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1539.] harshness of the code. So long as these immunities subsisted, it had no other resource; but judges and magistrates shrank from inflicting penalties so enormously disproportioned to the offence. They could not easily send a poacher or a vagrant to the gallows while a notorious murderer was lounging in comfort in a neighbouring sanctuary, or having just read a sentence from a book at the bar in arrest of judgment, had been handed over to an apparitor of the nearest archdeacon's court, and been set at liberty for a few shillings. I have met with many instances of convictions for deer stealing in the correspondence of the reign of Henry VIII.; I have met but one instance where the letter of the law was enforced against the offender, unless the minor crime had been accompanied with manslaughter or armed resistance—the leaders of a gang who had


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224 for many years infested Windsor Forest were at last taken and hanged. The vagrancy laws sound terribly severe; but in the reports of the judges on their assize, of which many remain in the State Paper Office, I have not found any one single account of an execution under them. Felons of the worst kind never, perhaps, had easier opportunities. The parish constables were necessarily inefficient as a police; many of them were doubtless shaped after the model of Dogberry; if they bid a man stand and he would not stand they would let him go, and thank God they were rid of a knave. There were sanctuaries within reach all over England, even under the very walls of Newgate, where escaped prisoners could secure themselves. The scarcely tolerable license of ordinary times had broken its last bonds during the agitations of the Reformation, and the audacity of the criminal classes had become so great that organized gangs of them assembled at the gaol deliveries and quarter sessions to overawe the authorities. Ambitious or violent knights and noblemen interfered to rescue or protect their own dependents. They alone were the guardians of the law, and they at their pleasure could suspend the law; while the habit of admitting plea of clergy, and of respecting the precincts of sanctuary, had sunk so deeply into the practice of the country that, although Parliament might declare such privileges curtailed, yet in many districts custom long continued

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: Price v. Watkins

title: Price v. Watkins


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1539.] stronger than law. The constables still respected the boundaries traced by superstition; felons were still 'saved by their book;' the English, like the Romans, were a people with whom legislation became strong only when it had. stiffened into habit, and had entered slowly and formally into possession of their hearts and understandings.

So many anomalies have at all times existed among English institutions, that the nation has been practised in correcting them; and, even at their worst, the old arrangements may have worked better in reality than under the naked theory might appear to be possible. In a free country each definite instinct or tendency represents itself in the general structure of society. When tendencies, as frequently happens, contradict each other, common sense comes in to the rescue, and, on the whole, justice is done, though at the price of consistency.

But at the period at which this history has now arrived, the evils of the system had obtained a conclusive preponderance. Superstition had become powerless to deter from violence, retaining only the means of preventing the punishment of it: I shall proceed to illustrate the actual condition of the criminal administration between the years 1535 and 1540, by specimens, not indeed selected at random, but such as exhibit, in a marked form, a condition of things which may be


text: Albertson’s Lessee v. Robeson

title: Albertson’s Lessee v. Robeson


text: King v. Rapp

title: King v. Rapp


text: King v. Haas

title: King v. Haas


text: Richardson’s Lessee v. Campbell

title: Richardson’s Lessee v. Campbell


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72 "But mamma," said Iy Eveline, "I am sure I don't like him well enough to marry him."

"Oh! I dare say not; he does not ask you to marry him to-day or to-morrow. I am sure you will like him sufficiently well before there is any call on you to do so, and the young man is really wonderfully well, considering," said the Countess.

"But I ought to tell him how I feel, surely."

"Oh no, dear, there is not the slightest necessity to say any thing about it. He ought to know that a well-brought-up girl does not fall in love with a man before he asks her or at the moment of a proposal. You have given only a little negative encouragement."

"But I did not mean to give him any encouragement at all."

"You are a little goose not to know that referring him to your father was very decided encouragement," said the Countess.

"But I was so sure that he would not approve."

"If he had not been a desirable parti your papa would have put a stop to it at once, but as it is, really, everything that could be wished for you, the Earl sees it as I do, and there was no harm done by your blunder."

So it was settled, and Lady Eveline tried to

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text:
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Rh think it was as well settled as the Earl and Countess said it was, and faintly tried to foster anything she could feel like a prepossession for John Derrick.

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text: The Author's Daughter/Chapter 5

title: The Author's Daughter/Chapter 5


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 was under very different circumstances from those before the holidays that Miss Hope resumed her flirtation with John Derrick. If he had not the éclât of a declared engagement with Lady Eveline Darlington, he had he pleasure of a secret one, and he had never enjoyed flirting so much as now, when he felt sure nothing could come of it. Miss Hope was more agreeable than ever, and to his proposal to take lessons in singing and in music from her, his parents made no objection, so he was thrown into her company still more than before. Lady Eveline was very fond of music, and it was with some ulterior view of making himself agreeable to her by-and-by, while at he same time the process was exceedingly pleasant to himself, hat he had proposed to cultivate his naturally good voice. Miss Hope felt, if Mr. and Mrs. Derrick

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Rh, as they could scarcely help doing, the growth of Mr. John's attachment to herself, that they approved of it. His pleasure in the governess's society was greater and more unmixed than that of his noble betrothed. Miss Hope was older, more experienced, and had more tact. Lady Eveline was timid and sensitive; she did not love him well enough to be confiding and affectionate, and though they were engaged, he had always stood a little in awe of her. Under a very commonplace character, John Derrick concealed an enormous amount of vanity, and a disposition to take deep offence if he was slighted, so that Miss Hope, who really loved him, and to whom he was the most important person in he world, was sure to be a pleasanter companion than the inexperienced girl who had been persuaded into an engagement with him for family and worldly reasons, and whose parents underrated all but the wealth of her suitor.

When Lady Eveline's name was mentioned in conversation between pupil and teacher, John Derrick thought it rather good fun to speak slightingly of her beauty and other attractions. His promise to keep the engagement secret allowed of this latitude, and as Charlotte and Anne were always praising the Lady Eveline, he though it necessary to say something

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76 in order to throw Miss Hope off the scent. He had discovered Miss Hope's wishes, and had been flattered and amused by them. He knew that he was a very eligible person; his reception from the Earl and Countess had strengthened his opinion of his importance; but the idea that even the governess's obscure position had not protected her heart from his powers of fascination was rather amusing; so he played the game, with nothing staked on his part and everything on Miss Hope's, with considerable skill and success.

In the mean time, Lady Eveline's negative amount of affection for him had no food but a few short and far from ardent or romantic letters. Indeed, even if he had been a good correspondent, which he was not, a man of average capacity can scarcely write good love-letters to one woman when he is deep in a flirtation with another. His whole powers in that way are forestalled, and even at the best it was Lady Eveline's rank and position that he had been most attached to. Miss Hope's person and manners were far more to his taste, and if her other qualifications had been equally attractive there was no doubt as to whom he should have preferred. He fancied that the style of beauty which Lady Eveline possessed, which was a

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Rh complete contrast to his own, was that which he admired, and that her ethereal elegance, her transparently fair complexion, her deep blue eyes, and sunny hair with its rippling curls, was his type of beauty; whereas he really in his heart preferred Miss Hope's, which was more like his own, but with softened expression and more regular features. He was not ill-looking, but his face was rather heavy and clumsy, whereas Miss Hope was really fine woman, large and well made, whose dark eyes, fine straight black hair, strongly defined eyebrows, and short black eyelashes, clear brown complexion with a warm glow through it, rather large mouth, with white and regular teeth, made her altogether somewhat like himself, but considerably handsomer. She would have won him if she had not been his sister's governess, but even with that disadvantage he could not help being fascinated.

The only mark of attention he ventured on to remind Lady Eveline of his engagement was suggested by his father, and consisted in a magnificent set of jewels to appear in at a large party at Gower's Court. They were given through the Countess of Darlington, and arrived at a time when Eveline was disposed to forget all about her engagement. She had entreated that her aunt should know nothing of the matter, and

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78 as she was disposed to be a little restive under the excellent family arrangement, her mother and the Earl had consented that nothing should be said about it. There was n young Lord Martingale at Gower's Court for the Christmas holidays who was heir to a marquisate, and as Lady Gower was satisfied that Eveline was prettier than she promised to be, if she had any chance there the less that was said about the Manchester family the better. But Lord Martingale knew his own value too well to throw himself away on the daughter of the spendthrift Darlington, and Eveline's style was not at all to his taste, no that he baffled his hostess's attempts to throw them together. Though Lady Gower was a leader of fashion, and very exclusive in many of her ideas, she had a pride in getting up agreeable parties, and this could not be made up entirely of eligibles. It was necessary for the success even of parties in town to have a large sprinkling of detrimentals, in the shape of younger sons, clever young professional men, officers with very little beyond their pay, and even of a few litterateurs, now that literature was becoming so much the rage. If for parties in town,how much more valuable were such people for a six weeks' campaign at Christmas, when the neighbours were slow, and when there were

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Rh of frost setting in and putting a stop to field sports.

