text:
Page:The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina.djvu/132

127 matter how urgently their services may be required at the time they will take themselves off all the same, even although there may he a chance of their forfeiting wages already earned by so doing.

It frequently happens that the taarp deposit is fifteen or twenty miles away from water (the most arid spots in the locality are the ones usually chosen by the insect, if the young gum-shoots be available), but, notwithstanding the distance and absence of water, every member of the tribe who can crawl at all, including children, start off to the taarp field in the jolliest of spirits, carrying all manner of things wherein to pack the expected treasure. Seeing them in their high glee preparing to start on one of these expeditions is a most amusing sight, and conveys to the mind of the observer the impression that he is looking upon the happiest community of people in existence; there is, however, another side to the picture which is the reverse of pleasing, and that is this:—Ere half-a-dozen miles have been travelled by the jolly taarp-seekers the frail and weak ones of the party begin to groan and moan as none but aboriginal human nature can; finally, of course, they knock up entirely, and so come to a stand-still, the strong ones however, do not pay the least attention to these laggards, but continue in their course quite nonchalantly.

The willing spirit of the weakly searchers after this aboriginal sweet has to succumb to physical incapacity, therefore they have to sit down in their tracks to recuperate their energies to enable them to return to the camp, from which, of course they feel that they should not have started.


text:
Sieges of Brampton and Hopton castles/An account of the siege of Brampton Castle by Captain Priamus Davies

An account of the siege of Brampton Castle by Priamus Davies
1643-4. — An account of the sieges of Brampton Castle and the massacre of Hopton Castle, by Captain Priamus Davies, who was an eye witness.

Amongst the several acts of hostility either defensive or offensive since the beginning of these unnatural wars, more of God hath not been seen in so weak means of resistance in any part of the kingdom than in this castle now consumed to ashes together with the town, and that church [in which] was so long held forth the truth of God — by the late famous dispenser of God's truth Mr. Peirson, afterwards, by the no less famous Mr. Stanley Gower — I may truly say to an unworthy people. The manner I shall briefly relate. Know, reader, that the county of Hereford was the first that resolved and then published that cursed resolution against those high and honourable assemblies of Parliament. Those malignant sparks who called themselves the Nine Worthies have kindled such a flame in England that they may well fear the great Justice of Heaven will find them out. These began the quarrel against us, which caused that honourable and gallant Lady Harley to put herself into a posture of defence against their insolent and illegal proceedings. The castle being of considerable strength was manned with about fifty musketeers, some gentlemen commanders, with an answerable proportion of powder and match, and thus inoffensively did this noble lady live upon her own in an honourable, resolute and religious way till the malice of her enemies broke forth as followeth: —

Those gentlemen entered into an association with the adjoining counties of Wales to reduce as they called it this castle to the obedience of the king, whereupon a summons was sent from Mr. William Coningsby, one of the Nine Worthies, which contained many threats and vapours, but no storm followed, save only seizing upon her revenues very valiantly.

The next summons came from the Lord Marquess of Hartford, whose honour was presently remanded unto a more honourable service than to fight with a lady.

The third summons was by Henry Lingen, High Sheriff of the county of Hereford, Sir Walter Pye, knight, and William Smallman, esquire, three of the Nine. Upon Wednesday the 26th of July, 1643, these appeared and faced us with a body of horse and foot, stopped our passages and sat down before us, took some of the inhabitants, amongst whom there was one born

blind, who [when] they demanded who he was for, he replied for King and Parliament, him they presently murdered, the summons being sent as followeth, &c.

Upon the 27th the enemy possessed themselves of the town and church; we played upon each other all that day and night, slew some of the enemy. The 28th we continued shooting till the evening, when another trumpet was sent from Sir William Vavasour, Governor of Hereford, with a letter, the contents, &c.

The 29th their horse faced us again; by this time they had plundered us of all horses, fat beefs, sheep, &c. which was indeed their business and errand they came about, and then sent a drum with a letter, the contents, &c.

Upon Sunday the 30th we expected their ordnance, and were compelled to block up our double portcullis, for the loss of the church which stood directly before the castle gate, within sixty or seventy paces, did extremely annoy us. Another letter sent, the copies, &c.

The 1st of August, 1643. The enemy made their approaches into our quarters, began to raise breast works and batteries, whereupon we gave fire and beat them out. The Cavaliers presently fired a house in the town, and we for our own defence put fire to all our out-houses, which contained many bays of new building, which was much for our advantage. A trumpeter was again sent with a letter, the copies, &c.

Upon the 3rd of August the enemy burnt our mills. This day the greatest part of the town was consumed and burnt. In the afternoon they placed a great gun in the steeple and made five shots which only shattered the battlements but did no execution. It is observable, that in these nine days not one of us was hurt; that all of us took joyfully the spoiling of our goods, that none of us were daunted either by the enemy, or by the malignants of the country, who stood upon hills about us, giving great shouts whenever the ordnance played.

Upon the 4th day the parsonage house was burnt which was for our advantage, for then they began to raise more batteries. All this day they played with their great gun, twenty-six shots they made which did little execution but upon chimneys and battlements.

Upon the 5th the enemy made twenty-three shots more, at last came down a stack of chimneys, at which the Cavaliers gave a great shout and cause they had so to do, that with thirty-seven shots no more execution should be done. We pretermitted nothing that might strengthen our walls, but all of us laboured as they say for life with much cheerfulness.

Sunday the 6th they would not let us rest, they made eight shots against us before morning sermon, then left off that day as if they had been ashamed. It was this day observed, that although there were of men women and children above a hundred all immured up in a close house, and in the dog days, yet there was not one feeble or sick person amongst us.

Upon the 7th we had secret intelligence, that the enemy had no great hopes of taking our castle, that many of them were slain, that a little girl we had sent out was murdered; they made five shots more against us this morning. In the afternoon they planted another great gun against the west part of our Castle. The third shot the bullet came in at a window, shattered the walls, which hurt the Lady Colburn, struck out one of her eyes. Lieutenant Colonel Wright's wife was hurt, but neither of them mortally.

Upon the 8th day they planted another great gun against the west part of the castle, this made twenty-nine shots, all which did no further execution. This evening two colonels of foot, the train bands of Ludlow came before, who at their first approach vapoured, called us Roundheads, rogues and traitors, and sat down.

Upon the 9th the enemy had planted five great guns, as if they meant this day to have beaten it to dust. They made forty-two shots, which through God's mercy did little hurt. The noble lady was this day more courageous than ever, bid us now play the men, for the enemy was in good earnest. Among the many policies of war it is not the least to hold intelligence with friends abroad, this her wisdom was great. This night we had secret intelligence through all their courts of guard to our no small advantage and encouragement.

Upon the 10th they made but three shots which did no execution, but some Venice glasses in a high tower. These had formerly entertained some of those gallants who had now unmanned themselves in offering violence to so noble a lady; an act which will render them as odious to man as their late perjurious act at Hereford before Sir William Waller, perfidious to God.

This night we had secret intelligence that their greatest gun was yesterday broken, which killed their cannoneer; that we had slain many of their men, amongst others our mason as he was pointing with his hand to show the enemy the weakest part of the castle was shot through that hand into his belly and died.

Upon the 11th the enemy began very early with their great guns which in the night they had placed nearer to us; this day they made thirty-live shots which did no great execution.

Upon the 12th the enemy continued this battery, cursing the Roundheads, calling us Essex's bastards, Waller's bastards, Harley's bastards, rogues, thieves, traitors, and all to reduce us to the obedience of the king and the Protestant religion. They made this day twenty shots against our castle and so concluded their week's work. It is very remarkable that notwithstanding so many thousand great and small shot not a man was hurt.

Sunday 13th of August we were necessitated to work, for we found that our wall was battered almost to a breach, very near the ground. Here we made strong barricades and lined the walls with earth. This night we had intelligence that two more of their great iron guns were broken, the cannoneers sore hurt, that Prince Rupert had sent the enemy word to fire the castle and come away.

The 14th they made but live shots which did no execution. In the night we had private intelligence that the enemy were preparing grenades.

Upon the 15th they continued battering out of the steeple which did most annoy us. This day they made nine shots more, upon the 16th but two shots. This night we had secret intelligence that Gloucester was besieged, that the King lay before it, that Bristol was delivered up, that our castle was given to Sheriff Lingen if he could get it.

Upon the 18th our cook was shot into the arm with a poisoned bullet and died, this was the first bullet that touched any of us. This night we had secret intelligence from our friends abroad but no hopes of relief, that we had slain about sixty of the enemy. Sunday, the 20th, we spent in fasting and praying that we might be delivered out of the hands of these bloody enemies, who were by the power of God this day restrained from disturbing us.

Upon the 21st the noble lady called a council to advise how those quarters of the enemy should be fired where their grenades were preparing. It was resolved that ten men should sally out upon that quarter suddenly, who were to retreat by a word. These no sooner fell on but, with rockets from the castle, the house was fired, all their materials and grenades burnt, our men slew some of them and retreated back again without any loss, in all which time the enemy were struck with such a panic fear that they could neither fight nor run away. At last recollecting themselves they made four shots with their great gun which did no execution.

Upon the 22nd day the enemy made their approaches nearer to us, cast up breast works in our garden and walks, where their rotten and poisoned language annoyed us more than their poisoned bullets. This day they made eight shots against another tower of the castle, which did no execution.

Upon the 23rd a drum was sent with a parley; a knight was sent with a letter from his Majesty to the noble lady, she returns an humble petition to his Majesty, then lying before Gloucester, the copies, &c.

This night we had secret intelligence by letters from London of an insurrection of the malignants there, into what a low condition the Parliament party were throughout the kingdom this exceeding us insomuch that some advised then to deliver up the castle. But then the noble lady protested, that she would rather choose an honourable death, for she was confident that God would own His cause both in the public and private. We needed no better an encouragement.

