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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. Gowing very sternly for joking on such a subject. I lay awake half the night thinking of it the other half was spent in nightmares on the same subject.

31.—I wrote a stern letter to the laundress. I was rather pleased with the letter, for I thought it very satirical. I said: "You have returned the handkerchiefs without the colour. Perhaps you will return either the colour or the value of the handkerchiefs." I shall be rather curious to know what she will have to say.

More table-turning in the evening. Carrie said last night was in a measure successful, and they ought to sit again. Cummings came in, and seemed interested. I had the gas lighted in the drawing-room, got the steps, and repaired the cornice, which has been a bit of an eyesore to me. In a fit of unthinkingness—if I may use such an expression,—I gave the floor over the parlour, where the séance was taking place, two loud raps with the hammer. I felt sorry afterwards, for it was the sort of ridiculous, foolhardy thing that Gowing or Lupin would have done.

However, they never even referred to it, but Carrie declared that a message came through the table to her of a wonderful description, 229

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. concerning someone whom she and I knew years ago, and who was quite unknown to the others.

When we went to bed, Carrie asked me as a favour to sit to-morrow night, to oblige her. She said it seemed rather unkind and unsociable on my part. I promised I would sit once.

1.—I sat reluctantly at the table in the evening, and I am bound to admit some curious things happened. I contend they were coincidences, but they were curious. For instance, the table kept tilting towards me, which Carrie construed as a desire that I should ask the spirit a question. I obeyed the rules, and I asked the spirit (who said her name was Lina) if she could tell me the name of an old aunt of whom I was thinking, and whom we used to call Aunt Maggie. The table spelled out CAT. We could make nothing out of it, till I suddenly remembered that her second name was Catherine, which it was evidently trying to spell. I don't think even Carrie knew this. But if she did, she would never cheat. I must admit it was curious. Several other things happened, and I consented to sit at another séance on Monday.

3.—The laundress called, and said she was very sorry about the handkerchiefs, and 230

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. returned ninepence. I said, as the colour was completely washed out and the handkerchiefs quite spoiled, ninepence was not enough. Carrie replied that the two handkerchiefs originally only cost sixpence, for she remembered buying them at a sale at the Holloway Bon Marché. In that case, I insisted that threepence should be returned to the laundress. Lupin has gone to stay with the Poshs for a few days. I must say I feel very uncomfortable about it. Carrie said I was ridiculous to worry about it. Mr. Posh was very fond of Lupin, who, after all, was only a mere boy.

In the evening we had another séance, which, in some respects, was very remarkable, although the first part of it was a little doubtful. Gowing called, as well as Cummings, and begged to be allowed to join the circle. I wanted to object, but Mrs. James, who appears a good Medium (that is, if there is anything in it at all), thought there might be a little more spirit power if Gowing joined; so the five of us sat down.

The moment I turned out the gas, and almost before I could get my hands on the table, it rocked violently and tilted, and began moving quickly across the room. Gowing shouted out: "Way, oh! steady, lad, steady!" I told Gowing if he could not behave himself I should light the gas, and put an end to the séance. 231

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. To tell the truth, I thought Gowing was playing tricks, and I hinted as much; but Mrs. James said she had often seen the table go right off the ground. The spirit Lina came again, and said, "WARN" three or four times, and declined to explain. Mrs. James said "Lina" was stubborn sometimes. She often behaved like that, and the best thing to do was to send her away.

She then hit the table sharply, and said: "Go away, Lina; you are disagreeable. Go away!" I should think we sat nearly three-quarters of an hour with nothing happening. My hands felt quite cold, and I suggested we should stop the séance. Carrie and Mrs. James, as well as Cummings, would not agree to it. In about ten minutes' time there was some tilting towards me. I gave the alphabet, and it spelled out S P O O F. As I have heard both Gowing and Lupin use the word, and as I could hear Gowing silently laughing, I directly accused him of pushing the table. He denied it; but, I regret to say, I did not believe him.

Gowing said: "Perhaps it means 'Spook,' a ghost."

I said: "You know it doesn't mean anything of the sort."

Gowing said: "Oh! very well I'm sorry I 'spook,'" and he rose from the table. 232

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. No one took any notice of the stupid joke, and Mrs. James suggested he should sit out for a while. Gowing consented and sat in the arm-chair.

The table began to move again, and we might have had a wonderful séance but for Gowing's stupid interruptions. In answer to the alphabet from Carrie the table spelt "NIPUL," then the "WARN" three times. We could not think what it meant till Cummings pointed out that "NIPUL" was Lupin spelled backwards. This was quite exciting. Carrie was particularly excited, and said she hoped nothing horrible was going to happen.

Mrs. James asked if "Lina" was the spirit. The table replied firmly, "No," and the spirit would not give his or her name. We then had the message, "NIPUL will be very rich."

Carrie said she felt quite relieved, but the word "WARN" was again spelt out. The table then began to oscillate violently, and in reply to Mrs. James, who spoke very softly to the table, the spirit began to spell its name. It first spelled "DRINK."

Gowing here said: "Ah! that's more in my line."

I asked him to be quiet as the name might not be completed.

The table then spelt "WATER." 233

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. Gowing here interrupted again, and said: "Ah! that's not in my line. Outside if you like, but not inside."

Carrie appealed to him to be quiet.

The table then spelt "CAPTAIN," and Mrs. James startled us by crying out, "Captain Drinkwater, a very old friend of my father's, who has been dead some years."

This was more interesting, and I could not help thinking that after all there must be something in Spiritualism.

Mrs. James asked the spirit to interpret the meaning of the word "Warn" as applied to "NIPUL." The alphabet was given again, and we got the word "BOSH."

Gowing here muttered: "So it is."

Mrs. James said she did not think the spirit meant that, as Captain Drinkwater was a perfect gentleman, and would never have used the word in answer to a lady's question. Accordingly the alphabet was given again.

This time the table spelled distinctly "POSH." We all thought of Mrs. Murray Posh and Lupin. Carrie was getting a little distressed, and as it was getting late we broke up the circle.

We arranged to have one more to-morrow, as it will be Mrs. James' last night in town. We also determined not to have Gowing present. 234

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. Cummings, before leaving, said it was certainly interesting, but he wished the spirits would say something about him.

4.—Quite looking forward to the séance this evening. Was thinking of it all the day at the office.

Just as we sat down at the table we were annoyed by Gowing entering without knocking.

He said: "I am not going to stop, but I have brought with me a sealed envelope, which I know I can trust with Mrs. Pooter. In that sealed envelope is a strip of paper on which I have asked a simple question. If the spirits can answer that question, I will believe in Spiritualism."

I ventured the expression that it might be impossible.

Mrs. James said: "Oh no! it is of common occurrence for the spirits to answer questions under such conditions—and even for them to write on locked slates. It is quite worth trying. If 'Lina' is in a good temper, she is certain to do it."

Gowing said: "All right; then I shall be a firm believer. I shall perhaps drop in about half-past nine or ten, and hear the result."

He then left and we sat a long time. Cummings wanted to know something about 235

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. some undertaking in which he was concerned, but he could get no answer of any description whatever at which he said he was very disappointed and was afraid there was not much in table-turning after all. I thought this rather selfish of him. The séance was very similar to the one last night, almost the same in fact. So we turned to the letter. "Lina" took a long time answering the question, but eventually spelt out "ROSES, LILIES, AND COWS."

There was great rocking of the table at this time, and Mrs. James said: "If that is Captain Drinkwater, let us ask him the answer as well?"

It was the spirit of the Captain, and, most singular, he gave the same identical answer: "ROSES, LILIES, AND COWS."

I cannot describe the agitation with which Carrie broke the seal, or the disappointment we felt on reading the question, to which the answer was so inappropriate. The question was, "What's old Pooter's age?"

This quite decided me.

As I had put my foot down on Spiritualism years ago, so I would again.

I am pretty easy-going as a rule, but I can be extremely firm when driven to it.

I said slowly, as I turned up the gas: "This is the last of this nonsense that shall ever take place under my roof. I regret I permitted 236

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. myself to be a party to such tomfoolery. If there is anything in it—which I doubt—it is nothing of any good, and I won't have it again. That is enough."

Mrs. James said: "I think, Mr. Pooter, you are rather over-stepping"

I said: " Hush, madam. I am master of this house—please understand that."

Mrs. James made an observation which I sincerely hope I was mistaken in. I was in such a rage I could not quite catch what she said. But if I thought she said what it sounded like, she should never enter the house again. 237

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 CHAPTER XXIII.

1.—I find, on looking over my diary, nothing of any consequence has taken place during the last month. To-day we lose Lupin, who has taken furnished apartments at Bayswater, near his friends, Mr. and Mrs. Murray Posh, at two guineas a week. I think this is most extravagant of him, as it is half his salary. Lupin says one never loses by a good address, and, to use his own expression, Brickfield Terrace is a bit "off." Whether he means it is "far off" I do not know. I have long since given up trying to understand his curious expressions. I said the neighbourhood had always been good enough for his parents. His reply was: "It is no question of being good or bad. There is no money in it, and I am not going to rot away my life in the suburbs." 238

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. We are sorry to lose him, but perhaps he will get on better by himself, and there may be some truth in his remark that an old and a young horse can't pull together in the same cart.

Gowing called, and said that the house seemed quite peaceful, and like old times. He liked Master Lupin very well, but he occasionally suffered from what he could not help youth.

