714 she sent farewell messages through Berwick to Louis XIV and Madame de Maintenon, who had shown the utmost solicitude concerning her (, iii. 285-286). But she was fated to survive Louis himself for nearly three years. The breakdown of the enterprise of 1715 was communicated to her by Lauzun (, x. 201 seqq.) After the Chevalier had taken up his residence at Avignon she remained unmolested at St. Germains, where, after a brief illness,' she died on 7 May 1718, as the saint,' says St.-Simon, ' which she had always been in life,' Her written farewell to the Chaillot sisters is extant (ib. x, 227) ; the report that she died in discord with her son was baseless, as was another that she left all her property — she had little or nothing to leave — to the regent Orléans (ib. p. 231). Out of the annuity of one hundred, thousand francs paid to her— not always punctually — by the French crown, she had in a large measure supported the English colony around her, to which her loss was irreparable (ib. p. 338; , iv. 56-7). By the regent's orders her funeral was solemnised at Chaillot on 27 June at the public cost. With the suppression of the convent vanished all traces of her remains (, ed. 1803, x. 41;, Introduction, i. 83-8).

St.-Simon, in his noble tribute to the memory of Mary Beatrice, speaks of her as both quick-witted and proud; and Madame de Sévigné, who likewise credits her with intelligence, quotes the saying of Louis XIV that she presided over her court like a queen in both mind and body (viii. 401, 413). In England she had always been personally unpopular, especially among the great ladies, who disliked her as an Italian and a dévote (Melani ap. Cam pana di Cavelli, iii. 470-1 The charge of Italian vindictiveness brought against her in later life was under the circumstances absurd ( ap. , viii. 564). She was entirely possessed by religious enthusiasm; her interest in certain religious orders, above all that of the Visitation, of which she had hoped to become a member, and also those of the Ursulines and Carmelites, was unflagging (, i. 174, 405, ii. 90-7, 104, 158, 195). The 'miraculous' conversion of Middleton filled her with ecstasy (, ix. 427-8); but there seems no satisfactory proof that she was so bigoted as to subject protestant adherents of the Stuart cause to vexatious treatment (see, iv. 125 note). Out of her religious enthusiasm gradually grew the feeling of devoted attachment to her husband, which is said to have led her to declare that she would rather see her son in his grave than seated on the throne by a bargain to his father's disadvantage (the story cited from 's Memoirs by, vi, 245-6, is possibly only incorrect in date; see , iv. 797). She had a warm affection for the members of her own family. Her accomplishments were considerable; she wrote in Italian, French, and English (her spelling in the last not being worse than that of her English-born contemporaries), and was familiar with Latin. Doubtless her favourite reading was in devotional books (, ii. 96-7), and she had a familiar knowledge of the Bible (ib. i. 63). But though strictly brought up she was in her younger days fond of the chase (ib. ii. 75) and a bold rider (, ix. 128). Madame de Sévigné describes her, on the occasion of her arrival at St. Germains in 1689, as thin, with fine dark eyes, a pale complexion, a large mouth with fine teeth, a good figure, very self-possessed and pleasing.

Portraits of her painted by Lely belong to Lord Spencer and Lord Aberdeen. Two anonymous portraits are respectively in the possession of the Earl of Denbigh and P. J. C Howard, esq., of Corby (Stuart Exhibition Catalogue, pp. 46-7, 48, 50, 57). Kneller, Anne Killigrew, Rigaud (?),


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Mary Stuart 's nephew and pupil, Benedetto Gennari, whom she much patronised, and others also painted her. The likeness in the National Portrait Gallery is by William Wissing.

 MARY (1542–1587), third child and only daughter of James V of Scotland [q. v.] and Mary of Guise [q. v.], was born in Linlithgow Palace on 7 or 8 Dec. 1542. The 7th is the date in the register of Lothian (, i. 2) and that given by Leslie (De Origine, &c, p. 459); for the 8th there is the authority of the 'Diurnal of Occurrents' (p. 25), Knox (Works, i. 91), and Mary herself (, vi. 68). To the king, overwhelmed by the rout of Solway, the birth of a daughter seemed only a portent of calamity. 'It [the dynasty] came,' he exclaimed, 'from a woman, and, it will end with a woman' (, i. 91). By his death on 14 Dec. 1542 the infant princess became queen, Negotiations for a treaty of marriage between her and Prince Edward of England were frustrated by Cardinal Beaton, who on 23 July 1543 removed her and her mother to Stirling Castle (cf. ). After she had been crowned there by Beaton on 9 Sept., she was entrusted to the care of Lords Erskine and Livingstone. Shortly after Pinkie Cleugh, 10 Sept. 1547, she was sent for security to the priory of Inchmahome, on an island in the Lake of Menteith (Discharge of Lords Erskine and Livingstone in Red Book of Menteith, ii. 3), and on the last day of February 1547-8 (note in, Works, i. 219) she was transferred to Dumbarton Castle, the stronghold most accessible to France. On 7 July 1548 the estates not only ratified an agreement for her marriage to the dauphin of France (Francis II), but decided that she should immediately be sent thither. She accordingly on 7 Aug. set sail in one of the royal galleys of France, and, disembarking on the 13th at Brest, arrived at St. Germains on 11 Oct. (, La Première Jeunesse, 1891, p. 19). Lady Fleming was assigned her as governess, and she was accompanied by her companions, the ' Four Marys ' — young maidens of the houses of Livingstone, Fleming, Seton, and Beaton.

Mary was educated with the royal children of France, her studies being directed by Margaret, sister of Henry II, one of the most accomplished and learned ladies of her time. That she acquired a fair knowledge of Latin is attested by exercises written in 1554 (published by the Warton Club, 1855), and she had some acquaintance with Greek and Italian, but was not taught English or Scots, it being the first care of her guardians that France should be paramount in her affections. She had a preference for poetry, in which she was instructed by Ronsard, but her own verses lack distinction. Although she early displayed exceptional intelligence and discretion, her chief endowment was the unique charm of her personality, which won for her affection even more than it attracted admiration. Writing in 1553, the Cardinal of Lorraine affirmed that among daughters of noble or commoner he had never seen her equal in the kingdom (, i. 9). Her beauty, supposed to be unrivalled in her time, owed its enchantment rather to brilliancy of complexion and grace of manner than to finely formed features. Possessing a sweet and rich voice she sang well, accompanying herself gracefully on the lute. Her skill in elocution evoked the admiration of the French court when in 1554 she delivered a Latin oration in praise of learned ladies ( in Dedication of Retoric Françoise; ).