Upon the 24th the parley continued with a cessation of arms.

Upon the 25th at night intelligence came to us from our friends abroad; that things in the general were not so bad. That Gloucester was resolved to fight it out to the last man. That such cruelty was exercised at Bristol notwithstanding fair promises, that it was a precedent to the whole kingdom never to believe the Cavaliers.

This parley continued seven days until an answer of the petition aforesaid should be returned. The seventh night we had secret intelligence through all their courts of guard again, that Gloucester still held out gallantly although the greatest of our enemies with divers oaths affirmed that it was delivered up.

Upon the 2nd of September a trumpet was sent by Sir William Vavasour with a letter, the copies and answer &c.

Upon the 4th we had intelligence that the enemy meant to undermine us, and that they had prepared 'hoggs' to that end. That Sir William Bruerton would send a party to our release. That Gloucester valiantly stood out.

Upon the 5th a knight came with the King's answer as they pretended subscribed by Faulkland, here annexed.

Upon the 6th the parley continued. This day the enemy began to remove their carriages whereupon we gave them a warning piece; they answered us with two great guns. Upon the 7th with two more. This night the enemy stole away their great guns. Upon the 8th they carried away our bells, which cost some of them their lives.

Upon the 9th of September the enemy fired their barricade and then we were confident they were taking their leave.

This night we had secret intelligence that my Lord General was with a great army very near Gloucester. That the King had raised the siege to give him battle, and that all his forces were called away. This night the Lord was pleased to take away these bloody enemies and to return them with shame which had now lain before us seven weeks almost, for which we returned humble thanks to God that delivered our poor family out of the hands of fifteen malignant counties set against it. During the siege our sufferings were great, the enemy sat down so suddenly before us. All our bread was ground with a hand mill, our provisions very scarce, the roof of the castle so battered that there was not one dry room in it; our substance without plundered and all our friends fled, yet this noble lady bore all with admirable patience, and thus have I truly related the several passages of our siege from our shutting up to the day of our deliverance.

The former siege being raised and we set at liberty, the noble lady instead of revenging herself upon the inhabitants of that country who were active against her to the utmost of their might and power, yea none more forward and false than her own tenants and servants, in a courteous and winning way gently entreated the part adjacent to come in and level those works which they pretended the enemy had compelled them to raise against her promising to protect them, and that none of her soldiers should plunder them, all which they barbarously refused, whereupon we took out a party and compelled them in, but by her special command that none should take a pennyworth from any of them, which was as truly observed, I dare appeal to their own consciences, until their malice broke forth again. Many that had not paid their rents of some years before refused; yea they would not let us have provisions nor any of the conveniences of life which they could hinder us from.

Our necessities and resolutions would no longer brook such barbarism; we then daily sent our parties only against those that had been most active against us; whereby our necessities were in a short time supplied. Also we sent and burnt those engines of war which the enemy had prepared to undermine us. The[y] termed them 'hoggs,' which are used in approaches in war. This exasperated the enemy that they removed their quarters nearer to us. Whereupon this noble lady who commanded in chief, I may truly say with such a masculine bravery, both for religion, resolution, wisdom and warlike policy, that her equal I never yet saw, commanded that a party of about forty should go and beat up their quarters in Knighton, a market town in Radnorshire, four miles off, where Colonel Lingen's troop, her late antagonist, was quartered. This was so performed that we brought some prisoners, arms and horses without the loss of one man; colours also we had, a hand reaching out of a cloud, holding a sword, with the instruction or motto, Rex et Regina beati, sibi, suisque. This struck such a panic fear upon the enemy, that for six weeks after they never appeared, in which time we put ourselves into a considerable posture again, and made good preparation for approaching winter, besides that noble Colonel Massey had sent us one barrel of powder, some men and arms, which was all the encouragement or rescue we had.

By this time the fame of this noble lady was spread over most of the kingdom with admiration and applause, even of her enemies, those that were Commanders in chief against her were extremely jeered in the king's army, but herself honourably spoken of.

Thus our prosperity, enlargement, and happiness daily increasing and growing up, suddenly and in a moment decayed and withered, wherein we may behold as in a glass the mutability and inconstancy of earthly honours and content and that nothing below heaven is permanent or lasting, but of a decaying nature, and subject to resolution and change.

This honourable lady, of whom the world was not worthy, as she was a setting forward the work of God, suddenly and unexpectedly fell sick of an apoplexy with a defluxion of the lungs. Three days she continued in great extremity with admirable patience. Never was a holy life consummated and concluded with a more heavenly and happy end. Myself and many others of quality being both ear and eye witnesses to our great admiration; the last period of her mortal abode in this vale of tears, drawing on apace, she with an undaunted faith and resolution looked death in the face without dread, and the Lord Jesus with joy and comfort, to whom she resigned her soul. From Whom she hath received an immortal an incorruptible inheritance and crown, which none of her enemies can reach to rob or despoil her of.

Her body, which she desired might be wrapped in lead, was carefully preserved and placed in a high tower of the castle to attend an honourable funeral which it [blank] but was

prevented by the malice of her implacable enemies, as shall appear in the conclusion of this sad scene.

I am not able to express the extremity of grief and sorrow that this sudden deprivation and discouragement produced. Had the enemy for many days appeared we had been able to make very little resistance, but volleys of sighs and tears; and no marvel, for her gallant resolution, her admirable wisdom in government, her earnest zeal in religion, her care of all our preservations, her encouragement in greatest difficulties had so drawn all our hearts to the admiration and honour of her perfections, that her commands carried us into the cannon's mouth; in short her word was a law to us.

The saddest garrison in the three kingdoms having lost their head and governess, began now to consider what this loss might be to our public employment in the defence of religion and laws, and, therefore, seeing the will of God revealed, resolved unanimously that the commanders should order the garrison, which continued for a month or two with good success, till about December, 1648. A commission was sent from both Houses of Parliament that the castle should be kept for the King and Parliament, it being of considerable strength, that the delinquents in the adjacent coimties might be seized upon, that Lieutenant Wright, a very gallant gentleman, one whose religion, resolution, good service and great sufferings speak his fidelity to the kingdom, and to the cause of God, should command in chief in this castle, and raise a regiment for the reducing of this malignant county to the obedience of King and Parliament; an humble account whereof I shall now give, being released out of prison, with submission to better judgements how the first hath been discharged.

He raised a troop of horse, by which means in a very short time we had victualled the garrison for twelve months, out of the estates of the delinquents, also provision for our horses, all which was gained by the sword, besides several delinquents of quality were brought in prisoners. The fortifications both of castle and church will yet speak industry and care.

By this time the enemy understanding our authority blocked us up all the winter, daily assaulted us with great parties of horse and foot a few days, but we [                ] upon the [              ] so that the provision we had, we looked upon as our last, unless we could contrive some way to keep open our passages.

[An account of the siege of Hopton Castle]

But let me return to Brampton Castle again; where the next morning this bloody regiment came vapouring so near that some of them were slain, some unhorsed, so they wheeled about and marched away to Shrewsbury with their ordnance. During this tragedy at Hopton, some passages happened in this garrison which I may not omit. One John Cotar, an old servant of the house, our new Quartermaster, contracted with a prisoner Lieutenant Jones of the county of

Radnor, with whom he was trusted, and made an escape, by which means all our strength was discovered to the enemy. The night following two others that had pretended and protested very fair run away; after these, some fifteen soldiers of the garrison took pattern and made their escape; so that we were left not above fifty fighting men. These cowardly and base spirits gave such encouragement to the enemy together with a petition of some [           ] gentlemen to Prince Rupert, one of whom hath been murdered by the Cavaliers, in his own house, that they resolved with all their power that that destroyer of petty garrisons could make to come against us. This bloody butcher Woodhouse with a great army came and sat down before us; demanded our castle by summons, which our Governor, notwithstanding his great force, refused to read, or treat with such a tyrant, returns his summons back again, and fires upon his army with musket shot at random. Up he rises, and away for three or four days; then sends another summons, which was likewise refused. About the second week in Lent, 1643, he sat down before us with a close siege, brought his artillery within a mile of us, and entrenched his men, and makes his approaches. Our Governor gives command that the church and those houses in the town that were standing should presently be set on fire, by which means the enemy quartered his men a mile off, and left about three hundred in the trenches. Upon these about thirty of our men sallied out and slew about sixteen of the enemy; gained their arms and returned without hurt. Then the enemy strengthened their guards, built huts, raised batteries, brought their cannon baskets and 'hoggs' for their approaches. In all this time we lined our walls to our best advantage, then fell upon them with a second sally in the sunshine. We here did observe the great power of God, and the promise made good, that five of you shall chase an hundred; with a very small party we beat them quite out of their works, burnt all their huts, cannon baskets, batteries and 'hoggs'; took almost all the muskets in that regiment, besides a multitude of spades and shovels and other arms; slew about twenty-six in the place and returned without the loss of a man. This gave such encouragement, that we not only gained time, but daunted our enemies, that they were as we understood [     ] to rise up from before us. Colonel Woodhouse, enraged at this, posts away to Prince Rupert at Shrewsbury, tells him a great story; in whose absence we sallied out twice more; put the enemy to flight with the same party and still did execution and gained arms: so that with an hundred able soldiers more we might have kept it to this day. But God that had determined otherwise denied us that. The news of relief came to us about this time from Gloucester, through all their courts of guard. Woodhouse now returns with most of the Prince's army; the Red, Green and Blue regiments of his great ordnance, which he speedily planted, and a multitude of pioneers and colliers that began to mine. The multitude being so great, we thought it not safe to adventure out any more. Then they began

with their great ordnance to play upon us. The first day they made eighty-seven shots against us with a twenty and twenty-four pound ball; these made our walls begin to reel, which we lined within with earth. The next day they continued shooting as fast as they could discharge, until with a musket bullet through the port hole we shot their cannoneer. Five days together they followed the breach, which was very great and fair to enter, but their hearts failed them. About this time went another messenger from Gloucester that brought us letters, the contents whereof were, that within three nights we should be relieved, and we all resolved to die in the breach rather than deliver it up.

