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Rh The Reformation made no sudden change in the sacred theory of medicine. The Church of England accepted the doctrine of "royal touch," and in a prayer book of that period is found a service provided for that occasion which states that "They (the kings), shall lay their hands on the sick, and they shall recover."

Pestilences were taught to be punishments inflicted by God on society for its shortcomings. Modern man has no conception of the ravages of infections and epidemics that swept over Europe in the Middle Ages, and to a lesser extent, until less than fifty years ago. Tacitus described the plague in Rome thus: "Houses were filled with dead bodies, and the streets with funerals. ... Alike, slaves and plebeians were suddenly taken off amidst lamentations of their wives and children, who, while they mourned the dead, were themselves seized with the disease, and, perishing, were burned on the same funeral pyre."

In 80 A.D. an epidemic swept Rome causing 10,000 deaths daily. During the ages until the present century, wave after wave of pestilence swept over Europe. The plague in 1384 A.D. took no less than 60 million lives. It was estimated that twenty-five per cent, of the population of the then known world perished in that one epidemic. Between 1601 and 1603, 127,000 died of the plague in Moscow. The epidemic of 1630 took 500,000 lives in the Venetian republic; Milan alone lost 88,000. In 1605, London lost 69,000; 70,000 died in Vienna in 1679; the following year Prague lost 83,000, all from this disease. The horrors of such visitations are beyond description, and can scarcely be imagined. For a time, attempts were made to collect and bury the dead. Wagons would pass through the streets at night collecting the victims. The drivers, benumbed with drink, frequently failed to ascertain whether death had occurred. Living patients,


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132 desperately ill, were piled into the wagons with corpses beneath, about, and on them. These gruesome loads were dumped pell-mell into huge pits hastily dug for the purpose. In some instances, living victims crawled out of these pits and survived to tell the tale. As the epidemics progressed, attempts to dispose of the dead were abandoned. Putrefying bodies were everywhere. Whole cities were left desolate, the few survivors having fled.

It is not to be wondered at that such epidemics swept over Europe when it was taught that these were the vengeance of God. How could it be discovered that the real causes were the crowded conditions and bad sanitation of the cities, the squalor, the misrule, and gross immorality occasioned by the Holy Wars, when hordes of soldier-bandits plagued the countryside? The devout continued to live in their squalor, to trust in the Lord, and to die by the millions.

In all pestilences down to the present time, the Church authorities, instead of aiding and devising sanitary measures, have preached the necessity of immediate atonement for offenses against the Almighty. The chief cause of the immense sacrifice of lives in these plagues was of course the lack of hygienic precautions. But how could this be discovered when, for ages, living in filth was regarded by great numbers of holy men as an evidence of sanctity!

St. Hilarion lived his whole life long in utter physical uncleanliness. St. Athanasius glorifies St. Anthony because he had never washed his feet. St. Abraham's most striking evidence of holiness was that for fifty years he washed neither his hands nor his feet; St. Sylvia never washed any part of her body save her fingers; St. Euphraxia belonged to a convent in which the nuns religiously abstained from bathing; St. Mary of Egypt was eminent for filthiness; St. Simeon Stylites was in this

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Rh respect unspeakable—the least that can be said is that he lived in ordure and stench intolerable to his visitors. For century after century the idea prevailed that filthiness was akin to holiness.

Another stumblingblock stumbling block [sic] hindering the beginnings of modern medicine and surgery, was the theory regarding the unlawfulness of meddling with the bodies of the dead. The dissection of the human body was prohibited since the injury to the body would prevent its resurrection on the Last Day. Andreas Vesalius was the pioneer in the movement for increased knowledge of anatomy, and in 1543, when his work appeared, he was condemned to death by the Inquisition as a magician. He escaped this fate by undertaking a pilgrimage to Jerusalem only to be shipwrecked on the Island of Zante when he attempted to return, and there died in misery and destitution.