I was therefore a lively circle into which Lady Eveline Darlington was introduced as a fresh face and a fresh nature; and she felt the attentions, the badinage, the smart conversation, the careless gaiety of that pleasure-loving and pleasure-seeking coterie something as delightful as it was new. Her father had been of the old school of self-indulgence, and she had had no brothers, so that it was a great deal more to her than to other young ladies of rank to come out. The Derricks had been very slow and stupid compared to this gay assembly, and she could not help contrasting John Derrick unfavourably with several of he young gentlemen whose compliments were much better turned, and whose attentions were much less clumsy. She received her fair share of admiration, if not from Lord Martingale or Sir Henry Overton, from one or two others whom she though much more agreeable; and especially from Mr. Gerald Staunton, a young barrister who was toiling up the many slow steps that lead in one case out of ten thousand to the woolsack, and which that remote chance tempts so many adventurous spirits to climb.

He had never seen anything out of his dreams so fresh and innocent as Lady Eveline

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80, and sunned himself in the presence of one so unconsciously charming. Her enthusiasm about books, and pictures, and landscapes, her ignorance of the ways of the world, her frankness in asking information, her evident pleasure in every thing he said to her, were dangerous to the peace of mind of a briefless barrister with all the world certainly before him, but still a long way off.

Lady Gower had thought she had given her niece sufficient warning when she had said to her a day or two after her arrival: "Lady Darlington trusts that I will not put any nonsense into your head or let any one else do it, so I need only tell you that, with the exception of Lord Maringale, and Sir Harry Overton, and Mr. Seymour, there is not an eligible person at Gower's Court. As for the others, whatever they may say, you know it means nothing. Mr. Staunton, for instance, is well enough to pass an hour with, but he has nothing and neither have you, and he knows it. I only speak to you because you are so utterly inexperienced; a year hence you will see these things for yourself."

"Oh! I am safe enough, dear aunt," said Eveline with a laugh and a little sigh, "you need not tell me to take care of my heart." She thought her engagement, uncomfortable as it was, was defensive armour sufficient for all her requirements.

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Rh "My dear Eveline," said Lady Gower, a fortnight after this warning, "I told you to take care of your heart, and you said you were quite safe, but you ought to take care of poor Gerald Staunton's too. You are not sufficiently distant with him. I really should blame you if he has the presumption to fall in love with you, absurd and preposterous as it would be. We cannot do without these creatures, and ye they are a world of trouble to us; silly moths fluttering around dangerous candles. I think I overheard you saying you wished he could go to Darlington Castle to see some view or another, but there is one comfort, Darlington will not invite him."

Eveline heard this warning with a little feeling of shame, but not altogether without pleasure. The idea that Gerald Staunton was falling in love with her mos imprudently and hopelessly, was far more romantic and interesting to her, than John Derrick's proposal to make an exchange between rank and money; it was far more like books, and unfortunately Eveline nothing of life but from books, and neither her querulous mother nor her fashionable aunt tried to guide her hear or judgment in any other but the most worldly way.

There was an additional glow on Lady Eveline's cheek when Gerald again sat beside her and

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text:
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LITTLE more than sixty thousand tons of shipping had been launched from the shipyards in and near New York during the year 1850, and over thirty thousand tons were still under construction there when the year closed, while the total tonnage of vessels built in the United States that year was 306,034 tons.

At this period the California clippers increased rapidly in size. Ships of a new type from 1500 to 2000 tons register, of which the Stag-Hound was the pioneer, were now being built, and ship-builders were called upon to deal with the problem of fitting wooden spars and hemp rigging that would stand the stress and strain of the enormous amount of canvas that these powerful vessels were expected to carry. The rigging and handling of this new type of long-limbed clipper, with her unexplored peculiarities, gave ship-builders and sea-captains some serious thinking and the ship lovers of South Street' something to talk about and argue over.

Thirty-one California clippers were launched during the year 1851, and almost all the large 151

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82 resumed the sparkling but still occasionally serious conversation, which they always took up just where they had left off. Each recollected so distinctly the other's last words, each had been thinking over the subject in the interval, and was ready to throw or to receive any new light on it. Lady Gower's eye was upon them, and she could hear all that they said, but there was not a word that she could take exception to. It was simply that they were interested in subjects that did not interest her that she was suspicious, Lady Eveline flattered herself;—but it was the amount of interest, and the looks and tones in which the conversation was conducted, that alarmed that clever woman of the world.

Gerald Staunton was one of her best talkers; she had always liked to place him where he could enliven a dull corner, but she did not like that her niece should appreciate his lively humour, his apt quotations, his fluent narrative so keenly. Nothing he said or did ever jarred on Eveline, his taste was so good, his opinions so just, his criticisms so keen. She was a little ashamed of her omnivorous capacity for novel reading, and her indiscriminating taste for poetry, and was now determined to like and dislike with better judgment, that is to say, with Gerald Staunton's judgment.

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Rh In the course of conversation one day the name of John Derrick happened to be mentioned, and Eveline heard with secret emotion that he had been a fellow-student with Staunton at Harrow and Oxford. As he did not know that she had any intimate knowledge of the family, or any connection with John Derrick in particular, Staunton could not guess how she was pained to hear anecdotes of his sensitive vanity, of his deficient scholarship, of his want of gentlemanly feeling, of his desire to fasten himself on great people, and of the rebuffs he had met with. Lady Gower acknowledged that it took several generations of wealth to get the tradesman's spirit out of the blood of these money magnates, and laughed at Mr. Staunton's description as heartily as the others, lamenting that so fine a property as Stanmore should have fallen into such hands, and bringing in a disparaging allusion to the Pennithorne alliance which Herbert Darlington had contracted. "Nothing can be done with her, Eveline. I made an effort and went to her, but she is hopeless, absolutely hopeless. And Manchester is several devotees lower than London of course."

All his must be true—quite true, for Eveline believed implicitly in Staunton, and how much more distressing was her engagement to her. Her indifference was fast changing into positive

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84 dislike, when the packet with the handsome ornaments arrived.

Lady Eveline took them to her aunt, determining to confide in her, and to implore her assistance to get free.

At first Lady Gower was astonished at the idea of her brother embarrassing himself to get such expensive ornaments for Eveline, especially as she had written that Lord Martingale had left Gower's Court; but when she heard the girl's confused and hesitating confession of where they came from, and what right Mr. John Derrick had to send them, her countenance cleared, and she took a very cheerful view of the whole proceeding. I was astonishing how differently Lady Gower looked on the Derricks when she heard of the formal proposal accepted by her brother on Eveline's behalf.

"I never heard of Darlington doing a wiser thing," said she. "Upon my word, Eveline, I am delighted to hear this, though it was not fair to keep-me in the dark so long."

"But you laugh at them all," said Eveline.

"I laugh at everything and everybody, as you know very well; and besides, I did not know at the time of the connection likely to be formed, and that was your fault. You sly thing, coming to me so young and innocent, to be introduced

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Rh into the world, and with your cards all played beforehand and played so well too. And I might have saved myself all that trouble about Lord Martingale. Oh! I can scarcely forgive you for no telling me. We must bring them forward; I suppose they are improveable. Harrow and Oxford and the Continent they have done their best for him, and you must not mind what a flippant fellow like Staunton says, who would give his ears for such a position. John Derrick does not sound very aristocratic, but Lady-Eveline Derrick will do."

"But my dearest aunt, I am sure I do not like him well enough. I really was taken by surprise at his offer, and they all said that I had engaged myself when I had no intention of doing so. Oh! do, dear aunt, help me out of this terrible entanglement," and Eveline burst into tears.

"Nonsense, my dear child; it is the best thing that could possibly happen. I would have done the best I could for you, but I don't think you are likely to take in the set I mix with, and you know the Derricks are immensely rich. One is sure of property that is newly acquired, whereas no one can tell the incumbrances that are on old estates, and I am very glad that Darlington and your mamma exerted a little parental authority to reassure you."

title: Page:Authors daughter v1.djvu/89


text: Story v. Strettell

title: Story v. Strettell


text: King's Road

title: King's Road


text: Davey v. Turner

title: Davey v. Turner


text: Strickland’s Lessee v. Poole

title: Strickland’s Lessee v. Poole


text: Thomas’s Lessee v. Horlocker

title: Thomas’s Lessee v. Horlocker


text: Boehm v. Engle

title: Boehm v. Engle


text: Riche v. Broadfield

title: Riche v. Broadfield


text: Swift v. Hawkins

title: Swift v. Hawkins


text: Lloyd’s Lessee v. Taylor

title: Lloyd’s Lessee v. Taylor


text:
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Rh opportunity to display in a very striking manner his knowledge of horses and of their make and movements.

Now, it is Tischbein's wish to have these sketches (and a series of others to follow, or to be intercalated between them) connected together by a poem, which may serve to explain the drawings, and, by giving them a definite context, may lend to them both a body and a charm.

The idea is beautiful; only the artist and the poet must be many years together in order to carry out and to execute such a work.

The Loggie of Raphael, and the great pictures of the School of Athens, etc., I have now seen for the first and only time; so that for me to judge of them at present is like having to make out and to judge of Homer from some half-obliterated and much-injured manuscript. The gratification of the first impression is incomplete: it is only when they have been carefully studied and examined, one by one, that the enjoyment becomes perfect. The best preserved are the paintings on the ceilings of the Loggie. They are as fresh as if painted yesterday. The subjects are symbolical. Very few, however, are by Raphael's own hand; but they are excellently executed, after his designs and under his eye.