2.—Cummings called, looked very pale, and said he had been very ill again, and of course not a single friend had been near him. Carrie said she had never heard of it, whereupon he threw down a copy of the Bicycle News on the table, with the following paragraph: "We regret to hear that that favourite old roadster, Mr. Cummings ('Long' Cummings), has met with what might have been a serious accident in Rye Lane. A mischievous boy threw a stick between the spokes of one of the back wheels, and the machine overturned, bringing our brother tricyclist heavily to the ground. Fortunately he was more frightened than hurt, but we missed his merry face at the dinner at Chingford, where they turned up in good numbers. 'Long' Cummings' health was proposed by our popular Vice, Mr. Westropp, the prince of bicyclists, who in his happiest vein said it was a case of 'Cumming(s) thro' the Rye, 239

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. but fortunately there was more wheel than woe,' a joke which created roars of laughter."

We all said we were very sorry, and pressed Cummings to stay to supper. Cummings said it was like old times being without Lupin, and he was much better away.

.—In the afternoon, as I was looking out of the parlour window, which was open, a grand trap, driven by a lady, with a gentleman seated by the side of her, stopped at our door. Not wishing to be seen, I withdrew my head very quickly, knocking the back of it violently against the sharp edge of the windowsash. I was nearly stunned. There was a loud double-knock at the front door; Carrie rushed out of the parlour, upstairs to her room, and I followed, as Carrie thought it was Mr. Perkupp. I thought it was Mr. Franching. I whispered to Sarah over the banisters: "Show them into the drawing-room." Sarah said, as the shutters were not opened, the room would smell musty. There was another loud rat-tat. I whispered: "Then show them into the parlour, and say Mr. Pooter will be down directly." I changed my coat, but could not see to do my hair, as Carrie was occupying the glass.

Sarah came up, and said it was Mrs. Murray Posh and Mr. Lupin. 240

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. This was quite a relief. I went down with Carrie, and Lupin met me with the remark: "I say, what did you run away from the window for? Did we frighten you?"

I foolishly said: "What window?"

Lupin said: "Oh, you know. Shut it. You looked as if you were playing at Punch and Judy."

On Carrie asking if she could offer them anything, Lupin said: "Oh, I think Daisy will take on a cup of tea. I can do with a B. and S."

I said: "I am afraid we have no soda."

Lupin said: "Don't bother about that. You just trip out and hold the horse; I don't think Sarah understands it."

They stayed a very short time, and as they were leaving, Lupin said: "I want you both to come and dine with me next Wednesday, and see my new place. Mr. and Mrs. Murray Posh, Miss Posh (Murray's sister) are coming. Eight o'clock sharp. No one else."

I said we did not pretend to be fashionable people, and would like the dinner earlier, as it made it so late before we got home.

Lupin said: "Rats! You must get used to it. If it comes to that, Daisy and I can drive you home."

We promised to go; but I must say in my simple mind the familiar way in which Mrs. 241

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. Posh and Lupin addressed each other is reprehensible. Anybody would think they had been children together. I certainly should object to six months' acquaintance calling my wife "Carrie," and driving out with her.

4.—Lupin's rooms looked very nice; but the dinner was, I thought, a little too grand, especially as he commenced with champagne straight off. I also think Lupin might have told us that he and Mr. and Mrs. Murray Posh and Miss Posh were going to put on full evening dress. Knowing that the dinner was only for us six, we never dreamed it would be a full dress affair. I had no appetite. It was quite twenty minutes past eight before we sat down to dinner. At six I could have eaten a hearty meal. I had a bit of bread-and-butter at that hour, feeling famished, and I expect that partly spoiled my appetite.

We were introduced to Miss Posh, whom Lupin called "Lillie Girl," as if he had known her all his life. She was very tall, rather plain, and I thought she was a little painted round the eyes. I hope I am wrong; but she had such fair hair, and yet her eyebrows were black. She looked about thirty. I did not like the way she kept giggling and giving Lupin smacks and pinching him. Then her laugh was a sort of a 242

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. scream that went right through my ears, all the more irritating because there was nothing to laugh at. In fact, Carrie and I were not at all prepossessed with her. They all smoked cigarettes after dinner, including Miss Posh, who

"Lillie Girl." 243

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. startled Carrie by saying: "Don't you smoke, dear?" I answered for Carrie, and said: "Mrs. Charles Pooter has not arrived at it yet," whereupon Miss Posh gave one of her piercing laughs again.

Mrs. Posh sang a dozen songs at least, and I can only repeat what I have said before she does not sing in tune; but Lupin sat by the side of the piano, gazing into her eyes the whole time. If I had been Mr. Posh, I think I should have had something to say about it. Mr. Posh made himself very agreeable to us, and eventually sent us home in his carriage, which I thought most kind. He is evidently very rich, for Mrs. Posh had on some beautiful jewellery. She told Carrie her necklace, which her husband gave her as a birthday present, alone cost £300.

Mr. Posh said he had a great belief in Lupin, and thought he would make rapid way in the world.

I could not help thinking of the £600 Mr. Posh lost over the Parachikka Chlorates through Lupin's advice.

During the evening I had an opportunity to speak to Lupin, and expressed a hope that Mr. Posh was not living beyond his means.

Lupin sneered, and said Mr. Posh was worth thousands. "Posh's one-price hat" was a household word in Birmingham, Manchester, 244

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. Liverpool, and all the big towns throughout England. Lupin further informed me that Mr. Posh was opening branch establishments at New York, Sydney, and Melbourne, and was negotiating for Kimberley and Johannesburg.

I said I was pleased to hear it.

Lupin said: "Why, he has settled over £10,000 on Daisy, and the same amount on 'Lillie Girl.' If at any time I wanted a little capital, he would put up a couple of 'thou' at a day's notice, and could buy up Perkupp's firm over his head at any moment with ready cash."

On the way home in the carriage, for the first time in my life, I was inclined to indulge in the radical thought that money was not properly divided.

On arriving home at a quarter-past eleven, we found a hansom cab, which had been waiting for me for two hours with a letter. Sarah said she did not know what to do, as we had not left the address where we had gone. I trembled as I opened the letter, fearing it was some bad news about Mr. Perkupp. The note was: "Dear Mr. Pooter, Come down to the Victoria Hotel without delay. Important. Yours truly, Hardfur Huttle."

I asked the cabman if it was too late. The cabman replied that it was not; for his instructions were, if I happened to be out, he was 245

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. to wait till I came home. I felt very tired, and really wanted to go to bed. I reached the hotel at a quarter before midnight. I apologised for being so late, but Mr. Huttle said: "Not at all; come and have a few oysters." I feel my heart beating as I write these words. To be brief, Mr. Huttle said he had a rich American friend who wanted to do something large in our line of business, and that Mr. Franching had mentioned my name to him. We talked over the matter. If, by any happy chance, the result be successful, I can more than compensate my dear master for the loss of Mr. Crowbillon's custom. Mr. Huttle had previously said: "The glorious 'Fourth' is a lucky day for America, and, as it has not yet struck twelve, we will celebrate it with a glass of the best wine to be had in the place, and drink good luck to our bit of business."

I fervently hope it will bring good luck to us all.

It was two o'clock when I got home. Although I was so tired, I could not sleep except for short intervals then only to dream.

I kept dreaming of Mr. Perkupp and Mr Huttle. The latter was in a lovely palace with a crown on. Mr. Perkupp was waiting in the room. Mr. Huttle kept taking off this crown and handing it to me, and calling me "President." 246

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. He appeared to lake no notice of Mr. Perkupp, and I kept asking Mr. Huttle to give the crown to my worthy master. Mr. Huttle kept saying: "No, this is the White House of Washington, and you must keep your crown, Mr. President."

We all laughed long and very loudly, till I got parched, and then I woke up. I fell asleep, only to dream the same thing over and over again. 247

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 CHAPTER THE LAST.

One of the happiest days of my life.

10.—The excitement and anxiety through which I have gone the last few days have been almost enough to turn my hair grey. It is all but settled. To-morrow the die will be cast. I have written a long letter to Lupin—feeling it my duty to do so,—regarding his attention to Mrs. Posh, for they drove up to our house again last night.

11.—I find my eyes filling with tears as I pen the note of my interview this morning with Mr. Perkupp. Addressing me, he said: "My faithful servant, I will not dwell on the important service you have done our firm. You can never be sufficiently thanked. Let us change the subject. Do you like your house, and are you happy where you are?"

I replied: "Yes, sir; I love my house and I love the neighbourhood, and could not bear to leave it."

Mr. Perkupp, to my surprise, said: "Mr. Pooter, I will purchase the freehold of that 248

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THE DIARY OF A NOBODY. house, and present it to the most honest and most worthy man it has ever been my lot to meet."

He shook my hand, and said he hoped my wife and I would be spared many years to enjoy it. My heart was too full to thank him; and, seeing my embarrassment the good fellow said: "You need say nothing, Mr. Pooter," and left the office.

I sent telegrams to Carrie, Cowing, and Cummings (a thing I have never done before), and asked the two latter to come round to supper.

On arriving home I found Carrie crying with joy, and I sent Sarah round to the grocer's to get two bottles of "Jackson Frères."

My two dear friends came in the evening, and the last post brought a letter from Lupin in reply to mine. I read it aloud to them all. It ran: "My dear old Guv.,—Keep your hair on. You are on the wrong tack again. I am engaged to be married to 'Lillie Girl.' I did not mention it last Thursday, as it was not definitely settled. We shall be married in August, and amongst our guests we hope to see your old friends Gowing and Cummings. With much love to all, from The same old Lupin."

THE END. 249

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, in the Second Part of this history, and third sally of Don Quixote, says that the curate and the barber remained nearly a month without seeing him, lest they should recall or bring back to his recollection what had taken place. They did not, however, omit to visit his niece and housekeeper, and charge them to be careful to treat him with attention, and give him comforting things to eat, and such as were good for the heart and the brain, whence, it was plain to see, all his misfortune proceeded. The niece and housekeeper replied that they did so, and meant to do so with all possible care and assiduity, for they could perceive that their master was now and then beginning to show signs of being in his right mind. This gave great satisfaction to the curate and the barber, for they concluded they had taken the right course in carrying him off enchanted on the ox-cart, as has been described in the First Part of this great as well as accurate history, in the last chapter thereof. So they resolved to pay him a visit and test the improvement in his condition, although they thought it almost imposible that there could be any ; and they agreed not to touch upon any point connected with knight-errantry, so as not to run the risk of re-opening wounds which were still so tender.

