text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/301

Rh shouted somebody, and the cheers were given with a will.

"Three cheers for Captain Gridley and our other officers!" was added.

"What's the matter with three cheers for the Olympia and the other ships of this squadron?" asked Larry, half laughing, and up went the cheers as loudly as the rest. No one on board had been injured, the enemy was all but defeated, and it was a joyous if a tired time all around.

"We've got five shots in the upper works, that's all," was the report which went around. "The only man injured is Casey. Hautermann stepped on his toe-corn, and they had a set-to." And a roar went up; for Casey was known as a pugnacious Irishman, and Hautermann as an equally belligerent German, and the two were continually at swords' points.

Breakfast and a well-earned rest put every man again on his feet, and Castleton came back to his gun. "I remember the breech," he said. "I was just starting to lock it when I went down as if a weight had hit me on the head. I couldn't have helped it if I was to hang for it."

"I believe you," growled Barrow. "But after this I reckon I'll take a squint at the breech myself before I touch her off."

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/301


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/302

268 During the time that the men were having breakfast a council of war was held by the commodore and his captains, and it was decided to run in as close as possible to Fort Cavite and silence it, as well as to go at what was left of the Spanish fleet. The order to return to battle sounded at a little before eleven, and this time the Baltimore was allowed to lead, the Olympia and others following.

Again the storm of shot and shell broke forth, fiercely upon the American side, and but feebly upon the part of their enemy. All the big ships of the Spaniards were now either burnt or sunk, and the little craft were fast getting into the same condition.

"The Raleigh, Concord, and Petrel will go inside and destroy shipping," was the next order signalled from the flagship, and those warships hastened to obey. But the Raleigh drew too much water, and after getting aground twice was forced to give up the task assigned to her. The Concord and Petrel, however, crossed the shoals in safety, and began a fierce bombardment from the rear, while the big ships shelled the Arsenal from the front. In the mean time, the batteries near Manila had been silenced by Commodore Dewey, who sent word that the city's guns must cease firing or he would shell the town.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/302


text: Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/The True Sweetheart


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/303

Rh The tide of battle had swept along into the afternoon when suddenly a loud hurrahing was heard, coming from where the Concord and Petrel lay. A minute later, as the smoke lifted, a flag of truce could be seen flying from the Arsenal. Then the Petrel signalled:—

"The enemy has surrendered!"

What a storm of cheers went up. It was as if pandemonium had suddenly broken loose upon all sides. Officers joined the men in shouting, and the deck and rigging swarmed with jackies waving their caps and handkerchiefs. Larry shouted as loudly as the rest, and it must be acknowledged that the plucky boy thought it the proudest moment of his life.

It was a victory without a parallel in history. Six American fighting ships had attacked eight large Spanish vessels, besides a number of small craft, a shore battery, and a fairly-well equipped fort. The Spanish had had all their ships either sunk, blown up, or burnt, the battery had been shattered to pieces and the fort silenced. The Spanish had lost in killed and wounded over five hundred men, and those that were able, were fleeing to Manila by the inland roads, and with them Admiral Montojo, who was slightly wounded.

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/303


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/304

270 And the loss to the Americans? Strange, nay, astonishing as it may appear, there was none worth mentioning, if we except the death of the engineer overcome by the heat. On the Baltimore six men had been wounded by the bursting of a shell, but the surgeons said all would speedily recover. The Olympia had received five shots in her upper works, of no consequence, as viewed from the standpoint of war, and the Raleigh's whaleboat would need the services of the ship's carpenter. Three shots in her upper works was the damage on the Baltimore, and the Boston, Concord, and Petrel had escaped with practically no injury at all.

Small wonder, then, that the officers and men of the squadron were the happiest set on the face of the earth, and small wonder that they thought their gallant commodore the greatest naval hero living. As for Commodore Dewey, he was equally happy. That day's work had placed his name high up on the brightest page in American history.

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/304


text: Under Dewey at Manila/Chapter 27

title: Under Dewey at Manila/Chapter 27


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/305

" like a fellow who has been rolling in a coal hole," remarked Larry, when the excitement had somewhat subsided. "And my ears are in a regular buzz."

"That buzzing will go away by morning," said Striker. "Ah, lad, but it was a great victory, wasn't it now?" and he slapped Larry heartily on the back. When the news of the surrender came in. Striker had insisted upon dancing an impromptu jig, and several had joined in. There was likely to be a "high time" on the Olympia for some days to come, now that the terrible strain under which the men had been laboring had been removed.

For it is no easy thing to face death, even at something of a distance. Everybody knew that only the wretched aiming of the Spanish gunners had saved them from shots of a more or less

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/305


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/306

272 nature. Had those five balls which had struck in the upper works been aimed lower, there would, without question, have been great havoc.

It was drawing towards Sunday evening, and the Olympia had taken up a position outside of Manila, leaving several of the other vessels to guard around Fort Cavite. At this place, the Spaniards were engaged in carrying off their dead and wounded and were not molested. Commodore Dewey might have taken a large number of prisoners, had he forced a fight on land, but he had no accommodations for such a purpose. He had been sent out to find the Spanish fleet and "engage" it, and he had engaged it most effectually. He must now await additional orders from Washington.

It was some little time before Larry himself felt like quieting down, but a good washing up and changing of garments made him feel more like himself.

"This isn't much of a Sunday," he observed to Barrow, when they were eating supper. "The chaplain hasn't had a chance to say a word."

Nevertheless, the chaplain did hold a brief "church," although the sailors prepared no "rig" for it. This was during the smoking hour, and

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/306


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/307

Rh men attended or not, just as they pleased. Larry felt it his duty to go, and took Striker with him.

Utterly worn out, the boy slept soundly that night, although once or twice some ugly dreams chased each other across his mind—cannon shots aimed directly for his head and that unlocked breech, which he never would forget.

The following day was a busy one for the separate vessels of the Asiatic Squadron. While the Concord and Petrel received the surrender of the fort and arsenal at Cavite, and also took possession of the navy yard, the Raleigh and Baltimore were sent down to Corregidor Island to silence all the batteries at the entrance of Manila Bay. A flag of truce was sent in to the commandant at the island, and, on learning the truth of what had occurred, he agreed to surrender if the men should be allowed their liberty. As no prisoners were desired, this was satisfactory, and the men were placed under parole not to take up arms against the Americans nor to allow a gun to be fired at any American ship going in or out of the harbor.

Although the majority of the Spanish vessels had

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/307


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/308

274 been destroyed, three steam tugs had been captured, along with the Manila, the ship fitted up for fighting purposes. During the three days following, a number of other vessels were taken, and, later still, a large Spanish war vessel, the Callao. The taking of the Callao was full of the grim humor that all sailors enjoy. She had been among the southern islands for many months, and knew nothing of any war having been declared. She steamed straight for Cavite, expecting to meet sister ships there, when, without warning, the Olympia fired upon her. The Spanish commander thought the American ship was indulging in target practice, and turned to steam out of range, when several other vessels came to the Olympia's aid, and then the Spaniard saw that the whole matter was no joke, counted the American vessels through his glass, caught sight of the wrecks in Cavite harbor, and lost no time in surrendering. The Callao was a gunboat of two hundred tons, carrying four modern guns and a crew of forty. Sailors were speedily sent to take charge of the prize; the commander and his crew were sent ashore, and an hour later the stars and stripes floating above the Callao indicated that she had been added to the American squadron.

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/308


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 36.djvu/396

Mary Stuart  de Fénelon, ed. Cooper and Teulet; the Calendar of the Venetian State Papers, 1558-80; Cal. of Spanish State Papers, 1558-1567; Correspondence du Cardinal de Granvelle, ed. Poullet and Piot, in the Collection des Documents Inédits relatifs à l'histoire de Belgique; Relations politiques des Pays-Bas et d'Angleterre sous le règne de Philippe II, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, in the same collection; and vols. lxxxrii., lxxxix-xcii. of the Doeumentos inéditos para la historia de España, containing the despatches of the Spanish ambassadors of Philip II at the court of Elizabeth. The contemporary works of chief importance are Knox's History; various publications by George Buchanan; the histories and pamphlets of Bishop Leslie; the Diurnal of Occurrents (Bannatyne Club); the Diary of Robert Birrell (in Dalyell's Fragments of Scottish History, 1798); the Mémoires of Brantôme and of Castelnau; the History of Mary Stuart, by Claude Nau, ed. Stevenson, 1883; Sir James Melville's Memoirs (Bannatyne Club); Richard Bannatyne Memorials (ib.); Lord Herries's Memoirs (ib.); History of James the Sext (ib.); and Camden's Annals. The Histories of Calderwood and Spotiswood, though not contemporary, are founded to some extent on contemporary information. The more important contemporary controversial works are included in Jebb's De Vita et Rebus, 2 vols. 1725. The standard collection of Mary's Letters is that edited by Labanoff, 7 vols. 1844. An English translation of various letters was published by Miss Strickland, in 2 vols. 1842. The fullest collection of contemporary ballads and broadsides is Satirical Poems of the Time of the Reformation (2 vols. Scottish Text Society). The principal works in vindication of Mary, which substantially adopt, with various modifications, the forgery theory of the Casket Letters, elaborated by Walter Goodall in his Examination of the Letters of Mary Queen of Scots to Both well, 2 vols. 1744, are: William Tytler's Inquiry, 1759; Whitaker's Mary Queen of Scots Vindicated, 3 vols. 1788; Chalmers's Life, 2 vols. 1818. 3 vols. 1822; Bell's Life, 1840, reprinted 1889; Miss Agnes Strickland's Life (in Lives of the Queens of Scotland); Hosack's Mary Stuart and her Accusers. 1869, 2nd edit. 2 vols. 1870-4, and Mary Stewart, 1888; and Skelton's Maitland of Lethington, 1887-8, and Life of Mary Stuart, 1893 (containing portraits of Mary and her contemporaries). On the opposite side the principal works are the histories of Robertson, Hume, Lairg, P. F. Tytler, Burton, and Froude, and the Life by Mignet, which, though published as early as 1851, is still in several respects a standard authority. Regarding the new development of the Casket controversy, reference may be made to Bresslau's Kassettenbriefe, in the Historisches Taschenbuch for 1882, pp. 1-92; Sepp's Tagebuch, 1882, Die Kassettenbriefe, 1884, and Dor Original-Text, 1888; Gerde's Geschichte der Königin Maria Stuart, 1885, &c; J Karlowa's M. Stuarts angehliche Briefe an den Grafen J. Bothwell; the present writer's Casket Letters and Mary Queen of Scots, 1889, 2nd edit. 1890; Philippson's Études sur l'histoire Stuart, i in the Revue Historique, 1888 and 1889, privately printed 1889; and De Peyster's Mary Stuart, Bothwell, and the Casket Letters. 1890. 31. Philippson's Histoire du Règne de Marie Stuart, 3 vols. 1891-2. is of special value on account of his access to the latest sources of information. Among miscellaneous works may be mentioned Inventaire au la Royne Descosse (Bannatyne Club); Library of Mary Queen of Scots (Maitland Miscellany, vol. i.); Documents and Papers relating to Mary Queen of Scots (Camden Society); Sharman's Library of Mary Queen of Scots, 1889 ; De Gray Birch's Original Documents relating to Sheffield, 1874; Leader's Mary Queen of Scots in Captivity, 1880; and Cuthbert Bede's Fotheringay, 1886. The Study of Mary by Sainte-Beuve in Galerie de Femmes Célèbres, and the life by Mr. Swinburne in the 9th edit, of the Encyclopædia Britannica may also be mentioned. Other works are quoted in the text.]}}