Perhaps insufficient allowance has been made for careless exaggeration in Brantôme's portraiture of the French court in the time of Mary; but one of h«r devoted advocates has affirmed that her mother, after her visit to her in 1550, 'arranged for her removal to a healthier moral atmosphere' (, Mary Stuart, First Eighteen Years of her Life, p. 91). No such arrangement was carried out. She was neither separated from the


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Mary Stuart royal children of France nor withdrawn from the court. She mingled more and more freely in its cultured and epicurean society ; but the Cruises, especially Antoinette de Bourbon and the Cardinal of Lorraine, had frequent access to her, and took charge both of her political and religious instruction. Lady Flemmg who had become a mistress of the French king, was in 1551 succeeded as governess by Madame Paroys, with whose strict training of Mary ' in the old faith ' the cardinal expressed entire satisfaction (23 Feb. 1552-1553, Labaxoff, i. 16). Nor, although Mary became estranged from her governess (lift, pp. 29, 35, 41), did this affect her religious partialities. Her lot from the beginning involved strange incongruities. She was at once the cynosure of the gay court of France and the hope of Catholicism. Though cradled in luxury she yet learned to cherish an exacting and strenuous ambition. No daughter of any royal house possessed prospects so brilliant, but they were qualified by a betrothal to a prince whose weak and sickly habit inspired pity rather than affection; and the marriage was prefaced by an agreement by which she not only forswore herself, but betrayed her royal trust. While the public marriage contract of 19 April 1558 contained special guarantees for the independence of Scotland, Mary had already, on the 4th, signed three separate deeds which made these guarantees a dead letter. By the first, Scotland in the event of her death without issue was made over in free gift to the crown of France ; by the second, Scotland and its revenues were at once assigned to Henry II until he had reimbursed himself of the money spent in its defence; and by' the third, any agreement which the estates might induce her- to make contrary to the two previous deeds was renounced by anticipation (Fenelon, i. 425-9; Labaxoff, i. 50-5).

The marriage was performed in the church of Notre-Dame on 24 April, and, as insuring the ascendency of France in Scotland and possibly in Britain and all its isles, was celebrated with fetes of unusual splendour (see Ceremonies in Teulbt, i. 302-11; Discovers du Grande et Magnifique Triumpke, &c, Rouen, 1558, and Roxburghe Club, 1818; Venetian ambassador's letter, Calcedar Venetian State Papers, 1557-8, entry 1216). In November the Scottish crown matrimonial was voted to the dauphin {Acta Parl. Scot. ii. 506-7).

Meanwhile, on the death of Queen Mary of England, 17 Nov. 1558, Mary Stuart, on the more than plausible grounds of Elizabeth's illegitimacy, laid claim to the English throne as great-granddaughter of Henry VII. In England Elizabeth was declared queen without opposition, but the dauphin and Mary assumed the titles of king and queen of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and continued to use them on succeeding to the French throne at the death of Henry II, 10 July 1559. The Edinburgh treaty of July 1560 between England and Scotland bound Mary and her husband to abandon their claims to the English throne, but they refused to ratify it. Possibly, as some suppose, Mary thus provoked the settled distrust, if not enmity, of Elizabeth. Elizabeth wished to fetter a dangerous rival, and Mary aimed atrousingcatholic sensibility,and even to compass Elizabeth's excommunication. But the death of the French king on 5 Dec 1560 blasted these hopes. All that tenderness and affection could achieve to heal her consort's maladies and prolong his life had been guaranteed by Mary's devotion. For a time Mary was prostrated in despair. ' She will not receive any consolation, wrote the Venetian ambassador, ' but, brooding over her disasters with constant tears and passionate and doleful lamentations, she universally inspires great pity ' (Cal. Venetian State Papers, 1558-80, entry 215). Not only haci she ceased to be queen of France ; her place of power was now held by the hostile Catherine ae Medici. She was virtually excluded from the court, and she felt already that France was no longer her home (Sir James Melville, Memoirs, pp. 86-8 ; Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1560-1, entry 832; Chebuel, Marie Stuart et Catherine, de Medicis, p. 17). Of Scotland she was scarce sovereign even in name ; her mother had died 10 Jan. 15C0 as the reins of government were slipping from her hands. Heresy was there triumphant, and the catholic religion proscribed. Already the Scottish estates had been negotiating for the barter of the crown to her rival Elizabeth by a marriage between Elizabeth and James Hamilton, third earl of Arran [q. v.]

The Arran negotiations proved, however, the turning-point in Mary's fortunes. Two days after the death of Francis, Elizabeth replied that ' she was not disposed presently to marry' (Her Majesty's Answer in, i. 9-10, and Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1560-1501, entry 780). The news of Francis's death and of Elizabeth's rejection of Arran reached Scotland almost simultaneously, and produced a strong reaction in Marv's favour. Already William Maitland of Lethington [q. v.] saw that the nobility would 'begin to make' court to the Scottish queen more than they were wont f (ib. entry 875). Nor was


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Mary Stuart she slow to utilise the providential opportunity. In January 1560 she despatched certain Scotsmen with more than three hundred letters to nobles, barons, and others of influence, couched in most affectionate terms, and proposing to consign recent troubles and disputes to oblivion (ib. entry 889 ;, i. 85-8). She also desired a deputation to be sent from the estates to inform her of the measures they had taken for the tranquillity of the kingdom (ib. i. 80-4). She intimated her intention to return as soon as she had completed arrangements in France ; but according to Thockmorton she ' wished it to be at the request and suit of her subjects' (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1560-1, entry 832). Her endeavours were entirely successful. The protestant Lord James Stewart was sent to ' know her mind,' and Maitland greatly feared that ' many simple men ' would be ' brought abed with fair words ' (6 Feb. ib. entry 967) ; but both Lord James and Maitland saw that the experiment of her return must be tried. Their endeavours were concentrated on ren- dering it as innocuous as possible — to themselves as well as to protestantism. Mean- time the catholics of the north had despatched John Leslie [q. v.], afterwards bishop of Ross, and others to propose to Mary to land at Aberdeen (, Be Origine, &c, p. 575), where a force of twenty thousand men under Huntly [see, fourth ] would be in readiness to conduct her in triumph to her throne. On 15 April Leslie had an interview with her at Vitry ; but although he himself was cordially welcomed, his futile and embarrassing proposals were at once rejected. She could not afford to defy, at present, both Elizabeth and Lord James. The latter, on the day following, was therefore received with affectionate and sisterly greetings. An endeavour was even made to win him over to Catholicism by the offer of great rewards and dignities (Thockmorton, 1 May, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1561-2, entry 158 ; with which compare letter of 31 March, ib. entry 77) ; but at last she professed to be convinced of the wisdom of not interfering with the religious status quo in Scotland, only stipulating for her own personal freedom in the exercise of her religion.

But as yet Mary had not finally decided to entrust her fortunes to Scotland. Her thoughts were then chiefly occupied with the problem of a second marriage. Hardly had her husband breathed his last before the Guises were in search of an alliance that would restore their ascendency. They had the choice of many suitors, including Arran and also Darnley, but only two persons, and these not suitors, were deemed eligible. The first choice, Charles IX, brother of the late king, was promptly negatived by Catherine de Medici. Thereupon the Cardinal of Lorraine approached, in December 1560, the Spanish ambassador with a proposal for Don Carlos (Chantonnay to Philip, quoted by Mignet, and also by De Ruble, p. 109), but, partly through the intervention of Catherine de Medici, negotiations were indefinitely suspended (see especially Philippson, Marie Stuart, i. 274-9). It was only after their failure that Mary resigned herself to the perilous venture of returning to her kingdom. In accordance with the promise of Maitland (6 Feb. 1560-1, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1560-1, entry 967), Lord James unreservedly informed Throckmorton, Elizabeth's envoy, of the tenor of his interview with Mary (ib. entries 133, 151, 158). It is unnecessary to suppose, as some have done, that he intended to prejudice Mary in the eyes of Elizabeth. Doubtless he wished Elizabeth to realise the dangers of the crisis, but his aim probably was to convince her of the necessity of conciliating both Mary and the Scottish nation. The estates in May 1561 gave an evasive answer to the proposal of M. Noailles for a renewal of the league with France, and rejected the request to restore their patrimonies to the deposed catholic bishops ; but Lord James, on 10 June, sent to Marv a long and conciliatory letter (Addit. MS/Brit. Mus. 32091, f. 189, printed in App. to Philippson, Marie Stuart). The only special precaution taken in view of her return was an enactment by the council for the l destruction of all places and monuments of idolatry ' (Knox, ii. 167).