This night the enemy fired the breach, there being much timber and combustible matter, so that it burnt furiously. They had in the day planted their ordnance upon the breach, and as we were quenching the fire, they played upon us with great and small shot in a most furious manner, yet not a man plain or so much as daunted, so wonderful God held up our spirits. We were fired eight or nine times, which we still quenched. All the alarm they gave us was by firings, which we could by no means prevent. Our expectations of relief, the third day being over, began to fail, we yet resolved to defend the breach to the very last man; for their cruelty at Hopton Castle encouraged us to die like men rather than to rely on their mercies; besides we knew not then, but they had given our men at Hopton quarter under hand and seal, for so we were well informed by very many that were there, which was the only reason why we would never admit any parley. Three days more we defended our breach, yet no relief came; in all this time we had continual and dreadful alarms night and day, that we were all tired for want of sleep. Twice in one night their whole army, which was very great, cried 'Fall on!' 'Fall on!' so loud, as if hell itself were broke loose, discharging such volleys of shot that no rest could be had. When the alarm was ended, we laughed so heartily in the breach, 'hollowing' that barking dogs seldom bite, that we heard them damn themselves, but the devil was in us. The enemy now began to terrify us with their mines, which by this time came very near our walls, swearing most horribly that they would blow'us up to the devil; we replied that the devil was below, and bid them come like men and enter their breach or be silent, for fain we would have slept. Never did God keep up the hearts of a poor handful of men or raise them higher than were ours; considering what a bloody potent enemy lay about us and how far all possibility of relief was from us. I speak this only to the praise of God who manifested His great power and our weakness, otherwise these truths would render me ridiculous. The Cavaliers seeing our resolutions to be above their alarms, were at a stand what to do: to enter the breach they had no stomach, they had enough of that at Hopton Castle, began to contrive another way; they gave some intermission and sent to Captain Moore, then their prisoner at Ludlow Castle, that he should write a letter to Lieutenant Colonel

Wright, our Governor, to treat of conditions to avoid the effusion of blood, which letter was through God's mercy the saving of all our lives, for without it we had never surrendered the castle. A storm of their great shot being over, immediately they sent us a parley; demanded whether we would receive a letter from one of our old friends Captain Moore? we replied, that if all acts of hostility upon their honours and reputations might cease on both sides till the parley was ended, we would; which was agreed upon; presently after the receipt of this letter, our men appearing upon the walls, the enemy gave fire upon us; we taxed them for their perfidiousness and put them at defiance as men unworthy of the name of gentlemen or soldiers. Within an hour after they recollected themselves acknowledged their error and required an answer, which was to this purpose: that the reason why we refused to parley with them was their bloody act at Hopton Castle after quarter given under hand and seal, for so we were informed. They replied it was false, avowing the same that quarter was not there given. We being unsatisfied demanded wherein we might receive satisfaction by a letter from Captain Moore, whose hand we knew, which was granted, but without a cessations of arms. About midnight this letter came, which we refused to receive, the time being unseasonable to let down our ports, the enemy lying so near us; at this they stormed and gave us a fierce alarm.

The fatal day being come, which was the Wednesday before Easter 1644, we received this satisfying letter from Captain Moore, that quarter was not given at Hopton Castle under hand and seal. We then accepted a parley with Sir Michael Woodhouse, colonel, Sir William Vavasour, colonel, and Sir William Croft, knights, jointly made our demands; but such was our condition being miserably battered and without a possibility of relief, that they would yield to no other conditions than these, viz.: that the castle and arms should presently be delivered up otherwise to expect no quarter; that we should yield ourselves their prisoners; that the lives of all in the garrison should be preserved, and that no violence should be offered to any of us, and if this offer was now refused, to expect extremity. Our Governor and some of the commanders resolved to purchase better conditions, at how dear a rate soever; but then our divines and some others seeing a possibility of life, being extremely tired with extremities, began to persuade the contrary. The violence and outrages that threatened our women and children, whose lives we preferred before our own, and seeing ourselves without possibility or hopes of relief, or of further defence or longer subsistence, we accepted their conditions and delivered up the castle.

Within two hours after, as we since understood, an order came from Prince Rupert to put us all to the sword, especially Doctor Wright, our Lieutenant-Colonel. Whereupon a council of war was called, where it was determined that, notwithstanding the conditions subscribed, the Prince's order must be obeyed. But Sir William Vavasour, that had more of a gentleman and a

soldier in him, protested against it, by whose means, through God's mercy, we were preserved.

Next day they carried us all away prisoners to Ludlow Castle, from thence to Shrewsbury, some of us to Chester Castle. The inhabitants of Ludlow baited us like bears and demanded where our God was.

It is very remarkable that in both the sieges of Brampton Castle we lost but four men, yet five hundred and thirteen great bullets were shot against it, and most of them came in. The enemy confessed that they lost four hundred of their men there; and at Hopton Castle, that they had spent above twenty thousand pounds before they took it. Six thousand worth of powder in both places. After they had taken it, it was so battered that they could not keep it. At last a command came from Prince Rupert, that destroyer, that both these castles should be burnt and demolished, which was performed. And thus have I rendered some account of our service and sufferings. Let the praise be ascribed to the Lord of Hosts, that hath not given us our lives only for a prey.

The body of this noble lady we had interred within the castle, which, when we had delivered up, we besought the commanders that no dishonour might be offered to it, they promised there should not; but since we are informed that it was taken up under pretence to search for jewels, but the jewels being gone, the cabinet was raked up again in close cinders; from whence it will one day rise against these monsters and usurpers of the name Christian.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina.djvu/133

128 The strong ones also, who had stepped out so valiantly at the start to the taarp field, present a very different appearance on their return, for their high jubilant spirits have quite evaporated by reason of the toil experienced on their weary tramp, and consequently they struggle back to their camp as moody and surly as they well could be, by ones, by twos, and threes, the former number being the most common, surliness not being conducive to social intercourse, and it is only after several hours of sulky rest, together with much gluttony that they can be brought to describe the trip to and the condition of the taarp grounds. Notwithstanding the hardship and privations experienced on the first expedition, as soon as ever their aboriginal nature has recovered its normal tone, a fresh excursion is organised similar to the preceding one, with the exception that this time the frail ones and the children remain behind, enjoying the fruits of the first expedition.

For so long as the taarp is obtainable these peeple continue day after day to tramp backwards and forwards to the ground where it is produced, and it is only when the rain comes and dissolves it that they leave and return to their usual avocations. Should the taarp harvest extend over six or eight weeks, as it does frequently, the blacks become quite fat and sleek, though they partake of very little other food all the time, thus showing how great must be the nutriment contained in this saccharine substance.

Though the natives no not possess any intoxicating beverages of their own manufacture when they become half civilised they soon learn to hold the stimulants common to Europeans in high estimation; therefore, speaking in a


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 8.djvu/152


text:
Page:The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina.djvu/134

129 general way, they are every one drunkards, and that, too, of the very worst type. When under the influence of spirits their savage nature runs riot to a frightful extent; nothing in fact can control it short of solitary confinement. Though one of their greatest antipathies is the lock-up, they will even brave the chance of twenty-four hours of its gloom rather than forego the fiery draught which opportunity may offer to their longing lips.

The poetical faculty is altogether lacking in the aboriginal character, consequently they do not possess any poems, either martial or national, and the absence of sentiment in the intercourse of one sex with another leaves the largest of all poetical fields but a barren waste. Their tchowies (songs), to which they dance their corrobories, never comprise more than two lines, and even these do not jingle; their measure however, is always most perfect, and in their dances the time is unexceptionable. As a rule their brief songs have reference either to something good to eat, to some successful midnight fray, or to some grossly lewd subject, and those partaking of the latter nature meet with the greatest appreciation.

Tchowies are not transmitted from one generation to another, because when the maker of a tchowie dies all the songs of which he was author are, as it were, buried with him, inasmuch as they, in common with his very name, are studiously ignored from thenceforward, and consequently forgotten.

This custom of endeavouring to forget everything which had been in any way connected with the dead, entirely precludes the possibility of anything of an historical nature


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 8.djvu/151


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 8.djvu/150


text:
Page:The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina.djvu/135

130 having existence amongst them, in fact the most vital occurences, if only dating a single generation back, are quite forgotten, that it is say, if the recounting thereof should necessitate the mere mention of a defunct aborigine's name.

These corrobories, with regard to their diversity, are about as meagre as are their tchowies. They merely consist of a series of grotesque contortions and coarse postures all, however, requiring considerable muscular exertion in their performance, but, strange as it may seem, their time is always most excellent.

When viewed for the first time a corroborie does certainly offer a considerable quantum of interest. We, of course, do not mean such as are expressly for display before the "whitefellow," but those which are performed by them in. their savage state and purely for their own especial edification. When seen thus for the first time the exhibition is, without the slightest doubt, a very novel one.

We remember on one occasion having to follow up the tracks of a lot of sheep which the blacks had appropriated without having asked permission. After a long weary ride, and just as the sun was about to set, we came in sight of the blacks' camp, and knew that the stolen sheep could not be very far off as their trail, with aboriginal footprints above it, was quite fresh. Being so nearly dark we deemed it prudent to defer recovering the sheep until daylight next morning.