 MARY (d. 1463), queen of James II of Scotland, was the daughter of Arnold, duke of Gueldres, by Catherine, duchess of Cleves, and daughter of John, duke of Burgundy. She was brought up at the court of her kinsman, Philip the Good of Burgundy, who in 1449 recommended her to the Scottish commissioners as a fitting consort for their king. Charles VII of France, whom they thereupon consulted, having also strongly advised the match, a treaty for the marriage was agreed upon between Philip and James II, 1 April 1449. In the treaty she is described as 'nubilis et formosa.' She set sail from Flanders in a splendid galley, escorted by a large retinue of nobles, and' three hundred men of arms in thirteen other ships; and after paying her devotions at the chapel of St. Andrew, in the Isle of May, landed at Leith on 18 June. Thence she journeyed to Edinburgh, where not improbably the palace of Holyrood had been built for her reception (, Preface to Exchequer Rolte, vol. v. p. lxxvi). Philip of Burgundy granted her a portion of sixty thousand crowns, while James II settled on her, in the event of her surviving 'him, a dower often thousand crowns to be secured on lands in Strathearn, Atholl, Methven, and Linlithgow. The marriage was celebrated at Holy rood on 3 July.

On the death of James II at the siege of Roxburgh, 3 Aug. 1460, Mary, taking with her the infant prince, James III, immediately set out for the camp, and so inspired the soldiers to redouble tneir efforts to capture the castle, that soon after her arrival it was carried by assault. During the minority of


text: Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/The Hare and the Hedgehog


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/309

Rh It was, of course, desirable that news of the victory should be sent to the United States by way of cable and telegraph without delay. But the only cable from Manila was that to Hong Kong, and that the Spanish held. As he could not send his own messages. Commodore Dewey promptly resolved that the Spanish should not send theirs, and he had one of his ships pick up the cable lying on the bottom of the bay and cut it. Then he prepared his despatches, and sent them to Hong Kong on the McCulloch.

Larry felt that the despatch boat would soon leave, and anxious, now that the big battle was over, to learn something concerning the Columbia, he asked for permission to take the trip across the China Sea.

"You can go, my lad," said Commodore Dewey, for the boy had gone directly to him. "I understand you did very well at the gun to which you were assigned. When you get to Hong Kong you can then make up your mind as to whether or not you care to return. If not, you may consider yourself as honorably discharged from the service," and then he shook hands and smiled.

Larry had expected that Striker would

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/309


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/310

276 him on the trip, but the tall down-easter declined. "This jest suits me to death, Larry," he said. "I wouldn't miss a day of it for a fortune. Don't you forget to come back; I'll be a-watchin' for you." And an affectionate parting followed, for both had grown to think a great deal of each other.

The trip on the McCulloch to Hong Kong occupied several days, but with nothing happening out of the ordinary. As the stanch despatch boat came in sight of the numerous shipping at the Chinese-English port, Larry kept his eyes wide open for a possible sight of the Columbia. He had just about given up hope, when he caught a glimpse of a hull which looked strangely familiar.

"Will you lend me your glass for just a moment?" he asked of a news correspondent standing by. "I think that's my ship over to our port."

The glasses were cheerfully loaned, and one look convinced Larry that he was right. There was the Columbia, somewhat battered around the bow and with her foremast still missing, and there, yes, there were Captain Ponsberry and Tom Grandon on her deck!

"Columbia, ahoy!" he yelled at the top of his

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/310


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/311

Rh lungs, but he was too far off to be heard, and had to content himself with locating the craft as best he could, while the despatch boat steamed up to the regular landing.

"What's the news?" was the first question asked by a hundred throats, for the vessel had been seen from afar.

"Complete victory for the Americans—Spanish fleet utterly wiped out!" was the answer that started a rapid flow of conversation upon every hand. Soon the news was known everywhere, and scores of telegrams were speeding in every direction. When the news reached the United States, everybody was jubilant, and Congress voted thanks to the men who had taken part in the glorious contest, while Commodore Dewey was made Rear Admiral.

Once on shore, Larry lost no time in making his way along the busy street skirting the harbor, until he came to the quay at which the Columbia was tied up. A rope ladder was out, and soon he was climbing on board.

"Bless my soul! Is it really Larry Russell?" ejaculated Captain Ponsberry, when confronted. "Why, I thought you were at the bottom of the China Sea!" And he caught the boy by both hands.

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/311


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/312

278 "Larry Russell, as sure as fate!" cried Grandon, pushing forward. "Well, this is the most wonderful thing I ever heard of. How on earth did you escape drowning and get here?"

And he, too, nearly wrung Larry's hand off. "It's a long story," was the boy's answer to both. "I and Luke Striker floated about until we struck an island, and—"

"Then Luke is safe, too!" broke in Captain Ponsberry. "The Lord be praised, as the parson would say. It's wonderful! simply wonderful! So ye got on an island, and some ship picked ye off, I calkeilate?"

"No, we found an old boat, and set sail in it. But the boat went to pieces, and we floundered around until the Asiatic Squadron came along and Commodore Dewey picked us up, and—"

"The fleet that set sail to fight the Spaniards?" interrupted Grandon.

"Yes."

"Then the fleet's come back here?"

"No, only the despatch boat. The warships are at Manila. I was with them up to a few days ago, and we sunk or burned every one of the Dons' vessels," added Larry, proudly.

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/312


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/313

Rh Taken together, the news was so marvellous that Captain Ponsberry could scarcely believe it, and soon he was asking Larry for all the particulars, which the boy was only too willing to give.

"I reckon you would like to know what has become of Olan Oleson," remarked Grandon, during a brief pause.

"I would. He pushed Luke and myself overboard."

"The parson thought he did, and we put him in irons for the rest of the trip. When we got here we were on the point of making a complaint to the authorities against him, when the captain of another vessel had him locked up for atrocious assault. He is in prison now, and likely to stay there for some time to come."

"He deserves it," was Larry's reply. "I intended to make some charge against him, if I could locate him. I hope his term in prison does him good. I never want to see him again."

Hobson and several others now came forward, and were equally glad to find that the lad was safe. During the talk which followed Larry learned that the Columbia had had a good deal of trouble during the hurricanes, but had finally reached Hong Kong

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/313


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/314

280 with only the loss of the foremast and a battered bow, due to the falling of the heavy stick. She had sprung several small leaks, but her pumps had easily kept her free of water.

"And the parson—where is he?" asked Larry of the captain.

"He is still in Hong Kong," was the reply, and, receiving the Rev. Martin Wells' address, the boy took the privilege of calling upon the missionary, and was very warmly received.

"Truly you have had some wonderful adventures," said Mr. Wells, after listening' to the youth's recital. "But I take it you are rather proud of them—especially of your work on the Olympia at Manila."

And Larry, frank to the last, admitted that this was so.

Here properly ends the tale of Larry Russell's adventures "Under Dewey at Manila." We have seen how fortune, by a curious combination of circumstances, threw him in with the Asiatic Squadron, and how gallantly he fought during that battle which, with the exception of our second great naval victory near Santiago Bay, has no equal in history.

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/314


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/315

Rh That Larry was proud at having participated in the glorious conquest was but natural. What American boy would not have been proud?

The McCulloch was to return to Manila Bay with despatches almost immediately, and the boy was strongly tempted to go back in her. But he wished first to hear from his brothers, and so resolved to stay in Hong Kong until the despatch boat might make a second trip to that port. Of his future adventures we shall hear later on.

In the mean time, however, I would ask my young readers who have followed me through the foregoing pages, to transfer their attention for a while to Ben Russell, Larry's oldest brother. As Ben had written in his letter, he had preferred the soldiery, and on the President's first call for 125,000 volunteers, he had given up his position in New York, and joined the army. The haps and mishaps of the youth will be related in another volume, to be entitled "A Young Volunteer in Cuba; or, Fighting for the Single Star." In this book we shall not only become intimately acquainted with Ben, but we shall also catch glimpses of Larry and of the other brother, Walter, who had gone into the navy stationed in Atlantic waters. We shall likewise learn

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/315


text:
Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/316

282 something more of Job Dowling, and of what was done by the boys toward getting that which was justly due them from their miserly step-uncle.