They came to see him consequently, and found him sitting up in bed in a green baize waistcoat and a red Toledo cap, and so withered and dried up that he looked as if he had been turned into a mummy. They were very cordially received by Vol. II. — 1


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CHAP. VI the rudiments of Latin culture, along with the great new Religion, to the barbarous peoples beyond the Romance pale.

The mediating rôles of the Roman provincials began with their first subjection to Roman order. For barbarians were continually brought into the provinces as slaves or prisoners of war. Next, they entered to serve as auxiliary troops, coming especially from the wavering Teutonic outskirts of the Empire. And during that time of misrule and military anarchy which came between the death of Commodus (A.D. 192) and the accession of Diocletian (A.D. 284), Teutonic inroads threatened the imperial fabric. But, apart from palpable invasions, there was a constant increase in the Teutonic inflow from the close of the second century. More and more the Teutons tilled the fields; more and more they filled the armies. They became officers of the army and officials of the Government. So long as the vigour of life and growth continued in the Latinized population of the Empire, and so long as the Roman law and order held, the assimilative power of Latin culture and Roman institutions was enormous; the barbarians became Romanized. But when self-conserving strength and coercive energy waned with Romans and provincials, when the law's protection was no longer sure, and a dry rot infected civic institutions, then Roman civilization lost some of its transforming virtue. The barbarism of the Teutonic influx became more obstinate as the transmuting forces of civilization weakened. Evidently the decadent civilization of the Empire could no longer raise these barbarians to the level of its greater periods; it could at most impress them with such culture and such order as it still possessed. Moreover, reacting upon these disturbed and infirm conditions, barbarism put forth a positive transforming energy, tending to barbarize the Empire, its government, its army, its inhabitants. The decay of Roman institutions and the grafting of Teutonic institutions upon Roman survivals were as universal as the mingling of races, tempers, and traditions. The course of events may briefly be reviewed.

In the third century the Goths began, by land and sea, to raid the eastern provinces of the undivided Roman

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112 Empire; down the Danube they sailed, and out upon the Euxine; then their plundering fleets spread through the eastern Mediterranean. They were attacked, repulsed, overthrown, and slaughtered in hordes in the year 270. Some of the survivors remained in bondage, some retired north beyond the Danube. Aurelian gave up to them the province of Dacia: the latest conquest of the Empire, the first to be abandoned. These Dacian settlers thenceforth appear as Visigoths. For a century the Empire had no great trouble from them. Dacia was the scene of the career of Ulfilas (b. 311, d. 380), the Arian apostle of the Goths. They became Christian in part, and in part remained fiercely heathen. About 372, harassed by the Huns, they pressed south to escape over the Danube. Valens permitted them to cross; then Roman treachery followed, answered by desperate Gothic raids in Thrace, till at last Valens was defeated and slain at Hadrianople in 378.

It was sixteen years after this that Theodosius the Great marched from the East to Italy to suppress Arbogast, the overweening Frank, who had cast out his weak master Valentinian. The leader of the Visigothic auxiliaries was Alaric. When the great emperor died, Alaric was proclaimed King of the Visigoths, and soon proceeded to ravage and conquer Greece. Stilicho, son of a Vandal chief—one sees how all the high officers are Teutons—was the uncertain stay of Theodosius's weakling sons, Honorius and Arcadius. In 400 Alaric attempted to invade Italy, but was foiled by Stilicho, who five years later circumvented and destroyed another horde of Goths, both men and women, who had penetrated Italy to the Apennines. In 408 Alaric made a second attempt to enter, and this time was successful, for Stilicho was dead. Thrice he besieged Rome, capturing it in 410. Then he died, his quick death to be a warning to Attila. The new Gothic king, Ataulf, conceived the plan of uniting Romans and Goths in a renewed and strengthened kingdom. But this task was not for him, and in two years he left Italy with his Visigoths to establish a kingdom in the south of Gaul.

Attila comes next upon the scene. The eastern Empire had endured the oppression of this terrible Turanian, and

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CHAP. VI had paid him tribute for some years, before he decided to march westward by a route north of the Alps, and attack Gaul. He penetrated to Orleans, which he besieged in vain. Many nations were in the two armies that were now to meet in battle on the "Catalaunian Plains." On Attila's side, besides his Huns, were subject Franks, Bructeri, Thuringians, Burgundians, and the hosts of Gepidae and Ostrogoths. Opposed were the Roman forces, Bretons, Burgundians, Alans, Saxons, Salian Franks, and the army of the Visigoths. Defeated, but not overthrown, the lion Hun withdrew across the Rhine; but the next spring, in 452, he descended from the eastern Alps upon Aquileia and destroyed it, and next sacked the cities of Venetia and the Po Valley as far as Milan. Then he passed eastward to the river Mincio, where he was met by a Roman embassy, in which Pope Leo was the most imposing figure. Before this embassy the Scourge of God withdrew, awed or persuaded, or in superstitious fear. The following year, upon Attila's death, his realm broke up; Gepidae and Goths beat the Huns in battle, and again Teutons held sway in Central Europe.

The fear of the Hun had hardly ceased when the Vandals came from Africa, and leisurely plundered Rome. They were Teutons, perhaps kin to the Goths. But theirs had been a far migration. At the opening of the fifth century they had entered Gaul and fought the Franks, then passed on to Spain, where they were broken by the Visigoths. So they crossed to Africa and founded a kingdom there, whence they invaded Italy. By this time, the middle of the fifth century, the fighting and ruling energy in the western Empire was barbarian. The stocks had become mixed through intermarriage and the confusion of wars and frequent change of sides. An illustrative figure is Count Ricimer, whose father was a noble Suevian, while his mother was a Visigothic princess. He directed the Roman State from 456 to 472, placing one after another of his Roman puppets on the imperial throne.

In the famous year 476 the Roman army was made up of barbarians, mainly drawn from lands now included in Bohemia, Austria, and Hungary. There were large

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114 of Rugii and Heruli, who had flocked in bands to Italy as adventurers. Such troops had the status of foederati, that is, barbarian auxiliaries or allies. Suddenly they demanded one-third of the lands of Italy. Upon refusal of their demand, they made a king from among themselves, the Herulian Odoacer, and Romulus Augustulus flitted from the shadowy imperial throne. By reason of his dramatic name, rather than by any marked circumstance of his deposition, he has come to typify with historians the close of the line of western emperors.

The Herulian soldier-king or "Patrician," Odoacer, a nondescript transition personage, ruled twelve years. Then the nation of the Ostrogoths, which had learned much from the vicissitudes of fortune in the East, obtained the eastern emperor's sanction, and made its perilous way to the gates of Italy under the king, Theodoric. This invading people numbered perhaps two hundred thousand souls; their fighting men were forty thousand. Odoacer was beaten on the river Isonzo; he retreated to the line of the Adige, and was again defeated at Verona. After standing a long siege in Ravenna, he made terms with Theodoric, and was murdered by him.

The Goths were among the best of the barbarians, and Theodoric was the greatest of the Goths. The eastern emperors probably regarded him as their representative in Italy; and he coined money only with the Emperor's image. But in fact he was a sovereign; and, through his sovereignty over both Goths and Romans, from a Teutonic king he became an absolute monarch, even as his contemporary Clovis became, under analogous circumstances. He was a just despot, with his subjects' welfare at heart. The Goths received one-third of the Italian lands, in return for which their duty was to defend the whole. This third may have been that previously possessed by Odoacer's troops. Under Theodoric the relations between Goths and "Romans" were friendly. It was from the Code of Theodosius and other Roman sources that he drew the substance of his legislation,

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 as I hope that the world wil pardon the former fault (if it be any) in consideration of the amends that is made thereof by the later fact: so doubt I not but that your Honorable L. according to your accustomed clemency will accept of this my poore endevour and protect this my attempt, with the shield of your honorable authoritie and judgement: whereby your L. shall not onely stop the mouthes of barking Mastifes, who thinke other mens reprofes their owne praise, but also thereby greatly increase the private band of my dewtie and service. And thus no whit doubting but that your L. will pardon my brevitie, which I have the rather used to the end my Epistle may be answerable as wel to your L. leasure as to the worke it selfe beeing but an Epitome, most humblie I take my leave, beseeching


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 the Almightie to the great good of this land and the advancement of hir Majesties affaires, that as hee hath endued you with Nestors wifedome and eloquence, so also that hee will continue the course of your life til you have attained to Nestors yeares, and after this life to receive you into the eternall joyes of his celestiall Paradice.

Your Honors most humble and obedient, Tho. Danett.


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CHAP. VI the Edictum which about the year 510 he promulgated for both Goths and Romans (barbari Romanique). His aim—and here the influence of his minister Cassiodorus appears—was to harmonize the relations of the two peoples and assimilate the ways of the Goths to those of their more civilized neighbours. But if his rule brought prosperity to Italy, after his death came desolating wars between the Goths under their noble kings, and Justinian's great generals, Belisarius and Narses. These wars ruined the Ostrogothic nation. Only some remnants were left to reascend the Alps in 553. Behind them Italy was a waste.

An imperial eastern Roman restoration followed. It was not to endure. For already the able and savage Lombard Alboin was making ready to lead down his army of Lombards, Saxons, Gepidae and unassorted Teutons, and perhaps Slavs. No strength was left to oppose him in plague-stricken Italy. So the Lombard conquered easily, and set up a kingdom which, united or divided under kings and dukes, endured for two hundred years. Then Charlemagne—his father Pippin had been before him—at the entreaty of the Pope, invaded Italy with a host of mingled Teuton tribes, and put an end to the Lombard kingdom, but not to Lombard blood and Lombard traits.