Not long after we had partaken of our bush supper and had arranged our watches for the night, the wind brought the sound of the corroborie up to our camp in such a tantalising manner that, as we had nothing particular to do,


text:
Page:Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Caroline Weston; Monday, August 7, 1837.djvu/1

 August 7th 1837 Monday morning Dear Caroline,

I designed writing to you several days since, but have waited from day to day first to see the end of one play and then of another. Sarah & Angelina arrived on Wed(nesday) night and we had a most interesting time talking over matters & things, reading letters from the brethren &c. but I will not enlarge, for I wrote all this to Maria, & as Debora will be with you by the time you get this, she can tell you everything I wrote. Thursday, I kindly copied a letter for Angelina & finished off a petticoat for Sarah and had much pleasant conversation with both. I felt some what pleased when the hour for meeting arrived for the "Strife of tongues in Groton had been such, and the hearts of so many seemed failing them for fear, that I longed to have the matter over. The day before the came, I went up to see Mrs Rugg, for the purpose of strengthening her. To this end I explained away all St Paul's verses that are "hard to be understood" and charged Mrs R now to hold on to her ground. I told her these were the "perilous times" and now she must stand to her arms. She behaved very boldly and, indeed, I think very well of her courage for probably no one in the female Society dared to take the ground of defending womens' preaching save herself.

Mrs George Farley was too shocked to go. Mr Phelps (the Groton minister) declined being in the pulpit with them or opening the meeting. But as arrived in the course of Thursday he agreed to open the meeting accordingly off we all started on Thursday evening to the church the Grimké's, Mrs Grey, Henry Stanton & I driven by Sullivan, the Dr's man; the Dr & Mary followed in the chaise. The house was thronged, fuller than it even been at any Abolition meeting known before. They and Stanton walked directly into the pulpit and after a few minutes, Stanton made one of the most excellent & to the purpose prayers that I ever heard. Angelina spoke on the topic that the South never has been ready or willing for Emancipation; that circumstances have never been tending that way at all, and that consequently the Abolitionists

( text)

The Grimkés are the pleasantest of people in conversation, the Dr. is perfectly charmed with them both. He has had a pretty faithful exposition touching women’s rights. Mr. Winslow’s sermon has appeared in the Religion Magazine accompanied with another article in which the testimony that insanity is hereditary in the Grimké family is printed from a Southern correspondent. This Angelina has replied(?) to & is going to send her article to Dr(?). Write & tell me all the news.


text: Index:China- Its State and Prospects.djvu


text:
Page:Australian Emigrant 1854.djvu/151

 had not gone far before he detected a glimmering light in the direction he was going. With increased caution he went on his way, and conjecturing, from the fact of several more fires becoming visible, that he had come upon the camp of natives, he got into the bed of the stream in order to avoid leaving any tracks behind him: in this way he soon came abreast of the encampment. There were about thirty weelems, or rude huts, pitched upon the side of a hill, at the base of which the stream ran. The night was cold, and it would have afforded Dodge infinite satisfaction to have left his watery bed and warmed his benumbed limbs at one of the largest of the fires, around which several warriors were conversing in a dialect quite unknown to the watcher. In consequence of the danger which would have attended the use of his pipe, poor Dodge was fain to dispose of a portion of the small store of tobacco he had remaining in another way—alas! for the result. The juice of the weed affected him with a severe fit of coughing which all his efforts were unable to repress, and in a moment the whole camp was in an uproar. A shower of fire-sticks were cast in the direction from whence the sound had proceeded, but they revealed nothing. Dodge foreseeing the turn matters were likely to take had crept into a clump of tall reeds which were at hand: his position was one of extreme danger, but that only rendered his brain more prolific in expedients. Being well aware of the extreme timidity and superstition of the natives at any disturbance by night, and also that there was a universal belief amongst all the tribes that darkness was the favorite time when Bund-gil-carno, the evil spirit, chiefly delighted to take his walks abroad, his plans were soon matured—he would play the very deuce. He plucked a broad leaf from the stem of a reed, and by holding it in a peculiar manner between his hands and blowing upon it strongly, he produced such a series of unearthly sounds as might well,

title: Page:Australian Emigrant 1854.djvu/151


text: Page:China- Its State and Prospects.djvu/3


text: Page:China- Its State and Prospects.djvu/4


text:
Page:Australian Emigrant 1854.djvu/152

130 in the dead of night, have startled men of greater courage than Australian blacks. These noises, interspersed with horrible shrieks and yells, produced a general panic. First the women and children, then the old men and warriors, fled in a body, leaving Dodge master of the situation. His first act, after emerging from his concealment, was to collect the spears, clubs, and other weapons, which lay scattered about the huts, and to heap them on one of the fires, at which he was composedly warming himself, when his dog Lady crept up and laid herself at his feet.

"What business have you here, old girl, eh?" said Dodge, patting her head, "are you come to take me the nearest way back? Well, I'm ready to start, so 'show home.'" But Lady evinced no such disposition; she went foraging about amongst the huts, and presently returned to Dodge with a lump of kangaroo's flesh in her mouth.

"Well thought of, old girl," said Dodge; "of course we must sack the town now it is taken, so let us set to work." In a very short time he found himself laden with a large stock of provisions, and, escorted by Lady, who led the way, he was not long in reaching the locality of his friends.

They had been awakened by the shouting, and would have started in search of Dodge had he not previously to leaving them interdicted such a course under any circumstances. They had however, prepared their arms and were so satisfied that something was necessary to be done, that no sooner did Dodge appear than, without any warning, Slinger let fly at him, fortunately without fatal effect.

"That's a good shot," said Dodge, coming forward to the fire with the utmost coolness, and displaying to the penitent Slinger a hole made by the bullet in the side of his hat.—"That's a good shot, but the safest plan always is not to be hasty, and

title: Page:Australian Emigrant 1854.djvu/152


text:
Page:NTSB - Railroad Accident Report - Derailment on May 25, 1989.djvu/63

 including: the new destination of the car, a lading code for the car, any special handling associated with the car, and a tonnage figure. This information was entered into the computer system’s car file which contains, in addition to the above information, the physical characteristics of each car on the SP system. The yard clerks understood that the tonnage figure would be updated at a later time when the shipper’s bill of lading was received in the billing office. SP’s director of clerical operations testified that cars are often moved in service before the shipper’s bill of lading information is received and entered into the computer system. He further testified that following the train derailment, “We have changed the system so that regardless of what estimate is put into the release, the computer will go to the car file and automatically update that tonnage to the capacity of the car.” According to the director of clerical operations, the maximum tonnage figure will remain in the car file of the computer until the shipper’s bill of lading is received and only when the bill of lading indicates a shipper-certified weight will the maximum tonnage figure be adjusted to reflect the shipper-certified weight. If an estimated weight is indicated on the shipper’s bill of lading, the maximum tonnage figure will remain in the car file of the computer system until the car has been weighed. The nearest scale to the Mojave Yard was located at West Colton.

The director of clerical operations testified that the clerks in the various outlying areas are responsible for checking the accuracy and completeness of shipper-tendered bills of lading. According to his testimony, the first line supervisor for these clerks is located in Los Angeles. He further stated that during the last few years, shippers have been sending their bill of lading information directly to the central office in Los Angeles rather than dealing with clerks at the various outlying areas.

.—The Calnev pipeline was constructed by Mid-Mountain Contractors, Inc., during 1969 and 1970. The approximately 248-mile-long pipeline, which transports petroleum products including gasolines, jet fuels, and No. 2 diesel fuel, originates at the Colton Pump Station at Colton, California, and terminates at Las Vegas, Nevada. From the Colton Pump Station (elevation 1,040 feet), the pipeline route is generally northward and crosses Cajon Pass at an elevation of 4,480 feet at MP 28 (figure 5). From Colton to about MP 236, the pipeline is 14 inches in diameter, and MP 235 to the Las Vegas terminal, the pipeline is 8 inches in diameter. The first 107-mile section of the 14-inch-diameter pipeline was constructed of the same grade of pipe that was involved at the rupture site. The pipe at the rupture site was manufactured of steel by Kaiser Steel Corporation to American Petroleum Institute standard 5LX 52, using an electric resistance welding process. The pipe had a 0.312-inch wall thickness and weighed 45.61 pounds per foot. As a minimum, the pipe was required to have a specified yield strength of 52,000 psi and a specified tensile strength of 66,000 psi. Records of tests performed on the steel used to manufacture the pipe indicates that time steel exceeded these minimum requirements with some tests showing minimum specified yield strengths of 66,000 psi and minimum specified tensile strengths of 74,430 psi and greater. The pipe was coated


text:
Page:Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Caroline Weston; Monday, August 7, 1837.djvu/2

 could not have put back what was never forward. She spoke very well indeed, tho' I have heard her when I have been more struck. Sarah, having a very bad cold, did not speak.

Friday morning Miss Capell, Mrs Rugg, Mrs Dix and a young man from called. I received D's letter while in the midst of this goodly company, but had to wait in a perfect (?)nous till they were gone; I had a feeling as to what was in it. Never was I glader to hear news of that sort. I was so relieved to learn that there was only one. I was busy part of Friday morning writing notes of invitation as the Dr was determined to do all his duty and give a party. When he gave me his list, I observed that he had asked mostly the people that visited at the house generally and many good Abolitionists were left out. I remonstrated against this and the Dr readily agreed to marking the party genuinely de(?) Accordingly, together with the Fullers, Frothinghams, Dixs', Robinsons, Banscrofts(?) &. were asked those who had hitherto appeared of (?) note, and in the whole, this (?)dined a party of 30 or 40. Miss Grey fell to work & made custard & blancmange and the evening came, & so did the folks. Almost all came that were asked, so that half the room was composed of down right opposers. The Grimskés behaved very well, talked pleasantly & fully with individuals & Angelina harangued(?) circles of brethren which induced some of the women present to look on with gainsaying eyes. Stanton acted very like himself, that is, refused to be introduced to everybody, or to contribute at all to anybody's amusement. The Dr thought that some of the aristocracy felt badly, not at being brought into collision with Abolitionists, but with mechanics &c. I told him it was equal to one, if they all fell into apoplexies. Saturday afternoon Stanton left us, having I believe sucked(?) $2-00 from the Dr. Money, money, being the whole burden of his song. Saturday afternoon who should drive up to the door but Mary Ann and her father. Her face was somewhat flushed & had that indescribably worried look that features exhibit when something is on the mind; her father was very courteous indeed, but I perceived that it seemed(?) not answer(?) to utter the words Grimké or Abolition. The Dr was gone


text:
Page:China- Its State and Prospects.djvu/5

 WITH ESPECIAL REFERENCE TO

CONTAINING ALLUSIONS TO THE ANTIQUITY, EXTENT, POPULATION, CIVILIZATION, LITERATURE, AND RELIGION OF THE CHINESE.