To Elizabeth, Mary's return was in itself unwelcome, and while the treaty of Edinburgh remained unsigned, it was deemed an act of open defiance. But in this soreness of Elizabeth Mary saw her advantage. She explained that when she assumed the style and title of England she 'was under the commandment of King Henry and her husband,' and affirmed that since her husband's death she had not used them (Throckmorton, 26 July, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1561-2, entry 336). She alsocogently pleaded that it was 'very hard being so nigh the blood of England to be made a stranger to it' (ib.) Yet she did not decline to sign the treaty; she would consult the estates after her arrival in Scotland. Her attitude won the sympathy of the Scots. To a somewhat menacing letter of Elizabeth (Knox, ii. 175-8) the council replied in evasive terms


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Mary Stuart (ib. p. 178). The truth was, they had no wish that Mary should sign the treaty. The nomination by Henry VIII of the Lady Frances and her issue as next in succession to Elizabeth was an act of hostility to Scotland. The proposed Arran marriage would have solved the difficulty, but Elizabeth's rejection of it left the Scots no option but to recall Mary ; and with her as sovereign, goodwill between the two kingdoms would be impossible till the insult to the Scottish dynasty was withdrawn. On 6 Aug. Lord James therefore wrote to Elizabeth suggesting that while Elizabeth's full rights should be recognised, Mary should be designated heir-presumptive (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1561-2, entry 384). The dangers that might be obviated by this arrangement were also dexterously indicated by Maitland in two remarkable letters of 9 (ib. p. 238) and 10 Aug. (, iii. 211-16). He feared that Mary's coming could not ' fail to raise wonderful tragedies,' unless some method 'might be compassed that the queen's majesty and her highness might be dear friends as they were tender cousins.' Meantime Mary's excuses and promises only hardened the determination of Elizabeth to withhold the passport (Throckmorton corresp. in Keith, ii. 26-64 ; Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1561-2, entries 108, 110, 124, 155, 158, 180, 208, and 214). She had even some thoughts of intercepting her on the voyage, but — apparently influenced by a letter of Mary (8 Aug., cf. ib. entry 404), by the representations of Mary's ambassador, St. Colme (MSmoire in La- banoff, i. 99-102), by the advice of Throckmorton (11 Aug., Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. entry 395), and by the suggestions of Lord James and Maitland — she recoiled from the half-formed intention. On 16 Aug. she informed Mary that learning she intended to follow the advice of her council on the treaty she was ' content to suspend her concept of all unkindness ' (printed in Robertson, Hist. of Scotland, 5th ed. ii. 327-9).

Mary had left France before Elizabeth's letter was penned. On 21 July she had expressed to Throckmorton the hope that she might not be driven on Elizabeth's inhospitable shores; but if she were, then might Elizabeth, she said, ' do her pleasure and make sacrifice of me.' ' Peradventure,' she added, in words whose foreboding pathos the future more than justified, 'that casualty might be better for me than to live ' (Keith, ii. 51). To defeat any projects for her capture, she, however, while naming 26 Aug. to the Scottish authorities as the date of her probable arrival, set sail from Calais on the loth. Brant ome records her passionate grief at bidding farewell to France. It was intensified by her cheerless prospects. She had resolved to take up the task at which her mother had failed, and only trouble and danger seemed in store for her. On the voyage she was accompanied by three of her uncles, and one hundred other gentlemen and attendants, including the Sieur de Brantome, Castelnau, Chastelard, and her confessor. On account of a dense fog — foreshadowing, according to Knox, the ' sorrow, dolour, darkness, and all impietie ' incident to her coming ( Works, ii. 269) — the galleys lay all night of the 18th at anchor some distance from the shore, but it cleared off sufficiently to permit them to enter the harbour of Leith in the morning. Xo preparations had been made for her arrival at Holyrood, and she did not journey thither till the evening. ' Fires of joy were set forth all night ' (ib. p. 270), and a i company of the most honest ' serenaded her with violins and the dismal chanting of Reformation melodies (ib.; Brantome).

Mary had frankly told Throckmorton that though ' she meant to constrain none of her subjects ' in religion, she wished they were all as she was (23 June 1561, Keith, ii. 33). Accordingly, on her first Sunday in Scotland mass was said in her private chapel, a vow of Lord Lindsay and others that ' the idolater priest should die the death ' being frustrated by Lord James Stewart. This connivance at 'idolatry' provoked a violent outburst from Knox, who declared that 'one mass was more fearful to him than ten thousand armed enemies' (Works, ii. 276). Mary called him into her presence and plied him with arguments, upbraidings, threats, and tears, but only to convince him of her 'proud mind,' 'crafty wit,' and ' indurate heart ' (ib. p. 286 ; Knox to Cecil, 31 Oct.; Haynes, p. 372 ; Cal. Hatfield MSS. pt. i. p. 262). Her passion had unwittingly betrayed her ; but probably as yet she did not adequately understand the situation. The proclamation of 25 Aug., forbidding on pain of death any ' alteration or innovation in the state of religion ' (Knox, ii. 272), was a mere provisionary arrangement till the meeting of parliament. Shortly after her arrival she had informed the pope of her determination to restore Catholicism (letter of the pope, 3 Dec, in the Bibl. Barb. Rome, quoted in Philippson, Marie Stusirt, ii. 33, 37), and her first purpose probably was to secure general toleration for catholics. But after Maitland's return in October from his mission to England, her attitude towards protestantism became almost deprecatory. The administration of affairs was left in the hands of Maitland and Lord James, and


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Mary Stuart on 25 Oct. Maitland wrote that Elizabeth 'would be able to do much with her in religion' (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1561-2, entry 632). But if Maitland, in common with others, was beguiled by the ' enchantment -whereof men are bewitched ' (, ii. 276), both Mary and Elizabeth were already entangled in Maitland's diplomatic toils.

Perhaps alone of those concerned in the succession negotiations, Mary had no interest except a personal one in the scheme for 'uniting the isles in friendship.' Originally her patriotism was limited to France, but even this patriotism was now dead. If in politics she cherished any interests beyond personal ones, they were those of Catholicism. But she entered into Maitland's projects with fervour, and put forth every artifice to win Elizabeth's recognition. Some have supposed that she blundered in not acknowledging Elizabeth's original rights; but this might have hampered her final purpose, and, at any rate until her own interest in the crown of England had been l put in good order ' (Mary, 5 Jan. 1561-2, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. entry 784), it would have been folly to recognise Elizabeth's title. She did not adopt the attitude of a suppliant. Elizabeth's gain, Maitland said, was 'assured and present,' Mary's only 'in possibility and altogether uncertain ' (ib. p. 536; Haynes, p. 397).