In the year 1853, cholera, after having committed serious ravages in many parts of Europe, visited Scotland. It was evident to most thinking people that, due, to the extreme poverty and squalor of most of the Scottish towns at that time, a great number of people would necessarily succumb to this disease unless stringent sanitary measures were instituted immediately. Instead, the Scotch clergy proposed to combat this scourge with prayer and fasting, which would have lowered the resistance to this disease by producing physical exhaustion and mental depression. They proposed the ordering of a national fast day in which the people were to sit the whole day without nourishment in their churches and retire to their beds at night weeping and starved. Then it was hoped that the Deity would be propitiated, and the plague stayed. To give greater effect to this fast day, they called upon England to help them, and the Presbytery of Edinburgh dispatched a letter to


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134 the English minister, requesting information as to whether the queen would appoint a national fast day. The English minister, to his credit, advised the Presbytery of Edinburgh that it was better to cleanse than to fast, and cleanse they must swiftly or else, in spite of all prayers and fastings of a united but inactive nation, the cholera would devastate them.

There are today, in this twentieth century, two pestilences which could be wiped from the face of the earth. "There are two pestilences which thus unfortunately involve moral conceptions. They are the plagues of Syphilis and Gonorrhea. Against them medicine has developed methods of control. They Could be eradicated, but as yet civilization has not advanced entirely beyond the ancient idea that disease is imposed by God as a measure of vengeance for our sins. It still rejects protection, when without it these plagues will continue to exact death and suffering on a scale which probably exceeds that of any one of the medieval plagues. Those who today look upon Syphilis and Gonorrhea as punishment for sin have not progressed beyond the ideas of medieval Europe.

"Ignorance and bigotry are the twin allies of the plagues of Syphilis and Gonorrhea. Medicine and civilization advance and regress together. The conditions essential to advance are intellectual courage and a true love for humanity. It is as true today as always in the past that further advances or even the holding of what has already been won, depend upon the extent to which intellectual courage and humanity prevail against bigotry and obscurantism." (Haggard, "Devils, Doctors, and Drugs")

As a result of the lack of control of these plagues there are in the world at the present moment thousands of children suffering from congenital syphilis who would never have been born but for the desire of Christians to see


text:
Author:Howard Wilcox Haggard

Works

 * Devils, Doctors, and Drugs (1913)
 * The Lame, the Halt, and the Blind (1932)
 * Mystery, Magic and Medicine (1933)
 * Man and His Body (1938)

title: Author:Howard Wilcox Haggard


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Page:Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Caroline Weston; Monday, August 7, 1837.djvu/3

 and Stanton with him to ride, & the Grimkés were upstairs writing. Mary came into the room and as my suspense soon became intolerable, I asked Mary Ann to go out with me. As soon as we were alone she burst forth; it appears, that the day before, at Dr Cullers' on her declining Slave Labour, some how or other, the mine exploded & she had a sad time "Dont ask me to tell you any more" said she "As if I talk I shall get to crying; I cant go to hear the Grimkés and father has forbid my coming over to Groton to stay at all and he is not going to let me go back to you after vacation."

I quieted & comforted her all I could, gave her free labour blanc-mange & cake, and told her the storm would blow over. I suppose was the worst place she could possibly be in, for the meeting house had been refused to the Grimkés, and therefore notice had been given that they would speak in a barn. With things in this state, of course there was not a soul in Pepperell whose feelings were not outraged to the utmost, & who more than the minister's right hand man Dr Cutter? I could not keep M.A. out long. After I returned, Angelina chanced to come in to the room. I introduced M.A. as a stranger to Mis G & they met as such. M [...]venport politely bowed, and she went immediately out. Mr D in answer to our invitations to MA to come to Gorton said she would like to much, but that probably, her engagements would not permit. As she was going out however she whispered her thankfulness that he was going to Boston on Monday & after that she hoped just to ride over some morning. Tell him I shall side over there, and "He cant call Ensign to account" at least, I shall like to see him try. He had better attend to his family affairs in the. To tell you the truth, I could not bear him tho' his manner was polite in the extreme, but I suppose, I saw him in a prejudiced state of mind. In the afternoon, the Grimkés & I proceeded to Pepperell. The Dr did not go, for he wished their going to appear to be the work of the Abolitionists there. Mr Houtwell,(?) a Pepperell man came & took Sarah, Ange(lina) & I in a. The barn in which the meeting was held was a long one & picturesque & pretty it looked. There was nothing in it, no hay or ought of that kind


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text:
The Earth and its Inhabitants

Africa

 * Volume 1: North-East Africa
 * Volume 2: North-West Africa
 * Volume 3: West Africa
 * Volume 4: South and East Africa

Asia

 * Volume 1: Asiatic Russia
 * Volume 2: East Asia
 * Volume 3: India and Indo-China
 * Volume 4: South Western Asia