OF THE LONDON MISSIONARY SOCIETY. FIFTH THOUSAND

Title page illustration (China-Its State and Prospects).jpg

BY G. BAXTER.

LONDON: JOHN SNOW, 35, PATERNOSTER ROW.

1840.


text: Page:China- Its State and Prospects.djvu/6


text:
Page:NTSB - Railroad Accident Report - Derailment on May 25, 1989.djvu/64

 with TGF3, a coal tar base coating. According to Calnev’s cathodic protection-records, the pipe had a minimum negative (cathedic) voltage of 0.85 volts (generally it had a considerably more negative voltage) as measured between the pipe and the soil. A cathodic protection rectifier was located at the Colton Pump Station, and Calnev’s records indicate that there had never been a corrosion leak found on this 14-inch pipeline system. Calnev’s manager of operations testified that if the coating damage existed prior to the derailment Calnev would not have been able to see any change in the cathodic protectton in this case because, "There is a casing that runs under Highland Avenue. At this particular location the casing and the pipe are operating at the same potential. That large casing would probably mask any damage to the coating that might be evident in that location. I don’t think you would have seen a change to the cathodic level there."

The first 107 miles of the pipeline were hydrostatically tested between June 20, 1970, and July 3, 1970; the section through the rupture site (MP 0.0 through MP 25.2) was tested on June 29 and 30, 1970. The pressure test on this section was begun at 8:15 a.m on June 29, 1970, at 2,085 psig and completed at 12:30 p.m. on June 30, 1270, at 2,083 psig. The minimum pressure during the test was 2,075 psig, and the minimum 4-hour internal sustained pressure.was 2,077 psig.

.—At the time the pipeline was constructed, Calnev installed check valves in its pipeline to prevent backflow of product from one section of the pipeline to another. These valves also serve to minimize the amount of product that can be released from the pipeline should the pipeline rupture. Generally, Calnev installed top-hinged check valves, and at some locations there are connections installed to bypass the check valves. However, on the 14-inch portion of the pipeline, Calnev installed seven Wheatley "All-Clear Check Valves." These check valves are side-hinged check valves which purportedly provided advantages over the top-hinged check valves by producing less pressure drop and offering less resistance to the passage of spheres and scrapers. Side-hinged check valves were installed at MP 0.0, 6.9, 14.9, 19.2 and 25.7. Calnev’s manager of operations testified that he was not aware that Calnev had ever inspected any of the check valves installed in the pipeline between the Colton pump station and Cajon Pass to determine if the valves operated properly. He further testified that it was his understanding that check valves are not routinely inspected in the industry and that he was unaware of any Federal regulation or industry standard that required such inspection. He stated that following the rupture Calnev made plans to inspect the check valves in this area. In a letter to the Safety Board dated May 21, 1990, Calnev stated, "Calnev has installed four new check valves; three to replace existing check valves and one additional check valve at MP 10.0. Our intention is to replace one more check valve and install a supplemental block valve near another in the next 60 to 90 days."

The OPS representative who testified at the Safety Board’s public hearing stated that the proper operation of check valves can be important to the safe operation of pipelines; he also advised that the OPS historically has considered that the regulations do not apply to the maintenance of check valves. The OPS has not issued an interpretation to this effect and it has


text:
Page talk:Sacred Books of the East - Volume VIII.djvu/5

This was moved, but the forward, backward and index navigation "tabs" still link to the old edition.

It looks to me like it would be better to undo these moves, leaving the more processed older edition alone; just mention and link each edition in each other's index pages.

Mark Hurd (talk) 15:42, 21 July 2012 (UTC)

✅ User:Inductiveload reversed the page moves and I have mentioned the existence of each edition on the other's Index talk page. Mark Hurd (talk) 17:09, 1 August 2012 (UTC)


text:
Sieges of Brampton and Hopton castles/An account of the siege of Hopton Castle by Colonel Samuel Moore (or More)

[1644, February.] — As my memory serves me I went to Hopton Castle the 18th of February, which was Sabbath day at night. The Monday sevennight the enemy came before us, who, facing us with a body of horse first, within an hour sent a body of foot, who approaching the out walls, we not able to hinder them because the work did not flank — being an old wall made round — and burnt the lodging where Richard Steward lay, they brought ladders to scale the walls, but upon our killing of three, of which one in the place, they retreated and went out of the town, but kept courts of guard near us with horse and foot. At this time we were but sixteen men in all, myself and Mr. Phillips being of the number. Mr. Phillips came the Tuesday after I came, who stayed to help to advise the making of some works, in which we were as industrious as men could be for that short time; so Major Phillips advised to send for more men to Brampton Castle and they lovingly sent us twelve, who meeting with the enemy six of them only at that time came to us, the others went back again; but afterwards we had about eight more, that we were in all thirty-one men. The enemy let us alone save for some alarms in the night, till the Friday sevennight after the first assault, and then they marched, as we guessed, about five hundred horse and foot, and entered the town, and that night approached that part of the wall, about two hours before day, where they burnt Richard Steward's chamber, and at the back of a chimney they with pioneers made a breach which our sentinels discovering gave the alarm, and there we fought with the enemy at push of pike, throwing stones and shooting. They, as after some of theirs reported, being two hundred, got most of them through the breach, but not within our works, but as in a pinfold, in the circumference of the burnt lodging, where we killed many, among the rest one Captain Yaughan, who as since I heard was brother-in-law to Mr. Edwards of Stretton. There we repulsed them, took six muskets, ten pikes, eight clubs which they called Roundheads, boards many and six or eight ladders. After this repulse the next day save one they marched away in a full body, but it seems they went but to Clungunford, and kept scouts and courts of guard something more than musket shot of us, and so we were quiet almost a week save for some alarms. Then they came again in a full body and entered the town. The next day Mr. Francis Herbert and Mr. Charles

Baldwin desired to speak with me, which upon mutual assurance of safety I yielded unto, but took one faithful man with me named Eichard Brecknock, who was within hearing and so were many of that side, among the rest one Captain Pindore; the effect of their discourse was to wish me to deliver up the castle with probable hopes I might live with my wife and enjoyment of my estate. I answered it was not fair nor like an honest man to betray a trust, but for my part myself would leave it to them who trusted me, and if I might live with a safe conscience at home I should be glad of it. So that was not hearkened to, and I parted with them, only Captain Pindore told me Secretary Nicholas wrote to him of the Scots defeat. I told him I knew Secretary Nicholas well, which as he after said was the saving of my life. This was as I remember on Saturday. Next day came in carriage of cannon basket and such things, and in the night three pieces of ordnance. By Monday eight of the clock there came a drum and summoned the delivery up of the castle, which if we did not yield before the shooting off one piece of ordnance we must not expect quarter. Our answer was, that we were trusted to keep it for the service of King and Parliament, by the consent of the owner Mr. Wallop, and would do it with loyalty and fidelity. As soon as ever the answer came they shot at us and continued with shooting with culvering and demi-culvering, that from 9 o'clock till five they shot ninety-six shots at our out[er]-wall and made a breach; but we on the other side did work as fast as we could and placed boughs of trees and earth to hinder their entry. About five of the clock they approached the breach, which we defended, and for the space of two hours at least we fought at push of pike, muskets and clubs, so that we gave them a repulse with the loss of one man, who was killed with a cannon shot, and three or four hurt. But they lost, as they afterwards confessed, in all one hundred and fifty of theirs, some said two hundred. I could not imagine we killed so many, but as they said themselves, yet we saw many fall. Next day they desired to fetch their dead which we yielded to. They were quiet all Tuesday till night and then they came to the brick tower and set it on fire—which we had made in the first week we came thither, a work to (sic), from the out-wall and so to the castle; and on the other side from the castle to the out-wall another, to keep the water to us—which when we saw and could not prevent we set Gregory's house on fire, which burning took hold on the newer brick house and burnt it; then we fell to make up the door of the castle, which the enemy perceiving shot their ordnance and killed one man and hurt two more; we made up the door, but they brought broom faggots to fire the porch; we threw water to quench it, but for all we could do the porch burnt and the door began to fire, which we did not perfectly know till we came out. Our men, weary with working all night, and not out of their clothes for a fortnights time, and the enemy gotten under us through a house of office on the south side; it was moved we should desire a parley,

which being done, they bid us send our conditions which Mr. Phillips and I contrived shortly to this effect, that we would surrender the castle, so that we might march away with our arms and ammunition; they denied, we should have no conditions but to yield to the Colonel's mercy. We went to consult together and found that so much household stuff with provisions were in the room below.

