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Bēowulf the Geat (the second scribe, who begins in the MS. in l. 1939, favours the spelling Bīowulf, 1987, 1999, etc.; gen. Bīowulfes, 2194, 2681, 2807; dat. Bīowulfe, 2324, 2842, 2907, 3066), the hero of the poem, first mentioned in l. 194, as “Hygelac’s thane,” first named in l. 343. He is the son of Ecgtheow; his mother’s name is not given, but she was the daughter of Hrethel, king of the Geats, and therefore sister of Hygelac. The whole poem is a record of Beowulf’s life, exploits, death, and burial; but a few facts deserve special mention. After his seventh year he was brought up at the court of his grandfather, Hrethel, with his uncles, Herebeald, Hæthcyn, and Hygelac (2428—34). In his youth, he was for a long time despised as slothful and unwarlike (2183—9), but when he grew up his hand had the strength of thirty other men’s (379). It is therefore as a “hand-slayer” (2502) that he attains his chiefest fame (2684 ff.). He accompanied Hygelac in his fatal expedition against the Hetware, and saved his own life, after the fall of the Geat king, by swimming home across the sea (2359 ff.). He refused the throne, offered him

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license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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 "Indeed!" said the man, somewhat incredulously. He was a tall and almost handsome fellow, of a wiry frame denoting great endurance. He had no hat on his head, but a piece of kangaroo skin, sewn in the shape of a skull cap, which served to protect it from the sun. His eyes were quick and roving, and his whole countenance, which was bronzed by exposure to the weather, wore a peculiarly keen expression. His language was good, and his address like that of one who had been used to a far different life than the one he appeared to be leading. He regarded every movement of the strangers with suspicion.

Hugh asked him how far he had travelled.

"Some distance" he answered; "my feet are sore and I am weary. I had retired to yonder tree to sleep."

"I am sorry we disturbed you," said Slinger, "you must sleep very tenderly."

A shade of suspicion flitted across the man's countenance, but it disappeared as quickly, as he said, "Yes: a man who travels much in the bush has need to—the blacks and bushrangers are very apt to put one into a sound sleep—the sleep of death, if he do not awake at a slight noise."

"Have you no shoes?" said Slinger, as he noticed his bare feet.

"None: my feet are hardened. I fear me, if it were not that nature is a good shoemaker, whose soles improve the more we wear them, I should be sadly at a loss. May I ask how far you have come, gentlemen?"

"From Melbourne."

"Was there any news abroad?"

"None of importance."

After a slight pause, Hugh said, "Perhaps you are hungry, will you share our supper with us?"

"Gladly," said the man eagerly; I havn't tasted bread for

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Page:O. F. Owen's Organon of Aristotle Vol. 2 (1853).djvu/258

 on this account we not only supposed what was said to be the object of this treatise, viz. to be able to assume an argument, but also that sustaining the argument, we may defend the thesis in a similar manner, through the greatest probabilities. We have besides, assigned the cause of this; since, for this reason also, Socrates questioned, but did not answer, for he confessed that he knew nothing. Moreover, it has been shown in the preceding treatise, with reference to how many, and from what number this will be, and whence we shall be well supplied with these; further, how interrogations must be made, and how every one must be arranged, and likewise, concerning the answers and solutions of things appertaining to syllogisms. Such other particulars besides, have been developed as belong to the same method of arguments, and in addition to these, we have discussed paralogisms, as we stated before, wherefore, it is evident that what we proposed has sufficiently obtained its end. Still we ought not to be ignorant of that which occurs in this treatise; for of all discoveries, some being received formerly from others, elaborated partially afterwards, have been increased by those who received them; but others being discovered from the beginning, are wont to receive, at first, but small increase, becoming much more useful by the increase which they receive from others afterwards. For the beginning of every thing is perhaps, as it is said, the greatest thing, and on this account the most difficult; for that is the hardest to be perceived, which, as it is the most powerful in faculty, is by so much the smallest in size; yet when this is discovered, it is more easy to add and co-increase what


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 vi In government the distinction between the feudal system asserts itself in some curious detail as well as in the largest administration. For instance, to a very recent period the English government forbade the people of certain districts in Ireland to have fire-arms in their houses without a license from headquarters.

On the other hand, in the democratic government of most of the English colonies, every citizen was required by law from the first to have a gun, flints and bullets, or in the earlier days, match for matchlocks. In the old theory of government the ruling class supposed that it could forbid the teaching of reading and writing to such and such persons. In a democratic government, on the other hand, education in all elementary branches is compulsory.

I shall not travel far from my subject if I remind the reader that it was well-nigh a hundred years after the first emigration from Europe before the new Americans found out how essentially different is the American climate from that of England or from that of western Europe. The first adventures after Columbus's discovery were in regions nearly tropical. And when Virginia was settled, even when the Pilgrims arrived in New England, the settlers had the impression that they had come into a region much warmer than they had left behind. Its summers were warmer. They took the natural impression that the climate of the world virtually follows the lines of the tropics and the parallels of latitude. What we now know of climate and of meteorology has been the slow discovery of two hundred years.

The ignorance in America of the climate in which men and women were living appears in various ways. Years of habits and customs of the new people had to modify themselves in changes from those of England. Food changed, dress changed, and even language changed. New words were added to the English language as the new requisitions suggested. They were borrowed from the Spanish, the French, or Indian languages, as might happen. There are many instances in the diaries and letters of the first generation in New


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 Rh England which show the surprise of the writers that they found themselves drinking the water of the brooks while their brothers in England were drinking beer. Ultimately the use of beer as a familiar beverage died out in New England and its use there now comes not from English habits, but from those of Germany.

It is to be observed again that the Thirteen Colonies which made the United States of America were practically republics from the very beginning. There were certain English formalities in legislation or in the appointment of officers. But these were independent republics before the Declaration of Independence. Indeed, that Declaration declares what was already existing, and virtually speaks of the existing condition of affairs as resting upon rights which they had always asserted.

In 1675 the New England colonists were at war with King Philip and the Indians, actually for their existence. The real question was whether the Indians should sweep them into the sea or not. The forces were about equal. After it was over some of their friends in England asked them why they did not appeal to England for assistance. The reply showed very distinctly that they regarded themselves as an independent state. The colony of Massachusetts would not have applied to England for powder or bullets, far less for troops, any more than it would have applied to France or to Spain. It was with the greatest reluctance, indeed, that they received a governor from England at the end of that century. They took care to show him that he was their servant, and not their master. When Lord Bellomont was attending on a sermon preached before the General Court of Massachusetts, he said to Lady Bellomont, "You must remember, my dear, that these gentlemen give us our bread." This was seventy-five years before the Revolution; and that was, indeed, the position of the royal governor—that he must consider first his dependence upon the people and make his dependence upon the king fall in with it if he could.

Such are a few of the conditions, perhaps the most important,


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Rh

Ðā se ellen‐gǣst earfoðlīce þrāge geþolode,sē þe in þȳstrum bād, þæt hē dōgora gehwāmdrēam gehȳrde hlūdne in healle;þǣr wæs hearpan swēg, swutol sang scopes.Sægde sē þe cūþe frumsceaft fīrafeorran reccan, *cwæð þæt se Ælmihtigaeorðan worh[te], wlite‐beorhtne wang,swā wæter bebūgeð; gesette sige‐hrēþigsunnan and mōnan lēoman tō lēohteland‐būendum, ond gefrætwadefoldan scēatas leomum and lēafum;līf ēac gesceōp cynna gehwylcum,þāra ðe cwice hwyrfaþ. Swā ðā driht‐gumandrēamum lifdon ēadiglīce,oð ðæt ān ongan fyrene fre[m]man,fēond on helle; wæs se grimma gæstGrendel hāten, mǣre mearc‐stapa,sē þe mōras hēold, fen ond fæsten;fīfel‐cynnes eard won‐sǣli werweardode hwīle, siþðan him Scyppendforscrifen hæfde. In Caines cynneþone cwealm gewræc, ēce Drihten, þæs þe hē Ābel slōg.

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 viii which made in two hundred years an absolute distinction between Americans and Europeans, between American habits and European habits, between American government and European government, between the commercial customs and methods of one continent and those of the other.

Under the feudal system which obtained in Europe, the king, or emperor, or other sovereign, had certain relations with the nobility which were definitely understood. They constituted the basis of legislation, of ceremony, and of domestic life. Similar conditions existed in the intercourse between these noblemen and the next class, which in England was the class of land holders who held under their noblemen and as superior to vassals, not to say serfs. The distinction between four and five and six classes was as much established at law as is the distinction between the captain of a ship and a seaman before the mast. It was no mere matter of title—duke, marquis, baron, baronet, sir, Mr., goodman—the people in one of those classes had certain rights, so-called, which the people in "lower classes" did not have.

All this fell off and went to the winds as soon as the duties and necessities of the new settlement called upon all the settlers. If they were attacked by Indians in a frontier village, everybody had to join in the defense. Everybody must have a gun; he must have so much powder and so many yards of match and everybody must turn out at a moment's notice. This condition still exists virtually. Each State may and does call upon every man now to serve in the militia and when occasionally the national government chooses, it calls upon every man between the ages of eighteen and forty-five to go into service under a conscription. The reader of these lines does not perhaps know it, but if he shall be in the street when a house is on fire, the officer in charge of extinguishing the fire may order the reader to take a leading hose into an attic or to carry up the ladder to the roof tree—to do any duty connected with it, and the reader will have to obey.


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 the syllogism about which, and through which, the argument (is employed), and which neither assumes this, nor concludes, is silly, but when (the interrogation is deficient,) which may be externally (assumed), the argument is by no means to be despised, but (here) the argument indeed is good, but the querist has not interrogated well.

Since the solution at one time belongs to the argument, at another to the questionist, and the question, and sometimes to neither of these, in like manner also, it is possible both to question and conclude against the thesis, and against the respondent, and against the time, when the solution requires more time than the present opportunity (allows) to argue against it.