The indiscretion of Lady Catherine Grey, who was now a prisoner in the Tower, re- moved one of the chief obstacles to Mary's recognition, and the efforts of the Guises to contract a friendly alliance with Elizabeth also for a time told strongly in Mary's favour. While loth to comply with Mary's demands Elizabeth really desired a reconciliation, and proposed an interview in England in July 1562. Mary had all but gained her purpose when the massacre of French protestants by the Guises at Vassy on 1 May suddenly darkened her prospects. Nevertheless Maitland on the 25th left for England to make final arrangements (Diurnal of Oecurmits, p. 72). The hope was held out that Elizabeth might be 'the instrument to convert Mary to Christ and the knowledge of His true word ' (Randolph, 26 May, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1562, entry 34), and Mary, lamenting with tears the ' unadvised enterprise' of her uncles, intimated that even for their friendship she would not sacrifice that of Elizabeth. Notwithstanding the French troubles Elizabeth wished the conference to take place, but in deference to the council it was postponed till August or September (articles, ib. entry 312), and soon afterwards, on account of the resumption of hostilities in France, till the following summer (Instructions in Keith, ii. 145-57). This last postponement drove ' Mary into such a passion that she kept her bed ' a whole day (Sidney, 25 July, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1562, entry 360). To Elizabeth she expressed her great regret that the opportunity for ' a tender and familiar acquaintance ' should be thus frustrated (Keith, ii. 152 ; Labanoff, i. 147-8).

In Scotland the excitement attending Mary's arrival gradually gave place to a tranquil calm, only slightly disturbed by the contumacious harangues of Knox, the vague rumours of catholic intrigues, and the discovery, 26 March 1562, of a mad scheme of Arran, possibly countenanced by Both well [see, fourth ], for carrying off the queen to Dumbarton Castle. Mary won the high esteem of her council by her geniality and her sound discretion, but political cares seemed to sit lightly upou her. Like her father she loved to mingle in the daily life of her people, and nothing delighted her more than an unceremonious visit to the house of a plain burgher. She entered with zest into the outdoor sport s of her nobles, especially hawking and ' shooting at the butts,' and infected their staid and sombre manners with something of the 'joyousitie' of France. Knox grimly remarked that while in the presence of her council ' she kept herself very grave ; ' as soon as ever ' her French fillocks, fiddlers, and others of that band gat the house alone, then might be seen skipping not very comely for honest women' (ii. 294). But her leisure was not all consumed in amusements. She did not neglect her literary studies, and Randolph notes in April 1562 that 'she readeth daily after her dinner, instructed by a learned man, Mr. George Buchanan, somewhat of Livy' (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1561-2, entry 985). By her natural grace and frank amiability she disarmed the hostility of all except extremists, and even they were constrained to be content so long as Lord James Stewart remained at the head of affairs. Of the favour in which she held him she gave practical proof by creating him Earl of Mar, and afterwards by the grant of the earldom of Moray, then held by Huntly informally under the crown. This led to the expedition to the north of Scotland in the autumn of 1562, followed by Huntly's rebellion, defeat, and death. Mary's motives for consenting to the expedition have been variously interpreted. That she was privy to a scheme for the capture of Huntly is improbable, for it would have been then strangely impolitic. Nor, although the ambitious indiscretions of the Gordons, Huntly's kinsmen, were distasteful to her, is it likely


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Mary Stuart that she desired their ruin. But apparently ' she felt that it could not be avoided, and, while possibly she aimed to bind Huntly to her by ties of self-interest, she was no doubt well aware that the result of the expedition would favourably impress both the protestants and Elizabeth. If the whole business was odious to her, she managed admirably to mask her feelings. 'In all these garboils,' wrote Randolph, 'I never saw her merrier.' Her only regret was that 'she was not a man, to know what life it was to lie all night in the fields, or to walk on the causeway with a jack and knapschulle, a Glasgow buckler, and a broadsword' (ib. 1562, entry 648).

The news of the Huntly expedition increased Elizabeth's cordiality. In a letter of special kindliness she excused to Mary her procedure in France on the ground 'that we must guard our own homes when those of our neighbours are on fire' (, cab. edit. vi. 612). Mary's pleasure at the receipt of the letter is recorded by Randolph. Sue 'trusted next year to travel as far south as she had done north' (2 Nov., Cal State Papers, For. Ser. 1502, entry 967). But almost immediately her hopes were again rudely shaken. The rumour reached her that when Elizabeth in October was at the point of death : only a single voice had been raised in her favour as Elizabeth's successor (, 18 Nov.,, ii. 177). She therefore now resolved to have done with uncertainties. The war between England and France, which might involve thelossof her dowry, was made the excuse for claiming a more secure interest in the succession than that guaranteed merely by Elizabeth's love (, 14 Nov., ib. p. 184). She gave Elizabeth to understand that she preferred her friendship even to that of the Guises (, 3 Dec. Illustrations of the Reign of Mary, p. 109); but finally, in February, she despatched Maitland to state her claims in the face of the English parliament, and if they were not admitted, to solemnly protest that she would seek the remedies provided for those ' who are enormously and excessively hurt' (, i. 161-9;, ii. 188-92).

Shortly after Maitland's departure the execution on 21 Feb. 15(52-3 of the poet Chastelard for concealing himself in Mary's bedroom gave rise to various rumours. The statements of Knox (ii. 367-9) and of Randolph (15 Feb., Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1563, entry 313) merely repeat current gossip, but Mary seems to have manifested imprudent partiality for Chastelard's society. Maitland took upon him to affirm that Chastelard had been employed by the Huguenots to compromise Mary's honour (De Quadra, 2S March, Cal State Papers, Span. Ser. 1558-67, p. 314), and Madame de Guise informed the Venetian ambassador that Chastelard had made a confession to that effect (1 May, Venetian State Papers, 1558-80, entry 324; cf. , v. 2; and, Relations Politiques, iii. 308).

Up to this time the question of Mary's marriage had remained in abeyance. Several suitors, including Arran and Eric IV of Sweden, had been rejected, and Mary seemed content to await events. In the negotiations with Elizabeth the question had been ignored, probably because all parties felt that it was crucial. To Mary, who had set her heart on marrying Philip II's son, Don Carlos, it was the key of the position, her recognition as heir-presumptive being a mere aid to a grand scheme of sovereignty, embracing Scotland, Spain, and England. Elizabeth's chief concern was lest her own sovereignty should be endangered by Mary's marriage or the acknowledgment of her title. The Scots had no interest in the protection of Elizabeth's sovereignty ; their chief aim was to obtain such an alliance as would make Mary's title to the succession secure, for, as Maitland stated to De Quadra, to be nominated successor ' would be of no use unless she had the power to enforce her title' (, vii. 50-51 ; Cal. State Papers, Spanish Ser. 1558-67, p. 308). It was the insecurity of the succession, especially as made manifest at the time of Elizabeth's illness, that, with other reasons, reconciled Maitland, and probably Moray, to the marriage with Don Carlos. While in London, Maitland in March 1563 secretly entered into negotiations for this purpose with De Quadra (cf. ib. pp. 305-16 ;, vii. 50-5; , Philippe II et Don Carlos, 2nd edit. pp. 160-2, 180-92; , Histoire de Marie Stuart, vol. ii. chaps, iii. and iv. of bk. ii.)