Many a time, in years past, did I entertain the strange whim, ardently to wish that I might one day be taken to Italy by some well-educated man,—by some Englishman well learned in art and in history. And now it all has been brought about much better than I could have anticipated. Tischbein has been living here long as a sincere friend to me, and during his stay has always cherished the wish of being able to show me Rome one day. Our intimacy is old by letter, though new by presence. Where could I have met with a worthier guide? And, if my time is limited, I will at least learn and enjoy as much as


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232 possible. And yet, all this notwithstanding, I clearly foresee, that, when I leave Rome, I shall wish that I were coming to it.

Nov. 8, 1786.

My strange and perhaps whimsical incognito proves useful to me in many ways that I never should have thought of. As every one thinks himself in duty bound to ignore who I am, and consequently never ventures to speak to me of myself and my works, they have no alternative left them but to speak of themselves, or of the matters in which they are most interested; and in this way I become circumstantially informed of the occupations of each, and of everything remarkable that is either taken in hand or produced. Hofrath Reiffenstein good-naturedly humours this whim of mine. As, however, for special reasons, he could not bear the name I had assumed, he immediately made a baron of me; and I am now called the Baron gegen Rondanini über ("the baron who lives opposite to the palace Rondanini"). This designation is sufficiently precise, especially as the Italians are accustomed to speak of people either by their Christian names, or else by some nickname: in short, I have gained my object; and I escape the dreadful annoyance of having to give everybody an account of myself and my works.

Nov. 9, 1786.

I frequently stand still a moment to survey, as it were, the heights I have already won. With much delight I look back to Venice, that grand creation that sprang out of the bosom of the seas, like Minerva out of the head of Jupiter. In Rome the Rotunda, both by its exterior and interior, has moved me to offer a willing homage to its magnificence. In St. Peter's I learned to understand how art, no less than nature, annihilates the artificial measures and dimensions of man. And in the same way the Apollo Belvedere also


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Rh has again drawn me out of reality. For, as even the most correct engravings furnish no adequate idea of these buildings, so the case is the same with respect to the marble original of this statue as compared with the plaster models of it, which, however, I formerly used to look upon as beautiful.

Nov. 10, 1786.

Here I am now living with a calmness and tranquillity to which I have for a long while been a stranger. My practice to see and take all things as they are, my fidelity in letting the eye be my light, my perfect renunciation of all pretension, have again come to my aid, and make me calmly but most intensely happy. Every day has its fresh, remarkable object; every day its new, grand, unequalled paintings, and a whole which a man may long think of and dream of, but which, with all his power of imagination, he can never reach.

Yesterday I was at the Pyramid of Cestius, and in the evening on the Palatina, on the top of which are the ruins of the Palace of the Cæsars, which stand there like walls of rock. Of all this, however, no idea can be conveyed. In truth, there is nothing little here, although, indeed, occasionally something to find fault with,—something more or less absurd in taste; and yet even this partakes of the universal grandeur of all around.

When, however, I return to myself, as every one so readily does on all occasions, I discover within me a feeling which affords me infinite delight, which, indeed, I even venture to express. Whoever here looks around with earnestness, and has eyes to see, must become in a measure solid: he cannot but apprehend an idea of solidity with a vividness which is nowhere else possible.

The mind becomes, as it were, primed with capacity, with an earnestness without severity, and with a


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234 of character with joy. With me, at least, it seems as if I had never before so rightly estimated the things of the world as I do here. I rejoice when I think of the blessed effects of all this on the whole of my future being. And, let me jumble together the things as I may, order will somehow come into them. I am not here to enjoy myself after my own fashion, but to busy myself with the great objects around, to learn, and to improve myself ere I am forty years old.

Nov. 11, 1786.

Yesterday I visited the nymph Ægeria, and then the Hippodrome of Caracalla, the ruined tombs along the Via Appia, and the tomb of Metella, which is the first to give one a true idea of what solid masonry really is. These men worked for eternity. All causes of decay were calculated, except the rage of the spoiler, which nothing can resist. Right heartily did I wish you had been there. The remains of the principal aqueduct are highly venerable. How beautiful and grand a design,—to supply a whole people with water by so vast a structure! In the evening we came upon the Coliseum, when it was already twilight. When one looks at it, all else seems little. The edifice is so vast, that one cannot hold the image of it in one's soul: in memory we think it smaller, and then return to it again to find it every time greater than before.

Nov. 15.

The company are all in bed, and I am writing with Indian ink, which they use for drawing. We have had two beautiful days, without rain, warm and genial sunshine; so that summer is scarcely missed. The country around is very pleasant. The village lies on the side of a hill, or rather of a mountain; and at every step the draughtsman comes upon the most glorious objects. The prospect is unbounded. Rome lies before you;


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Rh and beyond it, on the right, is the sea, the mountains of Tivoli, and so on. In this delightful region, country-houses are built expressly for pleasure; and, as the ancient Romans had here their villas, so, for centuries past, their rich and haughty successors have planted country residences on all the loveliest spots. For two days we have been wandering about here, and almost every step has brought us upon something new and attractive.

And yet it is hard to say whether the evenings have not passed still more agreeably than the days. As soon as our stately hostess has placed on the round table the bronzed lamp with its three wicks, and wished us felicissima notte, we all form a circle round it; and the views are produced which have been drawn and sketched during the day. Their merits are discussed, opinions are taken whether the objects might or not have been taken more favourably, whether their true characters have been caught, and whether all requisitions of a like general nature, which may justly be looked for in a first sketch, have been fulfilled.

Hofrath Reiffenstein, by his judgment and authority, contrives to give order to, and to conduct, these sittings. But the merit of this delightful arrangement is due to Philipp Hackert, who has a most excellent taste, both in drawing and finishing views, from nature. Artists and dilettanti, men and women, old and young,—he would let no one rest, but stimulated every one to make the attempt, at any rate, according to their gifts and powers, and led the way with his own good example. The little society thus collected and held together, Hofrath Reiffenstein has, after the departure of his friend, faithfully kept up; and we all feel a laudable desire to awake in every one an active participation. The peculiar turn and character of each member of the society are thus shown in a most agreeable way. For instance, Tischbein, being an historical painter, views


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236 scenery quite otherwise than the landscape-painter. He sees significant groups, and other graceful speaking objects, where another can see nothing; and so he happily contrives to catch up many a naïve trait of humanity,—it may be in children, peasants, mendicants, or other such beings of nature, or even in animals, which, with a few characteristic touches, he skilfully manages to portray, and thereby contributes much new and agreeable matter for our discussions.

When conversation is exhausted, some one also, by Hackert's direction, reads aloud Sulzer's Theory; for although, from a high point of view, it is impossible to rest contented with this work, nevertheless, as some one observed, it is so far satisfactory as it is calculated to exercise a favourable influence on minds less highly cultivated.

Nov. 17, 1786.

We are back again. During the night it rained in torrents amidst thunder and lightning: it still goes on raining, but is very warm withal.

As regards myself, however, it is only with few words that I can indicate the happiness of this day. I have seen the frescoes of Domenichino, in Andrea della Valle, and also the Farnese Gallery of Caraccios. Too much, forsooth, for months!—what, then, for a single day?

, Nov. 18, 1786.

It is again beautiful weather,—a bright, genial, warm day. I saw in the Farnesine Palace the story of Psyche, coloured copies of which have so long adorned my room, and then at St. Peter's, in Montorio, the Transfiguration by Raphael,—all well-known paintings, like friends one has made at a distance by means of letters, and sees for the first time face to face. To live with them, is, however, something quite different. Every genuine friendship and its opposite becomes immediately evident.


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Author:Johann Georg Sulzer

Works

 * Unterredungen über die Schönheit der Natur (Conversations on the Beauties of Nature)(1750)
 * Recherches sur l'origine des sentiments agréables et désagréables (1752)
 * Gedanken über den Ursprung der Wissenschaften und schönen Künste (1762)
 * Allgemeine Theorie der schönen Künste (General Theory of the Fine Arts) (1771-74)
 * Vermischte philosophische Schriften (1773/81)

title: Author:Johann Georg Sulzer


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Rh Moreover, there are to be met with in every spot and corner glorious things of which less has been said, and which have not been scattered over the world by engravings and copies. Of these I shall bring away with me many a drawing from the hands of young but excellent artists.

The fact that I have long maintained a correspondence with Tischbein, and consequently been on the best possible terms with him, and that, even when I had no hope of ever visiting Italy, I had communicated to him my wishes, has made our meeting most profitable and delightful. He has always been thinking of me, even providing for my wants. With the varieties of stone of which all the great edifices, whether old or new, are built, he has made himself perfectly acquainted. He has thoroughly studied them, and these studies have been greatly helped by his artistic eye and the artist's pleasure in sensible things. Just before my arrival, he sent off to Weimar a collection of specimens which he had selected for me, and which I expect will give me a friendly welcome on my return.

An ecclesiastic who is now residing in France, and had in contemplation to write a work on the ancient marbles, received through the influence of the Propaganda some large pieces of marble from the Island of Paros. When they arrived here, they were cut up for specimens; and twelve different pieces, from the finest to the coarsest grain, were reserved for me. Some were of the greatest purity, while others are more or less mingled with mica; the former being used for statuary, the latter for architecture. How much an accurate knowledge of the material employed in the arts must contribute to a right estimate of them, must be obvious to every one.