Chapter 34
From how many, and what kind of particulars then, paralogisms are produced by disputants, also how we shall both prove the false and compel (the opponent) to argue paradoxically; further, from what things a syllogism results, and how we must interrogate, moreover, what is the order of interrogations, for what, too, all such arguments are useful, and concerning both every answer simply, and how arguments and syllogisms must be solved, concerning all these let what we have said suffice. It now remains that recalling our original proposition, we should say something briefly concerning it, and add an end to what has been enunciated.

We designed then to discover a certain syllogistic faculty, about a problem proposed from things in the highest degree probable, for this is the office of the dialectic per se, and also of the peirastic art. Since, however, there is added to this, on account of the affinity of the sophistical art, that a person may not only make trial dialectically, but even as one endowed with knowledge;


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Hoyle's Games Modernized/All Fours

ALL-FOURS.

, known in America as, or , is usually played by two players, with the full pack of fifty-two cards, which rank in play as at Whist, the ace being the highest, and the two the lowest. The game is seven points.

There are four different items which count towards the score, whence the name All-Fours. Such items are as follows:

High.—The highest trump out, scoring one to the original holder.

Low.—The lowest trump out, scoring one to the original holder.

Jack.—The knave of trumps, scoring one to the dealer, if turned up; if otherwise, to the winner of the trick to which it falls.

Game.—Scoring one to the ultimate holder of the more valuable cards in the tricks won by him, according to the following scale:—

 * N.B.—In the case of the players being equal in this particular, or of neither party holding any card which counts towards Game, the elder hand scores the point.

The players cut for deal, the highest card having the preference. The dealer gives six cards to each, turning up the thirteenth as trump. If the elder hand is dissatisfied with his cards, he may say, "I beg," in which case the dealer is bound either to allow him (by the phrase, "Take one") to score one point, or to give each player three more cards from the pack, turning up that next following by way of fresh trump card. If this should be of the same suit as the original trump, the dealer is bound to give three more cards to each, again turning up the seventh, until a new suit does actually turn up. If the turn-up card be a knave, the dealer scores one, this taking precedence of any other score. If, by reason of the elder hand "begging," there is a further deal, and the dealer a second time turns up a knave, he again scores one. The elder hand leads any card he pleases. His antagonist must follow suit or trump, his right to do the latter not being affected by his holding cards of the suit led. If, however, having a card of the suit led, he neither follows suit nor trumps, he becomes liable to the penalty of a revoke.

The player of the highest card of the suit led, or a trump, wins the trick, which is turned down as at Whist, and so on throughout the six tricks. In scoring, the order of precedence is (1) High, (2) Low, (3) Jack, (4) Game; subject, as we have seen, to the contingency of "Jack" having been the turn-up card, the point for this being scored before the hand is played.

The play is mainly directed to capturing the Jack, and such cards as may score towards Game.

Some players score a point whenever the adversary does not follow suit or trump. Some, again, make it the rule that each player must count his score without looking at his tricks, under penalty of losing one or more points, as may be agreed, in the event of a miscalculation.

The players cut to decide who shall be partners; the two highest playing against the two lowest, and facing each other, as at Whist. The right to the first deal is decided by the cut, the highest dealing. Afterwards each player deals in rotation.

The dealer and the elder hand alone look at their cards in the first instance, the option of begging resting with the latter. The other two players must not take up their cards till the dealer has decided whether he will "give one" or "run the cards" for a new trump.

The players play in succession as at Whist, four cards constituting a trick. In other respects, the play is the same as in the two-handed game.

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 weeks—days I mean" he said, on noticing the surprise with which his assertion was received; and the same suspicious glance was cast around him.

They soon kindled a fire and all seated themselves round it. Hugh produced some remains of a damper wrapped in a piece of a newspaper, and asked the stranger to fall to, who required no second invitation, but ate ravenously. After the meal was over the strange man was reading the paper when he started suddenly and put it into bis knapsack, saying, it would be good for gun-wadding. Looking keenly at Hugh and Slinger, who were somewhat surprised at his excited manner, he asked where they intended to pass the night.

"I think there is room in the hollow tree for us all," said Slinger; but of course, as you were in possession, it remains to be decided whether you will allow of interlopers."

"Certainly, gentlemen; I shall be most happy to entertain you, although my accommodation is somewhat scanty: you must know that is a favourite tree of mine, in which I have slept many times of late. It has served me one good turn, I can tell you; besides protecting me from the wind and weather."

"Do you live in these woods, then?" said Slinger.

"I have of late: and the first night I arrived on the borders of yonder creek I saw this tree, and retired in it to sleep. I was awakened by a noise, and looking about me, could distinguish nothing strange, excepting what I took to be a dead stump standing in the ground where I had not noticed one before. Imputing this to my lack of observation I again laid down, but recollecting my gun was only loaded in one barrel, I roused myself again to charge it,—when the stump was gone. 'Now then' I said to myself, 'for business;' for I knew I had blacks about me. Noiselessly loading my

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 A Table how to find readilie all the Provinces of these low Countreys, in the same order that they be described in this Booke.


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Betty Gordon and her young friends had set out from Mountain Camp on their snowshoe hike the sun shone brilliantly and every ice-covered branch and fence-rail sparkled as though bedewed with diamond dust. Now that it was drawing toward noon the sky was overcast again and the wind, had Betty stopped to listen to it, might be heard mourning in the tops of the pines.

But Ida Bellethorne, the black mare, gave Betty no opportunity of stopping to listen to the wind mourn. No, indeed! The girl had all she could do for the first mile or two to keep her saddle and cling to the reins.

When first they set forth from the Candace stables the mare went gingerly enough for a few rods. She seemed to know that the frozen crust of the old drifts just beneath the loose snow was perilous.

But her sharpened calks gave her a grip on the frozen snow that the wise mare quickly understood. She lengthened her stride. She gathered speed. And once getting her usual swift gait,


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160 with expanded nostrils and erect ears, she skimmed over the frozen way as a swallow skims the air. Betty had never traveled so fast in her life except in a speeding automobile.

She could easily believe that Ida Bellethorne had broken most of the track records of the English turf. She might make track history here in the United States, if nothing happened to her!

Betty was wise enough to know that, had Mr. Candace been at home, even in this earnest need for a surgeon he would never have allowed the beautiful and valuable mare to have been used in this way. But there was no other horse on the place that could be trusted to travel at any gait.

Ida Bellethorne certainly was traveling! The speed, the keen rush of the wind past her, the need for haste and her own personal peril, all served to give Betty a veritable thrill.

If Ida made a misstep—if she went down in a heap—Betty was pretty sure that she, herself, would be hurt. She retained a tight grip upon the reins. The mare was no velvet-mouthed animal. Betty doubted if she had the strength in her arms to pull the creature down to a walk now that she was started.

The instructions Mrs. Candace had given the girl pointed to a descent into the valley for some miles, and almost by a direct road, and then


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Rh around a sharp turn and up the grade by a branch road to the village where Dr. Pevy lived. Betty was sure she would not lose her way; the question was, could she cling to the saddle and keep the mare on her feet until the first exuberance of Ida's spirit was controlled? The condition of the road did not so much matter, for once the mare found that she did not slip on the crust she trod the way firmly and with perfect confidence.

"She is a dear—she undoubtedly is," Betty thought. "But I feel just as though I were being run away with by a steam engine and did not know how to close the throttle or reverse the engine. Dear me!"

She might well say "dear me." Uncle Dick would surely have been much worried for her safety if he could know what she was doing. Betty by no means appreciated in full her danger.

Indeed, she scarcely thought of danger. Ida Bellethorne seemed as sure-footed as a chamois. Her calks threw bits of ice-crust behind her, and she never slipped nor slid. There was nobody on the road. There was not even the mark of a sledge, although along the ditch were the shuffling prints of snowshoes. Some pedestrian had gone this way in the early morning.

This was not the road by which Betty and her friends had been transported by Mr. Jaroth. There was not even a hut like Bill Kedders'


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162 it. In places the thick woods verged right on the track on either side and in these tunnels it seemed to be already dusk.

It flashed into Betty's mind that there might be savage animals in these thick woods. Bears, and wild cats, and perhaps even the larger Canadian lynx, might be hovering in the dark wood. It would not be pleasant to have one of those animals spring out at one, perhaps from an overhanging limb, as the little mare and her rider dashed beneath!

"Just the same," the girl thought, "at the pace Ida Bellethorne is carrying me, such wild animals couldn't jump quick enough to catch me. Guess I needn't be afraid of them."

There were perils in her path—most unexpected perils. Betty would never have even dreamed of what really threatened her. For fifteen minutes Ida Bellethorne galloped on and the girl knew she must have come a third of the way to Dr. Pevy's office.

The mare's first exuberance passed. Of her own volition she drew down to a canter. Her speed still seemed almost phenominalphenomenal [sic] to the girl riding her, but Betty began to feel more secure in the saddle.

They reached the top of a steep hill. The hedge of tall pines and underbrush drew closer in on either side. The road was very narrow.


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Rh As the mare started down the incline it seemed as though they were going into a long and steep chute.

Before this Betty had noted the ice-hung telephone and telegraph wires strung beside the road. Sheeted in the frozen rain and snow the heavy wires had dragged many of the poles askew. Here and there a wire was broken.

It never entered the girl's mind that there was danger in those wires. And, perhaps, in most of them there was not. But across this ravine into which the road plunged, and slantingly, were strung much heavier wires—feed cables from the Cliffdale power station over the hill.

"Why, look at those icicles!" exclaimed Betty, with big eyes and watching the hanging wires ahead. "If they fell they would kill a person, I do believe!"

She tugged with all her might at Ida Bellethorne's reins, and now, well breathed, the mare responded to the unuttered command. She came into a walk. Betty continued to stare at the heavily laden wires spanning the road, the heavier power wires above the sagging series of telephone and telegraph wires.

In watching them so closely the girl discovered another, and even more startling fact. One of the poles bearing up the feed wires was actually pitched at such an angle from the top of the bank


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164 on the right hand that Betty felt sure the wires themselves were all that held the pole from falling.

"There is going to be an accident here," declared the girl aloud. "I wonder the company doesn't send out men to fix it. Although I guess they could not prop up that pole. It has gone too far."