The result of all these invasions was a progressive barbarization of Italy, which was not altogether unfortunate, because fraught with some renewal of strength. The Teutons brought their customs; and at least one Teuton people, the Lombards, maintained them masterfully. The Ostrogoth, Theodoric, had preserved the Italian municipal organization, and had drawn his code for all from Roman sources. But the first Lombard Code, that of King Rothari, promulgated about 643, ignored Roman law, and apparently the very existence of Romans. Though written in barbarous Latin, it is Lombard through and through. So, to a scarcely less degree, is the Code of King Liutprand, promulgated about 725. Even then the Lombards looked upon themselves as distinct from the "Romans." Their laws were still those of the Lombards, yet of Lombards settling down to urban life.

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 An Epitome of Lodovico Guicciardinis description of the Low Countries.

THe Authour describeth first in generall the qualities of the Countrey, and of the inhabitants thereof, comprehending also ther in the generall governement of the prince.

Secondarilie in particular, the devision of each province, & of every thing worthy of memorie contained therein.

These Low countreys are comprehened within the auncimt Gaule, the which is devided by Cæsar into three partes: namely, Belgica, (the which is contained within the Rivers of Marne, Seine, Rhine, and the occean Sea) Celtica and Aquitanica.

Farther in that part called Belgique, are these Territories subject to K. Philip (which we now purpose to describe) comprehended, & imbrace the one halfe thereof: yea the best, the Noblest,


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 and the mightiest halfe, as well in regard of the valour of the people, as also of the mightie and stately Townes, and the infinite number of goodlie villages (all exceeding well peopled) contained therein in suche sort, that it may bee compared with the greatest ans mightiest kingdome of Christendome. The other halfe is subject to the King of France: namely,Picardie, Champaigne, and Normandy (though these two last provinces be not wholy in Belgica) to the Dukes of Lorraine, Cleves and Julliers: to the Archbishops of Treues, Mentz & Colin, and to the bishops of Cambray and Liege.

Of al these three parts of Gaule, the Noblest is Belgique, and that for three reasons. First, by authoritie of Cæsar, Strabo, & other approved Authors.

Secondarilie, for the nobilitie and excellency of the people of the Countrey. Thidlie, for the greatnesse and worthinesse of those thinges that have beene invented there, and the accidentes that there have happenend.

The principall of the noble inventions of the Belgeoys are these. Printing, first invented at Mentz, or as some write at Harlem in Holland 2. The restoring of Musicke and the invention of divers musicall instruments. 3. The invention of the Chariot used in the warres, called in Latin Essedum: whereof all our Coaches and Wagons tooke their first patterne. 4. The layeng


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 command at Chatham and Maidstone. He was also made colonel-commandant of a new second battalion added to the 5th foot. In 1801 the headquarters of the recruiting department were removed from Chatham to Parkhurst, Isle of Wight, and Hewett was appointed to command the island as a part of the south-western district. He was transferred to the colonelcy of the 61st foot, 4 April 1800. In 1803 he was made inspector-general of the royal army of reserve, a force of forty thousand men raised by ballot under the Defence Acts (see Ann. Reg. 1804, Appendix). In 1805 he became barrackmaster-general, and in 1806 was appointed commander-in-chief in the East Indies. He landed in India 17 Oct. 1807, and left 18 Dec. 1811. Among the events of that period were the unfortunate disputes between the Madras officers and the government, and the despatch from India of the expeditions against the Isle of France (Mauritius) and Java. He was commander of the forces in Ireland in 1813–16, and was created a baronet in 1818. Hewett was a G.C.B., a full general, colonel 61st foot, and an Irish privy councillor. He married at Bath, 26 July 1785, Julia, daughter of John Johnson of Blackheath, by whom he had five sons and seven daughters. He is described as a tall, soldierly old man, much beloved in private life. He had resided some years at his seat, Freemantle Park, near Southampton (now the local suburb of that name), and had expressed a particular desire to see the 61st, of which he had been colonel for forty years, on its return home. By a curious coincidence he died suddenly the day the regiment landed at Southampton, 21 March 1840. He was buried in Shirley Church, and a monument was erected to him in the adjacent parish church of Millbrook.

HEWETT, WILLIAM (d. 1567), lord mayor of London, son of Edmund Hewett, was born in Wales, a hamlet of Laughton-en-le-Morthen in South Yorkshire. His family had been settled in the adjoining county of Derby from early times. He followed the trade of a clothworker, and after duly serving his apprenticeship was admitted to the freedom of the Clothworkers' Company of London before 1529, in which year he himself took an apprentice as a freeman (Records of the Company). He succeeded well in commerce (Stow estimates his ‘estate’ at 6,000l. per annum), and was joined by many of his relatives and friends from Yorkshire. He employed his brother Thomas and the latter's son Henry to assist him in his business, which he probably carried on at a house called the Three Cranes in Candlewick Street, which he bequeathed to his nephew Henry, with remainder to Thomas Hewett.

Hewett became master of the Clothworkers' Company in 1543. He was elected alderman of Vintry on 16 Sept. 1550, and on refusing to serve was committed to Newgate (City Records, Repertory 12, pt. ii. fol. 261 a). He represented Vintry ward until 9 July 1554, when he removed to Candlewick (ib. 13, pt. i. fol. 67). On 11 Feb. 1556–7, in view of the approaching mayoralty duties, he begged to be discharged ‘of his cloke and room’ (ib. 13, pt. ii. fol. 478 b), but a small committee appointed by the court of aldermen (1 June) prevailed upon him to alter his decision (ib. fol. 512 b). He served the office of sheriff in 1553, and was charged with carrying out the sentences of execution upon Lady Jane Grey and her husband, and on Sir Thomas Wyatt's adherents. In the same year he countersigned, with other principal citizens, the letters patent of Edward VI leaving the crown to Lady Jane Grey (, Early History of the Merchant Taylors' Company, ii. 119). In 1559 he became lord mayor, being the first member of the Clothworkers' Company to attain that dignity. On 8 June 1560 he presided at the trial of one Chamberlain for treason (State Papers, Dom. 1547–1580, p. 160), and on 4 Oct. the queen wrote directing him to affix the marks of a greyhound and portcullis on the testoons in currency, to distinguish the base from the better sort (ib. Addit. 1547–65, p. 503). He was knighted at Greenwich by Elizabeth on 21 Jan. 1559–60. Hewett's name appears on the register of admissions to Gray's Inn on 4 March 1565–6, but this date is clearly wrong, since he is described as ‘after lord mayor of London’ (, Register of Admissions to Gray's Inn, 1889, col. 35). His arms, inscribed with his name, are in Gray's Inn Hall (, Origines Jurid. p. 306).

Hewett lived in Philpot Lane. He had also a country house at Highgate, and Chief-justice Sir Roger Cholmeley chose him as one of the six governors of his newly established grammar school there in 1565 (, Environs of London, iii. 64). He also possessed the manor of Parsloes in Dagenham, Essex (ib. iv. 75), and various other manors and estates in Yorkshire, Derbyshire, and Not-


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Hoyle's Games Modernized/Baccarat

BACCARAT.

Baccarat has many points of resemblance to Vingt-un, but the element of chance is much more prominent. The stakes are made before any card is dealt, and one player plays for several. There is therefore, save on the part of the banker, scarcely any scope for personal skill or judgment.

The object of the game is to hold such cards as shall together amount to the point of nine. The cards from ace to nine count each according to the number of its pips. Court cards are equivalent to tens, and ten at this game is baccarat, a synonym for zero. Thus a player holding a three and a ten (or court card) is considered to have three only; a player holding two tens and a five counts five only. And not only is a tenth card baccarat (0), but ten occurring as part of a total score, however made, is disregarded; so that a five and a six count, not as eleven, but as one only; three, seven and five, not as fifteen, but as five; and so on.

There are two forms of Baccarat, known respectively as Baccarat Chemin de Fer and Baccarat Banque, the latter being the version more frequently played. A description of Baccarat Chemin de Fer will, however, be the best introduction to the explanation of Baccarat Banque, and we therefore take it first in order.

Six full packs of cards of the same pattern are used, shuffled together. The players seat themselves round the table. In the centre is a basket for the reception of the used cards. If there is any question as to the relative positions of the players, it is decided by lot. The person who draws the first place seats himself next on the right hand of the croupier, and the rest follow in succession. The croupier shuffles the cards, and then passes them on, each player having the right to shuffle in turn. When they have made the circuit of the table, the croupier again shuffles, and, having done so, offers the cards to the player on his left, who cuts. The croupier places the cards before him, and, taking a manageable quantity from the top, hands it to the player on his right, who for the time being is dealer, or "banker." The other players are punters. The dealer places before him the amount he is disposed to risk, and the players "make their stakes." Any punter, beginning with the player on the immediate right of the dealer, is entitled to "go bank," viz. to play against the whole of the banker's stake. If no one says "Banco" (which is the formula by which the desire to go bank is expressed), each player places his stake before him. If the total so staked by the seated players is not equal to the amount for the time being in the bank, other persons standing round may stake in addition. If it is more than equal to the amount in the bank, the punters nearest in order to the banker have the preference up to such amount, the banker having the right to decline any stake in excess of that limit.

The stakes being made, the banker proceeds to deal four cards, face downwards, the first, for the punters, to the right; the second to himself; the third for the punters, the fourth to himself. The player who has the highest stake represents the punters. If two punters are equal in this respect, the player first in rotation has the preference. Each then looks at his cards. If he finds that they make either nine, the highest point at Baccarat, or eight, the next highest, he turns them up, announcing the number aloud, and the hand is at an end.