And now, for the time being, good-by to Larry Russell, the American sailor boy who served so gallantly "Under Dewey at Manila."

title: Page:Under Dewey at Manila.djvu/316


text: Under Dewey at Manila/Chapter 28

title: Under Dewey at Manila/Chapter 28


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 36.djvu/397

Mary of Guise James III, who was crowned at Kelso on 10 Aug., she retained her position as regent of the kingdom, with Bishop Kennedy [see ] as her principal minister. In July 1460 she entertained Margaret of Anjou and her son in Lincluden Abbey; and she also gave Margaret and her husband, Henry VI, shelter after their defeat at Towton in 1461. Henry VI also obtained the promise of help from the powerful Earl of Angus; but a proposal of the Earl of Warwick, on behalf of Edward IV, for the hand of the queen regent, tended to weaken the influence of his rival in Scotland. Mary died, according to Bishop Leslie, on 16 Nov. 1463 (History of Scotland, Bannatyne ed. p. 36), but according to the ‘Exchequer Rolls’ (vii. 389) on 1 Dec. 1464. The year given in the ‘Exchequer Rolls’ is clearly a clerical error; but otherwise this date is probably correct. She was buried in the church of Trinity College, Edinburgh. Although credited with intrigues with Somerset, who after Towton took refuge in Scotland, and with Adam Hepburn, second lord Hales, she was as a sovereign both prudent and energetic. She built the castle of Ravenscraig, near Dysart, Fife, and the church of Trinity College, Edinburgh, besides providing for extensive repairs on Stirling Castle, the palace of Falkland, and other royal residences.

 MARY (1515–1560), queen of James V of Scotland [q. v.], and mother of Mary Queen of Scots [q. v.], was the eldest child of Claude, count, and afterwards (1527) duke, of Guise, second son of René II, duke of Lorraine, and Philippa of Gueldres; her mother was Antoinette de Bourbon, daughter of Francis de Bourbon, count of Vendôme (, Les Ducs de Guise et leur Époque). Born on 22 Nov. 1515 at Bar-le-Duc, Mary was, until the birth of her brother Francis, in 1519, the heir-presumptive of the rising house of Guise (, Les Guises, les Valois, et Philippe II, i. 5–6). On 4 Aug. 1534 she was married to Louis of Orleans, second duke of Longueville and grand chamberlain of France, who was about twenty-three years old. The Duke of Guise settled eighty thousand livres tournois upon Mary, who received also from her husband a handsome jointure, including Chateaudun on the Loire. Here, and at his northern castles of Amiens and Rouen, their short but happy married life was passed, and here, on 30 Oct. 1535, Mary bore him a son, who was christened Francis. They were both present at the marriage of Magdalene, daughter of Francis I, to James V of Scotland [q. v.], on New-year's day 1537, but the Duke of Longueville died on 9 June following (, Queens of Scotland, i. 346). A posthumous son, born shortly after (4 Aug.), and named Louis, lived only four months.

On 10 July Magdalene, queen of James V, died, and soon afterwards James, who had probably seen Mary on his French visit, obtained a promise of her hand (State Papers, v. 112;, Cardinal Beaton, p. 130). Nevertheless, Henry VIII, on losing Jane Seymour in October, made ardent suit to Mary himself, and continued to urge his suit, not over-gently, both with Francis and Mary herself, even after her betrothal to James had been made public early in 1538 (, p. 350). Lords Maxwell and Erskine and Cardinal David Beaton [q. v.], however, came over to Paris and concluded the marriage treaty. She brought James as dower one hundred and fifty thousand livres, nearly half of which was the gift of the French king, Francis, who adopted her as his daughter. James bestowed upon her for life the handsome jointure of the counties of Fife, Strathearn, and Ross, with the palaces of Falkland, Stirling, and Dingwall, and the lordships of Galloway, Orkney, and the Isles (, Papiers d'État relatifs à l'Histoire d'Écosse, Bannatyne Club edit., i. 131–4). As they were both descended from the house of Gueldres, and Mary was nearly related to James's first wife, a dispensation for the marriage was procured from Pope Clement VII. It was celebrated on 9 May in Notre-Dame at Paris, Robert, fifth lord Maxwell [q. v.], acting as proxy for James (, Hist. des Ducs de Guise, i. 123). Henry VIII ungraciously refused her permission to pass through England on her way to Scotland, and James sent a large fleet to escort her thither. She landed near Crail in Fife on 14 June (, Works, ed. Laing, i. 61, but cf., p. 155), and in the cathedral of St. Andrews James and she were finally married by Cardinal Beaton. The dowager-queen Margaret informed her brother Henry that the young queen bore herself very honourably to her, and would, she trusted, prove a wise princess (State Papers, v. 135). Mary seems, indeed, to have managed her vain and touchy mother-in-law with considerable tact, and it was reported to Cromwell that the young queen was ‘all papist and the old queen not much less’ (ib. p. 154). For nearly two years Mary was childless, and it was not until there was


text:
Presidential Memorandum - Engaging in Public Health Research on the Causes and Prevention of Gun Violence

MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES

SUBJECT: Engaging in Public Health Research on the Causes and Prevention of Gun Violence

In addition to being a law enforcement challenge, gun violence is also a serious public health issue that affects thousands of individuals, families, and communities across the Nation. Each year in the United States there are approximately 30,000 firearm-related deaths, and approximately 11,000 of those deaths result from homicides. Addressing this critical issue requires a comprehensive, multifaceted approach. Recent research suggests that, in developing such an approach, a broader public health perspective is imperative. Significant strides can be made by assessing the causes of gun violence and the successful efforts in place for preventing the misuse of firearms. Taking these steps will improve our understanding of the gun violence epidemic and will aid in the continued development of gun violence prevention strategies. Therefore, by the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, I hereby direct the following: Section 1. Research. The Secretary of Health and Human Services (Secretary), through the Director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and other scientific agencies within the Department of Health and Human Services, shall conduct or sponsor research into the causes of gun violence and the ways to prevent it. The Secretary shall begin by identifying the most pressing research questions with the greatest potential public health impact, and by assessing existing public health interventions being implemented across the Nation to prevent gun violence. Sec. 2. General Provisions.
 * (a) Nothing in this memorandum shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:
 * (i) the authority granted by law to an executive department or agency, or the head thereof; or
 * (ii) the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.
 * (b) This memorandum shall be implemented consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations.
 * (c) This memorandum is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.

Sec. 3. Publication. You are hereby authorized and directed to publish this memorandum in the Federal Register.

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE,
 * January 16, 2013.


text:
User:Sburke

→ → → My en.wikipedia user page.

title: User:Sburke


text:
User talk:Sburke

→ → → My en.wikipedia user page.

title: User talk:Sburke


text:
Page:Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu/94

80 work, he carried the scythe, whetstone, and hay to the house, and asked if it was not yet time for her to give him his reward. "No," said the cat, "you must first do something more for me of the same kind, there is timber of silver, carpenter's axe, square, and everything that is needful, all of silver, with these build me a small house." Then Hans built the small house, and said that he had now done everything, and still be had no horse. Nevertheless, the seven years had gone by with him as if they were six months. The cat asked him if he would like to see her horses? "Yes," said Hans. Then she opened the door of the small house, and when she had opened it, there stood twelve horses,—such horses, so bright and shining, that his heart rejoiced at the sight of them. And now she gave him to eat and to drink, and said, "Go home, I will not give thee thy horse away with thee; but in three days' time I will follow thee and bring it." So Hans set out, and she showed him the way to the mill. She had, however, never once given him a new coat, and he had been obliged to keep on his dirty old smock-frock, which he had brought with him, and which during the seven years had everywhere become too small for him. When he reached home, the two other apprentices were there again as well, and each of them certainly had brought a horse with him, but one of them was a blind one, and the other lame. They asked Hans where his horse was? "It will follow me in three days' time." Then they laughed and said, "Indeed, stupid Hans, where wilt thou get a horse? It will be a fine one!" Hans went into the parlour, but the miller said he should not sit down to table, for he was so ragged and torn, that they would all be ashamed of him if any one came in. So they gave him a mouthful of food outside, and at night, when they went to rest, the two others would not let him have a bed, and at last he was forced to creep into the goose-house, and lie down on a little hard straw. In the morning when he awoke, the three days had passed, and a coach came with six horses and they shone so bright that it was delightful to see them!—and a servant brought a seventh as well, which was for the poor miller's boy. And a magnificent princess


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 36.djvu/398

Mary of Guise an assured prospect of an heir that she was crowned in February 1540 (ib. pp. 170-1). New regalia were used, made of gold raised from a mine at Crawfurdmuir by miners from Lorraine (, p. 381). On Friday, 22 May, James wrote to inform Henry of the birth of a prince (State Papers, v. 177). But the sudden death of this son James and also of another infant a few days old, christened Arthur or Robert, at the end of April 1541, left the queen 'very sickly and full of heaviness,' Rumours of poison were heard (ib. pp. 177, 188; Hamilton Papers, i. 73). In the summer of 1542 she had again hope of offspring, and went with James on foot (some say barefoot) to the chapel of Our Lady of Loretto at Musselburgh (, p. 402). But it was reported in England that James had a mistress at Tantallon, and set 'not much store by the queen' (Hamilton Papers, i. 329). Before the disaster at Solway Moss [see under ] she had 'taken her chamber' at Linlithgow, and the birth of a child, erroneously thought to be a son, was proclaimed in Jedburgh on 2 Dec. The child was Mary Queen of Scots (ib. pp. 323–4, 328, 333; cf. ). The news of the death, at midnight on the 14th, of the unhappy James is said by Knox (i. 92) to have been brought to the mother by Beaton. Knox insinuates that she received the tidings with ill-concealed pleasure, and repeats the scandal heard in Edinburgh a few months later by Sadler of her alleged over-familiarity with Beaton, which had aroused the jealousy of James (Hamilton Papers, ii. 92). But the source of these stories is suspicious.

In the crisis of Scottish affairs produced by Solway Moss and the death of James, Beaton, as head of the catholic and anti-English party, had a strong common interest with the French queen-dowager. But they were unable to prevent the nomination as governor or regent, on 22 Dec, in accordance with constitutional precedent, of the next heir to the crown after the infant princess, James Hamilton, earl of Arran [q. v.], who favoured religious reform and an understanding with England, Reports that the Duke of Guise was on his way to assume 'thole regiment of Scotland' in the name of his niece led Arran, moreover, to arrest the cardinal (ib. i. 398). A parliament which assembled on 12 March 1543 confirmed Arran's regency and accepted Henry's offer of a marriage between Edward and the child Mary (, v. 267–71; Acta Parl. Scot. ii. 411). When Sir Ralph Sadler, the English envoy, arrived in Edinburgh (Hamilton Papers, i. 464), he approached the queen-dowager, who professed to desire the English marriage and the removal of her daughter to England, on the ground that Arran wanted to marry her to his son. She also suggested that if the cardinal were released he would forward Henry's view (ib. i. 497). Beaton, who was soon virtually at liberty, caused Arran disquietude by proposing to marry the queen-dowager to Francis I's emissary, Matthew Stewart, earl of Lennox, whom some maintained to be heir-presumptive, on the ground that Arran was illegitimate. On 23 July 1543 the cardinal and his supporters, at the head of a large force, carried off the two queens from surveillance at Linlithgow to the freedom of Stirling (Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 28). Henry VIII ordered Sadler to procure the separation of the mother from the daughter (, Works, i. 108; Hamilton Papers, i. 633–43), but public feeling in Scotland was with the cardinal's party, and Arran, on 4 Sept., reconciled himself with Beaton.