Even as she spoke the mare stopped, snorting. Her instinct was more keen than Betty's reasoning.

With a screeching breaking and tearing of wood and wire the trembling pole fell! Betty might, had she urged her mount, have cleared the place and escaped. But the girl lacked that wisdom.

The pole fell across the deep road and its two heavy cables came in contact with the wires strung from the other poles below. Instantly the ravine was lit by a blinding flash of blue flame—a flame that ran from wire to wire, from pole to pole, melting the ice that clung to them, hissing and crackling and giving off shooting spears of flame that threatened any passer-by.

The mare, snorting and fearful, scrambled back, swerved, and tried to escape from the ravine; but Betty had her under good control now. She had no spurs, but she yanked savagely at the bit and wheeled Ida Bellethorne again to face the sputtering electric flames that barred the road.


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Rh Only a third of the way to the doctor's and the way made impassable! What should she do? If she turned back, Betty did not know where or how to strike into the thick and pathless forest. Hunchie, suffering from his injured leg, must be aided as soon as possible. Her advance must not be stayed.

Yet there before her the sparking, darting flames spread the width of the ravine. Burning a black hole already in the deep drifts, the crossed wires forbade the girl to advance another yard!


text: Betty Gordon at Mountain Camp/Chapter 20


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Page:Ludovico Guicciardini - Description of the Low Countries.djvu/1

 The Description of the Low countreys and of the Provinces thereof, gathered into an Epitome out of the Historie of Lodovico Guicchardini.

Imprinted at London by Peter Short for Thomas Chard. 1593.


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 Siciliam memorant Romanæ antiquitus urbis, Fruge laborantem restituisse penum Siciam Cecilii merges fœcunda Britannus Ubere confilii dexterioris alit Sic vigeat vivax, seros videatque nepotes Siciliam superans Ceciliana seges.


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 To the Right Honorable my especiall good Lord the Lord Burghley, high Treasorer of England. Knight of the most Noble order of the Garter, and Maister of hir Maiesties Court of Wards and Liveries.

IF the Poet Horace (Right Honorable) founde fault with the multitude of Pamhletes published in his time, when he saide, Scribimus indocti doctique poemata passim; how much more woulde hee have reproved the vain glory of these daies, of the which we may justly say as the learned Petrach writeth of his age.


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 age. Omnes assidue libros scribut, neq; ulla ætate tanta scribentiu & differentiu copia, tanta scientium atque eloquentiu suit inopia. The autority of which two grave authors together with mine owne opinion concurring with their judgement in this point, caused me a long time to forbeare the publishing of this Epitome of mine. But on the other side when I conidered, first that the subject of this booke containeth matter of state and government, which as saith Aristotle Eth.2. Principatum tenet in omnibus artibus. Secondarilie, that I shoulde but fight under the shielde of another man as Homer writeth of Teucer, Iliad.8. And thirdly, that the originall published by the author himselfe, is by the judgment of all the Politiques of this age esteemed as a pearle of peereles price.


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 him to a scholarship which he had won in the examination on the ground that the scholarships were by law not tenable by catholics. The visitors came to the same conclusion.

In politics O'Hagan was opposed to the repeal of the union, advocating instead the establishment of a local legislature for local purposes, with the representation of Ireland continued in the imperial parliament (Speech at meeting of Repeal Association, 29 May 1843). His views not finding favour with O'Connell and the leading repealers, he ceased to attend the meetings of the repeal association. His first professional promotion was in 1847, when he was appointed assistant barrister of co. Longford. In the state trials of 1848 he was retained by the crown, but desired to be excused on the ground of his personal friendship with Gavan Duffy, one of the accused; the attorney-general (Monahan) at once acceded to his request, and withdrew the crown retainer; and O'Hagan felt constrained to refuse the retainer for the defence, which was subsequently offered to him. In the following year he was appointed a queen's counsel, and rapidly acquired considerable practice as a leader both on circuit and in Dunlin. Owing to his powers as a speaker and his popular sympathies, he was frequently retained in cases of a political or sensational character. The most remarkable was the trial at Dublin (7 Dec. 1855) of Father Petcherine, a redemptorist monk of Russian birth, on a charge of contemptuously and profanely burning a copy of the authorised version of the scriptures. O'Hagan addressed the jury for the defence in a speech of great force and eloquence, and a verdict of 'not guilty' was returned. In 1857 he was transferred as assistant-barrister from Longford to co. Dublin. In 1859 he was appointed third Serjeant, and elected a bencher of the King's Inns. He became solicitor-general for Ireland in 1861 in Lord Palmerston's government, and in the following year attorney-general, and was sworn of the Irish privy council. At a by-election in 1863 he was returned for Tralee, notwithstanding the combined opposition of the conservatives and nationalists. By the latter he was bitterly assailed, both as attorney-general and as a member of the board of national education, to which he had been appointed in 1858. In a manly and vigorous speech at the hustings he justified his career, defended himself from the 'virulent acerbity' with which he had been attacked, and upheld the national system of education as 'the greatest boon and blessing which since emancipation was ever conferred on Ireland by the imperial government.' In the same year in the House of Commons he again spoke energetically in defence of the national system on a motion by Major O'Reilly to reduce the vote for its expenses (18 July 1863). In January 1865 he was appointed a judge of the court of common pleas in Ireland in succession to Mr. Justice Ball. By an act passed in 1867 (30 and 31 Vict. c. 75) the lord-chancellorship of Ireland was opened to all persons without reference to their religious belief, and, on the formation of the first Gladstone ministry in December 1868, O'Hagan was appointed to the office. He was the first catholic who had held it since the reign of James II, and his appointment was received with much popular approval in Ireland. In 1870, while the Irish Land Bill was passing through parliament, he was raised to the peerage (14 June) as Baron O'Hagan of Tullahogue in co. Tyrone, and took his seat in the lords on 21 June. Tullahogue was in early times a possession of the O'Hagans, and was the place where the O'Neill was inaugurated, the O'Hagan and O'Cahan having the hereditary right to perform the ceremony (, Short Hist. of Ireland, p. 63). In the following session he introduced and passed through parliament a bill to consolidate and amend the laws relating to juries in Ireland (34 and 35 Vict, c. 65). Its main object was to prevent any partiality by the sheriff or his officers in the framing of the jury panel; this object it successfully effected, but it also altered the qualification of jurors, and admitted to the jury-box a class of men who were hardly fitted for the position.

In February 1874 O'Hagan resigned with the rest of the ministry. His decisions in the Irish court of chancery are reported in the 'Irish Reports' (Equity), vols. iv.–viii. A successful common-law advocate suddenly called to preside in the court of chancery can at best hope to discharge the duties of his office in a satisfactory manner. This O'Hagan did, and his courtesy and impartiality met with general acknowledgment. But with his colleague, the lord justice of appeal (Christian), an able and erudite but somewhat eccentric judge, his relations became unfortunately strained; and at times scenes took place in the court for which the chancellor was in no way responsible. During the next six years O'Hagan sat regularly in the House of Lords on the hearing of appeals. His judgments will be found in vol. vii. of 'English and Irish Appeal Cases,' and vols. i.–v. of ' Appeal Cases ' in the 'Law Reports.' In 1875 he was selected to deliver the O'Connell centenary address in Dublin; the illness


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 I began to conceive well of my travaile, and to hope that the wise and learned allowing so well of the booke at large, woulde not disallow of my paines in the abbreviation therof. At the least thus much I am well assured of, that if I have failed in the publishing: yet have I not erred in the apt adressing and the dedication thereof, having (with all humility) presented it to the protection of your most Honorable name, being as all forraine nations confesse the greatest politique of this age, and as all England with great joye acknowledgeth, the sole pillar and onely Atlas as it were under hir most excellent Majesty of this most flourishing common wealth, & lastly in regard of mine owne particular the onely patron to whome I owe even by discent a peculiar bande of all dewty and devotion. Wherfore


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On Shakespear

 * "On Shakespear", in Poems of Mr. John Milton, Both English and Latin, Compos'd at several times (1645)
 * "On Shakespear", in Poems &c. Upon Several Occasions (1673)

title: On Shakespear


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 of a near relative prevented its actual delivery, but it was printed and circulated. A similar task was assiraed to him at the Moore centenary in 1878; twenty-one years before he had made the principal speech on the unveiling of Moore's statue in Dublin. In Irish educational questions he took an active interest, and supported the Irish Intermediate Education and University Education Bills in the House of Lords (28 June 1878, 8 July 1879). He was one of the original members of the intermediate education board established in 1878, and its first vice-chairman, and was appointed one of the senators of the Royal University of Ireland on its foundation in 1880. At the first meeting of the senate he was elected vice-chancellor, and from that time forward constantly presided at the meetings of the senate and the council. In May 1880, on the return of Mr. Gladstone to office, he again became lord-chancellor of Ireland, and in the following year strongly supported the Irish Land Bill in the House of Lords, describing it as 'the most important measure that since the time of the union had been conceded to Ireland' (1 Aug. 1881). He resigned the chancellorship in November of that year owing to failing healthy but still continued to attend the judicial sittings of the House of Lords. He was made a knight of St. Patrick in 1881, and elected an honorary bencher of Gray's Inn in 1883. He died on 1 Feb. 1885, at his town residence, Hereford House, Park Street, London. His body was removed to Dublin, and buried in Glasnevin cemetery.

O'Hagan's manners were genial and conciliatory. He never indulged in asperity of speech or demeanour towards his opponents, and almost invariably enjoyed their esteem and good will. As a politician his career was honourable and consistent. His professional advancement was not due to politics; he had already reached the highest place at the bar before he sought a seat in parliament. From the time of the collapse of the repeal movement, he supported an alliance between the popular party in Ireland and the English liberals, and he lived to see the Irish measures which he most desired passed as the result of that alliance. His papers and addresses and his principal speeches and arguments are collected in 'Occasional Papers and Addresses by Lord O'Hagan,' 1884; and 'Selected Speeches and Arguments of Lord O'Hagan,' edited by George Teeling, 1886.