If the banker's point is the better, the stakes of the punter become the property of the bank. If the punters' point is the better, the banker (or the croupier for him) pays each punter the amount of his stake. The stakes are made afresh, and the game proceeds. If the banker has been the winner, he deals again. If otherwise, the cards are passed to the player next in order, who thereupon becomes banker in his turn.

We will now take the case that neither party turns up his cards; this is tantamount to an admission that neither has eight or nine. In such case the banker is bound to offer a third card. If the point of the punter is baccarat (i.e. cards together amounting to ten or twenty, = 0), one, two, three, or four, he accepts as a matter of course, replying, "Yes," or "Card." A third card is then given to him, face upwards. If his point is already six or seven, he will, equally as a matter of course, refuse the offered card. To accept a card with six or seven, or refuse with baccarat, one, two, three, or four (known in either case as a "false draw"), is a breach of the established procedure of the game, and brings down upon the head of the offender the wrath of his fellow-punters; indeed, in some circles he is made liable for any loss they may incur thereby, and in others is punishable by a fine. At the point of five, and no other, is it optional to the punter whether to take a card or not; nobody has the right to advise him, or to remark upon his decision.

The banker has now to decide whether he himself will draw a card, being guided in his decision partly by the cards he already holds, partly by the card (if any) drawn by the punter, and partly by what he may know or guess of the latter's mode of play. If he has hesitated over his decision, the banker may be pretty certain (unless such hesitation was an intentional blind) that his original point was five, and as the third card (if any) is exposed, his present point becomes equally a matter of certainty. The banker, having drawn or not drawn, as he may elect, exposes his cards, and receives or pays as the case may be. Ties neither win nor lose, but the stakes abide the result of the next hand.

The banker is not permitted to withdraw any part of his winnings, which go to increase the amount in the bank. Should he at any given moment desire to retire, he says, "I pass the deal." In such case each of the other players, in rotation, has the option of taking it, but he must start the bank with the same amount at which it stood when the last banker retired. Should no one present care to risk so high a figure, the deal passes to the player next on the right hand of the retiring banker, who is in such case at liberty to start the bank with such amount as he thinks fit, the late banker now being regarded as last in order of rotation, though the respective priorities are not otherwise affected.

A player who has "gone bank," and lost, is entitled to do so again on the next hand, notwithstanding that the deal may have "passed" to another player.

When the first supply of cards is exhausted, the croupier takes a fresh handful from the heap before him, has them cut by the player on his left, and hands them to the banker. To constitute a valid deal, there must be not less than seven cards left in the dealer's hand. Should the cards in hand fall below this number, they are thrown into the waste-basket, and the banker takes a fresh supply as above mentioned.

In Baccarat Chemin de Fer, it will have been noticed that a given bank only continues so long as the banker wins. So soon as he loses, it passes to another player. In Baccarat Banque the position of banker is much more permanent. Three packs of cards, shuffled together, are in this case used, and the banker (unless he retires either of his own free will, or by reason of the exhaustion of his finances) holds office until the whole of such cards have been dealt.

The bank is at the outset put up to auction, i.e. belongs to the player who will undertake to risk the largest amount. In some circles, the person who has first set down his name on the list of players has the right to hold the first bank, risking such amount as he may think proper.

The right to begin having been ascertained, the banker takes his place midway down one of the sides of an oval table, the croupier facing him, with the waste-basket between. On either side the banker are the punters, ten such constituting a full table. Any other persons desiring to take part remain standing, and can only play in the event of the amount in the bank for the time being not being covered by the seated players.

The croupier, having shuffled the cards, hands them for the same purpose to the players to the right and left of him, the banker being entitled to shuffle them last, and to select the person by whom they shall be cut. Each punter having made his stake, the banker deals three cards, the first to the player on his right, the second to the player on his left, and the third to himself; then three more in like manner. The five punters on the right (and any bystanders staking with them) win or lose by the cards dealt to that side; the five others by the cards dealt to the left side. The rules as to turning up with eight or nine, offering and accepting cards, and so on, are the same as at Baccarat Chemin de Fer.

Each punter continues to hold the cards for his side so long as he wins. If he lose, the next hand is dealt to the player next following him in rotation.

Any player may "go bank," the first claim to do so belonging to the punter immediately on the right of the banker; the next to the player on his left, and so on alternatively in regular order. If two players on opposite sides desire to "go bank," they go half shares.

A player going bank may either do so on a single hand, in the ordinary course, or à cheval, i.e. on two hands separately, one-half of the stake being played upon each hand. A player going bank and losing, may again go bank; and if he again loses, may go bank a third time, but not further.

A player undertaking to hold the bank must play out one hand, but may retire at any time afterwards. On retiring, he is bound to state the amount with which he retires. It is then open to any other player (in order of rotation) to continue the bank, starting with the same amount, and dealing from the remainder of the pack used by his predecessor. The outgoing banker takes the place previously occupied by his successor.

The breaking of the bank does not deprive the banker of the right to continue, provided that he has funds wherewith to replenish it, up to the agreed minimum.

Should the stakes of the punters exceed the amount for the time being in the bank, the banker is not responsible for the amount of such excess. In the event of his losing, the croupier pays the punters in order of rotation, so far as the funds in the bank will extend; beyond this, they have no claim. The banker, may, however, in such a case, instead of resting on his right, declare the stakes accepted, forthwith putting up the needful funds to meet them. In such event the bank thenceforth becomes unlimited, and the banker must hold all stakes (to whatever amount) offered on any subsequent hand, or give up the bank.

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204

two or three days, when I had established myself in my room and had gone backwards and forwards to London several times, and had ordered all I wanted of my tradesmen, Mr. Pocket and I had a long talk together. He knew more of my intended career than I knew myself, for he referred to his having been told by Mr. Jaggers that I was not designed for any profession, and that I should be well enough educated for my destiny if I could "hold my own" with the average of young men in prosperous circumstances. I acquiesced, of course, knowing nothing to the contrary.

He advised my attending certain places in London, for the acquisition of such mere rudiments as I wanted, and my investing him with the functions of explainer and director of all my studies. He hoped that with intelligent assistance I should meet with little to discourage me, and should soon be able to dispense with any aid but his. Through his way of saying this, and much more to similar purpose, he placed himself on confidential terms with me in an admirable manner: and I may state at once that he was always so zealous and honourable in fulfilling his compact with me, that he made me zealous and honourable in fulfilling mine with him. If he had shown indifference as a master, I have no doubt I should have returned the compliment as a pupil; he gave me no such excuse, and each of us did the other justice. Nor, did I ever regard him as having anything ludicrous about him—or anything but what was serious, honest, and good—in his tutor communication with me.

When these points were settled, and so far carried out as that I had begun to work in earnest, it occurred to me that if I could retain my bedroom in Barnard's Inn, my life would be agreeably varied, while my manners would be none the worse for Herbert's society. Mr. Pocket did

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Rh not object to this arrangement, but urged that before any step could possibly be taken in it, it must be submitted to my guardian. I felt that his delicacy arose out of the consideration that the plan would save Herbert some expense, so I went off to Little Britain and imparted my wish to Mr. Jaggers.

"If I could buy the furniture now hired for me," said I, "and one or two other little things, I should be quite at home there."

"Go it!" said Mr. Jaggers, with a short laugh. "I told you you'd get on. Well! How much do you want?"

I said I didn't know how much.

"Come!" retorted Mr. Jaggers. "How much? Fifty pounds?"

"Oh, not nearly so much."

"Five pounds?" said Mr. Jaggers.

This was such a great fall, that I said in discomfiture, "Oh! more than that."

"More than that, eh!" retorted Mr. Jaggers, lying in wait for me, with his hands in his pockets, his head on one side, and his eyes on the wall behind me; "how much more?"

"It is so difficult to fix a sum," said I, hesitating.

"Come!" said Mr. Jaggers. "Let's get at it. Twice five; will that do? Three times five; will that do? Four times five; will that do?"

I said I thought that would do handsomely.

"Four times five will do handsomely, will it?" said Mr. Jaggers, knitting his brows. "Now, what do you make of four times five?"

"What do I make of it!"

"Ah!" said Mr. Jaggers; "how much?"

"I suppose you make it twenty pounds," said I, smiling.

"Never mind what I make it, my friend," observed Mr. Jaggers, with a knowing and contradictory toss of the head. "I want to know what you make it?"

"Twenty pounds, of course."

"Wemmick!" said Mr. Jaggers, opening his office door.

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206 "Take Mr. Pip's written order, and pay him twenty pounds."

This strongly marked way of doing business made a strongly marked impression on me, and that not of an agreeable kind. Mr. Jaggers never laughed; but he wore great bright creaking boots; and, in poising himself on those boots, with his large head bent down and his eyebrows joined together, awaiting an answer, he sometimes caused the boots to creak, as if they laughed in a dry and suspicious way. As he happened to go out now, and as Wemmick was brisk and talkative, I said to Wemmick that I hardly knew what to make of Mr. Jaggers's manner.

"Tell him that, and he'll take it as a compliment," answered Wemmick; "he don't mean that you should know what to make of it.—Oh!" for I looked surprised, "it's not personal; it's professional: only professional."

Wemmick was at his desk, lunching—and crunching—on a dry hard biscuit; pieces of which he threw from time to time into his slit of a mouth, as if he were posting them.

"Always seems to me," said Wemmick, "as if he had set a man-trap and was watching it. Suddenly—click—you're caught!"

Without remarking that man-traps were not among the amenities of life, I said I supposed he was very skilful?

"Deep," said Wemmick, "as Australia." Pointing with his pen at the office floor, to express that Australia was understood, for the purposes of the figure, to be symmetrically on the opposite spot of the globe. "If there was anything deeper," added Wemmick, bringing his pen to paper, "he'd be it."