When the young queen was crowned at Stirling on 9 Sept., a new council of sixteen was created to 'direct and order' the governor, and the queen-dowager, who was rumoured to have at first desired to place her jointure lands in its hands and depart for France, was appointed principal member (ib. ii. 40, 45, 56). Arriving in Edinburgh on the night of 17 Sept., she summoned Sadler on the 19th before the council, to discuss with her and her colleagues the situation with regard to England. On 28 Sept. she went to St. Andrews with the cardinal and Patrick Hepburn, third earl of Bothwell [q. v.], and remained there some time, 'whereof,' says Sadler, 'the people speak largely, remembering her over-much familiarity with Beaton in the lifetime of the late king ' (ib. pp. 81, 92). The arrival on 6 Oct. of the French ambassador, De la Brosse, accompanied by a papal legate, to offer renewed alliance and immediate assistance against the designs of England, greatly strengthened the hands of the cardinal and queen-dowager against Henry (ib. p. 92; Diurnal of Occurrents, p. 28). The parliament which met on 3 Dec. 1543 accepted the French offers. Henry replied with a declaration of war, on the arrival of which Mary made a pilgrimage on foot to her favourite shrine of Our Lady of Loretto at Musselburgh, 'to pray for peace among her lords and with the realm of England' (State Papers, v. 350;, ii. 64).

There can be no doubt that Mary had by this time formed the design of marrying her daughter into France. But such a marriage was certain to be opposed by Arran, who intended her for his son, and by Beaton, who saw


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 36.djvu/399

Mary of Guise that a close connection with France would probably transfer the guidance of affairs to the able dowager. In order to secure her object, therefore, she must bring about a change of government. The failure of the governor and the cardinal to prevent the Earl of Hertford from burning Edinburgh and other towns in May 1544 afforded the desired opportunity. She secured the support of the Douglases, and a coalition of the nobles at Stirling called upon the governor to share his authority with the queen-dowager, 'who could bring them the support of the French king,' and as he gave no answer 'discharged him of his authority' on 10 June, in favour of Mary, subject to the ratification of a parliament to be held at the end of July (State Papers, v. 391 ; Hamilton Papers, ii. 409, 432, 740). Arran and Beaton prevented the meeting of the parliament which was to have 'discharged the governor,' and a parliament summoned by Arran to Edinburgh on 5 Nov. declared the Stirling revolution and Mary's summons of a parliament to Stirling for 12 Nov. of no effect.

In October 1546 Beaton, when meditating a journey to France to obtain a larger force, took the precaution of binding the lords under their seals to marry the young queen to Arran's son, and desired to have her kept in his castle at St. Andrews during his absence (Tytler, v. 386). The queen-mother formed an opposition 'band' (ft.), but the disappearance of the cardinal from the scene, by his murder on 29 May 1546, removed her most formidable antagonist, and left her until her death the leading figure in Scotland.

The reunion of parties which followed Beaton's death turned chiefly to Mary's advantage. A new council to represent all parties was chosen, and George Gordon, fourth earl of Huntly [q. v.], a supporter of Mary, succeeded Beaton as chancellor. Circumstances favoured her policy of closer connection with France (ib. vi. 12). Somerset continued Henry VIII's attempt to force the English marriage upon the Scots. The new king of France, Henry II, was personally attached to the dowager, his adopted sister. In the crisis after Pinkie, when the English burnt Leith and occupied Hume Castle and Broughty Crag, Mary showed the courage and decision in which the governor was wanting, took steps to raise a new army, and transferred the little queen for greater safety to the priory of Inchmahome, on an island in the Lake of Menteith.

So perilous was the position of affairs that Mary had little difficulty in persuading the nobles to consent, in a convention at Stirling (8 Feb. 1548), to marry Mary to the dauphin and send her at once to France. André de Montalembert, sieur d'Esse, disembarked six thousand French troops at Leith on 10 June, and laid siege with Arran to Haddington, which the English had captured in April (, Guerre d'Escosse;, Vie des Hommes Illustres; , vi. 42–4). A parliament which met in the abbey outside the walls on 7 July gave its consent to the French marriage (Acta Parl. Scot. ii. 481–2). The queen-dowager, after an unfortunate reconnaissance on the 9th, when many of her suite were killed by a shower of chain and hail-shot from Haddington, and she 'swooned for sorrow,' proceeded to Dumbarton, whence she sent her daughter to France on 7 Aug. (Hamilton Papers, pp. 603, 617-18;, i. 188, 685).

Mary had now to pass through an anxious time. The siege of Haddington dragged on. The wretched people, impoverished by eight years of war and stricken by plague, suffered almost more from the ill-paid French troops than from the English. Mary wrote to her father and uncle, giving a moving picture of these sufferings, and hotly denouncing the frivolity and fraud of many of the French officers. She complained that she had lost all her popularity, would not have been safe in Edinburgh without a French guard, and, roused by alarms four or five times in a night, had got a 'gout or sciatica,' so that she could neither lie nor stand. She dared not withdraw to Stirling to recover her health, lest the French and Scots should fly at one another's throats. But before January 1550 she had been able to retire to Stirling, and the inclusion of Scotland in the peace of 24 March between England and France enabled her to pay a visit to France to see her children and arrange her future policy with Henry and the Guises (, Les Écossais en France, i. 460). She embarked on a French squadron at Leith about 7 Sept., and landed on the 19th at Havre (Tytler, vi. 371 ; but cf. Michel, i. 472; Diurnal, p. 51 ;, p. 236 ; Register of the Privy Council, i. 198). At Rouen on the 25th she was received with much honour by the king, and ' almost worshipped as a goddess by the court for her services in Scotland '( Tytler, vi. 373). Passing through Paris she spent the winter with the court at Blois (Michel, i. 478; Lesley, pp. 236-7). Sir John Mason [q. v.], the English ambassador, reported uneasily that the Queen of Scots and her family bore the whole swing in the court, and that she desired the entire subversion of England, and was urging that assistance should be given to the Irish, whom she had already sought to stir up against England (Tytler, vi. 373–6; ,


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 33.djvu/236

 Cromwell for having encouraged him and others to complete the great Polyglot Bible, but he showed his characteristic moderation by calling attention in the same speech to the pitiable plight of the clergy of the church of England. At the Restoration he offered to resign his mastership to Spurstow, its former holder, but the offer was declined, and Sheldon, archbishop of Canterbury, in recognition of Lightfoot's learning, confirmed him in both the mastership and his living. He took part in the Savoy conference of 1661, siding with the presbyterians. When the Act of Uniformity came into force in 1662 he complied with it, though he is said to have been not very scrupulous in fulfilling its provisions. On 22 Jan. 1667–8 he was appointed to a prebend at Ely, and he died there 6 Dec. 1675. He was buried three days later at Munden.

Lightfoot married, first, in 1628, Joyce (d. 1656), daughter of William Compton of Stone Park, and widow of George Copwood; and, secondly, Anne (d. 1666), widow of Austin Brograve, esq., apparently son of Simeon Brograve of Hamells, Hertfordshire. By his first wife alone he had issue, viz. four sons and two daughters. Of the sons, John was chaplain to Bryan Walton, bishop of Chester; Anastasius Cottonus Jacksonus—the two latter names commemorated Lightfoot's friends, Sir Rowland Cotton, and Sir John Jackson—became vicar of Thundridge, Hertfordshire, 25 June 1661; Anastasius was a London tradesman, and Thomas died young. Of the daughters, Joyce married, on 8 Jan. 1655–6, John Duckfield, rector of Aspeden, Hertfordshire; and Sarah became wife of a Staffordshire gentleman named Colclough.

He bequeathed his oriental books to Harvard College in America, where they were burnt in 1769. Many of his papers passed to his son-in-law, Duckfield, who communicated them to John Strype.

Lightfoot holds a very high rank among Hebrew scholars. His rabbinical learning was very wide, and, according to Gibbon, he, ‘by constant reading of the rabbis, became almost a rabbi himself.’ He set himself to illustrate from Talmudical and like authorities the phraseology of the Old Testament, and to explain the customs mentioned both there and in the New Testament. To him is ascribed the credit of opening to the modern world ‘the fountains of Talmudical learning.’ Schoettgen, a German scholar who followed half a century later the same line of study, wrote, ‘Nisi Lightfootus lyrasset, multi non saltassent.’ Dr. Adam Clarke considered Lightfoot to be the first of all English writers in biblical criticism as regards learning, judgment, and usefulness. In his own day his eminence as a Hebrew scholar was recognised abroad, and Frederic Miege, Theodore Haak, J. H. Otho of Berne, Knorr, the Silesian cabbalistic scholar, and the younger Buxtorf, were among his correspondents or visitors. Publishers, however, he complained to Buxtorf, would rarely undertake to print his works at their own risk. Most of them appeared at his own expense.