He was twice married: first, in 1836, to Mary, daughter of Charles Hamilton Teeling of Belfast; and, secondly, in 1871, to Alice Mary, youngest daughter and coheiress of Colonel Towneley of Towneley, Lancashire. By his first marriage, one daughter only survived him, the wife of Mr. Justice [q. v.]; by his second marriage he left several children, of whom the eldest son (Thomas Towneley) is now second Baron O'Hagan. His statue, by Farrell, is in the Four Courts, Dublin; his portrait, by Mr. George Richmond, is in the possession of his family.

O'HAINGLI, DONAT, called by the 'Four Masters' (d. 1095), bishop of Dublin, was a member of a family whose home was at Cinél Dobhth, co. Roscommon. He had been a student in Ireland, but, proceeding to England, became a monk of the Benedictine order, and lived for some time at Lanfranc's monastery at Canterbury. On the death of Patrick, bishop of Dublin, who was drowned on his way to England on 10 Oct. 1084, O'Haingley was elected to succeed him by Turlough O'Brien [q. v.] and the clergy and people of Dublin. He seems to have been recommended by Lanfranc, who was anxious for the reform of several Irish practices. He was sent for consecration to Lanfranc, with a letter from his patrons explaining that, as Patrick was prevented by death from reporting to him how far the abuses complained of had been remedied, Donat would give him the information. He was consecrated in Canterbury Cathedral in 1086, having made a profession of canonical obedience as follows: 'I, Donat, bishop of Dublin in Ireland, promise canonical obedience to thee, Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, and to thy successors.' When returning to Dublin, Lanfranc gave him a present of books and ornaments for his cathedral of the Holy Trinity. He died on 23 Nov. 1096 of the Seat plague, which, according to the 'Four Masters,' carried off a fourth part of the people of Ireland.

He was succeeded by his nephew,, who also had been a Benedictine monk, and was a member of the community of St. Albans. He was elected by [q. v.] and the clergy and people of Dublin, and was recommended to Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury, for consecration. Anselm received him into his house, gave him instruction in ecclesiastical matters, and subsequently, on the Sunday after Easter 1096, assisted by four bishops, consecrated him in the cathedral of Win-


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Forty Years On The Pacific/Fiji

The Cannibal Isles—Missionaries—American Claim
ONE would never suspect that the happy and hospitable natives of Fiji were the immediate descendants of a race which until recently was dreaded throughout the Pacific, on account of its systematic practice of cannibalism and other horrible rites. The most noticeable characteristics of the Fijian of to-day is his merry, happy disposition. Yet, until the missionaries commenced their labors in 1832 and for some years afterward, the Fijians had the reputation, justly earned, of being the most atrocious, bloodthirsty cannibals on earth. Every sort of horrible crime—cannibalism, infanticide and human sacrifice—was practiced, partly out of pure ferocity, partly as a religious rite. In reading the early history of Fiji, one sickens at the prominence given to the atrocious acts of cannibalism—the fattening, the clubbing and the roasting of hecatombs of human beings.

It was in such a hell on earth that the first missionaries trusted their lives, and the change that has been effected through them is wonderful. Christianity was first made known to the Fijians of the eastern group by the reports of the Tongans from the Friendly Islands, where the Wesleyans already had a thriving mission. In 1854 the crowning work of the Wesleyans' mission was accomplished in gaining over King Cabobau (or Thakombau, as it is pronounced and frequently spelled), and the support of the leading chiefs having been obtained, the acceptance of Christianity became a political necessity to great numbers; none but the most powerful tribes

daring to refuse.

On this subject, Professor Gary, Princeton University, who joined our ship at Suva, states:

"King Cabobau was threatened with being killed and eaten by another chief, Rawa, and to save his own neck put himself under the protection of the missionaries from whom he received rifles and ammunition, as well as assistance in war. The followers of Cabobau were told by him that unless they embraced Christianity, they would be clubbed and kai kai'ed (eaten), so as they were accustomed to obey the orders of the great chief in other things, they of course obeyed in this case; and fifteen hundred of them were baptized in a single day, 'when the spirit of the Lord descended upon the place.'"

Nothing but unstinted praise can be given to the band of missionaries who carried the gospel to Fiji, and in doing so passed through the most deadly perils. Only one, however, met a violent death, and this was the Rev. Mr. Baker, who was killed and eaten by the wild tribes in the interior. At present the natives are all professed Christians and mission work is plain sailing. The Wesleyan and Catholic missionaries have done much to uplift the Fijians.

"The Catholic Church has good reason to be proud of the devoted work of the priests of the Marist order in Fiji. I have often heard the methods of missionaries criticised by traders and planters, but I have never heard the roughest trader say an ill word against the Marists." I may say here in passing that the traders are a much maligned class; for, though there are some rough customers among them, the great majority are as fair and square business men as can be found, in any community. The conditions under which early traders prosecuted their labors must be taken into consideration. Captain Allen, who owns plantations in the Samoan and Ellice groups, assures me that in the early days the trader while passing tobacco, tools, cloth and other articles over the side of his boat with the left hand, often had to hold a revolver in his right, to guard against the treachery of the natives.

Reverting to the Marists, they are supported by the French Society for the Propagation of the Faith, receiving a pittance of two hundred dollars a year, and remain at their posts, no matter how unhealthy or how uncongenial may be the locality for the term of their natural lives.

In according this praise to the Marist priests, I wish to refer also to the credit that is undoubtedly due to the Protestant missionaries. I have often had missionaries as traveling companions, and good company they are, as a rule. Bishop Vidal, one of the most energetic of all the Catholic missionaries, is much admired and esteemed by all who know him. Like the other Catholic missionaries in Fiji, he is a Frenchman, and came out to the South Seas as far back as 1873. His influence in Fiji has been very great, and a lasting monument to his energy is to be seen in the beautiful cathedral that has been built in Suva. Another prelate with whom I have traveled is Dr. Twitchell, the Anglican Bishop of Polynesia, whose headquarters are at Suva. He is a fine fellow, who can tell a good yarn in the smoking-room, and is popular with all classes.

Residents who have lived in the Fiji group for many years assure me that the labors of the missionaries among the natives have been attended with good results. When traveling by night, whether on land or water, far back from the villages, one can hear, wafted across the hills and streams, hymns being sung in the cabin home of these Fijian Islanders.

So much for the Fijians as they are, and for the changes that have been wrought by the missionaries. There are more than two hundred islands, great and small, in the Fiji group; but this number includes many that are mere rocks with little vegetation and no inhabitants. The largest island on which Suva, the capital, is situated is Viti Levu, with a surface of 4,112 square miles. Next in point of size is Vanua Levu, with an area of 2,432 square miles. Though more than two centuries have elapsed since the first discovery of Fiji by Tasman, comparatively little was known of the country until the visit of the United States exploring expedition of 1840, of which Commander Wilkes, of the American Navy, wrote an elaborate and highly interesting account. Captain Cook, on his second voyage, sighted some of the islands, and so did Bligh in his compulsory boat voyage after the mutiny of the Bounty, but a landing was not attempted. The earliest European settlers were escaped convicts from Botany Bay, who preferred taking their chance among cannibals to facing again the miseries of convict life in New South Wales.

Sometimes sailors from whalers, which now began to call in for provisions, remained ashore with the natives. Jack Tar found a life of luxurious ease among them, more to his liking than the hardships of interminable voyages in ships in which he was in those days very badly treated. These men were received like princes by the native chiefs and were provided with every luxury that the tropics afford, in return for a little instruction in the use of firearms and occasional assistance in native wars. One of the earliest white inhabitants, called Savage, abandoned his clothes, painted himself, and became a thorough Fijian, often leading a tribe to battle. Heading the column with his single flintlock musket, which was considered equivalent to an army, he changed the fate of dynasties by establishing the supremacy of the Nibau chiefs.

As far back as 1835 some traders gained a foothold on the beach at Levuka and a settlement was established. The community led a free and independent life, every man being a law unto himself and doing that which seemed good in his own eyes. Many gold-seekers on their way from California to Australia, in the days of the gold rush, called in at Fiji, and.a few of these, charmed with the freedom and lawlessness of the country, returned to it when it was no longer easy to make rapid fortunes in Australia.

The leading chiefs offered the islands to Great Britain In 1861. The Imperial authorities refused to take them over then, but did so later. The circumstances which led Cabobau and the other chiefs to offer the islands to Great Britain were as follows:

On July 4, 1849, while the late Mr. J. B. Williams, then United States Consul, was celebrating the national anniversary by the firing of cannon and letting off of squibs on the island of Nukulau, his house took fire and was burned to the ground. A crowd of natives collected, and in the confusion his property was pillaged. On the arrival of the next American man-ofwar, he claimed compensation for damages to the extent of $5,000. At this time there were about fifty whites residing at Levuka. The chief of this town was on friendly terms with Cabobau, and was frequently allied with him in war. In 1853 a boat belonging to some of the whites living at Levuka was captured and pillaged by natives at Malaki. The whites made a raid on Malaki and killed a number of the tribesmen. After this, the natives made an attack on Levuka and destroyed property. Complaint was made by the American citizens of the losses they had sustained and Cabobau was saddled with the whole responsibility.

After some preliminary investigations on the part of the United States Government, Commander Boutwell was sent to Fiji in 1855 to inquire into the justice of the American claims in a fair and impartial spirit. The result was that an award of $30,000 was made against Cabobau. The award was afterward increased to $45,000, $15,000 having been added, as Commander Boutwell said, "On account of the interference of the English missionaries." The Williams claim, originally $5,000, was finally set down at $18,331, and the award stood thus: To J. B. Williams, $18,331; Chamberlain & Co., $7,300; David Whippy, $6,000; owners of bark Elisabeth, $1,000; owners of the brig Tom Pickering, $2,800; Thomas Ryder, $1,500; Wilkinson Bros., $4,000; Shallack & McComber, $2,600.