The castle consisting but of one room below and another above, that we had no space to countermine, and our stairs were [    ] up, being close to the door where the barricade was, and removing Mr. Gregory's provision and stuff in, both Mr. Phillips myself and six more did plainly hear their working under us, and as the enemy told me when I was in prison they had blown us up within two hours. We agreed to propose to the enemy we would yield the castle upon quarter for our lives. Answer was brought that no other conditions would be yielded but to be referred to Colonel Woodhouse's mercy. We then consulted again and being brought into that condition it was thought better to yield upon those terms, than be blown up, but indeed we all thought we should only be made prisoners, and did not think of such a death as hereafter shall appear was upon so many honest souls. So we told them we would yield to their mercy, only we desired safe conduct from the violence of soldiers to the Commander in Chief. So we came out and stood in order, I was committed to Lieutenant Aldersey, and Major Phillips to Ensign Phillips, so whilst the soldiers and Henry Gregory and the rest had their arms tied, we all stayed, and then we were bidden march, so I went, and thought the rest had followed till I went over the water by Richard Steward's house towards Mr. Sutton's house and then I looked back and saw none follow. I marvelled, but my thoughts were, the rest were to be examined apart; but as it seems by the relation afterwards they were stayed behind, but I was brought before Sir Michael Woodhouse, who asked me the number of the men, which I told him, and what arms and ammunition? I told him about twenty-two muskets, carabines and fowling pieces and three pistols. He asked what I thought they fought for? I told him I thought he as many other men was misled, so he commanded me to the custody of Lieutenant Aldersey, to one Glasbrook's house in the upper end of the town, where, after I had been about an hour, an officer, whose name I never heard, asked me what money I knew of there hid. I told him none. He urged me and said Mr. Phillips had confessed some. I told him I did know of none nor knew that Mr. Phillips knew of any. So he went after some threatenings. Another came and asked me whether I desired to live? I answered it was natural to desire to live, yet I prized not my life before a good conscience. Then a little after, about three hours after the delivery of the castle, Lieutenant Aldersey asked me how many of the soldiers I thought were sent to Shrewsbury? I told him I knew not, I conceived all were in one condition; he told me none, which I wondering at apprehended they were delivered and was somewhat cheerful, but then be

answered with an oath they were all killed, whereat I was troubled in myself, though I did not much express my sorrow, only said I hoped then they were happy, or to that effect. So night growing on, I was called to eat with Lieutenant Aldersey, who indeed used me civilly. I could eat but little; then he let me lie upon his own bed, where I lay till day break, and then I rose, and so they fell to prepare for Ludlow, whither I was brought, and from that time till taking Brampton Castle I was close prisoner; my wife had liberty to come to me but not speak without an officer by. Two days before Brampton Castle was taken, Captain Dean, in Sir Michael Woodhouse's regiment, pretended to come to see me, and in discourse told me they had battered the castle, so as they were ready to enter and were ready to spring a mine, and if I desired to have them saved, I might do well to persuade them to yield. I told him I had no means to write; he said he would convey the letter. I told him then I would write what I heard. So I wrote to Dr. Wright that I heard Brampton Castle was not like to hold long out, and that conditions were granted, better sought timely than stay too long, but I left it to his more wise consideration. He answered me that he heard Sir Michael Woodhouse break his conditions with me, for he promised quarter as he heard, and therefore he would not treat with him. I replied we were referred to his mercy; so then they treated and agreed. I hope it saved blood, but I confess I had much reluctance with myself, knowing it was their own ends they sought, and therefore I wrote warily, expressing I was close prisoner. After Brampton Castle was taken I had my liberty to speak more freely and to come into the kitchen and speak with the people of the house, and so continued a while till my exchange; only Mr. [Edward] Symmonds, a minister of Essex that was Sir Michael Woodhouse' s chaplain, came to see me and got me so much liberty as to go to the chapel in the castle two Sabbath days, otherwise I was not permitted to go out of the lodge. I moved Mr. Symmonds that since my estate was sequestered and my house plundered I might be allowed out of my estate to pay for my diet. This was also granted, after that time which was about a fortnight and three days before my release, but the rest of the time I paid.

October 23rd, 1644. — This was wrote in a little time after the whole relation in Mr. Samuel Moor's own hand and belongeth to the first time they faced us and assaulted us. After they had done they sent Mr. Sutton to me to tell me the Prince Rupert required the delivery of the Castle of Hopton. I sent word I understood no message that came without drum or trumpet; then he sent me word he had taken my son, and it's certain they thought they had taken him, but it was Robin Millard they took for him. Also I omitted another thing which was, that the Friday following their first attempt, they sent a summons by a drum' subscribed by Sir Michael Woodhouse, who demanded the castle in the name of Prince Rupert, and if we would treat he would send hostages. My answer was I kept it by authority of Parliament by the consent of the owner Mr. Wallop, for the service of King and Parliament.

He as all the rest as I heard by themselves when I was in prison were unmercifully killed. Your brother as some of them told me offered 200l. to save his life; they took him and brought him into the castle to receive the money; he told them if they would suffer him to send to Brampton Castle they should have it. They swore at him and stabbed him presently; all the rest, being twenty-five, were killed with clubs or such things after they were stripped naked. Two maids they stripped to their smocks and cut them, but some helped them to escape. Copy.

''Note to above. This was wrote in an odd little scrip of paper in Mr. Samuel Moore's hand, what it belongeth to I know not well, though I believe Mr. Samuel Moore wrote this to Mr. Phillips to let him know that his brother was and how killed''. Copy.


text:
User:Jpacobb

I am mainly active on Wikipedia and come to Wikisource from time to time when something here overlaps with what I am doing there. If you need to contact me, I suggest you leave a message at since I will only check this page from time to time. Jpacobb (talk) 15:53, 21 July 2012 (UTC)

title: User:Jpacobb


text:
Sieges of Brampton and Hopton castles/Garrison of Brampton Castle

[1643.]— A list of those that were in the castle during the siege. Includes Dr. Nathaniel Wright, lieutenant-colonel, governor of Brampton Castle. John Hakluit, Henry Archibold and Prianras Davies, captains. Thomas Harley, Monsieur Peter Yachan, Dorothy and Margaret Harley, and nearly a hundred others [listed by name].


text:
Page:China- Its State and Prospects.djvu/7

 INTRODUCTION.

writer of the present volume was sent out by the London Missionary Society, in 1816, to labour for the benefit of China.

The fundamental principle of this Institution is, that "its design is not to send Presbyterianism, Independency, Episcopacy, or any other form of church order or government, about which there may be a difference of opinion among serious Christians, but the glorious Gospel of the blessed God, to the heathen; leaving it to the minds of the persons whom God may call into the fellowship of his Son from among them, to assume for themselves such form of church government, as to them shall appear most agreeable to the word of God."

In conformity with this principle, no question was ever asked, or direction given to the author as to his personal views of church government, or what form of ecclesiastical polity he should adopt, in the event of his labours being successful abroad. After residing at Malacca and Penang for several years, he settled in Batavia, where he collected a congregation, and built a


text:
Page:China- Its State and Prospects.djvu/8

 a chapel for the worship of Almighty God. In conducting the services of the sanctuary, he invited and obtained the assistance of Gospel ministers from various communions; and when a church was formed, the members who joined it drew up and signed a constitution, in which, after stating their belief in the Inspired Oracles as the only sure ground of faith and practice, they acknowledged the standards of the English, Scotch, and Dutch Reformed Churches, as exhibiting those views of Christian doctrine, which they considered the most in accordance with the revealed will of God. Based on this broad principle, the society of Christians thus collected together, though originally of different communions, consented to lay aside their denominational prejudices, and unite on the safe ground of our common Christianity; while Episcopalian, Presbyteterian, Baptist, and Independent ministers alternated with each other in the performance of religious services, and the celebration of the holy sacraments. The native church connected with the mission has been established on the same principle.

Should the author and his esteemed coadjutors ever succeed in introducing Christianity extensively into China, they purpose spending their utmost energies in spreading the simple Gospel through that important empire, without wasting themselves in dissensions on non-essential points, which have so long and unhappily divided the Christian world. It is on this ground alone that they can confidently look for the blessing


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 9.djvu/379


text:
Sieges of Brampton and Hopton castles/Garrison of Hopton Castle

[1644.]— A list of those that were in the castle. Includes Samuel Moore [More], captain and governor, Thomas Phillips, major, and twenty-two others [listed by name].


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 9.djvu/380


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 9.djvu/381


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 9.djvu/382


text:
Page:China- Its State and Prospects.djvu/9

Rh of the great head of the church, and claim the countenance and co-operation of Christians of every name. So great is the work, and so feeble the energies that can be brought to bear on it, that we have no time "to fall out by the way;" and it is a pleasing feature of the Protestant mission to China, that hitherto the agents of various societies, the members of different communions, and the representatives of distant hemispheres, have consented to merge their national and denominational prejudices, and to join heart and hand in making known the great doctrine of justification by faith, to the sceptical and superstitious Chinese. May brotherly love continue; and may one strenuous and persevering effort be made, till the millions of China be brought under the influence of Christianity!

But it is necessary that the author should give some account of the origin and nature of the following work. Having been called upon, in the year 1835, to undertake a journey along the north-east coast of China, in order to ascertain whether or not that country was open to the Gospel; and having kept a record of passing events, he contemplated, on his return, the publication of a journal, with some brief remarks on the situation of foreigners in Canton, and the state of the native Christian community there. In the course of his tour through England, however, to plead the cause of missions, he found it necessary to dilate more at large on the political, moral, and spiritual condition of the Chinese, and to relate in order the efforts that a 2


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 9.djvu/383


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 9.djvu/384


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/14


text:
Page:China- Its State and Prospects.djvu/10

 have been made for their evangelization. These statements having been listened to with some interest, and awakened a sympathy on behalf of China, the thought suggested itself that, possibly, the feeling thus created might be extended and perpetuated by a publication, embracing the general state of, and its and, with especial reference to the of the.