North America

 * Volume 1: British North America
 * Volume 2: Mexico, Central America, West Indies
 * Volume 3: The United States

South America

 * Volume 1: The Andes Regions
 * Volume 2: Amazonia and La Plata

Europe

 * Volume 1: Greece, Turkey in Europe, Rumania, Servia, Montenegro, Italy, Spain, and Portugal
 * Volume 2: France and Switzerland
 * Volume 3: Austria-Hungary, Germany, Belgium, Netherlands
 * Volume 4: British Isles
 * Volume 5: North-east Atlantic, Islands of the North Atlantic, Scandinavia, European Islands of the Arctic Ocean, Russia in Europe

Oceania

 * /Oceania/: Oceania

title: The Earth and its Inhabitants


text:
Page:Hans Andersen's fairy tales (Holt, 1913).djvu/356

 AND THE CAT SAID, 'CAN YOU PURR?'


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Page:EB1911 - Volume 02.djvu/69

 treasures. On the 22nd of July 1474 he drew up a will by which he divided the succession between his grandson René II. of Lorraine and his nephew Charles II., count of Maine. On hearing this, King Louis XI., who was the son of one of King René’s sisters, seeing that his expectations were thus completely frustrated, seized the duchy of Anjou. He did not keep it very long, but became reconciled to René in 1476 and restored it to him, on condition, probably, that René should bequeath it to him. However that may be, on the death of the latter (10th of July 1480) he again added Anjou to the royal domain.

Later, King Francis I. again gave the duchy as an appanage to his mother, Louise of Savoy, by letters patent of the 4th of February 1515. On her death, in September 1531, the duchy returned into the king’s possession. In 1552 it was given as an appanage by Henry II. to his son Henry of Valois, who, on becoming king in 1574, with the title of Henry III., conceded it to his brother Francis, duke of Alençon, at the treaty of Beaulieu near Loches (6th of May 1576). Francis died on the 10th of June 1584, and the vacant appanage definitively became part of the royal domain.

At first Anjou was included in the gouvernement (or military command) of Orléanais, but in the 17th century was made into a separate one. Saumur, however, and the Saumurois, for which King Henry IV. had in 1589 created an independent military governor-generalship in favour of Duplessis-Mornay, continued till the Revolution to form a separate gouvernement, which included, besides Anjou, portions of Poitou and Mirebalais. Attached to the généralité (administrative circumscription) of Tours, Anjou on the eve of the Revolution comprised five élections (judicial districts):—Angers, Beaugé, Saumur, Château-Gontier, Montreuil-Bellay and part of the élections of La Flèche and Richelieu. Financially it formed part of the so-called pays de grande gabelle (see ), and comprised sixteen special tribunals, or greniers à sel (salt warehouses):—Angers, Beaugé, Beaufort, Bourgueil, Candé, Château-Gontier, Cholet, Craon, La Flèche, Saint-Florent-le-Vieil, Ingrandes, Le Lude, Pouancé, Saint-Remy-la-Varenne, Richelieu, Saumur. From the point of view of purely judicial administration, Anjou was subject to the parlement of Paris; Angers was the seat of a presidial court, of which the jurisdiction comprised the sénéchaussées of Angers, Saumur, Beaugé, Beaufort and the duchy of Richelieu; there were besides presidial courts at Château-Gontier and La Flèche. When the Constituent Assembly, on the 26th of February 1790, decreed the division of France into departments, Anjou and the Saumurois, with the exception of certain territories, formed the department of Maine-et-Loire, as at present constituted.

.—(1) Principal Sources: The history of Anjou may be told partly with the aid of the chroniclers of the neighbouring provinces, especially those of Normandy (William of Poitiers, William of Jumièges, Ordericus Vitalis) and of Maine (especially Actus pontificum Cenomannis in urbe degentium). For the 10th, 11th and 12th centuries especially, there are some important texts dealing entirely with Anjou. The most important is the chronicle called Gesta consulum Andegavorum, of which only a poor edition exists (Chroniques des comtes d’Anjou, published by Marchegay and Salmon, with an introduction by E. Mabille, Paris, 1856–1871, collection of the Société de l’histoire de France). See also with reference to this text Louis Halphen, Étude sur les chroniques des comtes d’Anjou et des seigneurs d’Amboise (Paris, 1906). The above may be supplemented by some valuable annals published by Louis Halphen, Recueil d’annales angevines et vendômoises (Paris, 1903), (in the series Collection de textes pour servir à l’étude et à l’enseignement de l’histoire). For further details see Auguste Molinier, Les Sources de l’histoire de France (Paris, 1902), ii. 1276–1310, and the book of Louis Halphen mentioned below.