Though Cabobau disclaimed personal responsibility, he signed an acknowledgment on board an American man-of-war. English writers say he was terrified into doing so, and, ao knowledging the justice of the claims, he promised to pay the amount within two years. Being quite unable to satisfy the claims, Cabobau, in 1858, offered to cede the islands to Great Britain, on condition that he should retain the rank and title of King of Fiji, and that in consideration of his conveying two hundred thousand acres of land, the American debt should be paid for him. Owing to the unsettled condition of things in Europe and more especially because of the difficulty Great Britain was then experiencing in New Zealand, the offer of Cabobau and the other chiefs was not accepted by Earl Russell, who was then at the head of affairs in England. The Government of New South Wales strongly supported the annexation, and Captain Towns, a patriotic citizen of Sydney, offered, in order to remove any obstacles in the way of the cession, a check for the amount claimed by the United States.

In 1867 the debt owing to the American Government was still unpaid, with the exception of a small amount, equal to £287 ($1,400) British currency. The United States authorities were in that year moved to dispatch another man-of-war to the group. The United States ship of war, the Tuscarora, upon its arrival in Fiji, obtained from Cabobau a mortgage over the large area of land, as security.

At this juncture there arrived representatives of a syndicate, the Polynesian Company, formed in Melbourne to acquire land in the group. In their application Cabobau saw a way out of the difficulty. He agreed to grant the fee simple of two hundred thousand acres of land conditionally upon the American debt being paid. An agreement was at once drawn up on board the steamship Alboon on May 23, 1868, and Cabobau's debt was liquidated. In 1871 the white settlers established a constitutional government for the kingdom of Fiji, under King Cabobau. This was not a success. It enslaved the native population, by levying a heavy poll tax and then forced the natives to work out their tax for the benefit of the planters, who paid it. It took two hundred and twentyfive days' work each year to pay the tax and in 1874 Great Britain accepted sovereignty of the group, Sir Arthur Gordon (afterward Lord Stanmore) being the first governor. The next governor was Sir George Des Voeux, with whom I made a very pleasant voyage across the Pacific in the Zealandia in 1878.

Suva—Old Customs—The Measles Epidemic—Cotton
The larger islands of the Fiji group are all mountainous, rising to heights of over 4,000 feet. Nearly all are clothed from base to summit in a mantle of green, while the valleys are covered with magnificent tropical flora, rich and abundant in variety. It is an exceedingly well-watered country. The Rewa River, which drains the eastern part of the Viti Levu, is navigable for vessels of light draught for more than fifty miles. There are half a dozen other large rivers, and besides these, almost every valley in the group has its brawling stream fed from an inexhaustible spring.

Suva, the capital, is a very picturesque place. It is not an imposing city, considered as a metropolis, but it is pretty in its own scattered way, and delightfully situated on a hill that slopes down to one of the most beautiful of bays. In the distant background rises an amphitheater of bold mountains, less soft in their outlines, and in a way less beautiful, than the Samoan ranges, but grander and more impressive. The gardens on the hills at the back of Suva are usually aflame with scarlet hibiscus. There is a plenteous rainfall—it is recorded that twenty-six inches once fell in Suva in a single day! so that there is no lack of verdure and luxuriant vegetation. The breadfruit tree, bananas, pineapples, yams, mummy apples and sago palms, are all to be seen growing either within the boundaries of the town or within a short drive. Along "the beach" at Suva, or, to adopt its more dignified name, the Victoria Parade, surges an ever-interesting flow of human life.

The most striking feature of all among the passers-by is the Fijian native, with his magnificent mop of hair and his white "sulu" or kilt. Few of the Fijians care for hard manual labor, but the dignified and not too onerous post of policeman suits them admirably, and there is no lack of candidates for the office. Natives from the Solomon and other islands are mostly engaged about the wharves and shipping, or as waiters in the hotels, but the bulk of the labor in Fiji is furnished by Indian coolies. On one trip by the Niagara, we took in a large cargo of sugar at Suva. The loading went on night and day. Natives perform the ordinary labor, for which they are paid two shillings (48 cents) a day and board, for which a sugar company pays one shilling a day. For special work like loading, natives would receive five dollars for twenty-four hours.

The Union Steamship Company has erected a palatial hotel at Suva. The Governor of Fiji receives a salary of $15,000 a year, and, in addkion, he is paid another $5,000 as commissioner of the Western Pacific. Besides these salaries, he is supplied with a beautiful home.

In conversation with a member of the Civil Service, he told me they got four and one-half months' holiday every two years. With a little persuasion, the authorities will extend the leave two months. If a civil servant wishes to visit England, he is allowed three hundred dollars expenses.

Land values are high in Suva. The Union Steamship Company paid one hundred and thirty dollars a foot for some front street property for new offices in 1915. Some syndicate recently paid one hundred and eighty dollars a foot for land in the vicinity of the new wharf.

We hired a taxi to take five of us to the Rewa River, twelve miles distant over a fairly good road. On the opposite side of the river is the Colonial Sugar Company's mill. The beautiful rich soil over the route is very noticeable, but crops are sadly neglected. Indian huts are dotted on both sides of the road, but there is very little cultivation. At many places one sees the Indian families grinding rice with an antiquated square log, which is operated by pumping it up and down.

Sugar-cane plantations abound along the river. We saw a dozen horses, some sheep and one pair of oxen. There were Indians everywhere, arms and ankles being covered with bracelets and their noses full of rings. As the native Fijians will not work except spasmodically, sugar growers are compelled to import East Indians under contract. These people save and scrape, spending nothing in the islands, except for food and trinkets.

In March, 1913, five hundred left for their homes in India, and took with them $54,000 in gold, $20,450 in drafts and $13,315 worth of jewelry. In June, 1914, three hundred and thirty-nine Indians, of whom two hundred and twenty-nine were men, returned to India, taking with them $33,290 in gold, $2,145 in bank drafts, and $4,750 in jewelry. It is stated that they object to taking drafts in India, because in cashing them, the banks there pay them in silver rupees, which are liable to fluctuate.

There are now about ninety thousand East Indians in the Fiji Islands, of whom about one-third are women. Life is held very cheaply among them, and murders are frequent, the cause usually being traceable to jealousy. A woman will pretend affection for a man until she gets his savings, which he carries in a bag attached to a string around his neck. Then she seeks fresh victims. In June, 1917, nine Indians were sentenced to death for capital offenses.

I cabled from Suva to Sydney on July 6th, which was July 5th in the United States and Canada. Owing to the difference in time I got a reply twenty-five minutes before I sent it! The cable happened to be clear between Suva and Sydney, as there were very few messages coming through from America, the people not having recovered from the Fourth-of-July effects.

Either at Suva or some other center of native life, the visitor should contrive to see the native dance of the Fijians, or "meke," as it is called. The "meke" is really the Fijians' one fine art. It stands for him as opera and drama, and the best artists are in considerable repute. When an important meke is coming off—to celebrate, for instance, the arrival of a great chief—the preparations and rehearsals go on for a considerable time. Most of the dances of the Fijians are dramatic in character, representing incidents in war or some striking fact in nature; such as the dashing of surf on the reef, or the flight of the flying fox. Closely associated with the dancing of the Fijians is their drinking of kava, which is made the occasion of much ceremony, and which I have described elsewhere.

In the old days, the Fijians were exceedingly cruel to the aged and infirm. Bald heads and gray hairs excited contempt instead of respect, and therefore when likely to become troublesome, the aged begged to be strangled. Burying alive was the means generally used for dispatching old people.

According to the religion of the Fijians, as a man was in this world at the time of his death, so would he be throughout his stay in the next, consequently it was in every way desirable that anyone should die in full possession of his powers, and for this reason, it was customary for a man when he had reached an age of about forty years to announce that he was dead, when he would be buried by his friends with all proper ceremonies. His wives, or at least the chief wives, would be strangled, so that they might accompany him to "Heaven," to minister to him as they had here. Various material things needed on the journey or in the next world were placed on or in the grave, while his remaining wives made the most unseeming remarks about him, to drive his ghost away. Nowadays, I am glad to say, the Fijians treat their old, feeble and toothless parents with affection and tenderness.

Another of the old customs was polygamy. Every man was allowed to have as many wives as he could maintain, but only the highest chiefs could afford to keep more than one wife. Very few middle-class men were married before reaching the age of twenty-five. To the women, the plurality of wives was a source of female degradation and domestic misery. The first wife was the mistress of the family, the others, whom she was supposed to treat like younger sisters, were called by a name corresponding to that of auxiliary wives; and a respectable female, in becoming a secondary wife, was entitled to a domestic establishment of her own. But in practice often enough Dame Nature, in her old-fashioned way, overrode these beneficent fashionings, and the nasty little ways of the ladies, stimulated by jealousy, placed bitten-off noses, rent ears and scratches among the smaller evils of polygamy.

Under the system, many men, of course, were left without wives. Some of these had to court the favor of a chief to secure the loan of a wife, in compensation for which the man so obliged became the willing instrument of villainous deeds at the instigation of his wife's master. Others willingly engaged in wars in the hope of terminating their forced celibacy by securing a female prize. Often, to encourage warriors to fight, two or three women were given to the army. For many years polygamy has been abandoned and the domestic life of the Fijian of to-day is now quite exemplary.

The Fijians are slowly decreasing in numbers. Among the reasons advanced for this are the comparatively weak maternal feeling of Fijian women (the infant mortality being very high), the introduction of new diseases, such as measles, whooping-cough, influenza, etc., with which the natives cannot cope, and the disappearance of many of their old social customs.

Fiji affords a striking example of the direful results to be apprehended from exposing a race to a new disease, even though such a malady is comparatively harmless in respect to those who have become in the course of ages accustomed to its effects.

Measles were first brought into the group by H. M. S. Dido, in 1875, and in a short time forty thousand of the natives were believed to have perished.

The circumstances are interesting enough to narrate at some length. King Cabobau and his sons and a befitting retinue of chiefs returned from Sydney on the Dido, having visited Sir Hercules Robinson, then Governor of New South Wales. An epidemic of measles prevailed in Sydney at the time, and shortly before leaving, the king's younger sons took the complaint in a mild form, as did also two of their attendants. On the voyage home the king became slightly unwell— so slightly that quarantining was considered unnecessary— and upon approaching Levuka, one of his sons jumped into the sea and swam ashore. Kindred and subjects crowded from all parts of the islands to welcome the king and, according to custom, sniffed his hands or his face, thereby inhaling the unsuspected poison. A few days later a great gathering of natives was held on the Rewa River, at which several chieftains from Levuka, who had already caught the measles without being as yet unwell, attended. Some authorities claim the disease was really bronchitis, not measles.