The most important feature in the condition of that country is its population; about which so many different opinions have been held, and for the benefit of which Christian missionaries so ardently long and labour. The question of amount, therefore, is discussed, and the suggestion thrown out, that probably the highest census given of the Chinese people is the right one. Their civilization and political state next demand attention; and some references are made to their singular language and the state of education among them. As we contemplate the introduction of a new religion into the country, it is natural to enquire, what are their present views of divine and eternal things, and to shew the defects of their own systems as a prelude to the recommendation of another. Before treating on the recent efforts of Protestants to evangelize China, it was thought necessary to allude to the previous exertions of other missionaries; and therefore the devoted, self-denying, and persevering labours of Syrian, Nestorian, and Catholic Christians are briefly enumerated. The missions to Canton, the Straits, and Batavia, are then severally


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/62


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/63


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/64


text:
Sieges of Brampton and Hopton castles/The cost of the damage to Brampton and an account of the destruction of Roaring Megg

Letter from William Bagley to Thomas Harley
1646, June 15. Putney.— I have cast up my thoughts and according to my best understanding as far as I am able to judge, I think your father's losses in the ruin of the castle, the out-buildings, the burning of the town, the goods and furniture of the castle, the loss' of all his cattle, his rents and other ruins that are made upon his estate may be about twelve or thirteen thousand pounds, besides what waste hath been made in his woods I know not; for the church I conceive thirteen or fourteen hundred pounds may build and repair seats in it again. And for the townsmen's losses I cannot well say what it may be until I have some further information from them; but yet I shall declare to my thoughts, which are thus; if all they who have term for life or years must again repair the buildings out of those ruins, and your father to repair the rest of the town, then I think the loss' of the townsmen will amount to about two thousand seven hundred and fifty pounds, or thereabouts.

The day of our enemies' close approach was July 26th, 1643. They brought seven great iron guns, one whereof they called Roaring Megg. Their great god in whom they trusted broke in pieces at the third shot and hurt many of their own company; and at three sallies out upon them, we had not one man killed, but many of theirs; and when our time was expired that we must hold the castle no longer we delivered it up April the 17th, 1644. For many acts of God's providence towards us in this time of our trial and trouble, I believe you have more particularly recorded then I am able to do. Copy.


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/162


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/166


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/168


text: Index:1980 09 15 Letter WelshBroadcasting.pdf


text:
Page:1980 09 15 Letter WelshBroadcasting.pdf/1

CONFIDENTIAL 10 DOWNING STREET

From the Private Secretary

As you know, the Home Secretary and the Secretary of State for Wales had a word with the Prime Minister this afternoon about Welsh language broadcasting.

The Home Secretary set out the advice which he and Mr. Edwards had received in the course of their wide-ranging consultations on the matter. He referred in particular to their recent meeting with Lord Cledwyn, the Archbishop of Wales and Sir Goronwy Daniel.

He and Mr. Edwards had been taken aback by the strength of feeling that the Government ought to reconsider its policy.

Against this background, and in view of the threat that the legislation might be amended in the Lords, leaving the Government to seek to change it in the Commons during Mr. Evans threatened hunger strike, Mr. Whitelaw had made up his mind that the Government should reverse its position. He could not recommend going on to colleagues in view of the likely consequences. Mr. Edwards confirmed that he had also tried to look at the problem afresh after taking a break. He still believed that the Government's original decision was probably right, but it was now fostering intolerable consequences. Opinion in the Conservative Party in Wales was now firmly in favour of going back to the manifesto position.

The Home Secretary said that Lord Cledwyn, the Archbishop of Wales and Sir Goronwy Daniel had said that it would be reasonable for the Government to announce that it was reversing its approach to the trial period, and now intended to adopt the single channel option during this period. Mr. Whitelaw saw this as an acceptable basis of presenting a change of position. He had it in mind to announce this on 17 September, although he would first need to discuss the financial implications with the Chancellor and Parliamentary business implications with the Lord President and the Chancellor of the Duchy. Mr. Edwards also drew the Prime Minister's attention to Mr. Evans' subsidiary demands. The Government could not be confident that Mr. Evans would immediately call off his hunger strike threat when this change of approach was announced.

The Prime Minister agreed with the course of action recommended by the Home Secretary and the Secretary of State for Wales. / You will now


text:
Page:1980 09 15 Letter WelshBroadcasting.pdf/2

CONFIDENTIAL

- 2 -

You will now no doubt wish to expedite consultations with other Ministers whose agreement is necessary before an announcement can be made. I would be grateful if you could keep us in touch with progress so that we can settle the detailed handling of the proposed announcement. I am sending a copy of this letter to in the Welsh Office.

Home Office


text: Letter dated 15 September 1980 regarding Welsh language broadcasting


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 8.djvu/15


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 6.djvu/75

Rh The archangels are, Gibraʼîl, ‘Gabriel’ (also called er Rûʿh el Amîn, ‘the faithful spirit,’ or er Rûʿh el Qudus, ‘the holy spirit’), God’s messenger by whom the Qurʼân was revealed to Mohammed; Mikâʼîl, the guardian angel of the Jews ; Isrâfîl, the archangel who will sound the last trumpet at the resurrection; Azrâʼîl, the angel of death.

Two angels are appointed to each human being, who stand one on his right and one on his left hand, to record his every action.

One angel, called Razwân, ‘ goodwill,’ presides over heaven; and one, named Mâlik, ‘the ruler,’ over hell.

Munkir and Nakîr are the two angels who preside at ‘the examination of the tomb.’ They visit a man in his grave directly after he has been buried, and examine him concerning his faith. If he acknowledge that there is but one God and that Mohammed is his prophet, they suffer him to rest in peace, otherwise they beat him with iron maces till he roars so loud that he is heard by all from east to west except by men, and ginns. They then press the earth down on the corpse, and leave it to be torn by dragons and serpents till the day of resurrection.

The angelology of Islâm is apparently traceable to Jewish sources, though the ancient Arab cult had no doubt borrowed some portion of it from the Persians, whence too it was introduced into Judaism.

The notions of the bridge over hell, Es Sirât, and of the partition wall, El Aarâf, between paradise and hell, are also common to the Jewish and Magian traditions.

Iblîs or Saitân, ‘the devil’ or ‘Satan,’ was originally an angel who fell from paradise on account of his proudly refusing to adore Adam.

Besides the angels there are the ginn (collectively gânn), of whom I have before spoken. They are created out of


text:
Page:China- Its State and Prospects.djvu/11

Rh described; and the attempts to carry the Gospel by means of Scriptures and tracts along the coast of China are delineated. This review is concluded by appeals for more agents and increased facilities for the vigorous prosecution of the work, as it is only when we use the appointed means that we can consistently look for the Divine blessing on our labours.

The short time that could be spared for preparing this work for publication must necessarily have occasioned many defects in point of style and arrangement. Sent forth when very young on this important mission, occupied during his whole stay abroad in studying foreign and difficult languages, and accustomed to write and speak for the benefit of Mahomedans and heathens, it can hardly be expected that the author should be skilled in European composition. Public engagements, for the first year after his return to England, called him incessantly from home; and it was only during the retirement of the last winter that he has had the least opportunity for arranging his thoughts on the subject now discussed. Being about to quit his native country during the present summer, to revisit the scene of his former labours, it was necessary that he should begin to print almost as soon as he began to write, in order to have the book published before his departure. He must cast himself, therefore, on the indulgence of the public, hoping that the circumstances under which the information contained in this volume has been collected and communicated, will


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/399


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 6.djvu/76

ⅼⅹⅹ fire and are both good and evil, the latter being generally called ‘Ifrît.’ Their abode is Mount Qâf, the mountain chain which encircles the world. These are the creatures over whom Solomon held control, and a tribe of whom were converted to Islâm by Mohammedʼs preaching on his return from Tâʼif.

The two classes of beings, human and superhuman, by which the world is inhabited are called Eaqalân, ‘the two weighty matters,’ or el ʼHâlamûn, ‘the worlds,’ as in the expression in the Opening Chapter, ‘Lord of the worlds.’

Heaven, according to the Qurʼân and the traditions, consists of seven divisions:  Gannat al ʿHuld (Chapter ⅩⅩⅤ, 16), the Garden of Eternity. Dâr as Salâm (Chapter Ⅵ, 127), the Abode of Peace. Dâr al Qarâr (Chapter ⅩⅬ, 42), the Abode of Rest. Gannat ʼHadn (Chapter Ⅸ, 72), the Garden of Eden. Gannat al Mâʼwâ (Chapter ⅩⅩⅫ, 19), the Garden of Resort. Gannat an Naʼhîm (Chapter Ⅵ, 70), the Garden of Pleasure. Gannat al ʼHilliyûn (Chapter ⅬⅩⅩⅩⅢ, 18), the Garden of the Most High. Gannat al Firdaus (Chapter ⅩⅧ, 107), the Garden of Paradise.

Of the presumed sensual character of the Muslim paradise much has been written. It appears, however, from the Qurʼân, to be little more than an intense realisation of all that a dweller in a hot, parched, and barren land could desire, namely, shade, water, fruit, rest, and pleasant companionship and service.

Hell contains also seven divisions :  Gehennum (Chapter ⅩⅨ, 44), Gehenna. Lathâ (Chapter ⅬⅩⅩ, 15), the Flaming Fire. Hutamah (Chapter ⅭⅣ, 4), the Raging Fire that splits everything to pieces. Saʼhîr (Chapter Ⅳ, 11), the Blaze. Saqar (Chapter ⅬⅣ, 58), the Scorching Fire. Gahîm (Chapter Ⅱ, 113), the Fierce Fire. Hâwiyeh (Chapter ⅭⅠ, 8), the Abyss.


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/404


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/405


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/406


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 10.djvu/407


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 6.djvu/77

Rh As to the condition of the soul between death and the resurrection, Islâm has no authoritative teaching; the general opinion is that there is a limbo somewhere or other in which the spirits of the good repose, while those of the wicked are imprisoned elsewhere in a foul dungeon to await their doom.

A great many wonderful signs are to precede the judgment day, of which we need only notice the coming of Mehdi or ‘guide,’ who shall have the same name as Mohammed himself, and whose father’s name shall be the same as his father’s name, and who shall govern the Arabians, and fill the earth with righteousness; the appearance of Ed-daggâl, ‘the antichrist;’ the release of Gog and Magog ; and the convulsions in heaven and earth described in the Qurʼân itself.