Among his chief works were: ‘Harmony of the iv Evangelists among themselves and with the Old Testament, with an explanation of the chiefest difficulties both in language and sense,’ pt. i. London, 1644, 4to; pt. ii. London, 1647, 4to; pt. iii. London, 1650, 4to; ‘Harmony, Chronicle, and Order of the Old Testament,’ London, 1647, and of the New Testament, London, 1655, with a discourse on the ‘Fall of Jerusalem.’ But Lightfoot is mainly remembered by a series of volumes entitled ‘Horæ Hebraicæ et Talmudicæ,’ of which the earliest, ‘impensæ I. in chronographiam aliquam Terræ Israeliticæ; II. in Evangelium S. Matthæi,’ appeared at Cambridge in 1658, 4to, dedicated to the students of Catharine Hall, and was followed by similar studies ‘In Evangel. Marci’ with ‘Decas Chorographica’ (Cambridge, 1663, 4to), dedicated to Charles II; ‘In Epistolam S. Pauli ad Corinthios’ (Cambridge, 1664, Paris 1677, Amsterdam 1677, and Leipzig 1679), dedicated to Sir William Morice; ‘In Evangel. Johannis,’ with ‘Disquisitio Chorographica’ (London, 1671, 4to), dedicated to Sir Orlando Bridgman; ‘In Evangel. S. Lucæ,’ with ‘Chorographia pauca’ (Cambridge, 1674, 4to), dedicated to Archbishop Sheldon; and posthumously—‘In Acta Apostolorum et in Epistolam S. Pauli ad Romanos’ (London, 1678, 4to), prepared for the press by [q. v.] The ‘Horæ’ on the Four Evangelists, together with the chorographical essays, were edited by the Hebrew scholar Carpzov at Leipzig (1675 and 1684), and those on the Acts, Romans, and Corinthians by the same editor, Leipzig, 1679. Schoettgen reprinted the greater part of Lightfoot's ‘Horæ’ in his own ‘Horæ Hebraicæ et Talmudicæ in universum Novum Testamentum,’ 1733, 4to. An edition of the whole, in an English version, was edited by [q. v.] in 1859 (4 vols.)

Lightfoot's other works, apart from sermons, published in 1643 (two), 1645 (two), and 1647 were:  ‘A Few and New Observations on the Book of Genesis, the most of them certain, the rest probable, all harmless, strange, and rarely heard of before,’ London, 1642.  ‘A Handful of Gleanings out of the Book of Exodus,’ London, 1643,


text:
Presidential Memorandum - Improving Availability of Relevant Executive Branch Records to the National Instant Criminal Background Check System

MEMORANDUM FOR THE HEADS OF EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS AND AGENCIES

SUBJECT: Improving Availability of Relevant Executive Branch Records to the National Instant Criminal Background Check System

Since it became operational in 1998, the National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) has been an essential tool in the effort to ensure that individuals who are prohibited under Federal or State law from possessing firearms do not acquire them from Federal Firearms Licensees (FFLs). The ability of the NICS to determine quickly and effectively whether an individual is prohibited from possessing or receiving a firearm depends on the completeness and accuracy of the information made available to it by Federal, State, and tribal authorities.

The NICS Improvement Amendments Act of 2007 (NIAA) (Public Law 110-180) was a bipartisan effort to strengthen the NICS by increasing the quantity and quality of relevant records from Federal, State, and tribal authorities accessible by the system. Among its requirements, the NIAA mandated that executive departments and agencies (agencies) provide relevant information, including criminal history records, certain adjudications related to the mental health of a person, and other information, to databases accessible by the NICS. Much progress has been made to identify information generated by agencies that is relevant to determining whether a person is prohibited from receiving or possessing firearms, but more must be done. Greater participation by agencies in identifying records they possess that are relevant to determining whether an individual is prohibited from possessing a firearm and a regularized process for submitting those records to the NICS will strengthen the accuracy and efficiency of the NICS, increasing public safety by keeping guns out of the hands of persons who cannot lawfully possess them.

Therefore, by the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, I hereby direct the following:

Section 1. Improving the Availability of Records to the NICS.
 * (a) Within 45 days of the date of this memorandum, and consistent with the process described in section 3 of this memorandum, the Department of Justice (DOJ) shall issue guidance to agencies regarding the identification and sharing of relevant Federal records and their submission to the NICS.
 * (b) Within 60 days of issuance of guidance pursuant to subsection (a) of this section, agencies shall submit a report to DOJ advising whether they possess relevant records, as set forth in the guidance, and setting forth an implementation plan for making information in those records available to the NICS, consistent with applicable law.
 * (c) In accordance with the authority and responsibility provided to the Attorney General by the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act (Public Law 103-159), as amended, the Attorney General, consistent with the process described in section 3 of this memorandum, shall resolve any disputes concerning whether agency records are relevant and should be made available to the NICS.
 * (d) To the extent they possess relevant records, as set forth in the guidance issued pursuant to subsection (a) of this section, agencies shall prioritize making those records available to the NICS on a regular and ongoing basis.

Sec. 2. Measuring Progress.
 * (a) By October 1, 2013, and annually thereafter, agencies that possess relevant records shall submit a report to the President through the Attorney General describing:
 * (i) the relevant records possessed by the agency that can be shared with the NICS consistent with applicable law;
 * (ii) the number of those records submitted to databases accessible by the NICS during each reporting period;
 * (iii) the efforts made to increase the percentage of relevant records possessed by the agency that are submitted to databases accessible by the NICS;
 * (iv) any obstacles to increasing the percentage of records that are submitted to databases accessible by the NICS;
 * (v) for agencies that make qualifying adjudications related to the mental health of a person, the measures put in place to provide notice and programs for relief from disabilities as required under the NIAA;
 * (vi) the measures put in place to correct, modify, or remove records accessible by the NICS when the basis under which the record was made available no longer applies; and
 * (vii) additional steps that will be taken within 1 year of the report to improve the processes by which records are identified, made accessible, and corrected, modified, or removed.
 * (b) If an agency certifies in its annual report that it has made available to the NICS its relevant records that can be shared consistent with applicable law, and describes its plan to make new records available to the NICS and to update, modify, or remove existing records electronically no less often than quarterly as required by the NIAA, such agency will not be required to submit further annual reports. Instead, the agency will be required to submit an annual certification to DOJ, attesting that the agency continues to submit relevant records and has corrected, modified, or removed appropriate records.

Sec. 3. NICS Consultation and Coordination Working Group. To ensure adequate agency input in the guidance required by section 1(a) of this memorandum, subsequent decisions about whether an agency possesses relevant records, and determinations concerning whether relevant records should be provided to the NICS, there is established a NICS Consultation and Coordination Working Group (Working Group), to be chaired by the Attorney General or his designee.
 * (a) Membership. In addition to the Chair, the Working Group shall consist of representatives of the following agencies:
 * (i) the Department of Defense;
 * (ii) the Department of Health and Human Services;
 * (iii) the Department of Transportation;
 * (iv) the Department of Veterans Affairs;
 * (v) the Department of Homeland Security;
 * (vi) the Social Security Administration;
 * (vii) the Office of Personnel Management;
 * (viii) the Office of Management and Budget; and
 * (ix) such other agencies or offices as the Chair may designate.
 * (b) Functions. The Working Group shall convene regularly and as needed to allow for consultation and coordination between DOJ and agencies affected by the Attorney General's implementation of the NIAA, including with respect to the guidance required by section 1(a) of this memorandum, subsequent decisions about whether an agency possesses relevant records, and determinations concerning whether relevant records should be provided to the NICS. The Working Group may also consider, as appropriate:
 * (i) developing means and methods for identifying agency records deemed relevant by DOJ's guidance;
 * (ii) addressing obstacles faced by agencies in making their relevant records available to the NICS;
 * (iii) implementing notice and relief from disabilities programs; and
 * (iv) ensuring means to correct, modify, or remove records when the basis under which the record was made available no longer applies.
 * (c) Reporting. The Working Group will review the annual reports required by section 2(a) of this memorandum, and member agencies may append to the reports any material they deem appropriate, including an identification of any agency best practices that may be of assistance to States in supplying records to the NICS.

Sec. 4. General Provisions.
 * (a) Nothing in this memorandum shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect:
 * (i) the authority granted by law to a department or agency, or the head thereof; or
 * (ii) the functions of the Director of the Office of Management and Budget relating to budgetary, administrative, or legislative proposals.
 * (b) This memorandum shall be implemented consistent with applicable law and subject to the availability of appropriations.
 * (c) This memorandum is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.
 * (d) Independent agencies are strongly encouraged to comply with the requirements of this memorandum.

Sec. 5. Publication. The Attorney General is hereby authorized and directed to publish this memorandum in the [Federal Register].

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE,
 * January 16, 2013.


text:
Presidential Memorandum - Tracing of Firearms in Connection with Criminal Investigations

MEMORANDUM FOR THE HEADS OF EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENTS AND AGENCIES

SUBJECT: Tracing of Firearms in Connection with Criminal Investigations

Reducing violent crime, and gun-related crime in particular, is a top priority of my Administration. A key component of this effort is ensuring that law enforcement agencies at all levels -- Federal, State, and local -- utilize those tools that have proven most effective. One such tool is firearms tracing, which significantly assists law enforcement in reconstructing the transfer and movement of seized or recovered firearms. Responsibility for conducting firearms tracing rests with the Department of Justice's Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF). Over the years, firearms tracing has significantly assisted law enforcement in solving violent crimes and generating thousands of leads that may otherwise not have been available. Firearms tracing provides two principal benefits. First, tracing is an important investigative tool in individual cases, providing law enforcement agents with critical information that may lead to the apprehension of suspects, the recovery of other guns used in the commission of crimes, and the identification of potential witnesses, among other things. Second, analysis of tracing data in the aggregate provides valuable intelligence about local, regional, and national patterns relating to the movement and sources of guns used in the commission of crimes, which is useful for the effective deployment of law enforcement resources and development of enforcement strategies. Firearms tracing is a particularly valuable tool in detecting and investigating firearms trafficking, and has been deployed to help combat the pernicious problem of firearms trafficking across the Southwest border. The effectiveness of firearms tracing as a law enforcement intelligence tool depends on the quantity and quality of information and trace requests submitted to ATF. In fiscal year 2012, ATF processed approximately 345,000 crime-gun trace requests for thousands of domestic and international law enforcement agencies. The Federal Government can encourage State and local law enforcement agencies to take advantage of the benefits of tracing all recovered firearms, but Federal law enforcement agencies should have an obligation to do so. If Federal law enforcement agencies do not conscientiously trace every firearm taken into custody, they may not only be depriving themselves of critical information in specific cases, but may also be depriving all Federal, State, and local agencies of the value of complete information for aggregate analyses. Maximizing the effectiveness of firearms tracing, and the corresponding impact on combating violent crimes involving firearms, requires that Federal law enforcement agencies trace all recovered firearms taken into Federal custody in a timely and efficient manner. Therefore, by the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, I hereby direct the following: Section 1. Firearms Tracing.
 * (a) Federal law enforcement agencies shall ensure that all firearms recovered after the date of this memorandum in the course of criminal investigations and taken into Federal custody are traced through ATF at the earliest time practicable. Federal law enforcement agencies, as well as other executive departments and agencies, are encouraged, to the extent practicable, to take steps to ensure that firearms recovered prior to the date of this memorandum in the course of criminal investigations and taken into Federal custody are traced through ATF.
 * (b) Within 30 days of the date of this memorandum, ATF will issue guidance to Federal law enforcement agencies on submitting firearms trace requests.
 * (c) Within 60 days of the date of this memorandum, Federal law enforcement agencies shall ensure that their operational protocols reflect the requirement to trace recovered firearms through ATF.
 * (d) Within 90 days of the date of this memorandum, each Federal law enforcement agency shall submit a report to the Attorney General affirming that its operational protocols reflect the requirements set forth in this memorandum.
 * (e) For purposes of this memorandum, "Federal law enforcement agencies" means the Departments of State, the Treasury, Defense, Justice, the Interior, Agriculture, Energy, Veterans Affairs, and Homeland Security, and such other agencies and offices that regularly recover firearms in the course of their criminal investigations as the President may designate.