Mary's negotiations with Elizabeth and her dubious policy in Scotland had rendered the catholic authorities uneasy, but she now addressed a letter to the Cardinal of Lorraine, expressing her determination to reestablish the old faith at the peril of her life (30 Jan. 1562-3, Labanoff, 1. 175-6), and another to the pope in similar terms (31 Jan. ib. p. 177), and by letters patent secretly appointed the cardinal to represent her at the council of Trent (18 March, ib. pj>. 179-80). It thus happened that while Maitland was assuring Mary, on the word of De Quadra, that Philip was ' not a sworn soldato del papa,' but a ' wise, politic prince,' who governed (as Mary was expected to do) the divers nations under his rule ' according to their own humour' (Addit. MS. 32091,


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User:Welovestreaming1234

Calvin Cummings
Calvin Cummings is a kid. He is good at cooking!!!!

title: User:Welovestreaming1234


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Mary Stuart printed in Marie Stuart et la Ligue Catholigue Universelle, pp. 37-40), Mary was endeavouring to further the marriage by entering into arrangements with Philip and others for the restoration of Catholicism. Maitland had suspicions of this, but it was not by him, or Elizabeth, or the Scots, that the project was to be wrecked. Elizabeth's warning, that a marriage to a foreign catholic prince would dissolve the concord between the two nations, both Maitland and Mary were prepared to brave (De Quadra, 26 June, in Cal. State Papers, Spanish Ser. 1558-67, p. 338, and Documents Intd. lxxxvii. 529 ; Randolph's Memorial, 20 Aug., Cal State Papers,For. Ser. 1563, entry 1162, and in Keith, ii. 205-10). Nor did the violent diatribes of Knox, although they occasioned an outburst of passionate anger from Mary (Knox, ii. 387-9), do much to endanger the scheme. Mary's hopes were dashed by her own relatives. The Guises, as well as Catherine de Medici, feared that the proposed alliance would prejudice the interests of France. They were hostile even to a Scottish and English alliance, and a project for the fusion of these two countries with Spain was regarded with positive consternation. To prevent both possibilities the Cardinal of Lorraine pressed Mary to accept the Archduke Charles of Austria, and succeeded in giving such prominence to the suit as to delay and embarrass the negotiations with Philip. Catherine de Medici, to foil Mary's purpose, made also a dubious offer to her of the hand of Charles IX. By the unscrupulous representations of the cardinal the pope was won over to favour the Austrian marriage, but Mary was proof against the pretences of Catherine and the persuasions of both cardinal and pope. Though unable to move Mary's resolution, the cardinal shook that of Philip. Philip was anxious not to imperil his immediate relations with France. That the ruin of such great hopes was effected chiefly by her uncle intensified the bitterness of Mary's disappointment. She was observed to be at times ' in great melancholie,' and to ' weep when there was little appearance of occasion' (Randolph, 31 Dec, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1563, entry 1481).

Elizabeth's first suggestion of her lover, Lord Robert Dudley, as a husband to the queen of Scots was made to Maitland in March 1563 (De Quadra, 28 March, Cal. State Papers, Spanish Ser. 1558-67, p. 313), but he jestingly replied that Elizabeth had better first marry him herself. When Elizabeth discovered that Mary favoured a foreign suitor — supposed to be the Archduke Charles — she authorised Randolph to vaguely suggest ' some nobleman of good birth within this our realm' (20 Aug., Keith, ii. 200, and Cal. State Papers,¥or. Ser. 1563, entry 1162). On mooting the matter to Mary, Randolph ' could not perceive what her mind' was (30 Dec, ib. entry 1559), but she professed a preference to remain a widow — at one time from regard to her late husband, at another because ' no such man as she looks for looks this way' (20 Feb. 1563-4, ib. 1564-5, entry 181 ; 8 March ib. entry 220). Before the summer of 1561 she had begun to think of the probable necessity of resigning herself to an English marriage. When at last Randolph definitely named Dudley, she expressed some incredulity and dissatisfaction (Randolph, 30 March, ib. entry 282). Elizabeth, Maitland and Moray asserted, intended nothing by the proposal but ' drift of time.' Drift of time was what Mary desired, and she utilised it for the furtherance of a match with Lord Darnley tsee Stewart, Henry], son of Lady Margaret Douglas [q. v.], next lineal heir after Mary to the English throne, by Matthew Stewart, earl of Lennox [q. v.], who disputed with the Hamiltons the succession after Mary to the Scottish throne. By such a marriage Mary would greatly strengthen her claims as heir-presumptive to Elizabeth. The chief objection to Darnley — that although professedly a protestant, he represented Elizabeth's enemies, the English catholics — was to Mary a prime recommendation, for she intended to mount the English throne by catholic aid and as a catholic queen. While in this she had to count on the opposition of Maitland and Moray, she was, in marrying Darnley, acting against the wishes of the Cardinal of Lorraine, who styled him 'ung gentil hutaudeau' (a handsome fribble) (De Foix, 23 May 1565, Teulet, ii. 199), and the Cardinal of Guise and Madame de Guise were in a 'marvellous agony' when they learned her intention (Smith to Leicester in Froude, vii. 245); even the pope and Philip preferred the Austrian marriage. The enterprise owed its inception to herself alone, encouraged only by the English catholics.

The theory of the Darnley love match (, &c.) is sufficiently refuted by Mary herself (Mémoire in, i. 297). On purely political grounds. Darnley was her next choice after Don Carlos. She had practically decided on the marriage when she began negotiations for the recall of Lennox, who returned to Scotland in September 1564. After his arrival she despatched Sir James Melville to obtain leave of absence for Darnley, who was in England (, Memoirs, p. 120). The superseding on 4 Dec. of Raulet — whose French predilections were


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Mary Stuart now inconvenient — by Rizzio as foreign secretary should also be noted. Presumably that Dudley might have ' honours and preferments conformable' to a suitor of Mary, Elizabeth in September created him Earl of Leicester, but if she really desired the success of his suit, it was folly to give consent to Darnley *s visit. Mary's intention was almost self-evident. Still to the last she kept up the appearance of being guided by Elizabeth. On 5 Feb. 1564-5 Randolph — about the time Darnley set out for Scotland — found her at St. Andrews, merrily pretending co live with ' her little troup' as a ' plain bourgeois wife,' and protesting that he should not ' spoil their pastime with his grave matters:' but when he did mention Leicester, she replied, with a placid irony which was lost on Randolph, that one whom *the queen his mistress did so well like' ' ought not to mislike her' (Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1504-5, entry 901).