There are opportunities enough here for my collecting many more specimens. In our way to the ruins of Nero's Palace, we passed through some artichoke


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238 grounds newly turned up, and could not resist the temptation to cram our pockets full of the granite, porphyry, and marble slabs which he here by thousands, and serve as unfailing witnesses to the ancient splendour of the walls which were once covered with them.

Nov. 18, 1786.

I must now speak of a wonderful problematical picture, which, even in the midst of the many gems here, still makes a good show of its own.

For many years there had been residing here a Frenchman, well known as an admirer of the arts, and a collector. He had got hold of an antique drawing in chalk, no one knows how or whence. He had it retouched by Mengs, and kept it in his collection as a work of very great value. Winckelmann somewhere speaks of it with enthusiasm. The Frenchman died, and left the picture to his hostess as an antique. Mengs, too, died, and declared on his death-bed that it was not an antique, but had been painted by himself. And now the whole world is divided in opinion; some maintaining that Mengs had one day, in joke, dashed it off with much facility; others asserting that Mengs could never do anything like it, indeed that it is almost too beautiful for Raphael. I saw it yesterday, and must confess that I do not know anything more beautiful than the figure of Ganymede, especially the head and shoulders: the rest has been much renovated. However, the painting is in ill repute, and no one will relieve the poor landlady of her treasure.

Nov. 20, 1786.

As experience fully teaches us that there is a general pleasure in having poems, whatever may be their subject, illustrated with drawings and engravings, nay, that the painter himself usually selects a passage of some poet or other for the subject of his most elaborate


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Rh paintings, Tischbein's idea is deserving of approbation, that poets and painters should work together from the very first in order to secure a perfect unity. The difficulty would assuredly be greatly lessened, if it were applied to little pieces, such as that the whole design would easily admit of being taken in at once by the mind, and worked out consistently with the original plan.

Tischbein has suggested for such common labours some very delightful idyllic thoughts; and it is really singular, that those he wishes to see executed in this way are really such as neither poetry nor painting alone could ever adequately describe. During our walks together he has talked to me about them, in the hopes of gaining me over to his views, and getting me to enter upon the plan. The frontispiece for such a joint work is already designed; and, did I not fear to enter upon any new tasks at present, I might perhaps be tempted.

Nov. 22, 1786. The Feast of St. Cecilia.

The morning of this happy day I must endeavour to perpetuate by a few lines, and, at least by description, to impart to others what I have myself enjoyed. The weather has been beautiful and calm, quite a bright sky, and a warm sun. Accompanied by Tischbein, I set off for the Piazza of St. Peter's, where we went about, first of all, from one part to another; when it became too hot for that, walked up and down in the shade of the great obelisk (which is full wide enough for two abreast), and eating grapes which we purchased in the neighbourhood. Then we entered the Sistine Chapel, which we found bright and cheerful, and with a good light for the pictures. The Last Judgment divided our admiration with the paintings on the roof by Michael Angelo. I could only see and wonder. The mental confidence and boldness of the master, and his


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240 of conception, are beyond all expression. After we had looked at all of them over and over again, we left this sacred building, and went to St. Peter's, which received from the bright heavens the loveliest light possible, and every part of it was clearly lighted up. As men willing to be pleased, we were delighted with its vastness and splendour, and did not allow an over-nice or hypocritical taste to mar our pleasure. We suppressed every harsher judgment: we enjoyed the enjoyable.

Lastly we ascended the roof of the church, where one finds, in little, the plan of a well-built city,—houses and magazines, springs (in appearance, at least), churches, and a great temple, all in the air, and beautiful walks between. We mounted the dome, and saw glistening before us the regions of the Apennines, Soracte, and toward Tivoli, the volcanic hills,—Frascati, Castel-gandolfo, and the plains, and, beyond all, the sea. Close at our feet lay the whole city of Rome in its length and breadth, with its mountain palaces, domes, etc. Not a breath of air was moving, and in the upper dome it was (as they say) like being in a hothouse. When we had looked enough at these things, we went down, and they opened for us the doors in the cornices of the dome, the tympanum, and the nave. There is a passage all round, and from above you can take a view of the whole church and of its several parts. As we stood on the cornices of the tympanum, we saw beneath us the Pope, passing to his midday devotions. Nothing, therefore, was wanting to make our view of St. Peter's perfect. We at last descended to the area, and took, in a neighbouring hotel, a cheerful but frugal meal, and then set off for St. Cecilia's.

It would take many words to describe the decorations of this church, which was crammed full of people. Not a stone of the edifice was to be seen. The pillars were covered with red velvet wound round with


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Rh There is also extant another set of inventories for the Hundred of Buckingham, dated 6 May 1553, containing lists of the church goods delivered back again to each parish by the king's commissioners. Here at any rate is no lack of uniformity : each church might have a chalice and paten, a table-cloth, and a surplice ; perhaps two of each, but nothing further. Everything else had been sold for the king's use. It was no doubt a little trying to the feelings of churchwardens and parishioners when within a year they had again to provide at their own expense most of the ornaments of which they had been so recently deprived.

There are but few records of the discontent or the joy which these changes must have aroused in many minds : only a sign here and there may be noticed. In November 1 549 three men of Edlesborough were committed to the Fleet ' for assembling of companies to withstand payment of tithes,' which looks like an outbreak of the old Lollard spirit of the county : while on the other hand, in the same year, John Bisse of (High) Wycombe was released from the Fleet to make open and solemn declaration of his fault in having ' spoken and done incon- veniently against the taking down of images abused ' in his parish church. In 1550 the inhabitants of Great Marlow sent up a complaint to the Privy Council about ' certain wrongs that had been offered them ' possibly in connection with the alienation of church lands, as the matter was referred to the Court of Augmentations. In June 1553 a letter was sent by the Privy Council to the gentlemen of the county of Buckingham to recommend to them ' Mr. Knockes the preacher' : it is probable that he found no lack of hearers. A month or so later the open preaching of Calvinism became dangerous.

At the beginning of the new reign we may notice again a few signs of the times. Fisher, parson of Amersham, was summoned before the Privy Council in August 1553 as a 'seditious preacher' on account of a sermon lately delivered ; at this date seditious preaching could scarcely imply anything else except some expression of dissatisfaction at the accession of Mary and the probable changes it involved. The vicar of Burnham was also summoned about the same time. In the parish church of Wing, however, the old order was restored with joyful alac-

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Rh rity : Edward VI. did not die till 6 July, but on 30 July a mass book was bought, and on the same page of the Churchwardens' Accounts it is noted that two vestments were procured and new altar linen hallowed for use. This prompt action was no doubt partly due to the influence of Sir William Dormer, to whom the advowson of the church belonged : he had been among the first in the county to proclaim Mary as queen. There were probably others to whom the change was equally welcome : five churches at least in this county (Taplow, Little Missenden, Thorn- borough, Cublington, and Latimer) were still served by monks who had received livings by way of pension, and it was likely that they would favour the old way rather than the new ; the vicar of Willen also was an old chantry priest. On the whole, however, it would be natural to expect that in this county the reconciliation with Rome was accepted rather of necessity than goodwill the records of the following reign show that those principles which had once been popular only amongst the lower classes had made way amongst the gentry of the county during the time of Edward VI. There is, nevertheless, no record of persecu- tion here or in any other part of the diocese of Lincoln ; and the general visitation of Cardinal Pole in 1556 discovered none amongst clergy or laity who were persistently unwilling to conform.

This visitation, though it had as one object the discovery of heretics, was directed mainly to the securing of decency and order in the services of the church. In Buckinghamshire nine chancels were in great need of repair ; in two cases (Mursley and Weston Turville ) by the default of the rector, who was ordered to do his duty as soon as possible ; at Cuddington by the neglect of the dean and chapter of Rochester, at Datchet by default of the college of Windsor ; the remaining five churches had just passed to the cardinal himself by the queen's gift, so

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Rh that the responsibility for their state rested upon her immediate prede- cessors. At Newport Pagnel the vicarage was vacant, and the church destitute of services ; no one could be found to serve the cure on account of its poverty. In a few places people were put to penance for various offences against order : at Wendover and Stowe for refusing to join in processions, at Stoke Poges for not coming to church, and at Great Marlow a butcher for keeping his shop open on Sundays ; cases of immorality were also reported and punished. Two of the clergy were reprimanded : the rector of Saunderton for non-residence, the vicar of Great Stewkley for giving the Blessed Sacrament to some of his parish- ioners who were unshriven, and for refusing to hear the confessions of others who came to him ; the former was ordered to reside from the next Michaelmas, the latter was imprisoned for a while and then made public satisfaction for his fault.

The accession of Elizabeth brought changes yet again. The lately re-erected roods and images had to come down ; the stone altars were once more exchanged for wooden tables ; there were more new books to buy, none of those used either in the reign of Edward or of Mary exactly serving the necessities of the new regime. The archdeacon of Bucks seems to have been the only priest connected with this county who was deprived in 1559.