(2) Works: The Art de vérifier les dates contains a history of Anjou which is very much out of date, but has not been treated elsewhere as a whole. The 11th century only has been treated in detail by Louis Halphen, in Le Comté d’Anjou au XI e siècle (Paris, 1906), which has a preface with bibliography and an introduction dealing with the history of Anjou in the 10th century. For the 10th, 11th and 12th centuries, a good summary will be found in Kate Norgate, England under the Angevin Kings (2 vols., London, 1887). On René of Anjou, there is a book by A. Lecoy de la Marche, Le Roi René (2 vols., Paris, 1875). Lastly, the work of Célestin Port, Dictionnaire historique, géographique et biographique de Maine-et-Loire (3 vols., Paris and Angers, 1874–1878), and its small volume of Préliminaires (including a summary of the history of Anjou), contain, in addition to the biographies of the chief counts of Anjou, a mass of information concerning everything connected with Angevin history.

ANKERITE, a member of the mineral group of rhombohedral carbonates. In composition it is closely related to dolomite, but differs from this in having magnesia replaced by varying amounts of ferrous and manganous oxides, the general formula being Ca(Mg, Fe, Mn)(CO3)2. Normal ankerite is Ca2MgFe(CO3)4. The crystallographic and physical characters resemble those of dolomite and chalybite. The angle between the perfect rhombohedral cleavages is 73° 48′, the hardness 3 to 4, and the specific gravity 2·9 to 3·1; but these will vary slightly with the chemical composition. The colour is white, grey or reddish.

Ankerite occurs with chalybite in deposits of iron-ore. It is one of the minerals of the dolomite-chalybite series, to which the terms brown-spar, pearl-spar and bitter-spar are loosely applied. It was first recognized as a distinct species by W. von Haidinger in 1825, and named by him after M. J. Anker of Styria.

ANKLAM, or, a town of Germany in the Prussian province of Pomerania, on the Peene, 5 m. from its mouth in the Kleines Haff, and 53 m. N.W. of Stettin, by the railway to Stralsund. Pop. (1900) 14,602. The fortifications of Anklam were dismantled in 1762 and have not since been restored, although the old walls are still standing; formerly, however, it was a town of considerable military importance, which suffered severely during the Thirty Years’ and the Seven Years’ Wars; and this fact, together with the repeated ravages of fire and of the plague, has made its history more eventful than is usually the case with towns of the same size. It does not possess any remarkable buildings, although it contains several, private as well as public, that are of a quaint and picturesque style of architecture. The church of St Mary (12th century) has a modern tower, 335 ft. high. The industries consist of iron-foundries and factories for sugar and soap; and there is a military school. The Peene is navigable up to the town, which has a considerable trade in its own manufactures, as well as in the produce of the surrounding country, while some shipbuilding is carried on in wharves on the river.

Anklam, formerly Tanglim, was originally a Slav fortress; it obtained civic rights in 1244 and joined the Hanseatic league. In 1648 it passed to Sweden, but in 1676 was retaken by Frederick William I. of Brandenburg, and after being plundered by the Russians in 1713 was ceded to Prussia by the peace of Stockholm in 1720. ANKLE, or (a word common, in various forms, to Teutonic languages, probably connected in origin with the Lat. angulus, or Gr. , bent), the joint which connects the foot with the leg (see ). ANKOBER, a town in, and at one time capital of, the kingdom of Shoa, Abyssinia, 90 m. N.E. of Adis Ababa, in 9° 34′ N., 39° 54′ E., on a mountain about 8500 ft. above the sea. Ankober was made (c. 1890) by Menelek II. the place of detention of political prisoners. Pop. about 2000. ANKYLOSIS, or (from Gr. , bent, crooked), a stiffness of a joint, the result of injury or disease. The rigidity may be complete or partial and may be due to inflammation of the tendinous or muscular structures outside the joint or of the tissues of the joint itself. When the structures outside the joint are affected, the term “false” ankylosis has been used in contradistinction to “true” ankylosis, in which the disease is within the joint. When inflammation has caused the joint-ends of the bones to be fused together the ankylosis is termed osseous or complete. Excision of a completely ankylosed shoulder or elbow may restore free mobility and usefulness to the limb. “Ankylosis” is also used as an anatomical term, bones being said to ankylose (or anchylose) when, from being originally distinct, they coalesce, or become so joined together that no motion can take place between them. ANKYLOSTOMIASIS, or (also called helminthiasis, “miners’ anaemia,” and in Germany Wurmkrankheit),