In the South Seas it appears the measles, which some consider a simple and infantile complaint, invariably assumes a character more like the plague, when first introduced into any of the groups. Consequently, the first epidemic of any sort that had visited Fiji spread all over the group with disastrous results. Whole villages were stricken down, young and old alike lay dead and dying. In the king's own town of Bau, all were ill at once. On one island alflne the population was reduced from twenty thousand to four thousand. The handful of whites did their utmost to help, and gave all the medicine they possessed. Isolation of the sufferers was impossible. They could not be prevented from rushing to the nearest water to cool their fever. The rash was then thrown in, and congestion of the lungs and dysentery of the most malignant type were brought on in thousands of cases. At last in many districts the living were unable to bury the dead and there was good cause to dread lest the worse pestilence in the form of typhus should be engendered by the putrefaction of the air.

Since those days, events have been dated from the "time of the measles." If you ask any one his age, he is almost certain to say: "I was so high, at the time of the measles."

The Government of Fiji, warned by that fearful epidemic, has introduced the strictest quarantine laws.

Fijians practiced massage before the advent of the white man. In cases of ailments they apply, with effective results, medicines obtained from herbs.

The American Civil War was responsible for a large addition to the white population of Fiji. The suspension of the cotton industry in the Southern States of America forced European countries to look for other fields for the growth of the material. Cotton was everywhere in demand and the prices were exceedingly high. The tropical climate and the volcanic soil of Fiji were deemed to be almost ideal for the production of cotton, and for a brief period its cultivation was extensively carried on and with a good deal of success. Destruction of plantations by hurricanes and the cessation of hostilities in the United States were followed by such a reaction in the cotton markets of the world that the industry in Fiji was crippled beyond all hope of recovery. The cotton planters proved themselves men of courage and resource, and some of them, turning their attention to other products, quite regained their lost fortunes, though it must be admitted that others suffered losses from which they never recovered. The days of cotton in Fiji were days of romance. It is a pity that so many golden dreams ended so sadly.

I have already referred to the ninety thousand East Indians in the Fiji Islands. The native Fijian population is about eighty thousand and in addition there are forty thousand whites and ten thousand, made up of Samoans, Solomon Islanders, Chinese and Japanese.

For their share in the World War, the islanders deserve great credit. Probably no part of the British Empire can show a better record of self-sacrificing patriotism.

The Cecile Case
A sensational case identified with the life of Fiji, extending across the seas to France, is that of Lieutenant Gustav Cecile, a Frenchman freed from New Caledonia penal settlement, wrongly convicted and deported for wrongdoing, who settled in Fiji upon his release. At Suva, Cecile met Father Rougier, a fellow-countryman, who took him to the mission station at Nailailili, twenty miles distant.

Learning that Cecile was entitled to a fortune left in France, the missionary took action on the lieutenant's behalf and won about $175,000, setting aside enough money to keep Cecile comfortably. The Bishop of the Fiji Islands, however, called upon the priest to explain why he had accepted the bulk of this fortune without investigating the condition of Cecile's relatives in France. Father Rougier fled Suva, returning some months later, to be deprived by Bishop Videl, of all office in. the Church.

Lieutenant Cecile's brother, a banker, arrived with his family from France, on a visit to Fiji. They stayed a year and took Kathrina, native wife of Cecile, the missionary, and his native servant Louis, to France. Later the three returned to Suva.

Evidence by a commission recently has been taken in Fiji for the French courts, arising out of the Cecile-Rougier case, in which an agent in France named Pavey, who had assisted in winning the inheritance, had demanded an enormous commission for his work. The relatives of Cecile, who had died, succeeded through this new action in getting a refund of 300,000 francs. Rougier next claimed some of this money for Kathrina, the relatives contesting the legality of the marriage to Cecile. Kathrina gave her evidence in fluent French. The validity of the marriage was proved, and Kathrina is now living a quiet life on the Rewa River, near Suva.

Some time after, Rougier left for America; and when war broke out, went to France, where the Legion of Honor was bestowed upon him for his labors and generosity in connection with Red Cross work. He has since purchased Christmas Island from Lever Brothers for $50,000, where he is cultivating a cocoanut plantation.

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 , just two years after its completion. Samuel had already made a profession of canonical obedience to Anselm and his successors. The account of Eadmer is that he was sent to Anselm 'according to ancient custom;' but the custom was certainly not ancient, as the first instance of the consecration of an Irish bishop by the Archbishop of Canterbury was that of Patrick in 1073. Eadmer apparently wished to exalt the see of Canterbury. On his return to Ireland Samuel disappointed the expectations formed of him by expelling some of the monks from the cathedral of the Holy Trinity, and taking possession of the books and ornaments Lanfranc had sent by Donat as a gift to it. He also ordered his cross to be borne before him. Anselm wrote to remonstrate with him. telling him that the ornaments belonged to the church and not to him, and that he was not entitled to have his cross borne before him, as he had not been invested with the pall. Anselm also wrote to Malchus, bishop of Waterford, to the same purport, enclosing a letter for Samuel, and requesting him to use his influence with Samuel. He adds that he had ordered the people of Dublin to prevent the removal of the objects referred to. Samuel died in 1121, being the last who bore the title of bishop of Dublin, all his successors being archbishops.

O'HALLORAN, JOSEPH (1763–1843), major-general in the East India Company's service, youngest son of  [q. v.], was born in co. Limerick on 13 Aug. 1763. On 22 Feb. 1781 he was appointed midshipman on board the East India Company's sloop of war Swallow, and in July that year obtained an infantry cadetship; was made ensign in the Bengal army on 9 May 1782 and lieutenant on 6 Jan. 1785. In 1790 he married, and on 7 Jan. 1796 became captain. From June 1796 to October 1802 he was adjutant and quartermaster at Midnapúr, and was attached to the public works department. On the abolition of his office he rejoined his corps, the late 18th Bengal native infantry. In September 1803 he accompanied a force of all arms which crossed the Jumna for the subjugation of Bundelkund, and on 12 Oct. defeated fifteen thousand Marathas at Kopsah. His gallantry at the sieges of Bursaar and Jeswarree in January 1804 led to his appointment to supervise the operation irregular force of two thousand men, under Shaik Kurub Ali, in the interior of Bundelkund. On 15 May he attacked and defeated, after a determined resistance, Raja Rām and ten thousand Bondeelas entrenched amonng the rocks and hills of Màhābā. On 1 July he commanded two brigades of irregulars in another attack on Raja Rām and a force of sixteen thousand Bondeelas and Naghas on the fortified hills of Thanah and Purswarree. Subsequently he served at the siege of Saitpur, and in December attacked and stormed several other towns and forts. In January 1805 he captured the forts of Niagacre and Dowra, in Pinwarree, His services were noticed by the Marquis Wellesley. On 1 Nov. 1805 he was appointed commissary of supplies by Lord Lake, and, on the breaking up of the army on 1 June 1806, rejoined his regiment, and on 25 April 1808 attained the rank of major. He commanded the attack on the strongly fortified hill of Rogoulee, in Bundelkund, on 22 Jan. 1809. Colonel Martindell [see ], who commanded in Bundelkund, made O'Halloran his military secretary; and his conduct at the head of the first battalion 18th native infantry at the siege of the fortress of Adjeghur was specially noticed. He became lieutenant-colonel on 4 June 1814, served in the campaigns against the Nepaulese in 1815 and 1816, in the first campaign covering the district of Tirhoot, in the second at the siege of Hurreehurpur, and afterwards commanded his battalion in Cuttack during the disturbances there. For his services he was made C.B. In August 1818 he was sent to join the first battalion 20th native infantry in the Straits Settlements, and on arrival there was appointed commandant of the 25th Bengal native infantry. In January 1825 he was appointed brigadier at Barrackpore. Before leaving he received the thanks of the government of the Straits Settlements for his zeal and marked ability, and received the unusual honour of a salute of eleven guns on his embarkation. In December 1828 he became a brigadier-general, and was appointed to the Saugor division of the army. He became colonel of a regiment on 4 June 1829. With the expiration of his five years' period of staff service, on 23 Dec. 1833, ended his active military career of fifty-three years, during which he had never taken any furlough or leave to Europe.

O'Halloran landed in England in May 1834. In February 1835 he received knighthood at the hands of William IV, who observed that the distinction was well earned by his long meritorious and gallant services, and by his consecration of his eight sons to the service of his country, O'Halloran


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 came a major-general on 10 Jan. 1837. He was made K.C.B. in 1837, and G.C.B. in 1841. He became a member of the Royal Asiatic Society of London in 1836, was chosen an honorary member of the Royal Irish Academy in 1838, and received the freedom of his native city (Limerick) on 25 Feb. the same year. He died at his residence in Connaught Terrace, Hyde Park, London, on 3 Nov. 1843, from the effects of a street accident, causing fracture of the neck of the thigh-bone. He was buried in the catacombs at Kensal Green cemetery, immediately beneath the chapel. A memorial tablet was placed in the wall of the south cloister.

O'Halloran married, in 1790, Frances, daughter of Colonel Nicholas Bayley, M.P., of Redhill, Surrey, late of the 1st foot-guards and brother of the first Earl of Uxbridge, by whom he had a large family. His second son, Thomas Shuldham O'Halloran, is noticed separately.