It is not easy to discover the popular feeling with regard to religion in any particular county during the early years of Elizabeth's reign ; we only know the expressed statements of a few notable persons here and there ; how far they were spokesmen for larger circles can only be inferred from evidence that comes in laterrecusant lists, visitations of churches, events of the next century. It is a matter of history that during the second half of the sixteenth century there were three lines of action open to those in England who were in earnest about matters of religion. In the minds of some the only hope of saving the Catholic faith from the attacks of heretics was to hold fast the ideal of a visibly united Christendom under the primacy of the pope, who seemed to them indeed the rock on which the Church was built, the one point immoveable in a world of change. To another section there seemed a better hope in the principles set forth in the Book of Common Prayer : namely, the ideal of an independent national church, with a right to reform and govern itself, so long as it remained faithful to Apostolic tradition, and kept the Apostolic succession un-

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Rh broken ; while the third section really aimed at a complete re-modelling of the Church, more or less on the lines followed in Geneva and Scot- land. For some years all of these could and did worship together in the parish churches of England, and it was impossible to distinguish one from another, unless individuals by their own choice made them- selves in some way conspicuous. After 1571 those who were of the first section were obliged to withdraw from the public services of the English Church, or to arrange some compromise between their duty to the pope and to the queen, which really satisfied neither and must have sorely wounded their own consciences. But the other two theories went on working themselves out side by side up to the out- break of the Civil War, and it is not until the beginning of the seven- teenth century that we can measure what strength they had in different parts of the country.

In the county of Buckingham, however, a few names may be reckoned among the advocates of reform on the most extreme principles almost from the beginning of the reign of Elizabeth. It is evident that during the time of Edward VI. and Mary those revolutionary ideas about Church government and Church doctrine which had once been popular only amongst the lower classes had gained adherents amongst the gentry of the county. The two Wentworths, Peter and Paul, well- known for their bold assertion of the liberties of Parliament, were both of them thorough-going Puritans. It was Peter Wentworth who was spokesman for the six members who presented themselves to Archbishop Parker in 1571 with a model for 'further reformation' ; and when the archbishop ventured to suggest that such matters were more suited for the clergy to consider, it was he who answered, ' No, by the faith I bear to God, we will pass nothing before we understand what it is, for that were to make you popes. Make you popes who listfor we will make you none.' Whether we approve or disapprove this speech, there is no possibility of mistaking its tenorto reformers of this type the witness of the primitive church was of little more value than that of the mediaeval ; everything was to be brought to the test of private judgment, and devout laymen in the sixteenth century with no theological training were as likely to interpret Holy Scripture correctly as all the Fathers of the Church. Peter Wentworth, however, did not carry the day at this time, and the Thirty-nine Articles suffered no further alteration ; but his brother Paul ten years later was more successful, though in a matter of less importance. In 1581 he brought in a motion for a public fast and daily preaching for the benefit of the House of Commons : * the fast to be appointed for one certain day, the preaching to be every morning at seven of the clock before the

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Rh House did sit' ; and he carried it by 115 votes to too, showing how strong was the Puritan element in Parliament already. Both Peter and Paul Wentworth gave information at different times against re- cusants who came under their notice.'

Of the more moderate reformers who really desired to keep the old forms of Church government there are no conspicuous examples in this county. It is indeed true that the great Hooker was for a year or so rector of Drayton Beauchamp, just after that ill-assorted marriage by which he ' was drawn from the tranquillity of his college, from that garden of piety, of pleasure, of peace and of sweet conversa- tion, into the thorny wilderness of a busy world ; into those corroding cares that attend a married priest and a country parsonage.' a But the county of Buckingham cannot claim much share in his glory ; it is probable indeed that had he not obtained some other preferment his genius would have been unknown to history ; the Ecclesiastical Polity could scarcely have been written in the short and uncertain intervals between the tending of sheep and the rocking of cradles.

Of the third section, the recusants of Buckinghamshire, there is a fairly clear record, although they were not very numerous. On this difficult subject, to which modern historical methods have not yet been searchingly applied, it is impossible as yet to attempt a revision of popular notions ; but a very short study of the records shows that such revision is very necessary. There is still, for instance, a rough distinction often drawn between two classes of Roman Catholics in England during the half century we are now considering ; that is to say, between the loyal and high-minded, who held their convictions fast as a matter of conscience, and yet hated and disowned the thought of making their religion an excuse for plots against the queen and the State ; and the disloyal, the dark conspirators, the secret assassins, who thought all means lawful if only they could secure the triumph of their cause. In the first class would be placed the majority of the recusant county gentry ; in the second, nearly all the Jesuits and seminary priests. It will be found, however, that in practice this distinction is extremely difficult to maintain. As a matter of fact those who were never under any suspicion of treason, and those on whose lives a price was always set, were in close and familiar intercourse ; so that either the loyal must have been much less loyal, or the traitors much less traitorous,

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Rh than has been supposed. The records of this county bring out this point very clearly.

In 1577 it was reported by the justices of the peace in Bucking- hamshire that there were none here that refused to come to church. But in 1583 in a list of persons noted as ' harbourers of Papists and seminaries,' are found four names belonging to this county, namely, Gifford of Steeple Claydon, Mercer of Middle Claydon, Dormer of Wing, and Peckham (the first two re-appear in the recusant Roll of i 594) ; to these is added in another list which follows the name of Browne of Boarstall. It was said of all these that they habitually entertained certain priests named, and also offered a refuge to any that might come their way. There is however no record of any proceed- ings instituted against these persons. About 1584 Mistress Isabel Hampden of Stoke Poges and her family withdrew from their parish church, and fell under the suspicion of Paul Wentworth of Burnham. In 1585 Sir Robert Dormer, as sheriff of Buckinghamshire, was ordered to draw up a list of recusants for his shire, that they might be com- pelled to pay their fines and provide horses for the queen's service ; and now twenty-two names were sent in, representing fifteen well-known families, the only one of interest outside this county being that of Thomas Throgmorton. It may be noticed that they do not include any of those suspected in 1583 except William Mercer of East Claydon. Ten of those reported at this time offered to pay certain sums varying from 10s. to £100, as composition for the enormous fines actually due by the law of the land. In 1 587 John Gardiner of Grove Place, Bucks, was imprisoned in the Gatehouse for aiding and sheltering priests ; his

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Rh ultimate fate is uncertain. In 1589 Thomas Belson of Brill, with his servant, was executed at Oxford for the same offence. In 1594 there is another official list of sixteen persons (mostly women) from whom large fines were due for recusancy.

There are also some instances in the history of this county of the suspicion with which such persons were regarded by some of their neighbours, and of the eagerness with which information against them was accepted and followed up.

In 1584 a search was instituted by Paul Wentworth in the house of Isabel Hampden of Stoke Poges, the gates being guarded all the time that no one might come in or go out ; even a messenger who came from London during the day was arrested and searched. There still remains among the State Papers a pathetic list of innocent books, pictures and objets de piété carried off on this occasion, the only serious item being ' a copy of the pope's letter 'presumably one of those on the question of allegiance.

Again in 1586 the house of Sir Christopher Browne at Boarstall was suddenly entered by John Croke, justice of the peace, and others (early in the morning, so that the inhabitants might have no chance of a warning), and searched from attic to cellar, from 7 a.m. to 6 p.m., the gates being guarded all the time. This was on the information of one ' Hugh Davies, minister, of Boarstall,' who had been recently at Oxford with George Browne, and had sometimes served as domestic chaplain to another member of the same family. The information laid by Davies led to the expectation of some treasonable correspond- ence, but nothing of this kind was found ; a fact which raised in the mind of Master Croke a strong suspicion not that it had never existed, but that it had all been destroyed ! One Agnus Dei, and a

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Page:Tracks of McKinlay and party across Australia.djvu/45

 imported from India, and which were thus promptly to be put upon trial as to their merits for Australian purposes. They have well stood this trial, both in this expedition and in the subsequent journey of McKinlay, in which they also formed a part of the stock. They are therefore already a feature associated with Australian travel. They are, at all events, indelibly so associated in the minds of the aboriginal natives, who everywhere beheld them with alarm and astonishment in their unexpected irruption into the solitudes of the interior.

The command of the expedition was given to Burke. It had swelled out into large dimensions, and formed quite a public spectacle as its numerous and varied components poured forth from Melbourne upon the long journey. But delays had occurred, and the season was advanced beyond the most favourable time for action. Leaving Melbourne on the 20th August, 1860, it was the middle of December, that is to say, almost the middle of summer, ere Burke found himself on the foreground at Cooper's Creek ready to start for Carpentaria. Difficulties had already arisen; the company was too large and too much encumbered. Burke had early pushed on with a section of it, leaving the remainder to follow. At Cooper's Creek he still further reduced this party, taking only Wills, his second in command, and


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Rh few images of alabaster and wood provided material for a bonfire ; of ' divers papistical books ' the ' worst and most portable ' were sent up to the Privy Council ; and there the matter apparently ended.

The increase of recusants from 1577 to 1586 was no doubt due to the activity of the Jesuits and seminary priests ; the names of half a dozen or so are mentioned as connected in different ways with this county. It is worth noticing that some of those who bore the worst characters in the official reports were harboured and countenanced by gentlemen of undoubted loyalty, and sometimes retained by them for years as domestic chaplains. The Dormers of Wing were never sus- pected of any treason, and indeed contrived to keep themselves out of the recusant lists of this county all through the reign probably by occasional conformity ; but they had in their house as a resident chap- lain a priest who had been associated with the Babington family, just as Lord Montague, another gentleman who never fell under suspicion, connected with the Dormers by a double marriage, harboured some traitors of the deepest dye, who were sought in vain for the prison and the gallows. Further than this, members of these very families, the Dormers and the Brownes, a Lee of Pitstone, and probably one of the Penns of Penn, were allowed to enter the Society of Jesus, their parents presumably knowing to what atrocities (if so it were) their vows would bind them, and the shameful death which they must face if they returned to England. These facts are capable indeed of a double inter-

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Naturalization Act of 1870 (US)

16 Stat. 254-256,H.R. 2201

title: Naturalization Act of 1870 (US)


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Rh pretation ; but the solution of the problem does not properly come within the scope of a work like this.