Mary first saw Darnley at Wemvss Castle in Fife' on Saturday, 38 Feb. 1504-5 (Randolph, 10 Feb., ib. entry 995). On the 26th he went to hear Knox preach, and in the evening, at the request of Moray, danced a galliard with the queen (Randolph, 27 Feb., ib. entry 1008). According to Sir James Melville, Mary was agreeably impressed with Darnley ' as the best proportioned lang man she had seen' (Memoirs, p. 134); but she also stated to Melville that at first she took his proposals ' in evil part.' Probably she did not wish the engagement fixed, or at least published prematurely. Darnley's egregious vanity and obstinate self-will may have also caused her some misgivings. But she gave an indication of her purpose in her firmer attitude towards Catholicism, and the expression of a desire to have ' all men live as they list' (Randolph, 20 March, in Keith, ii. 268-75). About the beginning of April Darnley while with Mary at Stirling fell ill of the measles. She spent most of her time in his sick room, and according to foreign rumour was on his recovery secretly married to him by a priest introduced into the castle by Rizzio (Memoire in Labanoff, vii. 66; De Foix, 26 April, on the supposed authority of a letter of Randolph, Teclet, ii. 193; De Silva, 26 April, on the authority of Lady Lennox, CaL State Papery Spanish Ser. 1558-67, p. 424 ; De Silva, 5 May, ib. p. 429). The rumour, though accepted by some historians as true, is insufficiently authenticated. What Randolph reported was that Mary treated Darnley as her affianced husband (15 April, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1564-5, entry 1099). On 1 May the English privy council resolved to warn Man- that the contemplated marriage would be dangerous to the weal of both countries (Illustrations of the Reign of Mary, pp. 115-17), but she expressed ingenuous, and to some extent justifiable, surprise at their objections (Throckmorton, 21 May, Cal. State Papers, For. Ser. 1564-5, entry 1187).

Although Darnley's fatal facility in arousing jealousy and hate proved from the beginning a serious drawback, Mary did not neglect any possible means of reconciling the nobles to the marriage. She even made an attempt to induce Moray to commit himself before the result of Maitland's latest mission to England was known (Randolph, 8 May 1565, ib. entry 1151). James Hamilton, duke of Chatelherault [q. v.], and Archibald Campbell, fifth earl or Argyll, from hereditary jealousies, were unfavourably disposed, but all the principal lords were invited to sign & band in favour of the marriage (ib.), and special precautions were taken to secure the support of Darnlev's kinsman Morton, while Lindsay and Rut liven were also devoted to him by ' bond of blood.' The protestant party was thus divided. Moreover, when it was necessary to take action against Moray, George Gordon, fifth earl of Huntly [q. v.], was liberated from prison and Bothwell recalled to Scotland. To the articles of the kirk, requiring among other things the abolition of the mass in the 'queen's own person' (Knox, ii. 484-6), she did not finally reply till after the marriage, but on 12 July she made a proclamation disowning all intention to molest any of her subjects in the 'quiet using of their religion and conscience' (Reg. P. C. SeotL i. 338). This did not reconcile the kirk authorities, but it allayed the fears of the more moderate, while the catholics might infer that they at least would not be further molested. Her intentions may be judged from her letter to the pope in October 1564, expressing her determination to root out heresy in Scotland (Labanoff, it. 7; De Alava, 4 June, Teulet, v. 11 ; Duke d'Alba, 29 June, ib. v. 12 ; the king of Spain to De Silva, 6 June, CaL State Papers, Span. Ser. 1558-67; Pius IV, k 25 Sept., Pillippson, ii. 384; Mary to Philip, 14 July, Labanoff, vii. 339).

On 14 June Mary sent Hay to Elizabeth with a proposal to refer the points of difference between them to a commission (Keith, ii. 293-6; Labanoff, i. 266-71), but as this assumed Elizabeth's agreement to the marriage on certain conditions, the only reply was a request that Mary would give effect to the recall of Lennox and Darnley. A scheme of Moray to kidnap Darnley on 3 July and send him to England was frustrated, and ' shortly afterwards Moray and the other lords


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Twenty Years After/Chapter 21

There was once in the Rue des Tournelles a house known by all the sedan chairmen and footmen of Paris, and yet, nevertheless, this house was neither that of a great lord nor of a rich man. There was neither dining, nor playing at cards, nor dancing in that house. Nevertheless, it was the rendezvous of the great world and all Paris went there. It was the abode of the little Abbe Scarron.

In the home of the witty abbe dwelt incessant laughter; there all the items of the day had their source and were so quickly transformed, misrepresented, metamorphosed, some into epigrams, some into falsehoods, that every one was anxious to pass an hour with little Scarron, listening to what he said, reporting it to others.

The diminutive Abbe Scarron, who, however, was an abbe only because he owned an abbey, and not because he was in orders, had formerly been one of the gayest prebendaries in the town of Mans, which he inhabited. On a day of the carnival he had taken a notion to provide an unusual entertainment for that good town, of which he was the life and soul. He had made his valet cover him with honey; then, opening a feather bed, he had rolled in it and had thus become the most grotesque fowl it is possible to imagine. He then began to visit his friends of both sexes, in that strange costume. At first he had been followed through astonishment, then with derisive shouts, then the porters had insulted him, then children had thrown stones at him, and finally he was obliged to run, to escape the missiles. As soon as he took to flight every one pursued him, until, pressed on all sides, Scarron found no way of escaping his escort, except by throwing himself into the river; but the water was icy cold. Scarron was heated, the cold seized on him, and when he reached the farther bank he found himself crippled.

Every means had been employed in vain to restore the use of his limbs. He had been subjected to a severe disciplinary course of medicine, at length he sent away all his doctors, declaring that he preferred the disease to the treatment, and came to Paris, where the fame of his wit had preceded him. There he had a chair made on his own plan, and one day, visiting Anne of Austria in this chair, she asked him, charmed as she was with his wit, if he did not wish for a title.

"Yes, your majesty, there is a title which I covet much," replied Scarron.

"And what is that?"

"That of being your invalid," answered Scarron.

So he was called the queen's invalid, with a pension of fifteen hundred francs.

From that lucky moment Scarron led a happy life, spending both income and principal. One day, however, an emissary of the cardinal's gave him to understand that he was wrong in receiving the coadjutor so often.

"And why?" asked Scarron; "is he not a man of good birth?"

"Certainly."

"Agreeable?"

"Undeniably."

"Witty?"

"He has, unfortunately, too much wit."

"Well, then, why do you wish me to give up seeing such a man?"

"Because he is an enemy."

"Of whom?"

"Of the cardinal."

"What?" answered Scarron, "I continue to receive Monsieur Gilles Despreaux, who thinks ill of me, and you wish me to give up seeing the coadjutor, because he thinks ill of another man. Impossible!"

The conversation had rested there and Scarron, through sheer obstinacy, had seen Monsieur de Gondy only the more frequently.

Now, the very morning of which we speak was that of his quarter-day payment, and Scarron, as usual, had sent his servant to get his money at the pension-office, but the man had returned and said that the government had no more money to give Monsieur Scarron.

It was on Thursday, the abbe's reception day; people went there in crowds. The cardinal's refusal to pay the pension was known about the town in half an hour and he was abused with wit and vehemence.

In the Rue Saint Honore Athos fell in with two gentlemen whom he did not know, on horseback like himself, followed by a lackey like himself, and going in the same direction that he was. One of them, hat in hand, said to him:

"Would you believe it, monsieur? that contemptible Mazarin has stopped poor Scarron's pension."