Then, I said I supposed he had a fine business, and Wemmick said, "Ca-pi-tal!" Then I asked if there were many clerks? to which he replied:

"We don't run much into clerks, because there's only one Jaggers, and people won't have him at second-hand. There are only four of us. Would you like to see 'em? You are one of us, as I may say."

I accepted the offer. When Mr. Wemmick had put all the biscuit into the post, and had paid me my money from

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Rh a cash-box in a safe, the key of which safe he kept somewhere down his back, and produced from his coat-collar like an iron pigtail, we went upstairs. The house was dark and shabby, and the greasy shoulders that had left their mark in Mr. Jaggers's room seemed to have been shuffling up and down the staircase for years. In the front first floor, a clerk who looked something between a publican and a rat-catcher—a large pale puffed swollen man—was attentively engaged with three or four people of shabby appearance, whom he treated as unceremoniously as everybody seemed to be treated who contributed to Mr. Jaggers's coffers. "Getting evidence together," said Mr. Wemmick, as we came out, "for the Bailey." In the room over that, a little flabby terrier of a clerk with dangling hair (his cropping seemed to have been forgotten when he was a puppy) was similarly engaged with a man with weak eyes, whom Mr. Wemmick presented to me as a smelter who kept his pot always boiling, and who would melt me anything I pleased—and who was in an excessive white-perspiration, as if he had been trying his art on himself. In a back room, a high-shouldered man with a face-ache tied up in dirty flannel, who was dressed in old black clothes that bore the appearance of having been waxed, was stooping over his work of making fair copies of the notes of the other two gentlemen, for Mr. Jaggers's own use.

This was all the establishment. When we went downstairs again, Wemmick led me into my guardian's room, and said, "This you've seen already."

"Pray," said I, as the two odious casts with the twitchy leer upon them caught my sight again, "whose likenesses are those?"

"These?" said Wemmick, getting upon a chair, and blowing the dust off the horrible heads before bringing them down. "These are two celebrated ones. Famous clients of ours that got us a world of credit. This chap (why you must have come down in the night and been peeping into the inkstand, to get this blot upon your eyebrow, you old rascal!) murdered his master, and, considering that he wasn't brought up to evidence, didn't plan it badly."

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208 "Is it like him?" I asked, recoiling from the brute, as Wemmick spat upon his eyebrow, and gave it a rub with his sleeve.

"Like him? It's himself, you know. The cast was made in Newgate, directly after he was taken down. You had a particular fancy for me, hadn't you, Old Artful?" said Wemmick. He then explained this affectionate apostrophe, by touching his brooch representing the lady and the weeping willow at the tomb with the urn upon it, and said, "Had it made for me express!"

"Is the lady anybody?" said I.

"No," returned Wemmick. "Only his game. (You liked your bit of game, didn't you?) No; deuce a bit of a lady in the case, Mr. Pip, except one—and she wasn't of this slender ladylike sort, and you wouldn't have caught her looking after this urn—unless there was something to drink in it." Wemmick's attention being thus directed to his brooch, he put down the cast, and polished the brooch with his pocket-handkerchief.

"Did that other creature come to the same end?" I asked. "He has the same look."

"You're right," said Wemmick; "it's the genuine look. Much as if one nostril was caught up with a horsehair and a little fishhook. Yes, he came to the same end; quite the natural end here, I assure you. He forged wills, this blade did, if he didn't also put the supposed testators to sleep too. You were a gentlemanly Cove, though " (Mr. Wemmick was again apostrophising), "and you said you could write Greek. Yah, Bounceable! What a liar you were! I never met such a liar as you!" Before putting his late friend on his shelf again, Wemmick touched the largest of his mourning rings, and said, "Sent out to buy it for me, only the day before."

While he was putting up the other cast and coming down from the chair, the thought crossed my mind that all his personal jewellery was derived from like sources. As he had shown no diffidence on the subject, I ventured on the liberty of asking him the question, when he stood before me, dusting his hands.

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209 "Oh yes," he returned, "these are all gifts of that kind. One brings another, you see; that's the way of it. I always take 'em. They're curiosities. And they're property. They may not be worth much, but, after all, they're property and portable. It don't signify to you with your brilliant look-out, but as to myself, my guiding-star always is, Get hold of portable property."

When I had rendered homage to this light, he went on to say in a friendly manner:

"If at any odd time when you have nothing better to do, you wouldn't mind coming over to see me at Walworth, I could offer you a bed, and I should consider it an honour. I have not much to show you; but such two or three curiosities as I have got, you might like to look over; and I am fond of a bit of garden and a summer-house."

I said I should be delighted to accept his hospitality.

"Thankee," said he: "then we'll consider that it's to come off, when convenient to you. Have you dined with Mr. Jaggers yet?"

"Not yet."

"Well," said Wemmick, "he'll give you wine, and good wine. I'll give you punch, and not bad punch. And now I'll tell you something. When you go to dine with Mr. Jaggers, look at his housekeeper."

"Shall I see something very uncommon?"

"Well," said Wemmick, "you'll see a wild beast tamed. Not so very uncommon, you'll tell me. I reply, that depends on the original wildness of the beast, and the amount of taming. It won't lower your opinion of Mr. Jaggers's powers. Keep your eye on it."

I told him I would do so, with all the interest and curiosity that his preparation awakened. As I was taking my departure, he asked me if I would like to devote five minutes to seeing Mr. Jaggers "at it?"

For several reasons, and not least because I didn't clearly know what Mr. Jaggers would be found to be "at," I replied in the affirmative. We dived into the City, and came up in a crowded police-court, where a blood-relation (in the murderous sense) of the deceased with the fanciful

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210 taste in brooches, was standing at the bar, uncomfortably chewing something; while my guardian had a woman under examination or cross-examination—I don't know which—and was striking her, and the bench, and everybody with awe. If anybody, of whatsoever degree, said a word that he didn't approve of, he instantly required to have it "taken down." If anybody wouldn't make an admission, he said, "I'll have it out of you!" and if anybody made an admission, he said, "Now I have got you!" The magistrates shivered under a single bite of his finger. Thieves and thief takers hung in dread rapture on his words, and shrank when a hair of his eyebrows turned in their direction. Which side he was on, I couldn't make out, for he seemed to me to be grinding the whole place in a mill; I only know that when I stole out on tiptoe, he was not on the side of the bench; for, he was making the legs of the old gentleman who presided, quite convulsive under the table, by his denunciations of his conduct as the representative of British law and justice in that chair that day.

, who was so sulky a fellow that he even took up a book as if its writer had done him an injury, did not take up an acquaintance in a more agreeable spirit. Heavy in figure, movement, and comprehension—in the sluggish complexion of his face, and in the large awkward tongue that seemed to loll about in his mouth as he himself lolled about in a room—he was idle, proud, niggardly, reserved, and suspicious. He came of rich people down in Somersetshire, who had nursed this combination of qualities until they made the discovery that it was just of age and a blockhead. Thus, Bentley Drummle had come to Mr. Pocket when he was a head taller than that gentleman, and half a dozen heads thicker than most gentlemen.

Startop had been spoiled by a weak mother, and kept at home when he ought to have been at school, but he was

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 of painting with oyle, first devised at Bruges 5. The working of glasse in colours. 6. The making of Tapistrie, Sayes, Searges, Wusteds, Russels, Friezeadoes, and divers sorts of linnen cloth, and divers other small trifles. 7. The names of the Windes. 8. All sorts of clocks and Dials, used in these parts, and the Maryners Compasse, (as some write) 9. Divers sorts of Housholde stuffe, and of instruments fit to make any thinge fine and handsome.

In Belgica are 320. Walled Townes, divers of the which are verye stately and magnificent: Namelie, Bruxelles, Antwerp, Boysleduc, Gant, Bruges, Ipre, Malines, Cambray, Arras, Tournay, Mons, Maestricht, Luxembourg, Valenciennes, Lisle, Calais, Bouloyn, Amiens, S. Quentin, Liege, Namur, Reins, Treves, Metz, Nancy, Toul, Verdun, Strausbourg, Metz, Aix, Couloyn, Cleves, Julliers, Niemeghe, Utrecht, Amsterdam, Middlebourg, Leewaerden, Groinenghen, al the which are famous and goodly Cities. The greatest part of Paris is also in Belgique: namely, all that is on this side of the river Seyne.

All Tytles of Honor, are in Belgica: namelie, Emperour, King, Duke, Archbishop, Marquis, &c.

Farther, in Belgica are 230. Townes, havinge priviledge of walled Townes. And 12000. villages with Parish Churches.

The principall Rivers of Belgica are the Rhin


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 the Meuse, Seyne, Schelde.

The principall forrests are, The forrest of Ardenne, Charbonniere, Nonneu, Fagne, Sonien.

Manie mines are also in the Countrey and Quarreis of excellent good stone.

In Belgica also, are three of the seven Electors of the Empire: namely, the Archbyshoppes of Treves, Mentz and Colyn, and a good parte of the Countrey of the Counte Palatin. And likewise, seven of the twelve peeres of France, namlie, Normandy, Flaunders, Champaigne, Reins, Laon, Beauvois in Picardy and Noion.

At Aix is the Emperor sacred, and at Reins the king of France.

The Emperour Charles had an intention, to erect the Low Countreys into a Kingdome, but the difficulty consisted heerein, that every of these Provinces being governed by proper Lawes, prerogatives, and peculiar ancient privileges, would never have yeelded to our Royall Law common to al, especially those that had the largest privileges, for the which cause hee gave over his enterprise.

The Scituation of the Lowe Countrys is such as heere followeth.

North Holland and Friseland have the Ocean sea.

South Luxembourg and Hainault are bounded with Lorraine, Champaigne and Picardy.