His sixth son, (1806-1885), born at Berhampore on 5 May 1806, came to England in 1811, and on 11 Jan. 1824 received a commission as ensign in the 14th foot, which corps he joined at Meerut. He served with his regiment at the siege and storm of Bhurtpore (medal) in 1825-6, obtaining his lieutenancy in action. In April 1827 he exchanged into the 38th regiment; served on the staff of his father at Saugor, Central India; and was employed on recruiting service in Belfast from 1832 to 1834. In the latter year he embarked for Sydney with a detachment of the 50th regiment. Thence he sailed for Calcutta, joined the 38th regiment at Chinsorah in 1835, and accompanied it to England in 1836. He obtained his company by purchase on 29 Dec. 1837, and retired from the army in April 1840. He then embarked for South Australia, landed at Glenelg on 11 Aug. 1840, and purchased a property near Adelaide. In August 1841 he was appointed a justice of the peace, in March 1843 a member of the board of audit, in June 1843 private secretary to Governor Grey and clerk of the councils,and in January 1851 auditor-general of South Australia. In 1866 he acted as chairman of a commission for inquiring into the administration of affairs in the northern territory. On 22 Jan. 1868 he retired, after serving the colonial government for upwards of twenty-four years. He died at Adelaide on 15 July 1885, having married, in December 1831, Eliza Minton, daughter of John Montague Smyth. He left two daughters and three sons, the eldest of whom, Joseph Sylvester O'Halloran is secretary to the Royal Colonial Institute (Colonies and Indian 24 July 1885).

O'HALLORAN, LAWRENCE HYNES (1766–1831), miscellaneous writer. [See .]

O'HALLORAN, SYLVESTER (1728–1807), surgeon and antiquary, born in Limerick on 31 Dec. 1728, studied medicine and surgery at the universities of Paris and Leyden. While on the continent he paid particular attention to diseases of the eye, and at Paris wrote a treatise on that organ. This he published, on settling in practice at Limerick in 1750, under the title of 'A new Treatise on the Glaucoma, or Cataract.' It was the first work of the kind that issued from the Irish press, and O'Halloran's ophthalmic practice grew rapidly, In 1752 he addressed a paper on cataract to the Royal Society, and this he afterwards amplified under the title of 'A Critical Analysis of a New Operation for Cataract.' In 1788 he communicated to the Royal Irish Academy his last essay on the eye, entitled 'A Critical and Anatomical Examination of the Parts immediately interested in the Operation for a Cataract, with an attempt to render the Operation itself, whether by Depression or Extraction, more successful.' In 1765 he published 'A Complete Treatise on Gangrene and Sphacelus, with a new mode of Amputation.' In 1791 a paper entitled 'An Attempt to determine with precision such Injuries of the Head as necessarily require the Operation of the Trephine' was printed in the 'Transactions' of the Royal Irish Academy; and he subsequently published 'A new Treatise on the different Disorders arising from external Injuries of the Head,' which displayed much original research. O'Halloran laid down the new but very sound rule that concussion of the brain, characterised by immediate stupor and insensibility, does not require the trephine unless accompanied by evident depression of the skull or extra-vasation, neither of which produces dangerous symptoms for some time after the accident which has given rise to them. Among other achievements, O'Halloran was the virtual founder, in 1760, of the county Limerick infirmary, renting three or four houses which he threw into one. His 'Proposals for the Advancement of Surgery in Ireland, with a retrospective View of the ancient State of


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 gazetted lieutenant-colonel of the volunteer military force. When the present constitution was splinted in 1807, he was returned to the legislative council at the head of the poll against twenty-seven candidates. In 1863 he resigned his seat, and passed the rest of his life in retirement. He died at O'Halloran Hill on 16 Aug. 1870.

He married, first, on 1 Aug. 1821, Ann Goss of Dawlish, Devonshire, who died in Calcutta in 1823, leaving two children; secondly, in 1834, Jane Waring of Newry, by whom he had three sons and one daughter.  O'HALLORAN, WILLIAM LITTLEJOHN (1806-1885), captain. [See under .]  O'HANLON, REDMOND (fl. 1681), Irish outlaw, known on the continent as Count Hanlon, was one of a clan called in Irish the Hanluain, who furnished a standard-bearer north of the Boyne. They were seated in the baronies of Orier, in co. Armagh, and their chief was wounded at the Moyry Pass when carrying the queen's colours in July 1595. Oghie O'Hanlon was knighted, and fell fighting under Mountjoy at Carlingford in November 1600. On the settlement of Ulster under James I grants were made to various O'Hanlons; but they lost all during the civil war, and their ruin was confirmed by the operation of the Acts of Settlement and Explanation under Charles II. In his youth Redmond appears to have served in the army during Strafford's government, and to have been discharged at the reduction of the forces which immediately preceded and partly caused the great Irish outbreak of 1641. He fled to France on account of his share in some affray. The date of his return to Ireland is uncertain, but he became a leader of outlaws or tories in Ulster about 1670, when he had finally abandoned all hopes of regaining his patrimony. His brother Loghlin shared his fortunes.

Arthur Capel, earl of Essex [q.. v.], who governed Ireland from 1672 to 1677, made many vain attempts to capture O'Hanlon, who had become an intolerable scourge. The Duke of Ormonde returned as viceroy in August 1677, and soon turned his attention to the formidable tory. Redmond levied regular contributions on the counties of Armagh, Tyrone, and Down. Much land lay waste, and no road was safe. His favourite haunt was Slieve Gullion between Newry and Dundalk, where his father had possessed lands, and one of his greatest enemies was Edmund Murphy, Irish priest of Killevy, at the foot of those hills. O'Hanlon imposed penalties on all who resorted to Murphy — a cow for the first offence, two for the second, and death for the third. Captain William Butler, who had the confidence of his kinsman the lord-lieutenant, lay with his company at Dundalk, and plotted the outlaw's destruction with Father Murphy and Sir Hans Hamilton. Redmond could harm so many that he had interested friends even in the army. Two officers. Smith and Baker, of whom the latter was a local magistrate and proprietor, were among these, and he had five accomplices in Butler's own company. There were several attempts to arrest him in and after September 1678, but his intelligence was too good. He thought it prudent to rob in Connaught for a time, but returned to his old ground in the autumn of 1679. An outlaw employed as a spy by Hamilton and Butler was murdered oy Lieutenant Baker, who, with singular impudence, presented his head to Ormonde ; and Father Murphy was imprisoned at Dundalk, lest he should give inrormation about his delinauencies and those of Ensign Smith. Murphy managed to get to Dublin, leaving his orother as a hostage, and his interview with the lord-lieutenant sealed Redmond O'Hanlon's fate : 200l. was placed on his head, 100l. on Loghlin's, and Sir Hans Hamilton was allowed a free hand. Henry Jones [q. v.], bishop of Meath, whose daughter was married to Mr. Annesley of Castlewellan, tried to get a pardon for Kedmond on condition of his proving his sincerity, first 'by bringing in or cutting off some 01 the principal tones,' and afterwards by keeping the district clear from them. Sir Hans Hamilton, who was educated at Glasgow, hints that the bishop was bribed through his son-in-law. But Redmond was also intriguing with Roger Boyle [q. v.], bishop of Clogher, and Anuesley suggested a little later that the government would show no mercy unless the outlaw informed about the French conspiracy which was supposed to be on foot in connection with Oatess plot ; but he told nothing, and probably there was nothing to tell. At two o'clock in the afternoon of 25 April 1681 he was asleep in an empty cabin guarded by his foster-brother Arthur O'Hanlon ; but the faithless sentinel shot him dead, and received 100l. reward for so doing. His wife, or reputed wife, who was an innkeeper's daughter, was much younger than he was, and is believed to have given the signal in revenge for his ill-usage. The secret commission which led to this result was written by Ormonde with his own hand. Loghlin O'Hanlon was killed towards the


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 and of the same year by John Mullin, who received 50l.

Redmond O'Hanlon had at one time fifty men under his orders, and had often a band in each of the four provinces at once. His own disguises were many, and he more than once escaped by inviting soldiers sent after him to an inn, and making them drunk before they found out who he was. He once took to the water when hotly pursued near Carlingford, and when a dog was sent in After him drew the animal under, and dived or swam away. Many stories are told of his courage and strength, and some generous actions are ascribed to him, but also many murders. He sometimes left his native hills to lurk in the bog of Allen or other wild places, and once ventured as far south as Clonmel, where he rescued the great Munster tory Power from his captors. In Slieve Gullion and its neighbourhood many local traditions about him survive. A very old man, bearing the name of Redmond O'Hanlon, and claiming to be his descendant, died close to Silverbridge, co. Armagh, about 1889. Sir F. Brewster, writing immediately after the great tory's death, says he was a scholar and a man of party, and adds that 'considering the circumstances he lay under, and the time he continued, he did, in my opinion, things more to be admired [i.e. wondered at] than Scanderbeg himself.'  O'HANLY, DONAT (d. 1095), bishop of Dublin. [See .]