Sec. 2. General Provisions.
 * (a) Nothing in this memorandum shall be construed to impair or otherwise affect the authority granted by law to a department or agency, or the head thereof.
 * (b) This memorandum is not intended to, and does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in equity by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies, or entities, its officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.

Sec. 3. Publication. The Attorney General is authorized and directed to publish this memorandum in the [Federal Register].

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE,
 * January 16, 2013.


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 36.djvu/400

Mary of Guise ii. 94). In the summer of 1551 she accompanied Henry in his progress to Nantes and back to Fontainebleau (, p. 239). The question of the money necessary for Scottish purposes had not been easy to settle, and the treasury officials wished Scotland i were in a fish pool,' Leaving her followers in Paris, Mary paid a visit to her recently widowed mother at Joinville; her father had died in April. Her return to Scotland was delayed by reports that the emperor had sent a squadron to take her, and by the illness and death on 22 Sept., before he was sixteen, of her only surviving son by her first marriage, Francis, duke of Longueville, called 'Le Petit Duc' (Journal of Edward VI, ed. Clarendon Hist. Soc, p. 44;, Les Ducs de Guise). Leaving Dieppe late in October she was driven by a storm into Portsmouth, and sent word to Edward VI that she would take the benefit of the safe-conduct, which he had already given her, to go by land to see him. Arriving by easy stages at Hampton Court, on 31 Oct., she spent a week there and at the bishop's palace in the city, dining in state with the king at Westminster on 4 Nov. (ib. pp. 50-1; , Diary, p. 11). Knox (i. 243; cf. , ''Eccles. Memorials'', ii. 284) puts in her mouth somewhat hyperbolical praise of Edward. Leaving London on the 6th, she reached Scotland about the 24th (, vi. 377; cf. Diurnal, p. 51).

A principal object of her visit to France, according to Lesley (pp. 237-8), was to obtain the governor's post for herself. But the governor refused to lay down his power until the little queen should reach the age of twelve, when she would be able to dispose of it as she pleased. When the French chose to consider Mary as of age on entering her twelfth year, they induced her to transfer the regency to her mother, and the governor reluctantly yielded (Journal of Edward VI, p. 83;, i. 261; , Works, i. 242 n.) In a parliament at Edinburgh on 12 April 1554 he resigned his authority on receiving security for his rights as second person and heir-presumptive; the queen-dowager took his place, and according to Knox (i. 242) 'a crowne was putt upon hir head, als semlye a sight (yf men had eis) as to putt a sadill upoun the back of ane unruly kow' (cf. Acta Parl. Scot. ii. 601).

Mary of Guise was devoted to the interests of her family, and was bent upon bringing the government of Scotland into line with the policy of her brothers the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine. But at first circumstances dictated temporising and conciliatory courses. Their immediate object was to secure the conclusion of the marriage between the dauphin Francis and her daughter Mary. They had to reckon with the more or less open opposition of their rival, the Constable Montmorency, in France, and of Arran, now Duke of Chatelherault, and his brother, Archbishop Hamilton of St. Andrews in Scotland (, pp. 72-3, 78). As the archbishop carried the prelates with him, Mary could not dispense with the support of Cassillis, Glencairn, and the other anti-clerical lords, and was obliged to temporise with their proteges the protestant preachers. They were not likely to protest when she virtually superseded the catholic Huntly [see, fourth ] as chancellor by entrusting the seal to M. de Roubay, though the committal of other chief offices of state to Frenchmen and the confidence she placed in De Houbay and D'Oysel doubtless caused them more inquietude (, Calendar of Foreign State Papers, 1668, vol. ii.) The first years of her regency conformed to the advice of the Duke of Guise in 1655, 'to deal in Scotland in a spirit of conciliation, introducing much gentleness and moderation into the administration of justice,' which she reformed with the advice of Henry Sinclair, dean of Glasgow, in a parliament at Edinburgh in the following June (, i. 721; , vi. 63). It was not until Philip of Spain in 1557 drew Mary of England into his war against France that the regent's French policy brought her into conflict with the Scots. Although she had exchanged assurances of inviolable amity with Queen Mary Tudor on her accession, and concluded a treaty with her in July 1557 (, i. 104), she provoked a war with England in the late summer of that year. She had endeavoured some time before to substitute for the Scottish feudal forces an army paid by a sort of scutage, but she had failed in her efforts. Now the feudal force refused in September to invade England, and she was forced to dismiss it with angry tears (, p. 255;, vi. 66-7). With this recalcitrance was coupled the rapid and aggressive growth of protestantism. Knox, whom she nettled in 1555 by her contemptuous reception of his letter appealing to her to hear the word of God, was the real author of the bond or covenant of 3 Dec. 1557, in which Glencairn, Argyll and his eldest son Lord Lorne, Morton, and Erskine of Dun proclaimed open war upon the established religion. The conclusion of the marriage between her daughter and the dauphin on 24 April 1558 for the moment eased her position.

Knox insinuates that Mary, having nothing further to fear from Archbishop Hamilton


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 33.djvu/239

 in work, and rarely joined in games. He had a cheerful temper, with much dry humour, and a certain quaintness of manner. On those who knew him best he left a deep impression of genuine piety. His chief friend at the school was [q. v.], afterwards archbishop of Canterbury. On half-holidays they usually walked and read Greek plays together, and on whole holidays, in company with another friend, they made expeditions of thirty or forty miles on foot, visiting famous places. The intimacy lasted through life.

In October 1847 Lightfoot went up to Trinity College, Cambridge, as a pensioner, his college tutor being the Rev. W. H. Thompson, subsequently regius professor of Greek and master of Trinity. At the end of his first year he became a private pupil of B. F. Westcott, afterwards bishop of Durham, and read classics with him for the rest of his undergraduateship. Westcott had come up from King Edward's School, Birmingham, to Trinity three years before him. The intimacy thus formed exercised thenceforward a powerful, yet never overpowering, influence over Lightfoot's mind. As an undergraduate Lightfoot appears to have matured slowly. But he came out at the head of the classical tripos list of 1851, and also as first of the two chancellor's medallists, after he had graduated B.A. as thirtieth wrangler. Having been elected a scholar of Trinity in 1849, the earliest then possible date, he was elected a fellow in 1852. ‘When Mr. Lightfoot makes one of his charges,’ was the comment of his tutor, Thompson, ‘there is no resisting him.’ The following years were spent in the routine usual for a young resident fellow who had taken high honours—private study, instruction of private pupils (till the end of 1855), and college lectures. In 1853 Lightfoot obtained the Norrisian prize, the virtual subject being Philo. His essay was never published, and the manuscript was apparently destroyed by himself. In 1854 he was admitted to deacon's orders, and in 1858 to priest's orders, both times at the hands of Dr. Prince Lee, now become bishop of Manchester. Early in 1857, before he had completed his twenty-ninth year, he was appointed one of the three tutors of Trinity, and he threw himself with zeal into his work. In personal intercourse with his pupils, his natural shyness was a sore hindrance to him wherever the initiative had to be supplied and renewed by himself; but the slightest advance made by a pupil he seized eagerly as an opening for cordial speech and mutual confidence. He seems to have taken especial pleasure in gathering round him a few college pupils for long-vacation parties, in which he freely gave his time to helping them in their work, besides joining them in their expeditions. His college lectures were chiefly on classical subjects, and a marked feature of them was the warm interest displayed in the subject-matter, no less than the language. Some of these lectures were intended to take permanent shape in an edition of the Orestean trilogy of Æschylus, amply illustrated with essays; but unfortunately the project was never carried out, though even in the later years of residence at Cambridge it had hardly been relinquished. Besides classics, he lectured on the Greek New Testament with at least equal thoroughness and success. The study of this subject in Trinity had received a fresh impulse from the institution of prizes for distinction in it by the college in 1849, and by the foundation of the Dealtry prizes in the following year. This simultaneous occupation with classical and Christian literature approved itself entirely to his judgment, and was maintained in one form or another in his later literary work. The same ideal of study was represented in the title and purpose of the ‘Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology,’ of which he was one of the founders and, while it lasted (March 1854 to December 1859), one of the editors. His own contributions, however—some of the shorter notices of books excepted—dealt almost exclusively with St. Paul's Epistles or kindred topics.

In 1860 Lightfoot was an unsuccessful candidate for the newly established Hulsean professorship of divinity [see under ], but when his successful rival, Mr. C. J. Ellicott, became in 1861 bishop of Gloucester and Bristol, Lightfoot was chosen professor in his place. Lightfoot's professorial lectures consisted chiefly, if not wholly, of expositions of parts of books of the New Testament, and especially of St. Paul's Epistles, with discussions of the leading topics usually included in ‘Introductions’ to these books. Their value and interest were soon widely recognised in the university, and before long no lecture-room then available sufficed to contain the hearers, both candidates for holy orders and older residents; so that leave had to be obtained for the use of the hall of Trinity. Nor was it through his public teaching alone that the university benefited. At a time of theological disquiet and violence outside Cambridge, Lightfoot's deliberate tone of toleration aided in counteracting any tendencies to disunion within the university.