There are but scanty accounts of the changes made in the outward appearance and in the services of the Church at the beginning of Eliza- beth's reign ; it is, however, generally acknowledged that these were gradual, and that the vestments and other ornaments recovered during the reign of Mary were not laid aside at once. It is probable that except in remote parts of the country the altars were removed and tables substituted very soon : the Churchwardens' Account Book at Wing, where the Roman interest was strong, notes that the altars in that church were kept up beyond the appointed time, but that is only till 1561. The rood had to be removed with the images in 1559 ; but the rood loft did not come down till 1562. The reading pew and desk, an outward and visible sign that mattins had supplanted mass as the chief Sunday service, appeared in 1571 ; but not till 1582 were the walls completely whitewashed and painted with texts after the approved fashion. Other churches would carry out the same changes more or less rapidly, according to the particular views of incumbents and patrons. Towards the end of the reign great unsightly pews, often placed in such position that the rarely used chancel was quite invisible from the body of the church, began to be erected everywhere.

There is a report of the archdeaconry in 15845 which gives an idea of the state of the churches at this time, and serves as a connecting link between the early part of this century and the next. Out of twenty-nine churches, in which some default or other is noticed, seven had the chancels in bad repair and four the walls or windows. In seven churches the rector was non-resident : in one of these no curate what- ever was sent to supply his place, so that there were no services ; in two others there were only occasional services. At Weston Turville and Quainton there was no distribution of alms to the poor. At Drayton Parslow the rector was a ' common quarreller at the law ' and a fre-

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Author:Arthur Hamilton Clark

Works

 * The History of Yachting 1600-1815 (1904)
 * The Clipper Ship Era 1843-1869 (1911)

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Rh quenter of ale-houses ; at Ashendon a ' quarreller and unquiet man, not fit to serve any cure.' At Chesham the minister would not wear the surplice ; at Thornton there was no surplice to wear, nor even a cloth for the communion table. At Cheddington they had no sermons ; at Water Stratford it was complained that ' they lack their quarterly sermon,' showing what was the minimum requirement in this par- ticular. At Edlesborough they had ' no table of commandments ' a decoration which had evidently already become necessary. Week-day services, and especially the reading of the Litany on Mondays, Wednes- days, and Fridays, seem to have been quite customary : only one or two omissions of these are noticed.

It seems that the churches of this county were generally poorly endowed at this time : several which had been completely appropriated by religious houses, and had no vicarage ordained, were left without any regular endowment. It is noticed in the account of the four churches of this county which belonged to the diocese of London that they were ' not able to maintain a preacher ' besides the vicar : the average income of a parish priest seems to have been still £5 to £10 a year.

Four churches were lost to the county during this reign : Creslow and Filgrave, with the free chapels of Okeney and Petsoe. The last two, as well as Creslow, had become sinecures, owing to the shifting of the population. The church of Filgrave was still available for use in 1 58 5, though the services had ceased through the neglect of the rector ; but it is probable that nothing was done to supply the need, for in 1636, when it was visited by delegates from the High Commission Court, there was no roof remaining, and trees were growing on the walls.

This county was connected by one slight link with an important event at the beginning of the next century. The pilgrimage made to St. Winifred's well in Flintshire by several members of the families of Vaux and Digby, joined by Rookwood and others of his fellow- conspirators and conducted by Father Garnett, began and ended at Sir Everard Digby 's house at Gayhurst about a month before the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot. Robert Catesby had visited the same house about a year before. The details of the further development of the plot, and the flight of the conspirators, belong to the history of other counties. Something of suspicion, however, seems to have clung for a long time to the house at Gayhurst. Nearly twenty-five years later the foolish words of a boy, a mole-catcher's son who lived in the neighbour-

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Rh hood, were repeated and made the foundation of a story which spread all over the country-sidehow Sir Kenelm Digby had sent his mother a great store of arms, which was now laid up in her house, and how there was to be a great rising of Papists in Gayhurst grounds as soon as the King and his army were well out of the way in Scotland. It was Lady Digby herself who had the matter sifted to the bottom ; but the story gives some idea of the impression made by the plot on the popular mind.

It was not, however, from the Papists that the Church in Buckinghamshire had most to fear at this time. A visitation of the arch- deaconry in 1612 shows a very different source of danger. Nine churches were seriously out of repair, and in all but two of these cases it was by the default not of the priest but of the people. At Datchet many of the roof tiles were missing, and the rain came in ; at Waven- don the seats were in decay, and the windows wanted glass in many places, so that ' starlings and other fowl ' came in and defiled the church, while even the Bible was torn and defective ; at Iver it rained even upon the communion table, and the pulpit was so ruinous that the steps to it were unsafe ; at Chalfont St. Peter one side of the church was ' so broken that a hog may creep through.' In a few cases it was com- plained that the people were not provided with sermons : more often that the preachers were not licensed. At Chenies the rector refused to wear the surplice and administered the sacrament to seated communi- cants ; at Great Marlow the vicar was said to be a man of evil life and a harbourer of recusants ; he certainly had a difficult parish to deal with. A certain number of people were reported as refusing to come to church, or for working on Sabbaths and holy days. The four churches which were in the archdeaconry of St. Albans were in better condition, being under the supervision of the vicar of Winslow, a

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Rh strong churchman, who sent in yearly reports of their repair and general condition to the archdeacon.

One or two inventories of this time show the churches were very poorly furnished. A vivid picture of their general appearance may be gathered from a visitation of 1636, of which an account will be given in its right place ; and as there is no evidence of any sudden change, but only of a general declension, it is probable that they possessed very much the same furniture in 1600. The only articles of value seem to have been a silver ' communion cup ' and cover : the flagon, if it existed, being very often of pewter.

The state of things described in this visitation of 1612 serves to illustrate the sermons of a preacher of the day, Thomas Adams, who was vicar of Wingrave at about this time. He complains that the people ' grudged at every penny ' they were taxed for at levies for church expenses (the justice of this charge is manifested by the gradual decay of the churches), and that they seemed to think it was enough to have bare walls and a cover to keep them from rain ; ' aliquid ornatus is but super- fluous, except it be a cushion and a wainscot seat for a gentleman's better ease,' while ' the greatest preparation usually against some solemn feast is but a little fresh straw under the feet ; the ordinary allowance for hogs in the stye and horses in the stable.' In another place he complains of the unfaithfulness of the churchwardens, who were of course largely responsible for this neglect : ' drunkenness, uncleanness, swearing, profanation of the Sabbath go abroad all the year, and when the visitation comes they are locked up with an omnia bene.' A similar complaint was made a few years later by Dr. John Andrewes, vicar of Beaconsfield, in a letter to the chancellor of Lincoln, where he says that unless church- wardens and sworn men be severely proceeded against according to the canons for their ' wilful, common and execrable perjury,' there would never be any reformation of their misdemeanours. For they usually

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Rh presented ' omnia bene ' in his own parish, where he could testify that there was almost nothing in order.

The truth of the matter was that such men as Adams and Andrewes were distinctly in the minority in this county : not only their church- wardens and their congregations, but their brother clergy and the majority of the local gentry had embraced a wholly different religious ideal. These latter had but one idea in coming to church, and that was to hear sermons. Thomas Adams, himself a notable preacher, complains 'not that our churches are auditories, but that they are not oratories ; and begs his audience to remember that ' all our preaching is to beget your praying, to instruct you to praise and worship God ' ; and that 'the end is ever held more noble than the means." This testimony is of the more value as it comes from one who had no secret sympathies with Rome, who never loses an opportunity, indeed, of abusing the pope and his adherents with all the violence of epithet common in those days. John Andrewes had a good deal to say on the same subject. He was one of those who sympathized strongly with the efforts after a truer reform that were being made by the clergy who had been brought up in the school of Hooker, and were now led by Archbishop Laud : he had a clear idea and appreciation of the priestly office, and to him ' the best part of God's service ' was not the sermon but the Holy Eucharist. But it is very evident that he stood very much alone, and that nearly all the clergy and gentry of his neighbourhood were against him. His efforts to revive the practice of catechizing in the afternoons, instead of giving another sermon, had been almost isolated : the vicar of Chalfont St. Peter, who wished to follow his example, was ' violently importuned ' by his congregation to give them another preaching, and was ' so over- awed by the justices and clergy of those parts ' that he was fain to yield,

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86 "But I think I shall be miserable; I know I do no love him."

"Your head is so full of romances that you have no idea of what is really required as love from a young lady of rank."

"And besides, I am pretty sure he does not care much for me," said Lady Eveline sullenly.

"Oh! yes, I'm convinced that he does. I am sure these are most striking proofs of atachment. But I see how it is. It was the greatest folly not to tell me of this affair before you came to Gower's Court. If you had not been here, and seen a number of idle flattering creatures that appear to you to be more lively and agreeable than the excellent young man in whom you are engaged, you would have been quite satisfied with your chains. Never mind, these are really beautiful, and you may wear them with an easier mind than I thought you could have, for you know that they were paid for."