O'HARA, CHARLES, first  (1640?–1724), military commander, is said to have been a native of Mayo, but his patent of peerage (, Peerage of Ireland, iv. 201 n.) describes him as of Leyny, co. Sligo. If he was really eighty-four at his death in 1724, he must have oeen born in 1640 ; but it is just possible that he was ten years younger, and thus identifiable with Charles, second son of Sir William O'Hara, knt., of Crebilly, co. Antrim, who was admitted fellow-commoner of Trinity College, Oxford, in June 1667, at the age of seventeen. In 1679 he was gazetted to a captaincy in the Earl of Ossory's regiment (Bnt. Mus. Add. MSS), having been Ossory's 'tutor' (, l.c.), that is, probably, tutor to his son James, second duke of Ormonde, who was born in 1666. In 1688 he was transferred to the 1st footguards, of which he became lieutenant-colonel in March, and he was knighted in August 1689. He served under William III in Flanders ; in 1696 was made brigadier-general, in 1702 major-general, in 1704 lieutenant-general, and on 3 Nov. 1714 general. Meanwhile, in November 1696, at Ghent, he had been rewarded with the colonelcy of the royal fusiliers, now the 7th foot. His regiment, after being stationed in the Channel Islands from 1697, was in 1703 sent on the Cadiz expedition under Ormonde. O'Hara distinguished himself at the capture of Vigo and the burning of the Spanish fleet, but is said to have treacnerously thwarted Ormonde (, War of the Succession in Spain, p. 29). He was arrested for having connived at the plunder of Port St. Mary, tried by a court-martial, and acquitted. In 1706 Hara was created a peer of Ireland, taking his title from Tirawley or Tyrawley, a barony in co. Mayo. In 1706 he proceeded to Spain with his regiment, and was appointed second in command to the Earl of Galway. At Guadalaxara his gallant defence of an outpost for two hours 'only just saved the army from a disgraceful surprise' (, Peterborough, ii. 64). On 16 Jan. 1707 a council of war was held at Valencia, in which Galway, Tyrawley, and Stanhope were in favour of immediate offensive operations with undivided troops. Peterborough advocated delay, but appears to have been outvoted by the foreign generals. Galway, Tyrawley, and Stanhope put their opinions in writing, and sent them to England (Stanhope to Sir C. Hedges in War of Succession in Spain, App. p. 44). The result of the attempt to march on Madrid was the disastrous battle of Almanza, fought on 25 April 1707. Tyrawley, though the royal fusiliers were not present, was in command of the left wing of the allies, and made two charges, which were repulsed by the Due de Popoli (, op. cit. pp. 218-19;, p.292). He was wounded, but escaped with the cavalry to Tortosa (, op. cit. p. 231). He soon returned to England, either before September 1707 (, p. 230), or with his regiment in 1708. He took his seat as a peer 25 May 1710, and was sworn a privy councillor, being re-sworn in 1714 by George I. His regiment was at


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 Minorca 1709-13, and he was probably governor of that island. In January 1711 the tory party in the House of Lords, in order to cement their alliance with Peterborough, summoned Galway and Tyrawley to answer for the mismanagement of the war in Spain in 1707. Tyrawley 'stood upon the reserve,' and said that 'when he was in the army he kept no register, and carried neither pen nor ink about him, but only a sword' (, p. 485). On 9 Jan. Galway produced his 'Narrative,' and on Peterborough's making adverse statements, Tyrawley demanded to know, before he made any explanations, whether he was accused or not. The opposition raised a debate as to his right to an answer. Peterborough disclaimed any wish to accuse him, and Tyrawley then gave a short account, supporting Galway. On a resolution being passed declaring the three generals responsible for the offensive operations and for the disaster at Almanza, Galway and Tyrawley petitioned (11 Jan.) for time to produce answers, and the whig peers recorded two strong protests in their favour; but no further steps were taken (, Protests of the Lord, i. clxix, clxx).

On 6 Nov. 1714 Tyrawley, having resigned his colonelcy to his son, was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces in Ireland, where he raised a regiment of foot in 1715. This post he retained till 1721. He was some time governor of the Royal Hospital near Dublin. He died on 8 or 9 June 1724, and was buried on 11 June in the chancel-vault of St. Mary's, Dublin.

Tyrawley had married Frances, daughter of Gervase Rouse of Rouse-Lench, Worcester, who survived him, and died on 10 Nov. 1738. He left, besides his son James [q. v.], a daughter Mary, who died in 1759 (, Extinct Peerage). He is described as a man of 'a good understanding, a large fund of learning, and fit to command an army' (, l.c.) Some official letters by him are preserved among the Tyrawley Papers (Addit. MSS. 1854-60, pp. 876-8), and also among the Ellis Papers (Addit. MS. 28946).  O'HARA, CHARLES (1740?–1802), general, governor of Gibraltar, born about 1740, illegitimate son of James O'Hara, second lord Tyrawley, was educated at Westminster School, and was appointed to a cornetcy in the 3rd dragoons (now hussars), 23 Dec. 1752. On 14 Jan. 1756 he was appointed lieutenant and captain in the Coldstream guards, of which James O'Hara was colonel. He was aide-de-camp to the Marquis of Granby [see, 1721-1770] in Germany, after the battle of Minden, and, with the brevet rank of lieutenant-colonel, was quarter-master-general of the troops under Lord Tyrawley in Portugal in the short but sharp campaign of 1762. On 26 July 1766 he was appointed commandant at Goree, Senegal, and lieutenant-colonel-commandant of the African corps, formed at that time of military delinquents pardoned on condition of their accepting life-service in Africa. He held three posts without detriment to his promotion in the Coldstream guards, in which he became captain and lieutenant-colonel in 1769, and vacated them on promotion to brevet colonel in 1779. He served in America, as brigadier-general commanding the brigade of guards, from October 1780; distinguished himself at the passage of the Catawba on 1 Feb. 1781, and received two dangerous wounds at the battle of Guilford Courthouse on 15 March following. He was with the troops under Cornwallis that surrendered at Yorktown, Virginia, 19 Oct. 1781 (, ii. 11, 14). Cornwallis wrote of him: 'His zealous services under my command, the pains he took, and the success he met with in reconciling the guards to every kind of hardship, give him a just claim, independent of old friendship, on my very strongest recommendations in his favour' (Cornwallis' Correspondence, i. 183). O'Hara remained a prisoner in America until 9 Feb. 1782, when he was exchanged. He had in the meantime become a major-general. On 18 March 1782 he received the colonelcy of the 22nd foot, and in May following was given command of the reinforcements sent from New York to Jamaica. Subsequently he returned home, and in 1784 Cornwallis expressed regret that 'poor O'Hara is once more driven abroad by his relentless creditors' (ib. i. 155). O'Hara, who was the intimate personal friend of Horace Walpole and Henry Seymour Conway [q. v.], went to Italy, where he became acquainted, with Miss Mary Berry [q. v.], who was staying with the Conways at Home, and to whom he afterwards became engaged. He appears to have been a major-general on the staff at Gibraltar from 1787 to 1790. Horace Walpole speaks of him as at home at the latter date, 'with his face as ruddy and black and his teeth as white as ever (, Letters, ix. 303), and alludes to his having been 'shamefully treated,' probably in not obtaining the lieu-


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 tenant-governorship of Gibraltar. O'Hara was transferred in 1791 to the colonelcy of the 74th highlanders, which, being on the Indian establishment, was a more lucrative post than that of the 22nd at home. In 1792 he received the coveted lieutenant-governorship, and in 1793 became a lieutenant-general. Later in the same year he was sent from Gibraltar to Toulon, to replace Lord Mulgrave in the command of the British troops before that place. O'Hara was wounded and made prisoner when the French attacked Fort Mulgrave on 23 Nov. 1793. He was taken to Paris, and kept a prisoner in the Luxembourg during the reign of terror until August 1795, when he was exchanged with General Rochambeau. During his incarceration he told one of his fellow-prisoners, in the course of an argument: 'In England we can say King George is mad; you dare not say here that Robespierre is a tiger' (, p. 227-9).

On his return to England O'Hara was appointed governor of Gibraltar in succession to General Sir Robert Boyd [q. v.] He wished the marriage with Miss Berry to take place without delay, but the lady was reluctant to leave home, and at the end of 1790 the match was broken off. To the end of her life she wrote and spoke of O'Hara as 'the most perfect specimen of a soldier and a courtier of the past age.'

O'Hara became a full general in 1798. At Gibraltar he proved himself a very active and efficient governor at a critical time. His old-fashioned discipline was rigid, but just and fair, while his lavish hospitality and agreeable companionship made him generally popular. In the military novel of 'Cyril Thornton' (p. 101) the author. Captain Thomas Hamilton (1789-1842) [q. v.], gives his youthful recollections of the 'Old Cock of the Rock,' as O'Hara was called, in his Kevenhüller hat and big jackboots, and 'double row of sausage curls that projected on either flank of his toupee;' for although a young man of his years, in all other particulars O'Hara affected the old-fashioned garb of Ligonier and Granby.

After much suffering from complications caused by his old wounds, O'Hara died at Gibraltar on 21 Feb. 1802. Although his circumstances had been straitened in earlier years, he died rich. He left a sum of 70,000l. in trust for two ladies at Gibraltar, by whom he had families, for themselves and their children. His plate, valued at 7,000l., inclusive of a piece worth 1,000l. presented to him by the merchants of Gibraltar, he bequeathed to his black servant.

 O'HARA, JAMES, and second  (1690–1773), born in 1690, was the only son of Sir Charles O'Hara, first baron Tyrawley [q. v.]. He was appointed lieutenant in his father's regiment, the royal fusiliers, on 15 March 1703, and served at the siege of Barcelona in 1706. At the battle of Almanza he was on the staff, and was wounded; he is said to have saved Lord Galway's life. He afterwards served under Marlborough, and was severely wounded (, Peerage of Ireland, iv. 202 n.) in the wood of Tasniere, near Tournai, during the battle of Malplaquet, 11 Sept. 1709 (cf., Marlborough's Despatches, iv. 594, 606). He was with the regiment in Minorca, and on 29 Jan. 1713 succeeded his father as colonel. On 2 Jan. 1722 he was rewarded with an Irish peerage, and assumed the title of Baron Kilmaine from one of the baronies of co. Mayo. He took his seat on 29 Aug. 1723. In 1724 he succeeded his father as second Lord Tyrawley, and was sworn of the privy council on 25 June.

He appears to have been employed for some time in Ireland and Minorca, till 1727, when he was made aide-de-camp to George II, and on 20 Jan. 1728 appointed envoy-extraordinary to the court of Portugal, where he remained as ambassador till 1741. He was extremely popular, and on his departure received from the king of Portugal fourteen bars of gold (, op. cit. 203 n.) He returned to England ‘with three wives and fourteen children’ (, Letters, ed. Cunningham, i. 215), and at once gained a reputation for wit at the expense of Lords Bath and Grantham and the House of Commons. Meanwhile he had been promoted to be brigadier-general (1735), major-general (1739), and lieutenant-general (1743), and was transferred to the colonelcy of the 5th (now 4th) dragoon guards in August 1739, quitting it in April 1743 for the captaincy and colonelcy of the second troop of horse-grenadiers.

From November 1743 to February 1745 he was ambassador-extraordinary in Russia. On his return he received the command of the 3rd troop of life-guards, with the office of gold-stick (30 April 1745), from which, in 1746, he was transferred to the 10th foot; thence, in 1749, to the 14th dragoons; in 1752 to the 3rd dragoons; and finally, in