East Guelderland is bounded with the Rhine


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26 Wide, I heard, was the work commanded, for many a tribe this mid-earth round, to fashion the folkstead. It fell, as he ordered, in rapid achievement that ready it stood there, of halls the noblest: Heorot he named it whose message had might in many a land. Not reckless of promise, the rings he dealt, treasure at banquet: there towered the hall, high, gabled wide, the hot surge waiting of furious flame. Nor far was that day when father and son-in-law stood in feud for warfare and hatred that woke again.


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116 Within Lombard territories the "Romans" were subjects. In Liutprand's Code they seem to be referred to under the name of aldii and aldiae, male and female persons, who were not slaves and yet not free. Instead of surrendering one-third of the land, the Romans were obliged to furnish one-third of its produce. Hence their Lombard masters were interested in keeping them fixed to the soil, perhaps in a state of serfdom. Little is known as to the intermarriage of the stocks, or when the Lombards adopted a Latin speech.

It is difficult, either in Italy or elsewhere, to follow the changes and reciprocal working of Roman and Teutonic institutions through these obscure centuries. They wrought upon each other universally, and became what neither had been before. The Roman State was there no longer; where the names of its officials survived they stood for altered functions. The Roman law prevailed within the dominions of the eastern Empire and the popes. Everywhere the crass barbarian law and the pure Roman institution was passing away, or changing into something new. In Italy another pregnant change was taking place, the passing of the functions of government to the bishops of Rome. Its stages are marked by the names of great men upon whose shoulders fell the authority no longer held by a remote ruler. Leo the Great heads the embassy which turns back the Hun; a century and a half afterwards Gregory the Great leads the opposition to the Lombards, still somewhat unkempt savages. Thereafter each succeeding pope, in fact the papacy by necessity of its position and its aspirations, opposes the Lombards when they have ceased to be either savage or Arian. It is an absent supporter that the papacy desires, and not a rival close at hand: Charlemagne, not Desiderius.

When the Visigoths under Ataulf left Italy they passed into southern Gaul, and there established themselves with Toulouse as the centre of the Visigothic kingdom. They soon extended their rule to Spain, with the connivance of sundry Roman rulers. Some time before them Vandals, Suevi and Alans, having crossed the Rhine into Gaul, had been drawn across the Pyrenees by half-traitorous invitations

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194 Hnæf the Hocings, Helm the Wulfings, Wald the Woings, Wod Thuringians, Sæferth the Sycgan, the Swedes Ongentheow, Sceafthere Ymbras, Sceafa Longbards, Hun the Hætweras, Holen the Wrosnas. Hringwald was hight the Herefars’ king. Offa ruled Angles; Alewih Danes,— of all mankind in mood the bravest, yet never with Offa his earlship availed: for Offa won, of all men first, when still a boy the broadest empire: none of his age showed earlship more in stress of battle with single brand: against the Myrgings marked he bounds by Fifeldor: thenceforth ’twas held by Sueve and Angle as Offa won it. Hrothwulf and Hrothgar held the longest


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CHAP. VI of rival Roman governors. The Visigoths now attacked these peoples, with the result that the Suevi retreated to the north-west of the peninsula, and at length the restless Vandals accepted the invitation of the traitor Count Boniface, and crossed to Africa. Visigothic fortunes varied under an irregular succession of non-hereditary and occasionally murdered kings. Their kingdom reached its farthest limit in the reign of Euric (466-486), who extended its boundaries northward to the Loire and southward over nearly all of Spain.

Under the Visigoths the lot of the Latinized provincials, who with their ancestors had long been Roman citizens, was not a hard one. The Roman system of quartering soldiers upon provincials, with a right to one-third of the house, afforded precedent for the manner of settlement of the Visigoths and other Teuton invaders after them. The Visigoths received two-thirds not only of the houses but also of the lands, which indeed were bare of cultivators. The municipal organization of the towns was left intact, and in general the nomenclature and structure of Roman officialdom were preserved. As the Romans were the more numerous and the cleverer, they regained their wealth and social consideration. In 506, Alaric II. promulgated his famous code, the Lex Romana Visigothorum, usually called the "Breviarium," for his Roman subjects. Although the next year Clovis broke down the Visigothic kingdom in Gaul, and confined it to narrow limits around Narbonne, this code remained in force, a lasting source of Roman law for the inhabitants of the south and west of Gaul.

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118 Throughout Visigothic Spain there existed, in conflict if not in force, a complex mass of diverse laws and customs, written and unwritten, Roman, Gothic, ecclesiastical. Soon after the middle of the seventh century a general code was compiled for both Goths and Roman provincials, between whom marriages were formally sanctioned. This codification was the legal expression of a national unity, which however had no great political vigour. For what with its inheritance of intolerable taxation, of dwindling agriculture, of enfeebled institutions and social degeneracy, the Visigothic state fell an easy victim before the Arabs in 711. It had been subject to all manner of administrative abuse. In name the government was secular. But in fact the bishops of the great sees were all-powerful to clog, if not to administer, justice and the affairs of State within their domains; the nobles abetted them in their misgovernment. So it came that instead of a united Government supported by a strong military power, there was divided misrule, and an army without discipline or valour. This misrule was also cruelly intolerant. The bitter persecution of the Jews, and the law that none but a Catholic should live in Spain, if not causes, were at least symptoms, of a fatal impotence, and prophetic of like measures taken by later rulers in that chosen land of religious persecution.

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Rh concord of kin as cousins together, after they routed the race of Wicings, laid prone the pride of the power of Ingeld, hewed down at Heorot the Heathobard line.

So I fared through many a foreign realm this wide earth o’er, as weal or ill came to my ken; of my kin bereft, far from my folk, I followed onward. Wherefore I can sing and say my tales, to men in the mead-hall make my lay, how high-born heroes heaped me gifts. I was with Huns and with Hrethan Goths, with Swedes and with Geats and with Southern Danes, with Wenlas and with Wærnas and with the Wicings, with Gefthas and with Winedas and with Geflegas, with Angles and with Sueves and with Ænenas, with Saxons and with Scygan and with the Swordmen, with Hronas and with Deanas and with Heatho-Reamas.


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CHAP. VI In Gaul, contact between Latinized provincials and Teutonic invaders produced interesting results. Mingled peoples came into being, whose polity and institutions were neither Roman nor Teutonic, and whose literature and intellectual achievement were to unite the racial qualities of both. The hybrid political and social phenomena of the Frankish period were engendered by a series of events which may be outlined as follows. The Franks, Salic and Ripuarian, were clustered in the region of the lower and middle Rhine. Like other Teutonic groups dwelling near the boundaries of the weakening Empire, they were alternately plunderers of Roman territory and auxiliaries in the imperial army, or its independent allies against Huns or Saxons or Alans. One Childeric, whose career opens in saga and ends in history, was king or hereditary leader of a part of the Salian Franks. This active man appears in frequent relations with Aegidius, the half-independent Roman ruler of that north-western portion of Gaul which was not held by Visigoths or Burgundians. If Childeric's forefathers had oftener been enemies than allies of the Empire, he was its ally, and perhaps commander of the forces which helped to preserve this outlying portion of its territory.

Aegidius died in 463, and the territories ruled by him passed to his son Syagrius practically as an independent kingdom. Childeric in the next eighteen years increased his power among the Salian Franks, and extended his territories through victories over other Teutonic groups. Upon his death in 481 his kingdom passed to his son Chlodoweg, or, as it is easier to call him, Clovis, then in his sixteenth year. The next five years were employed by this precocious genius of barbarian craft in strengthening his kingship among the Salians. At the age of twenty he attacked Syagrius, and overthrew his power at Soissons. The last Roman ruler of a part of Gaul fled to the Visigoths for refuge: their king delivered him to Clovis, who had him killed. So Clovis's realm was extended first to the Seine and then to the Loire. The Gallo-Romans were not driven out or dispossessed, but received a new master, who on his part treated them forbearingly and accepted them as subjects.

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196 With Thyrings was I, and Throwends too; and with the Burgundians got I a ring, when Guthhere gave me the glittering treasure in pay for my song: no puny king! With Franks and Frisians and Frumtings was I, with Rugas and Glommas and Rumwalas. Likewise with Ælfwine in Italy was I: of all mankind I ken he had the fairest hand his fame to heighten, heart most ungrudging in gift of rings, of shining circlets, son of Eadwine. With Saracens was I, and Serings too, with Greeks and with Finns, and with Cæsar was I. he that ruled o’er the revellers’ cities, wielded the wealth of the Walas’ realm. With Scots and Picts, and Scrid-Finns was I, with Lith-Wicings, Leonas, and Longobards, with Heathmen and Hæreths and Hunding folk.


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Rh With Israelites was I and with the Ex-Syrings, with Ebrews and Indians, in Egypt too. With Medes and Persians and Myrging folk, and with Mofdingas too, and the Myrgings beyond, and with Amothings, and with East-Thyrings, with Eolas, Istas, and Idumeans. And I was with Eormanric all that while the king of the Goths was gracious to me. A ring he gave me, ruler of strongholds, on which six-hundred of solid gold was scored for the treasure by shilling-count; I made then Eadgils owner of this, my helmet-lord, when home I fared, the loved one, in pay for the land he gave me. First of the Myrgings, my father’s home. Then Ealhhild gave me another ring, queen of the doughty-band, daughter of Eadwine.


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198 My laud of her moved through many lands whenever in song I was urged to say where under heaven I’d heard of the best gold-decked queen her gifts dividing. Then I and Scilling with sounding voice before our lord uplifted song: loud to the harp the lay rang out, and many men of mood sublime spake with words,—who well could judge,— that they never had known a nobler song. Thence I ranged o’er the realm of Goths, ever seeking the sturdiest clansmen.— Such was Eormanric’s suite of earls:


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 looking for Citizen Ilyin's apartment." Comparative adjectives have the object of comparison g: он старше своего брата "he is older than his brother" (also, он старше чем брат, with n after чем "than"). A few adjectives have a g object: карман полон денег "the pocket is full of money." Time when, in a few expressions, is g: я приехал третьего сентября "I arrived on the third of September." Most prepositions take an object in the g case; §31. For the g with numbers, see §22.