The chief prophets recognised by the Qurʼân are the following: each of whom is said to have had a special revelation, and to possess an appropriate title:  Adam, Zafiy allâh, the Chosen of God. Noah, Nabîy allâh, the Prophet of God. Abraham, 'Halîla ′llâh, the Friend of God. Jesus, Rû'ha ʼllâh, the Spirit of God. Mohammed, Rusûl allâh, the Apostle of God.

Mohammed is also called ‘the seal of the prophets,’ and the saying traditionally attributed to him, ‘There is no prophet after me,’ makes it unlawful to expect the advent of another.

Besides these, there are the minor apostles sent to particular tribes, the stories of some of whom are related in the Qurʼân.

The practical duties of Islâm are, 1. The profession of faith in the unity of God, and the mission of Mohammed. 2. Prayer. 3. Fasting. 4. Almsgiving. 5. Pilgrimage.

The first consists in the repetition of the Kelimah or creed, ‘There is no god but God, and Mohammed is the Apostle of God.’


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 8.djvu/13

 WITH

AND

TRANSLATED BY THE LATE

KÂSHINÂTH TRIMBAK TELANG, M. A.

SECOND EDITION, REVISED

AT THE CLARENDON PRESS

1898

[All rights reserved]


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 8.djvu/12


text: Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 8.djvu/11


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 6.djvu/78

ⅼⅹⅻ Prayer consists of the recital of a certain prescribed and invariable formula at five stated times of the day, namely: 1. Between dawn and sunrise. 2. After the sun has begun to decline. 3. Midway between this. 4. Which is said shortly after sunset. 5. At nightfall. These are farẓ or ‘incumbent;’ all others are nafl, ‘supererogatory,’ or sunnah, ‘in accordance with the practices of the prophet.’ The prayers are preceded by wuẓû′h, ‘ablution;’ they are commenced in a standing position, qiyâm, the hands being so held that the thumbs touch the lobes of the ears, and the face being turned towards the qiblah, that is, in the direction of Mecca. During the prayers inclinations of the body, rukû′h, are made, of which a certain number only are incumbent.

The time for prayer is called from the minarets of the mosques by Mu′eins or ‘criers,’ in the following words:

‘God is great!’ (four times). ‘I bear witness that there is no god but God’ (twice). ‘I bear witness that Mohammed is the Apostle of God’ (twice). ‘Come hither to prayers!’ (twice). ‘Come hither to salvation!’ (twice). ‘God is great! There is no other god but God!’ and in the early morning the crier adds, ‘Prayer is better than sleep!’

This formula appears to have been used by Bilâl, Mohammed′s own crier, on the establishment of the first mosque in Medînah. It is called the aân or ‘call.’

The word ‘mosque’ is a corruption of masgid, ‘a place of adoration’ (sigdah), and is applied to the whole precincts of a Muslim place of worship. Another name is gâmi′h, ‘the assembling,’ especially applied to a cathedral mosque.

The mosques are always open for public prayers, but on Fridays a special service is held, followed by a 'Hutbah or ‘homily.’

Another of the duties incumbent on every believer


text:
Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/14

Rh of her own actions; but now the consequences are strictly to another, and that other a being almost dearer than herself. Upon her parents, her relations, nay, even upon her husband, she may have secretly thrown the blame of many of her own faults and deficiencies; but there can be no blame thrown upon another here. The field is open before her, in which she has to act—the page is clear and vacant upon which she has to write. Whatever is written there in the capacity of a mother, is written on her own responsibility—whatever is done, is done for time, and for eternity.

There are cases occurring to all of us, perhaps, oftener than the day, in which we do not take the trouble to decide whether we are right or wrong, simply because we deem the occasion of too little consequence to merit any serious thought; or, at all events, even while we feel that we are a little wrong, we satisfy the claims of conscience by the plea that it is our custom, our habit, or a thing we must do, because we have always done it. But in the training of a child, this plea can never be allowed, if indeed it had been available before, because everything is of consequence then; and the sins of omission in that most trying process, tell as legibly upon the character under formation, as those which are more positive and direct.

From the duties of a mother there is then no escape; and hence it follows, that if ever, in the whole course of woman's life, she is called upon to think seriously, it is when she first becomes a parent. I can not but suppose, however, that English mothers will most of them have learned to think seriously long before this period, except, indeed, in those lamentable cases, where the husband has chosen a companion for life simply from the fancy of a moment—where the rose of a blooming cheek, the grace of a lovely form, or the sparkling pleasantry of an undisciplined spirit, have been presumed upon as guarantees for the happiness of a whole life.

Were I writing a book for the benefit of men instead of women, I might here enlarge upon the domestic calamities to which many have subjected themselves in consequence of making this kind of choice. I must confess that to me the spectacle of a silly mother, surrounded by a family of

title: Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/14


text:
Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/15

10 children whom she has neither the skill to influence, nor the dignity to control, has always presented one of the most melancholy aspects of human life. But in whatever point of view this picture should be presented, it is more than probable that men would still go on to please themselves for the time being, regardless of ultimate vexation; and what is worse, it is equally probable, that they would still continue to charge the miseries of their own disappointment upon the whole female sex. Nor indeed would it be altogether politic, should we succeed in dissuading them from this generous system of protecting the helpless and incapable; because a heavy burden would then be left upon society, of which it is now in a great measure relieved by the preference of the stronger sex falling so charitably and so often upon the weakest of the weak. It is only on behalf of the rising generation that this preference is to be regretted; and the more so, that a strong stimulus is now withheld, which ought to be thrown on the side of mental and moral cultivation; for it is of no use attempting to draw a veil over the truth, that so long as women see their ignorance and folly not unacceptable to men, they will never strenuously endeavor to be wiser than they are.

Those luckless women who find themselves placed at the head of a family which they are expected to govern, without ever having learned, or even thought of, any mode of governing themselves, must be left almost entirely out of consideration in pursuing the course of reflection which is intended to occupy these pages. It is not certainly from choice that such pitiable creatures are placed beyond the pale of sympathy, for, of all human beings, the mother who is expected to conduct a family without this preparation, has the most need of help from others. But the question naturally arises, when we think of such women—"How is it possible to help them?" The wayward, whose will is at fault, and the simply uninformed, whose judgment has never been rightly directed, may both be assisted, when we labor to convince them of their errors; but the naturally weak, the incapable, what is to be done with them? Nothing, that I am aware of, but to commend them to the tender mercies of those protectors, who, having placed them in situations for which they were not fitted, are

title: Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/15


text:
Page:Sacred Books of the East - Volume 6.djvu/79

Rh is that of fasting between dawn and sunset throughout Ramadhân, the ninth month of the Muslim year. The fast is a most rigorous one, not even a drop of water being allowed to pass the lips even when Ramadhân occurs in the hot season. Only the sick and infirm are allowed exemption.

One night between the twenty-first and twenty-ninth of Ramadhân, the exact date being uncertain, is called the Lailat el Qadr or ‘night of power;’ in it the Qurʼân was said to have been revealed.

Zakât, ‘almsgiving ’ or ‘poor rate,’ must be given either in money, stock, or goods, and consists of the bestowal in charity of about one-fortieth of all such property as shall have been a year in the owner’s possession. In Mohammed’s time the zakât was a contribution by his followers to the expenses of the war against the infidels.

Sadaqah is the name applied to any charitable gifts beyond that prescribed by law, especially to the offerings on the ʼhîd al fitr, or ‘feast of breaking fast,’ at the expiration of Ramadhân.

Waqf is a religious bequest or endowment.

The ʿHagg or ‘pilgrimage,’ the last of the five incumbent practices of the religion, is a very ancient institution, and one which, as we have seen, Mohammed could not, if he would, have abolished.

The ceremonies observed, during the season of the pilgrimage are as follows:—

Arrived at the last of the mîqât, or six stages in the immediate vicinity of Mecca, the pilgrim divests himself of his ordinary clothes and assumes the iʼhrâm, or ‘garb of sanctity.’ This consists of two wrappers without seams, one of which is bound round the waist, and the other thrown loosely over the shoulders, the head being left uncovered. After putting on this it is unlawful to anoint the head, shave this or any other part of the body, pare the nails, or wear any other garment than the iʼhrâm.


text:
Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/16

Rh doubly bound not to leave them to bear unaided the consequences of an imprudence not wholly their own.

It is one feature in the case under consideration, and by no means a hopeful one, that notwithstanding all the evils arising out of the unfitness of silly women to undertake the duties of wives and mothers, there still prevails among men a popular outcry against women of an opposite character, as if to possess talent, was necessarily to be guilty of pretension; or, as if to be imbecile, was necessarily to be amiable. Happily for men, and women too, but more happily for infancy than either, there is a wide range of intellect between the two extremes of wisdom and folly; and it is to this class—to women of competent minds, desirous of turning their abilities to the best account, that I would venture chiefly to address myself; for if, on the one hand, the absolutely weak would be incapable of profiting by such hints as I may be able to suggest, those who are already wise, and consequently fitter than myself to discuss the important topics now under consideration, will, I hope, be willing lo pardon me for transcribing, for the sake of others, what they already know.

To persons of ordinary intellect then, to persons of fair and candid minds, but chiefly to such as feel their own deficiencies, and would be glad to profit by the experience and observation of others, I would, in the true spirit of charity, submit these pages, because it is to such I believe that the first experience of a mother's life will have many anxious feelings intermingled with its joys.

It is among this class especially, that I have imagined the first thoughts of a mother to wander back to her own childhood, and to take a serious and impartial survey of her own past life; to mark where she has fallen short, or gone astray; by what temptations she has been most frequently overcome, and which have been the weakest points in her own character. But above all, I have imagined that the Christian mother would, by prayer and heartfelt dedication, commend her child to the care and guidance of its Heavenly Father, in the hope that both it and its earthly parents might begin a new life more strictly devoted to his service and his glory.

It is scarcely possible to imagine a really impartial and

title: Page:The Mothers of England.djvu/16