title: Page:EB1911 - Volume 02.djvu/69


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Morton, Levi Parsons


text: Index:Circular to Abolitionists of Massachusettes.pdf


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Morton, Oliver Perry


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Page:Ruth Fielding at Briarwood Hall.djvu/17

the first volume of this series, entitled, "Ruth Fielding of the Red Mill; Or, Jasper Parloe's Secret," is related how Ruth and Helen and Tom came to be such close friends. The Camerons had been with Ruth when the lost cash-box belonging to Uncle Jabez Potter was found, and out of which incident Ruth's presence in the Camerons' automobile on this beautiful September morning, and the fact that she was accompanying Helen to school, arose.

Mr. Macy Cameron, a wealthy dry-goods merchant, and a widower, had selected the best school for his daughter to attend of which he could learn. Briarwood Hall, of which the was Mrs. Grace Tellingham, was a large school (there being more than two hundred scholars in attendance for the coming term), but it remained "select" in the truest sense of the word. It was not an institution particularly for the daughters of wealthy people, nor a school to which disheartened parents could send either unruly girls, or dunces.

Without Mrs. Murchiston's recommendation


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10 Helen Cameron could not have gained entrance to Briarwood; without the attested examination papers of Miss Cramp, teacher of the district school, who had prepared Ruth for entering Cheslow High School before it was supposed that she could go to Briarwood, the girl from the Red Mill would not have been starting on this journey.

"My goodness me!" exclaimed Helen, when Ruth had sat down and Cheslow was coming into view before them. "I'm just as excited as I can be. Aren't you afraid of meeting Mrs. Tellingham? She's got an A. B. after her name. And her husband's a doctor of almost everything you can think!"

Mrs. Murchiston smiled, but said with some sternness: "I really hope, Helen, that Briarwood will quell your too exuberant spirits to a degree. But you need not be afraid of Dr. Tellingham. He is the mildest old gentleman one ever saw. He is doubtless engaged upon a history of the of Peoria County, Illinois; or upon a pamphlet suggested by the finding of a fossilized man in the caves of Arizona."

"Is he a great writer, Mrs. Murchiston?' asked Ruth, wonderingly.

"He has written a great many histories—if that constitutes being a great writer," replied the


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Rh governess, with a quiet smile. "But if it was not for Mrs. Tellingham I fear that Briarwood Hall could not exist. However, the doctor is a perfectly harmless person."

From this Ruth drew the conclusion (for she was a thoughtful girl—thoughtful beyond her years, as well as imaginative) that Mrs. Grace Tellingham was a rather strong-minded lady and that the doctor would prove to be both mild and "hen-pecked."

The car sped along the beautifully shaded road leading into Cheslow; but there was still ample time for the travelers to catch the train. On the right hand, as they advanced, appeared a gloomy-looking house with huge pillars upholding the portico roof, which was set some distance back from the road. On two posts, one either side of the arched gateway, were set green lanterns. A tall, stoop-shouldered old gentleman, with a sweeping mustache and hair that touched his coat collar, and a pair of keen, dark eyes, came striding down the walk to the street as the motor-car drew near.

"Doctor Davison!" cried Helen and Ruth together.

The chauffeur slowed down and stopped as the doctor waved his hand.