The dative case is used for the second (usually personal) object of verbs that take tow objects: он дал книги отцу "he gave the book (a) to his father (d)." Some verbs with one object have it d: он помогает брату "he helps his brother"; so especially some verbs whose subject is not necessarily personal but whose object is a person: брату нравится Москва "Moscow pleases our brother; brother likes Moscow"; что вам снилось? "what appeared to you in a dream? What did you dream?" With most impersonal expressions, especially predicative adjectives, the person affected is d: мне холодно "it's cold to me; I feel cold"; нам надо денег "to us there is need of money; we need some money"; мне сорок лет "to me forty years; I'm forty years old", мне пора "it's time for me (to go)." A few adjectives have a d object: я рад случаю "I'm glad of the opportunity." A few preposition like a d object; §3l.

The instrumental case tells the means: он пишет карандашом "he writes with pencil"; also the respect: он родом руский "he is a Russia by family." A predicate noun is i when the beginning or end of the state is involved: он был солдатом "he was (then) a soldier; he has been a soldier" but, with n, он был солдат "he (as, a stranger with whose earlier and later states we are not concerned) was a soldier." The actor of a passive expression is i: письмо написано отцсом "the letter was written by my father"; so especially with impersonal expression: избу зажгло молнией "it (impresonal) set the hut (a) on fire with lighting (i); the hut was set on fire by lightning." A few verbs take an i object: он правил автомобилем "he was driving the automobile" A few expressions of time when are i: зимой "in winter," днём "in the daytime; in the afternoon." A few prepositions take an i object; §31.

The locative case occurs only as the object of a few prepositions; §31.

Animate and Inanimate. There is a distinction between animate nouns, which denote a living being, and inanimate nouns, which do not. This distinction appears chiefly in the a form: in all plurals and in one large class of masculine singular nouns, the a of animates is like the g, and the a of inanimates is like the n. Thus, the n is книги "books" and the a has the same form: я вижу книги "I see the books"; the n люди "people" has by its side the g людей, and the a has this latter form: я вижу людей "I see people." Only in a few fixed expressions is the a plural of animates like the n: он поехал в гости "he went among the guests; he has gone on a visit"; compare: я вижу гостей "I see the guests."

Thus we have for each noun six singular form and five plural forms: ns (nominative singilar), as, gs, ds, is, ls; np (nominative plural), gp, dp, ip, lp, the accusative plural (ap) having the same form either as the np or as the gp.

Declensions. There are four types of nouns inflection; we call them declensions. Same nouns, however, do not change their form for the various cases and numbers; these nouns are indeclinable (indecl). Thus, the N noun пальто "overcoat" is the same for all cases and both numbers.

In all four types of declension the dp, ip, and lp have the same endings: dp, [-am], ip [-amji], lp [-ax]; when the endings are stressed, the stress is on the [a]: к столам "on the tables," под столами "under the tables," на столах "on the tables." Only a very few nouns have a different ip ending.

Ordinarily a preposition before its object is unstressed, but in some special expressions a noun stressed on the first syllable loses its stress after a preposition, which receives the stress: он держал котёнка за голову [za g'l'vu] "he held the kitten by its head"; §31.

Certain combinations of prepositions plus noun, usually with special meanings, are run together in writing: верх "top, upper part," наверху "on top, upstairs"; муж "husband," замужен "married" (of a woman).

Class of Nouns. Nouns are given in the dictionary in the ns form: стол "table." The gender and declension are shown as follows by the shape of the ns form and the gender marks:

-а, -я, with no gender sign: the noun is F, of declension 1: сила, пуля

-а, -я, with the sign M: the noun is M, of declension 1: слуга M, дядя M

-а -я, with the sign M, F, the noun is of declension 1 and is M when it means a male, F when it means a female: сирота M, F "orphan"

-я with the sign N: the noun is N, of declension 4: имя N

-о, -е, with no gender sign: the noun is N, of declension 3: слово, поле, ружьё

-о, -е, with the sign M: the noun is M, of declension 3: домище M "big house"

Hard consonant, except ж, ш, with no gender sign: the noun is M, declension 2: стол

-й, with no gender sign: the noun is M, declension 2: музей

-ж, -ч, -ш, -щ, with the sign M: the noun is M, declension 2: нож M, ключ M

-жь, -чь, -шь, -щь, with the sign F: the noun is F, declension 4: рожь F, вешь F

Soft consonant, with the sign M: the noun is M, declension 2: руль M (except only путь M "road," which in M, declension 4)

Soft consonant, with the sign F: the noun is F, declension 4: грязь F

Nouns which occur only in plural form are given in the np with indication of the gp and the sign P: ножницы, -ниц P "scissors."

Indeclinable nouns are marked indecl, with a gender sign: палто indecl N.

In nouns of Declensions 2 and 4 the ns form has no ending and therefore fails to show whether the stress in the remaining forms is on the stem or on the endings. When the stress is on the endings we therefore always show the gs ending with an accent mark:

факт (all forms stress the stem: gs факта, np факты, and so on); стол, -а (all forms stress the ending: gs стола, np столы, and so on).

The ns form of these nouns also fails to show whether the last vowel is an inserted vowel. When the last vowel is an inserted vowel we therefore always show the gs form:


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 gun with a charge of shot and a ball on the top of it, I climbed up the hollow, taking my blanket with me and leaving my knapsack where I had been lying. I had got up as high as you see that hole, and from there surveyed the only part from whence the blacks could attack me. I had not been there long, when I noticed five dark spots on the ground, and although I could not decidedly say I saw them moving, yet the distance between them and me gradually decreased. I now felt certain it was the blacks, and could have shot two of them easily, but scarcely knew what their object might be, as I could distinguish no spears or other weapons. Taking off my belt I fastened my blanket to it, and lowering it with one hand, whilst I kept my face—which I had blackened with the charred wood inside the tree, lest they should distinguish it, as the moon shone brightly,—to the hole. I waited to see the result. The dark spots immediately, as I anticipated, became stationary, and rising like evil spirits from the earth, balanced each a spear for a moment, and then cast them at the blanket, which I let fall; they then advanced with a yell. I took as steady an aim as I ever did in my life, and fired both barrels, but all the savages dropped. 'That's three too many," said I, as I loaded again. "When next I looked from the hole I could only discover two bodies, one was quite still, the other was writhing in agony, it raised itself erect for a moment, and advancing with a howl, stumbled and fell, and did not move again. After waiting some time I was on the point of descending, when I thought I saw my blanket move; I looked again, and felt satisfied I was right; I pointed my gun to the ground, for I distinctly saw a spear pulled out of the blanket. I concluded from this that the other natives were short of weapons, so I jumped down; but before I could recover myself, was grasped from behind by a gigantic black fellow: I still

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Rh Hethca and Beadeca; Harlings both, Emerca, Fridia; that East-Goth, too, sage and brave, the Sire of Unwen; Secca and Becca, Seafolan and Theodric, Heathoric and Sifeca, Hlithe and Inggentheow, Eadwine and Elsa, -Ægelmund and Hangar, and the Neighbor-Myrgings’ noble band, Wulfhere and Wyrmhere,—(war was not languid, when the Hrethan host with hardy blade were fain to defend by the forests of Vistula olden homes from Attila’s horde)!— Rædhere and Rondhere, Rumstan and Gislhere, Withergield and Freotheric, Wudga and Hama: not worst of warrior-comrades these, though now I come to name them last! From their host full often whining flew howling spears at the hostile throng. Exiles won there woven gold, men and women, Wudga and Hama.


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 retained my gun: I clung to it with all the strength desperation gives, and inch by inch, in the struggle which ensued, I at last got my finger on the trigger—it was at the right moment too, for a black fellow was advancing with a death cry on his lips and flourishing a tomahawk; I managed to cock one of the barrels and to point it at the black, and pulling the trigger it exploded, and the black fellow who held me, let go his grip on seeing his companion fall, which he did terribly wounded: the tall fellow and his companion now made off through the bush, but my blood being up, I took aim, and should have had my long friend, but just then the fellow last shot turned over, groaning in agony; so dropping my piece, thinking I had done mischief enough for one night, I tumbled the two first shot into the creek, for they were quite dead, and on returning to the tree was surprised to find the other one gone. My gun was all right, and I rambled about in the hope of finding him again, but did not. I returned to my tree wondering what could have become of him, and wondering on, fell asleep. I awoke with a crushing blow and the sense of a heavy weight upon my body, and the light of day just breaking, showed me it was a human being. I gave myself up for lost, but grappled with him and met with no resistance. A thrill passed through me on feeling the flesh cold and clammy and the limbs rigid—I grasped the body hard almost hoping to meet with some resistance, but met none:—I cast off the loathsome burthen, and the dead man had done what, when living, with four others, he had failed to do. I trembled with fear, and dared not for some time remove the body, which was of the black who had so mysteriously disappeared. He must have managed to crawl up the tree, and to prevent the flow of blood from his wound had filled it up with stringey bark; there he must have died, and probably stuck in a piece of the hard timber which juts out and

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200 So found I ever, in faring thus, that he is dearest to dwellers on earth whom God has raised to rule o’er men as long as here he lives in the world.”

So, faring aye, are fated to wander men of song through many lands, to say their need and to speak their thanks. Or south or north, some one is found, wise of word and willing of hoard, to lift his praise in his liegemen’s presence, to honor his earlship,—till all is fled, light and life together: he gets him laud, holds under heaven a haughty name.