"That is unreasonable," said Athos, saluting in his turn the two cavaliers. And they separated with courteous gestures.

"It happens well that we are going there this evening," said Athos to the vicomte; "we will pay our compliments to that poor man."

"What, then, is this Monsieur Scarron, who thus puts all Paris in commotion? Is he some minister out of office?"

"Oh, no, not at all, vicomte," Athos replied; "he is simply a gentleman of great genius who has fallen into disgrace with the cardinal through having written certain verses against him."

"Do gentlemen, then, make verses?" asked Raoul, naively, "I thought it was derogatory."

"So it is, my dear vicomte," said Athos, laughing, "to make bad ones; but to make good ones increases fame - witness Monsieur de Rotrou. Nevertheless," he continued, in the tone of one who gives wholesome advice, "I think it is better not to make them."

"Then," said Raoul, "this Monsieur Scarron is a poet?"

"Yes; you are warned, vicomte. Consider well what you do in that house. Talk only by gestures, or rather always listen."

"Yes, monsieur," replied Raoul.

"You will see me talking with one of my friends, the Abbe d'Herblay, of whom you have often heard me speak."

"I remember him, monsieur."

"Come near to us from time to time, as if to speak; but do not speak, and do not listen. That little stratagem may serve to keep off interlopers."

"Very well, monsieur; I will obey you at all points."

Athos made two visits in Paris; at seven o'clock he and Raoul directed their steps to the Rue des Tournelles; it was stopped by porters, horses and footmen. Athos forced his way through and entered, followed by the young man. The first person that struck him on his entrance was Aramis, planted near a great chair on castors, very large, covered with a canopy of tapestry, under which there moved, enveloped in a quilt of brocade, a little face, youngish, very merry, somewhat pallid, whilst its eyes never ceased to express a sentiment at once lively, intellectual, and amiable. This was the Abbe Scarron, always laughing, joking, complimenting - yet suffering - and toying nervously with a small switch.

Around this kind of rolling tent pressed a crowd of gentlemen and ladies. The room was neatly, comfortably furnished. Large valances of silk, embroidered with flowers of gay colors, which were rather faded, fell from the wide windows; the fittings of the room were simple, but in excellent taste. Two well trained servingmen were in attendance on the company. On perceiving Athos, Aramis advanced toward him, took him by the hand and presented him to Scarron. Raoul remained silent, for he was not prepared for the dignity of the bel esprit.

After some minutes the door opened and a footman announced Mademoiselle Paulet.

Athos touched the shoulder of the vicomte.

"Look at this lady, Raoul, she is an historic personage; it was to visit her King Henry IV. was going when he was assassinated."

Every one thronged around Mademoiselle Paulet, for she was always very much the fashion. She was a tall woman, with a slender figure and a forest of golden curls, such as Raphael was fond of and Titian has painted all his Magdalens with. This fawn-colored hair, or, perhaps the sort of ascendancy which she had over other women, gave her the name of "La Lionne." Mademoiselle Paulet took her accustomed seat, but before sitting down, she cast, in all her queen-like grandeur, a look around the room, and her eyes rested on Raoul.

Athos smiled.

"Mademoiselle Paulet has observed you, vicomte; go and bow to her; don't try to appear anything but what you are, a true country youth; on no account speak to her of Henry IV."

"When shall we two walk together?" Athos then said to Aramis.

"Presently - there are not a sufficient number of people here yet; we shall be remarked."

At this moment the door opened and in walked the coadjutor.

At this name every one looked around, for his was already a very celebrated name. Athos did the same. He knew the Abbe de Gondy only by report.

He saw a little dark man, ill made and awkward with his hands in everything - except drawing a sword and firing a pistol - with something haughty and contemptuous in his face.

Scarron turned around toward him and came to meet him in his chair.

"Well," said the coadjutor, on seeing him, "you are in disgrace, then, abbe?"

This was the orthodox phrase. It had been said that evening a hundred times - and Scarron was at his hundredth bon mot on the subject; he was very nearly at the end of his humoristic tether, but one despairing effort saved him.

"Monsieur, the Cardinal Mazarin has been so kind as to think of me," he said.

"But how can you continue to receive us?" asked the coadjutor; "if your income is lessened I shall be obliged to make you a canon of Notre Dame."

"Oh, no!" cried Scarron, "I should compromise you too much."

"Perhaps you have resources of which we are ignorant?"

"I shall borrow from the queen."

"But her majesty has no property," interposed Aramis.

At this moment the door opened and Madame de Chevreuse was announced. Every one arose. Scarron turned his chair toward the door, Raoul blushed, Athos made a sign to Aramis, who went and hid himself in the enclosure of a window.

In the midst of all the compliments that awaited her on her entrance, the duchess seemed to be looking for some one; at last she found out Raoul and her eyes sparkled; she perceived Athos and became thoughtful; she saw Aramis in the seclusion of the window and gave a start of surprise behind her fan.

"Apropos," she said, as if to drive away thoughts that pursued her in spite of herself, "how is poor Voiture, do you know, Scarron?"

"What, is Monsieur Voiture ill?" inquired a gentleman who had spoken to Athos in the Rue Saint Honore; "what is the matter with him?"

"He was acting, but forgot to take the precaution to have a change of linen ready after the performance," said the coadjutor, "so he took cold and is about to die."

"Is he then so ill, dear Voiture?" asked Aramis, half hidden by the window curtain.

"Die!" cried Mademoiselle Paulet, bitterly, "he! Why, he is surrounded by sultanas, like a Turk. Madame de Saintot has hastened to him with broth; La Renaudot warms his sheets; the Marquise de Rambouillet sends him his tisanes."

"You don't like him, my dear Parthenie," said Scarron.

"What an injustice, my dear invalid! I hate him so little that I should be delighted to order masses for the repose of his soul."

"You are not called `Lionne' for nothing," observed Madame de Chevreuse, "your teeth are terrible."

"You are unjust to a great poet, it seems to me," Raoul ventured to say.

"A great poet! come, one may easily see, vicomte, that you are lately from the provinces and have never so much as seen him. A great poet! he is scarcely five feet high."

"Bravo bravo!" cried a tall man with an enormous mustache and a long rapier, "bravo, fair Paulet, it is high time to put little Voiture in his right place. For my part, I always thought his poetry detestable, and I think I know something about poetry."

"Who is this officer," inquired Raoul of Athos, "who is speaking?"

"Monsieur de Scudery, the author of `Clelie,' and of `Le Grand Cyrus,' which were composed partly by him and partly by his sister, who is now talking to that pretty person yonder, near Monsieur Scarron."

Raoul turned and saw two faces just arrived. One was perfectly charming, delicate, pensive, shaded by beautiful dark hair, and eyes soft as velvet, like those lovely flowers, the heartsease, in which shine out the golden petals. The other, of mature age, seemed to have the former one under her charge, and was cold, dry and yellow - the true type of a duenna or a devotee.