Meanwhile Lightfoot took his full share in the various business of the university. In 1860 he was elected a member of the new


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 33.djvu/240

Rh ‘council of the senate’ which had been constituted in 1856 as the body responsible for the submission of all ‘graces’ (or votes), legislative or administrative, to the senate. The term of office is four years, and he was three times re-elected, so that, except for an interval of two years, he was on the council from 1860 to 1878. In the discussions of the council-room his words soon came to carry great weight, all the greater for the quietness of his manner and his freedom from self-assertion or partisanship. He was at all times a most efficient supporter of every effort to increase the usefulness of the university. ‘One of the movements in which he’ was ‘concerned was the establishment of the local examinations.’ Though not the chief organiser, he ‘took a prominent part in moulding the scheme, and contributed much to giving it a fair start.’ In 1861 the prince consort, the chancellor of the university, made Lightfoot one of his chaplains. In the following year Lightfoot was appointed chaplain to the queen, and in 1875 deputy-clerk of the closet. He was Whitehall preacher in 1866–7, and select preacher at Oxford in 1874–5. He took his D.D. degree at Cambridge in 1864, and at a later time received the honorary doctorates of five universities: Durham (D.D.), Oxford (D.C.L.), and Glasgow (LL.D.) in 1879, Edinburgh (D.D.) in 1884, and Dublin (LL.D.) in 1888. In 1862 he became examining chaplain to the Bishop of London (Tait), and continued acting in the same capacity for him at Lambeth till his own removal from Cambridge. Between the two men there was no small resemblance of mind and character; and their intercourse led to warm mutual esteem and confidence.

When Jeremie resigned the regius professorship of divinity in 1870, Lightfoot used all his influence to induce his friend Westcott to become a candidate, and resolutely declined to stand himself. After his death Dr. Westcott wrote: ‘He called me to Cambridge to occupy a place which was his own by right; and having done this he spared no pains to secure for his colleague favourable opportunities for action, while he himself withdrew from the position which he had long virtually occupied’ (Preface to Clement of Rome, 2nd edit.) Five years later Dr. Selwyn's death left the Lady Margaret's professorship vacant, and Lightfoot became his successor. From 1870 to 1879 the two friends worked together, and with good effect: apart from their services to direct teaching and to the various work of the university, they succeeded in awakening a strong and fruitful interest in the highest subjects among undergraduates, and not a few of the younger graduates. In 1870 Lightfoot transferred to the university 4,500l. for the foundation of three scholarships for ‘the encouragement of the study of ecclesiastical history in itself and in connection with general history.’ The Lady Margaret's professorship was endowed with the rectory of Terrington St. Clement, Norfolk, and he restored the chancel of the church in 1878–9, at a cost of 2,140l. In 1871 his acceptance of a canonry at St. Paul's called forth all his powers as a preacher. Prizing greatly the opportunities of utterance thus afforded him, he threw himself with his wonted energy into the new work; and before long large congregations filled the cathedral when it was his turn to occupy the pulpit. He was entirely happy in his position as a member of the chapter. Widely as he differed in opinion from some of his brother canons, he lived on terms of cordial friendship with them all, and especially with Dean Church. In 1872 he took his share of the Tuesday evening lectures delivered by the canons of St. Paul's in the Chapter-house, his subject being ‘Christian Life in the second and third Centuries;’ and in 1873 he lectured on ‘Christianity and Paganism,’ chiefly with reference to Julian. The latter course was published in the ‘Christian World Pulpit,’ Nos. 106–8, vol. iv.

Much of Lightfoot's time and thought during this period was taken up by the revised version of the New Testament. He was one of the original members of the New Testament Company of Revisers, which was at work from July 1870 till November 1880, and he was rarely absent from its sessions (occupying forty days in every year) till he was kept away by the claims of episcopal duties in the north. There is reason to believe that the general character of the revision was in no small measure determined by his earnest pleading at the first session against acquiescence in a perfunctory or inadequate type of revision, and especially in the use of a late and unrevised Greek text. In after years, when the outcry against the Revised New Testament was loudest, he remained faithful to his original contention, and expressed publicly his dissent from most of the objections made, which he believed to originate chiefly in the unrecognised operation of mere familiarity (Charge of 1882, pp. 77–81, and elsewhere).

In 1877 the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge Act nominated Lightfoot one of seven commissioners for Cambridge. Lightfoot's intimate acquaintance with the university and with what it was doing or desiring to do, his wisdom, and his impartiality were invaluable qualifications for the post. Some


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 33.djvu/241

Rh months of 1881 had passed before the Cambridge commission ended its work, and Lightfoot's attendance at its later proceedings was much interrupted. But the larger questions of principle had been settled at an earlier date, and he fully shared responsibility for the new statutes.

In January 1879 Lightfoot visited Liverpool, the place of his early schooling under Dr. Iliff. He gave by invitation an address in St. George's Hall at the distribution of scholarships and prizes offered by the Liverpool Council of Education. The chief theme of this address, which was published, was the recent proposal that a university college should be founded at Liverpool. He maintained that such a college ought to be established in every great centre of population, and that women should be admitted to take advantage of it, the power of conferring degrees being, however, reserved for some central university. In the following year the Liverpool University College was founded.

In 1867 Lightfoot had declined Lord Derby's offer of the bishopric of Lichfield. He had no desire to exchange his own position at Cambridge for any other. But when in January 1879 Lord Beaconsfield proposed to him that he should succeed Dr. Baring in the see of Durham, most of the few intimate friends whose counsels he sought were strenuous in urging that as bishop of Durham he would be able to render increased service to the church and nation; and after a few days of painful anxiety he yielded to their representations. The election by the dean and chapter took place on 15 March, the confirmation on 10 April, the consecration in Westminster Abbey by the Archbishop of York and seven other bishops on 25 April, when the sermon was preached by Dr. Westcott. On 15 May the new bishop was enthroned in Durham Cathedral, and himself preached a striking sermon (reprinted in Leaders in the Northern Church, p. 159). He was the first bishop after Cosin in 1660 to become bishop of Durham without having held another see.

The two charges which Lightfoot delivered to the clergy of his diocese, in December 1882 and November 1886 respectively, contain abundant evidence of the thoroughness and success with which he devoted himself to every department of his unaccustomed work, neglecting no routine, and making the best of all existing resources, but quick to discern deficiencies and to devise or adopt new agencies for supplying them. His first care was for the division of the diocese, which the enormous growth of the population of both its counties (Durham and Northumberland) within this century had long made a crying need. For some while, indeed, he found it inopportune, owing to commercial and agricultural distress, to ask for contributions to the endowment fund for the Newcastle see. But in the course of 1881 the funds still needed were collected, and on 25 July 1882 the first bishop of Newcastle was consecrated (cf. Durham Diocesan Mag. ii. 144 and 170). Within his own, reduced but still populous, diocese the subdivision of parishes and consequent multiplication of centres of activity, which had been vigorously promoted by Bishop Baring, was carried yet further; the rural deaneries were increased in number, and their boundaries readjusted (July 1880), and the single archdeaconry was divided into two (May 1882). A diocesan conference of clergy and laity assembled for the first time in September 1880, and thenceforth met biennially. For the purpose of increasing the number of churches and mission chapels, Lightfoot called together a public meeting in the town-hall of Durham in January 1884 to start a church building fund, and was able in less than three years to report that above 40,000l. had been already subscribed directly through the fund, besides contributions almost equal in amount called out by it indirectly (Charge of 1886, p. 10); while nearly 224,000l. had been expended on churches, parsonages, church schools, mission-rooms, church institutes, churchyards, &c., in the diocese within four years. In 1886 at his suggestion the diocesan conference established a general diocesan fund, partly to feed existing diocesan institutions ‘connected with the church’ (i.e. fabrics), ‘the school, and the ministry;’ his own contribution was 500l. a year (cf. Durham Diocesan Mag. iv. 14 sq.)

Meanwhile the ministrations of the clergy were supplemented by lay readers for many parishes, and (from 1886) by lay evangelists for several rural deaneries; and in some parishes the employment of the Church Army was approved. In order to increase the proportion of university men among his clergy, Lightfoot from the first made ‘Auckland Castle the seat of a small college of graduates preparing for ordination in his diocese … and his last charge to young Cambridge friends was to “send him up some men to the north.” Six to eight students were always with him, reading under the guidance of his chaplains, and getting some experience of parochial work in Auckland and the pit villages within the parish. They were treated entirely as sons; they were part of the family when visitors came, and he would receive no payment from them’ ( in Cambridge Review, 23 Jan. 1890). The bond thus


text:
Presidential Memorandum - Delegation of Certain Functions Under Section 6 of Public Law 112-150

MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF STATE

SUBJECT: Delegation of Certain Functions Under Section 6 of Public Law 112-150

By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States of America, including section 301 of title 3, United States Code, I hereby delegate to you all functions conferred upon the President by subsections (a) and (b) of section 6 of Public Law 112-150. You will exercise these functions in coordination with the Secretary of Defense.

You are authorized and directed to publish this memorandum in the Federal Register.

BARACK OBAMA

THE WHITE HOUSE,
 * January 15, 2013.