"Paid for—yes—" said Lady Eveline with a sigh, "but I would give them all and a great deal more to be able to return them and feel that I was free."

"My dear child, that cannot be. It is very wrong to trifle with a young man's feelings in this way, and very disgraceful to break off an engagement. If Mr. Derrick broke it off, every one would cry shame on him, and you should feel

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Rh your own responsibilities too. I would be very dishonorable conduct, considering that has given you no cause of complain, and has as you say been as silent as to his success as you could wish. As for any attentions you may have met with here, I assure you that they mean nothing, absolutely nothing. You are known to be the daughter of the poorest and most extravagant peer in Great Britain, who has no political influence whatever, and no man in his senses would think of falling in love with you unless it was some one circumstanced like Mr. Derrick."

"Why did you tell me to take care, then, if there was no danger of anyone being insane enough to care about me?" said Eveline indignantly.

"Oh! these are words of course which I address to every young girl under my care whom I see flirting with such people. Gerald Staunton does no really care about you any more than you do about him; but I am really very glad to hear of this engagement."

Eveline was hurt at her aunt's supposing that she had given more affection than was felt for her; her pride was roused at the humiliating idea, and her manners to Gerald changed. He thought she had had a lesson from her aunt and was acting upon it. It was very proper certainly that she should grow cold to him, and much

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88 better for them both, for he knew it was the most imprudent of all possible attachments, but yet it had been her frankness and girlish simplicity that had so much won upon his heart. His apparent disappointment at her more distant manner awoke a delightful though agitated consciousness that her aunt had been mistaken, and that he really loved her; her old fascination returned, and one day out of doors, with a clear frosty sky above and a carpet of snow under their feet, her desire to know that she really held a high place in his regard led him on so far as to confess that he loved her.

How differently this declaration was received from that of John Derrick! How quickly it was apprehended, and even in spite of the miserableness of her pre-engagement, how proud she felt for the love of such a man!

It could not be accepted—of course not—"I am already engaged," she faltered out.

Gerald Staunton's countenance changed. He was horror-struck at her heartless conduct in leading him on to make a rash and mad proposal, while all the time she had no intention or power of returning his affection.

"Forgive me, Lady Eveline, my presumptuous folly," he said coldly. "If I had known of this before, I should have been saved a great deal of

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Rh wish you all happiness." He was turning to go when he observed the white face of the girl, and her remorseful expression as she moved her lips as if to speak. He stopped to hear what she had to say.

"It is I who ought to ask forgiveness. I see that concealment is wrong; but I have been in the wrong about it altogether. Try to forgive me for the pain I have given you."

"I know it was the height of presumption on my part," said he; "I never intended to breathe a word of my feelings towards you, but I was foolish enough to misunderstand your manner, or your words, or something."

He had only understood her too well, but how useless and vain to say so.

"Mr. Staunton," said she slowly, "his engagement of mine was not of my seeking, but papa and mamma have set their hearts upon it, and so has Lady Gower, and things have gone so far that it would be dishonourable to break it off, and I will never think of doing such a thing; but—but I am not very happy, and when I think that I have made you unhappy too, I feel as if my hear would break."

Mr. Staunton could not help trying to comfort her a little; he guessed that if things had been brighter and more promising with him, Lady

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90 Eveline would not object to break off her engagement, but what had he to offer? His birth was by no means equal to hers, and his fortune was all to make, and an engagement for an indefinite period to a struggling man was what her noble relatives would never consent to, but her remorse and her grief only made the consciousness of his position more painful.

At this point in their conversation they were interrupted by Lady Gower, who guessed there had been something serious passing between them. She looked angrily at her niece, and ordered her to go in, and stay in her own room till she could speak with her. She then turned to the presumptuous lover.

"Tiffs will never do, Mr. Staunton," said she.

"So it appears," replied Staunton.

"We cannot allow of such things in our society. Lady Eveline is my niece, and under my care. She is young and inexperienced, and does not know the world."

"I hope she never may."

"But young as she is, she is engaged," said Lady Gower.

"So Lady Eveline has just told me, and astonished me very much by the information."

"She is engaged to John Derrick, your college friend."

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Rh "Engaged to John Derrick, and I have been speaking so thoughtlessly about him! She is a great deal too good for him."

"No, no, the young man is well enough, and will make her an excellent husband; but you will understand that for your own happiness, it will be better to see as little as possible of her for the future, so I do not expect to see much of you in town when I return, and for the present I think you had better go back to your chambers."

"Has not Lady Eveline been coerced into this engagement?" asked Gerald.

"Oh! no, nothing of the kind. Indeed, Mr. Derrick asked her in the first place, and she very properly referred him to Lord Darlington, and so the matter was settled. There is no such thing as coercion or compulsion now-a-day. It is altogether a most delightful arrangement, and I am quite sure that Lady Eveline has no desire to break it off. Your attentions might make her uncomfortable and unhappy, but they can do nothing further, and I am quite sure that as an honourable man you must feel what you ought to do under the circumstances."

Gerald Staunton took the advice of his hostess, and left Gower's Court at once, and Eveline knew that he had given up all hope of her, but

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92 believed that he loved her still. People who have once loved must love for ever, and though nothing would happen to break off her engagement, her dislike to it was as strong as ever. Lady Gower had determined on declaring it, and invited John Derrick to Gower's Court, where he had the pleasure of seeing his present worn, and his choice justified; for after she was known to be engaged, Eveline met with more general admiration than before. His friends and acquaintances congratulated him on having won the young beauty before she had come out, and he was favourably introduced by Lady Gower to the society he had longed for. He accompanied Lady Eveline to Darlington Castle, and if the kindest reception possible from the Earl and Countess could have made up for the coldness and timidity of his bride-elect, he might have been satisfied. To a certain extent he was satisfied; Eveline would of course grow very fond of him when she was married to him, and in the mean time she was not teasing or exacting; he had more liberty in his state of engagement than any young fellow of his acquaintance.

Miss Hope had wondered at John Derrick's being invited to Gower's Court, and after that to Darlington Castle, but as he had parted from

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Rh her with regret, and as his letters to his sister always contained a message to Miss Hope, and as he had once written her a note on his own account, requesting the words of one of her favourite songs, she felt sure that she was not forgotten. Still the visit to Darlington Castle was alarming.

"We are all so fond of Lady Eveline; we saw so much of her when we were at Brighton. Is it not delightful that we are going to have her for a sister, Miss Hope ?" said Charlotte Derrick to her governess one day.

Miss Hope was leaning over Charlotte's drawing board pointing out a defect in the perspective, when she heard this astounding piece of news. She drew back with a slight exclamation, which, however, was nothing more than such intelligence deserved.

"And to think how sly they have both been about it," continued Charlotte. "They have been engaged since August, and never let Anne or me know, though papa and mamma knew all about it. I hoped that it might happen some time or other when John was asked to Gower's Court, but as it turns out they had settled it long ago."

"She is so lovely and so distinguished looking," said Anne; "and only seventeen. Is it not delightful, Miss Hope?"

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94 Miss Hope bit her lip at the thought of how she had been duped and blinded. John Derrick had really given her cause to think he loved her, and more unmistakeably after he was bound to Lady Eveline than before.

"Of course with John's prospects it is an excellent match for Lady Eveline," said Charlotte; "for though she is an Earl's daughter, she is as poor as—as poor as you are, Miss Hope. John gave her her diamonds to be presented at Court in, and papa will not say how much they cost. If he had not she must have appeared in old things of her great grandmother's. I like new things. When I go to Court I shall coax papa to get me as handsome a set. If they had not made so mighty a secret of it, I might have had a look at it. Don't you think I should have as handsome things as John's wife?"

"Oh! yes, of course, yes," said the governess.

"Lady Eveline is coming here on a visit soon and you will see her. I am sure you will think her lovely, and she has such an exquisite voice, and is so fond of music. That is the reason why John has been so anxious to learn from you lately. You know it was after we returned to Stanmore from Brighton that he became so enthusiastic."

Miss Hope remembered the time and the circumstances, and did not feel at all soothed by

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Rh the recollection. It was some time before John Derrick returned to Stanmore, and by that time she had schooled herself to hide the deep offence which she had felt at his conduct. He was disposed to be as friendly with her as ever, and as every one spoke openly to him of his relations to Lady Eveline, he thought it was perhaps due to Miss Hope to explain the matter to her. To her he made light of his attachment, did not praise the beauty or the elegance of his betrothed, said she was rather young and shy, but would probably acquire confidence by-and-bye, and gave it to be understood that the young lady and her family had rather sought him out than been sought by him, for of course it was a capital chance for them, and the governor had taken up the idea very cordially, and they had settled the mater very summarily in the room which the Earl called most inappropriately his study. Miss Hope drew the conclusion that his attachment was not very profound, and she was prepared to dislike Lady Eveline and all the family unseen and unheard.