Raoul resolved not to quit the room without having spoken to the beautiful girl with the soft eyes, who by a strange fancy, although she bore no resemblance, reminded him of his poor little Louise, whom he had left in the Chateau de la Valliere and whom, in the midst of all the party, he had never for one moment quite forgotten. Meantime Aramis had drawn near to the coadjutor, who, smiling all the while, contrived to drop some words into his ear. Aramis, notwithstanding his self-control, could not refrain from a slight movement of surprise.

"Laugh, then," said Monsieur de Retz; "they are looking at us." And leaving Aramis he went to talk with Madame de Chevreuse, who was in the midst of a large group.

Aramis affected a laugh, to divert the attention of certain curious listeners, and perceiving that Athos had betaken himself to the embrasure of a window and remained there, he proceeded to join him, throwing out a few words carelessly as he moved through the room.

As soon as the two friends met they began a conversation which was emphasized by frequent gesticulation.

Raoul then approached them as Athos had directed him to do.

"'Tis a rondeau by Monsieur Voiture that monsieur l'abbe is repeating to me." said Athos in a loud voice, "and I confess I think it incomparable."

Raoul stayed only a few minutes near them and then mingled with the group round Madame de Chevreuse.

"Well, then?" asked Athos, in a low tone.

"It is to be to-morrow," said Aramis hastily.

"At what time?"

"Six o'clock."

"Where?"

"At Saint Mande."

"Who told you?"

"The Count de Rochefort."

Some one drew near.

"And then philosophic ideas are wholly wanting in Voiture's works, but I am of the same opinion as the coadjutor - he is a poet, a true poet." Aramis spoke so as to be heard by everybody.

"And I, too," murmured the young lady with the velvet eyes. "I have the misfortune also to admire his poetry exceedingly."

"Monsieur Scarron, do me the honor," said Raoul, blushing, "to tell me the name of that young lady whose opinion seems so different from that of others of the company."

"Ah! my young vicomte," replied Scarron, "I suppose you wish to propose to her an alliance offensive and defensive."

Raoul blushed again.

"You asked the name of that young lady. She is called the fair Indian."

"Excuse me, sir," returned Raoul, blushing still more deeply, "I know no more than I did before. Alas! I am from the country."

"Which means that you know very little about the nonsense which here flows down our streets. So much the better, young man! so much the better! Don't try to understand it - you will only lose your time."

"You forgive me, then, sir," said Raoul, "and you will deign to tell me who is the person that you call the young Indian?"

"Certainly; one of the most charming persons that lives - Mademoiselle Frances d'Aubigne."

"Does she belong to the family of the celebrated Agrippa, the friend of Henry IV.?"

"His granddaughter. She comes from Martinique, so I call her the beautiful Indian."

Raoul looked surprised and his eyes met those of the young lady, who smiled.

The company went on speaking of the poet Voiture.

"Monsieur," said Mademoiselle d'Aubigne to Scarron, as if she wished to join in the conversation he was engaged in with Raoul, "do you not admire Monsieur Voiture's friends? Listen how they pull him to pieces even whilst they praise him; one takes away from him all claim to good sense, another robs him of his poetry, a third of his originality, another of his humor, another of his independence of character, a sixth - but, good heavens! what will they leave him? as Mademoiselle de Scudery remarks."

Scarron and Raoul laughed. The fair Indian, astonished at the sensation her observation produced, looked down and resumed her air of naivete.

Athos, still within the inclosure of the window, watched this scene with a smile of disdain on his lips.

"Tell the Comte de la Fere to come to me," said Madame de Chevreuse, "I want to speak to him."

"And I," said the coadjutor, "want it to be thought that I do not speak to him. I admire, I love him - for I know his former adventures - but I shall not speak to him until the day after to-morrow."

"And why day after to-morrow?" asked Madame de Chevreuse.

"You will know that to-morrow evening," said the coadjutor, smiling.

"Really, my dear Gondy," said the duchess, "you remind one of the Apocalypse. Monsieur d'Herblay," she added, turning toward Aramis, "will you be my servant once more this evening?"

"How can you doubt it?" replied Aramis; "this evening, to-morrow, always; command me."

"I will, then. Go and look for the Comte de la Fere; I wish to speak with him."

Aramis found Athos and brought him.

"Monsieur le comte," said the duchess, giving him a letter, "here is what I promised you; our young friend will be extremely well received."

"Madame, he is very happy in owing any obligation to you."

"You have no reason to envy him on that score, for I owe to you the pleasure of knowing him," replied the witty woman, with a smile which recalled Marie Michon to Aramis and to Athos.

As she uttered that bon mot, she arose and asked for her carriage. Mademoiselle Paulet had already gone; Mademoiselle de Scudery was going.

"Vicomte," said Athos to Raoul, "follow the duchess; beg her to do you the favor to take your arm in going downstairs, and thank her as you descend."

The fair Indian approached Scarron.

"You are going already?" he said.

"One of the last, as you see; if you hear anything of Monsieur Voiture, be so kind as to send me word to-morrow."

"Oh!" said Scarron, "he may die now."

"Why?" asked the young girl with the velvet eyes.

"Certainly; his panegyric has been uttered."

They parted, laughing, she turning back to gaze at the poor paralytic man with interest, he looking after her with eyes of love.

One by one the several groups broke up. Scarron seemed not to observe that certain of his guests had talked mysteriously, that letters had passed from hand to hand and that the assembly had seemed to have a secret purpose quite apart from the literary discussion carried on with so much ostentation. What was all that to Scarron? At his house rebellion could be planned with impunity, for, as we have said, since that morning he had ceased to be "the queen's invalid."

As to Raoul, he had attended the duchess to her carriage, where, as she took her seat, she gave him her hand to kiss; then, by one of those wild caprices which made her so adorable and at the same time so dangerous, she had suddenly put her arm around his neck and kissed his forehead, saying:

"Vicomte, may my good wishes and this kiss bring you good fortune!"

Then she had pushed him away and directed the coachman to stop at the Hotel de Luynes. The carriage had started, Madame de Chevreuse had made a parting gesture to the young man, and Raoul had returned in a state of stupefaction.

Athos surmised what had taken place and smiled. "Come, vicomte," he said, "it is time for you to go to bed; you will start in the morning for the army of monsieur le prince. Sleep well your last night as citizen."

"I am to be a soldier then?" said the young man. "Oh, monsieur, I thank you with all my heart."

"Adieu, count," said the Abbe d'Herblay; "I return to my convent."

"Adieu, abbe," said the coadjutor, "I am to preach to-morrow and have twenty texts to examine this evening."

"Adieu, gentlemen," said the count; "I am going to sleep twenty-four hours; I am just falling down with fatigue."

The three men saluted one another, whilst exchanging a last look.

Scarron followed their movements with a glance from the corner of his eye.

"Not one of them will do as he says," he murmured, with his little monkey smile; "but they may do as they please, the brave gentlemen! Who knows if they will not manage to restore to me my pension? They can move their arms, they can, and that is much. Alas, I have only my tongue, but I will try to show that it is good for something. Ho, there, Champenois! here, it is eleven o'clock. Come and roll me to bed. Really, that Demoiselle d'Aubigne is very charming!"

So the invalid disappeared soon afterward and went into his sleeping-room; and one by one the lights in the salon of the Rue des Tournelles were extinguished.

title: Twenty Years After/Chapter 21