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 36.djvu/401

Mary of Guise and the kirkmen, no longer thought it necessary to protect the protestants from the prelates, or to keep her promises of some definite toleration in which he had at one time thought her sincere ( Works, i. 298, 315). It is certain that in March 1559 Henry II sent Mary of Guise instructions to suppress heresy in Scotland. She ordered daily attendance at mass, and summoned the principal preachers to appear before the council at Stirling (ib. p. 813). On the other hand, Melville, a confidant of the Constable Montmorency, represents her as remonstrating against the orders which she carried out (Melville, p. 77; Michel de Castelnau in Jebb's Collection, ii. 446). But when reminded of her promises to the protestants she is said to have answered that princes could not be tied down to their promises, and that the ministers should be banished though they preached as truly as St. Paul (Spotiswood, p. 121). A conflict with Knox and his followers ensued [see Knox, John]. They occupied Perth, and destroyed the monasteries there, including the Charterhouse with the royal tombs. This act Mary treated as open rebellion (Works, i. 324). Huntly promised her assistance, and she advanced upon Perth ; but Argyll, one of the protestant leaders, negotiated an agreement on 29 May, by which the reformers agreed to disperse on receiving a promise that no French troops should be introduced into Perth, and that a parliament should settle the religious question (Stevenson, i. 822). But the agreement was broken almost as soon as made, the congregation 'reformed' Fife, accused the regent of evading the compact by introducing a Scottish garrison paid with French money into Perth, and soon gathered in such numbers that the regent's commanders avoided a battle at Coupar Moor on 1 3 June by agreeing to evacuate Fife (ib. pp. 843, 868). The lords of the congregation at St. Andrews were already secretly contemplating seeking assistance from Elizabeth (ib. p. 848). On 29 June they entered Edinburgh in great force, the regent retiring to Dunbar {ib. p. 893). But the catholic gentry of the Merse and Teviotdale rallied round her, and she forced her French officers to march upon Edinburgh (Thorpe, i. 114 ; Teulet, i. 326). The lords of the congregation, unable to keep their forces together, or to count upon immediate help from England, consented on 23 July to evacuate Edinburgh, assurances of mutual religious toleration until 10 Jan. following being exchanged (Stevenson, i. 1052).

But both parties more or less secretly prepared for the renewal of the contest. The Guises, who after July ruled France in the name of the new king, Francis II, promised to send their brother, the Marquis d'Elbœuf, with a large force to relieve Mary, 'who was not like to live long,' as soon as their difficulties at home would permit (ib. i. 1349). Meanwhile they sent her a few men and two ambassadors, De la Brosse and Nicholas de Pelleve, bishop of Amiens, who were to try and assuage the Scottish troubles (ib. p. 1399 ; Teulet, i. 344 sqq.) On their arrival about the beginning of September she began to fortify Leith, not feeling secure in Edinburgh. She had intelligence that the protestants had never ceased communication with Cecil, who on 10 Sept. smuggled Arran into Scotland (Stevenson, i. 1357). Chatelherault at once joined his son and the lords of the congregation at Hamilton, and on the 19th signed their protest against the French occupation and fortification of Leith (ib. i. 1342, 1365). The regent replied that it was as lawful for her daughter to fortify in her own realm as for him to build at Hamilton Sib. i. 1377). The arrival of Arran and deletion of Chatelherault was a severe blow to her, but Bothwell and Seaton still held by her, and Huntly and Morton remained neutral (ib. ii. 45, 175; Teulet, i. 355). Accusations of a settled design on her part to subvert the liberties of Scotland and of intended usurpation on the part of Chatelherault and Arran were exchanged and denied. On Wednesday, 18 Oct., the lords occupied Edinburgh, and she retired into Leith (Stevenson, ii. 42, 97, 102). Next day they called upon her to evacuate Leith, in a letter which she described in her reply of the 21st as appearing to come from a prince to his subjects (ib. ii. 94, 107). She expressed herself ready for concord if they would obey their superiors. On the same day ' the nobility and commons of the protestants of the church of Scotland ' suspended her from the regency, chose a council of thirteen, and ordered the siege of Leith (ib. ii. Ill, 116, 120). But they could not keep their men together; the English help, in spite of their entreaties, was still confined to money; and Both well's capture of one of the subsidies on 31 Oct. exposed their connection with England, and so dismayed them that the garrison of Leith made two successful sallies, and on 6 Nov. the congregation evacuated Edinburgh (ib. ii. 183, 211). Mary, as Sadler acknowledged, ' used no extremity ' in Edinburgh, and was disposed, it was thought, to admit the lords to grace if they would put away the intriguers Balnaves and Lethington (ib. ii. 272).

Before the end of the month (November 1559) Mary, whose health had long been


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 33.djvu/242

Rh formed was kept up by yearly reunions at Auckland Castle on St. Peter's day. There were in all about eighty who enjoyed this training before going forth into the diocese. At the same time the proportion of deacons newly ordained from Oxford or Cambridge to the whole number rose from a fifth in the last four years of the preceding episcopate to above half in Lightfoot's first four years, and in the four following years to three-fifths. Similarly he took every opportunity of manifesting his interest in the university of Durham, of which he was officially visitor, and endowed it in 1882 with a scholarship bearing the name of his predecessor, Richard de Bury (cf. his speech on ‘Higher Education’ in Durham Diocesan Mag. iv. 7 sq.) With a view to supplementing the work of the parochial clergy, Lightfoot was desirous of creating a staff of diocesan preachers, and as a first step filled up a vacant canonry by the appointment of a ‘canon missioner’ for the diocese. He interested himself especially in the various missions and institutes for seamen in the great ports (cf. ib. iii. 165), and under his guidance a diocesan board of education was established by the diocesan conference in 1886. Having been himself an ‘abstainer,’ though by no means a fanatical one, for some years before he left Cambridge, he was a warm friend of the Church of England Temperance Society (cf. ib. iii. 57, and Church of England Temp. Chron. for 22 May 1886, p. 242). But the cause which appealed most strongly to his sympathies in the region of morals was that of purity; and it was at Auckland that the ‘White Cross’ movement took its rise in 1883 (cf. his art. in Contemp. Review, August 1885).

In the convocation of the province of York, Lightfoot found a ready hearing. He spoke with much effect in 1879 on the Athanasian Creed, the use of which in public worship he desired to see made optional (York Journal of Convocation, 1879, pt. ii. pp. 128 sq.); in 1883 on the Revised Version (ib. 1883, pp. 18 sq.); in 1883 and 1884 on the permanent diaconate, the introduction of which he deprecated on practical grounds (ib. 1883, pp. 54 sq., and 1884, pp. 46 sq.); and in 1884 on the church ministry of women, with special reference to the ‘deaconesses’ of the New Testament—a favourite topic with him (ib. 1884, pp. 124 sq.; cf. also ib. 1880 pp. 48 sq., 1881 pp. 23 sq., 1884 pp. 84 sq., 1885 pp. 22 sq., 74, 128). At the Church Congress meeting at Bath in 1873 he had spoken on the best means of quickening interest in theological thought. During his episcopate he took part in four Church Congresses, presiding himself at Newcastle in 1881. At Leicester, in 1880, he read a paper on ‘The Internal Unity of the Church,’ and at Carlisle in 1884 on ‘The Results of recent Historical and Theological Research upon the Old and New Testament Scriptures;’ at Wolverhampton, in 1887, he preached one of the congress sermons. Two other gatherings over which he presided deserve mention, as illustrations of his varied interests, the Congress of Co-operative Societies at Newcastle in May 1880, and the British Archæological Association at Darlington in July 1886.

Although he abhorred all personal state and luxury, Lightfoot took great delight in having Auckland Castle as his home. It appealed in many ways to his historic instincts, while it offered accommodation for the many gatherings on which he relied in order to bring himself into personal contact with the clergy and laity of his diocese. He spent much thought and money on the adornment of the beautiful Early English hall which Cosin at the Restoration had converted into a chapel in place of the demolished chapel of earlier times. He enriched the windows with stained glass, in which the early story of the Northumbrian church was depicted. In like manner he took much pains in filling the gaps in the series of portraits of bishops of Durham in the castle.

In the severe spring of 1888 Lightfoot felt the strain of confirmations, a part of his work in which he always took especial pleasure. Later in the year he took an active part in the Lambeth Pan-Anglican Conference, 3–27 July, but, as he said later, the work ‘broke him down hopelessly.’ It is understood that he drafted the report of the committee on purity, which was adopted unanimously by the conference. Subsequently at his invitation nearly sixty of the bishops attended the festival with which he reopened his chapel after restoration in Auckland Castle (1 Aug.) He himself preached the sermon, a warm but not unguarded eulogy on Cosin. A medical examination in London in July had revealed a critical condition of the heart. A visit to Braemar, where he had in former years entertained at his lodgings weekly relays of hard-worked curates from his diocese, with now and then older friends, proved of little benefit, and he settled for the winter at Bournemouth. There, after a time of great peril in January 1889, he recovered sufficiently to return to Auckland by the end of May. On 2 July he consecrated the church of St. Ignatius the Martyr at Sunderland, which had been built wholly at his expense as a thankoffering promised after seven happy years of his episcopate. In spite of a fresh relapse he undertook the September


text:
Page:Grimm's household tales, volume 2 (1884).djvu/54

40 said they had not found that, but he might just as well have spoken to the wind; he was put in prison, and was to stay there until he produced the pestle. The servants had daily to carry him bread and water, which is what people get in prison, and they heard how the man cried out continually, "Ah! if I had but listened to my daughter! Alas, alas, if I had but listened to my daughter!" Then the servants went to the King and told him how the prisoner was always crying, "Ah! if I had but listened to my daughter!" and would neither eat nor drink. So he commanded the servants to bring the prisoner before him, and then the King asked the peasant why he was always crying, "Ah! if I had but listened to my daughter!" and what it was that his daughter had said. "She told me that I ought not to take the mortar to you, for I should have to produce the pestle as well." "If you have a daughter who is as wise as that, let her come here." She was therefore obliged to appear before the King, who asked her if she really was so wise, and said he would set her a riddle, and if she could guess that, he would marry her. She at once said yes, she would guess it. Then said the King, "Come to me not clothed, not naked, not riding, not walking, not in the road, and not out of the road, and if thou canst do that I will marry thee." So she went away, put off everything she had on, and then she was not clothed, and took a great fishing net, and seated herself in it and wrapped it entirely round and round her, and then she was not naked, and she hired an ass, and tied the fisherman's net to its tail, so that it was forced to drag her along, and that was neither riding nor walking. The ass had also to drag her in the ruts, so that she only touched the ground with her great toe, and that was neither being in the road nor out of the road. And when she arrived in that fashion, the King said she had guessed the riddle and fulfilled all the conditions. Then he ordered her father to be released from the prison, took her to wife, and gave into her care all the royal possessions.

Now when some years had passed, the King was once drawing up his troops on parade, when it happened that some peasants who had been selling wood stopped