The promised visit to Stanmore was not paid so soon as expected; Lady Eveline had shrunk from it, and John did not press it. He enjoyed showing her to his friends and being congratulated on his choice, and receiving

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96 on her beauty and accomplishments, but he disliked the trouble of trying to win the heart he took for granted would be sufficiently his own for domestic comfort. Miss Hope disliked Lady Eveline still more when she saw her. Her pupils were never weary of praising her, and the old people liked her modest unpresuming manners, and her acquiescence in all the arrangements they made or proposed for her future home; but Miss Hope saw the truth with the quickness of perception which her own wrongs and her own indignation had sharpened; the girl gave no heart to John Derrick; she was making a worldly marriage of convenience. She had ousted her, Miss Hope, without any excuse or palliation of the offence; she was mercenary, she was deceitful. She could discover the lack of affection in all she said and did, and in all she did not say and did not do. There was no lingering with him in quiet corners of the room, no separating from the party for a quiet tête-à-tête during a walk or excursion, no brightening of her eye as he entered the room in which she sat. She would sit down to the piano to avoid conversation with John Derrick, she would suggest any arrangement that would prevent him from being her only escort to or from a place. The girls thought she was

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Rh fond of them, But Miss Hope saw a different cause for her desire for their company wherever she was.

And yet this pair were to be married; there appeared to be no help for it. How terribly quickly the weeks and months flew past for both Lady Eveline and Miss Hope. It seemed as if nothing could break the charmed net that entangled them, but Miss Hope once made the attempt.

"How very happy you must be, Lady Eveline," said she to her one day.

"Happy!" echoed the girl with a sigh and a start.

"It is so seldom when young people make a marriage of affection that the parents on both sides are so reasonable as they have been in your case," said Miss Hope with a slight accent on the word affection.

"Yes, I suppose so," said Lady Eveline. "I believe it is very rare."

"Mr. John Derrick is so agreeable, quite the life of our society at Stanmore," said Miss Hope.

"Is he? Do you think so? I have seen so little of the world You know I am very young."

Miss Hope thought Eveline was boastful of

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98 her youth, whereas in fact she wished she was older and had more determination.

"Old enough, however, to choose for yourself. It is astonishing how soon young ladies learn to do that," said Miss Hope.

"To choose for myself?" said Eveline with a bewildered air. "No, I did not do that."

"Then you had happiness thrust upon you by affectionate friends. No matter how it comes, if you are quite sure it is happiness," said Miss Hope.

"I don't know why you should speak in such a way to me, for even though I am so young I am not your pupil."

"Certainly you are not," said Miss Hope, "and as everything appears to be so satisfactory, there is very little occasion for you to take a hint from any one," and the matter dropped.

Lady Eveline did not know and could not guess that Miss Hope had found the man irresistible to whom she was herself so indifferent; she had considered her insinuations very impertinent, and had answered her with a hauteur which was not at all usual or natural to her. She had felt Miss Hope's eyes often on her, and they had made her feel uncomfortable. Her conscience was uneasy; she knew

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Rh she was in the wrong; but all her authorized advisers had persuaded her that she was irrevocably committed, and that an engagement ought to be held as sacred as a marriage, so that she could see no way out of it.

Old Mr. Derrick behaved very handsomely; he took a house for the young people in London, and furnished it splendidly. He made most handsome presents to the bride, and thought she was charmingly conscious in her embarrassed gratitude, but unfortunately she did not take to him or to the old lady, and in the long weary months of her engagement she even tired of the society of Charlotte and Anne.

The two years specified came to an end, and the marriage took place. The trousseau was superb, and the ceremony was performed at a most fashionable church by a fashionable clergyman. The Morning Post gave a full and particular description of the dress of the bride and of the bridesmaids, and announced to the world that the happy couple had gone to make their wedding tour in Scotland. Both families received the congratulations of their friends on the happy event, and the Earl and Countess felt very glad that it was so well over.

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Eveline's parents and her aunt Lady Gower flattered themselves that, now she was fairly married, the love of a wife would naturally waken to a man who had no vices and few faults that they could see—who was disposed to be indulgent to her and proud of her. But people want a great deal of love or a great deal of prudence to begin matrimony upon, and poor Eveline had neither. The more closely she was brought to her husband, the more she was thrown upon his society alone, the less she found she liked him. If they had taken up house-keeping, and received and returned their wedding visits from the first day of their marriage, they might have done better; but that long honeymoon in Scotland was to both of them rather tiresome, and to Lady Eveline almost unendurable. His conversation wearied his wife, his vanity made

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text: The Author's Daughter/Chapter 6

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Rh manor, of William Bonvaslet in pledge (vadimonio). There is land for 8 ploughs. In the demesne are 3 hides, and on it are 3 ploughs. There 1 3 villeins with 2 bordars have 5 ploughs. There are 6 serfs, and 1 mill worth (de) 10 shillings, and meadow (sufficient) for 8 plough (teams). In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 6 pounds; when received 20 shillings; T.R.E. 8 pounds. This manor Queen Edid held and could sell.

The bishop himself holds [(Water) Eaton]. It is assessed at 10 hides. There is land for 18 ploughs. On the demesne are 4 (ploughs); and 35 villeins with 6 bordars have 1 4 ploughs. There are 1 2 serfs, and I mill worth (de) 20 shillings, meadow (sufficient) for 12 plough (teams). In all (totis valentis) it is worth 12 pounds; when received 8 pounds; T.R.E. 10 pounds. Eddeva held this manor and could sell it to whom she wished.

LINFORDE [Linford] Eddeva holds of the bishop. It is assessed at 4 hides. There is land for 4 ploughs. On the demesne are 2; and 6 villeins have 2 ploughs. (And there is) a mill worth (de) 8 shillings and 8 pence, meadow (sufficient) for 4 plough (teams), and woodland (to feed) 40 swine. It is and was worth 40 shillings; T.R.E. 60 shillings. This manor the same Eddeva held T.R.E.

In [Lathbury] William holds of the bishop 5 hides as one manor. There is land for 4 ploughs. On the demesne are 2; and 6 villeins with 6 bordars have 2 ploughs. There are 3 serfs, and meadow (sufficient) for 4 plough (teams), and woodland (to feed) 100 swine. It is worth 4 pounds; when received 40 shillings; T.R.E. 60 shillings. This manor Edduin son of Borgret, a thegn of King Edward, held.

In [Tyringham] Anschitil holds of the bishop 2½ hides and 3 quarters (partes) of 1 virgate as one manor. There is land for 4 ploughs. On the demesne are 3; and 3 villeins with 6 bordars have

fo. 145b

1 plough. There are 4 serfs. In all it is worth 50 shillings; when received 20 shillings; T.R.E. 60 shillings. This land was received in exchange (est de excambio) for Bledone [Bleadon]. This manor 2 thegns held. One, a man of Earl Waltheof (Wallef), had 2 hides and half a virgate as one manor; and the other held 3 quarters (partes) of 1 virgate. And they could sell (their land).

In [Stoke (Goldington)] a certain Englishman holds of the bishop 1 hide and 1 virgate. There is land for 1 plough, and it is there with 4 bordars. Meadow is there (sufficient) for i plough (team), and woodland (to feed) 50 swine. It is worth 2O shillings; when received 10 shillings; T.R.E. 2O shillings. This land 2 thegns held as two manors. Each held 2½ virgates and could sell (his land).

M. In WESTONE [Weston (Underwood)] the bishop holds 7½ hides. There is land for 7 ploughs. In the demesne is i hide, and on it is 1 plough; and 4 villeins with 3 bordars have 6 ploughs, and with these are 7 sokemen and a certain Frenchman. There are 3 serfs, meadow (sufficient) for 7 plough (teams), and woodland (to feed) 200 swine. It is and was worth 100 shillings; T.R.E. 6 pounds. This manor 10 thegns held, men of Burgret, and they could sell (their land), and there 1 man of Alric had 3 virgates and could sell (them).

M. The bishop himself holds [Olney]. It is assessed at 10 hides. There is land for 10 ploughs. In the demesne are 3 hides, and there are 3 ploughs on it. There 24 villeins with 5 bordars have 7 ploughs. There are 5 serfs, and I mill worth (de) 40 shillings and 2OO eels, meadow (sufficient) for 10 plough (teams), woodland (to feed) 400 swine. In all it is worth 1 2 pounds; when received 7 pounds; T.R.E. 12 pounds. This manor Borret held, and there 1 sokeman, his man, had 1½ virgates and could sell them.

M. In [Lavendon] the bishop holds 2 hides as one manor. There is land for 4 ploughs. In the demesne is 1 hide, and on it are 2 ploughs; and 4 villeins with 3 bordars have 2 ploughs. There are 3 serfs, meadow (sufficient) for 1 plough (team), woodland (to feed) 100 swine. It is worth 40 shillings; when received 20 shillings; T.R.E. 60 shillings. This manor a man of Borret held and could sell.

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Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 7.djvu/9

the seventy-three "Epigrams and Jeux d'Esprit," which are printed at the commencement of this volume, forty-five were included in Murray's one-volume edition of 1837, eighteen have been collected from various publications, and ten are printed and published for the first time.

The "Devil's Drive," which appears in Moore's Letters and Journals, and in the sixth volume of the Collected Edition of 1831 as an "Unfinished Fragment" of ninety-seven lines, is now printed and published for the first time in its entirety (248 lines), from a MS. in the possession of the Earl of Ilchester. "A Farewell Petition to J. C. H. Esq.;" "My Boy Hobbie O;" "[Love and Death];" and "Last Words on Greece," are reprinted from the first volume of Murray's Magazine (1887).

A few imperfect and worthless poems remain in MS.;