"I must bid you girls good-bye here," he said, coming to the automobile to shake hands. "I


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Nicholas of Basel


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Page:Circular to Abolitionists of Massachusettes.pdf/1

ABOLITIONISTS OF MASSACHUSETTS—

Twenty thousand persons have sent memorials to the State Legislature, asking that body to protest, in the name of the people, against the unconstitutional and despotic resolution, adopted by the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 21st of December last. This is well, but well needs to be made better, even on this topic. Farther, a large proportion, full three fourths of these petitioners, it is believed, are immediate abolitionists. Upon this estimate, then, fifteen thousand persons, at least, should, before this, have sent in their petitions, asking the Legislature to declare (1) that Congress has Constitutional power to abolish slavery and the slave trade, in the District of Columbia and the Territories, and the salve trade between the State, at least 200 Anti-Slavery Societies formed on the principles of immediate emancipation. At a moderate estimate, these will average 100 members each. But few, very few of them are juvenile societies, and of the others, but a small portion of their members are minors. Besides these, there is a multitude of abolitionists in the State, who are not members of any society. So that, upon the most moderate calculation, there are, in this State, at least 20,000 adults, who are immediate abolitionists, and therefore, upon this estimate, instead of fifteen thousand petitioners to the State Legislature, on the above subjects, there ought to have been, before this, at least TWENTY-THOUSAND;— and if there had been, who does not know that the Legislature would at once speak the voice of immediatism on each and all of the topics named? But, alas! what are the facts? Why, that on the first topic, 20,000 have petitioned, and on the latter, only 6,400! Yes, humiliating as is the fact, of twenty thousand adult abolitionists in the State of Massachusetts, not seven thousand have yet even ASKED their legislature to do what it can, for the overthrow of that system of abominations, which is professedly the abhorrence of their souls! Friends of the slave, is this right?—Is this abolitionism?— Is this 'remembering them that are in bonds, as bound with them?' Are you to be content with this? God forbid.

What then is to be done? We send out this circular to tell you. Last year the legislature passed the resolution, quoted in the memorial on the next page. In that resolution, the right of Congress to abolish slavery in the District, is admitted; and also, that the legislature shall take another step, and say that justice, humanity, the honor of the nation, and 'the public good,' so far from restraining, require, not only the exercise, but the immediate exercise of this right, in the abolition of slavery and the slave trade both, in that District. To this end, we must make the District our focal point of action. Besides, with 20,000 petitioners against the resolution of Dec. 21st, and only 6,400 against slavery, &c. in the District, what is the influence on the committee of the legislature? Obviously this—that while multitudes are ready to stand for the right of petition, the abolitionists are but a handful. With this state of things, then, and with a committee less favorable to the prayer of the petitioners than that of last year, the prospect now is, that the legislature will go but little, if it does at all, in advance of last year. The position of our cause is, therefore, most critical. Hence this special circular. Let every person then, who receives it, attend forthwith to the following things:

1. Call at once, a meeting of the officers or members of the Anti-Slavery Society in your place, or if there be no society, a meeting of several friends of the cause, read this circular to them, and adopt measures for the prompt and thorough circulation of the annexed memorial, in every school district in town.

2. Let adults only sign the memorial.

3. Let men and women sign separate memorials.

4. When the circulation is completed, let the signatures of all the men in each town, be united in one memorial, and the signatures of the women in another.

5. Fold each memorial, and write on the back of it, in a plain hand, the name of the first petitioner, the number of petitioners, and the place—thus—'Petition of A. B. and — others, — of —, for a legislative declaration, &c. that Congress has the right, and ought immediately, to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia.'

6. Let the memorials be all circulated and sent to the legislature, within THREE weeks, at farthest,—from this time—sooner if possible. It is important the petitions come in before the committee make up their report, which will be in about this time.

7. It is no objection to persons signing this memorial, that they have signed the former one, as this differs somewhat from that, and is limited to the District.

8. The Preamble to the Constitution of the United States says—'We, the people of the U. States in order to establish justice, ** promote the general welfare, and secure the blessing of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution,' &c. The Declaration of American Independence, says— 'That to secure these rights [those of 'life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness'] governments are instituted among men, that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute new Government,' &c. The quotations in the memorial refer to these: and yet the legislators of Massachusetts gravely suppose that 'the public good,' or 'the general welfare' forbids the 'establishment of justice' and the giving of 'liberty,' by Congress, to one sixth of 'the people' living upon territory under its 'exclusive legislation'! Our legislators need light. Twenty thousand petitioners will give it. They will make it day-light again, and operate like magic on 'the public good'!

Friends of the slave, the work is yours—will you do it? Rather let me say, what abolitionist is there that will not do it, and do it now? Oh! friends! how would the heart of the slave leap for joy, and that of his oppressor quake with fear, to see us, by our petitions, marching up to our legislative halls, in a solid phalanx of TWENTY THOUSAND! Do your duty, one and all, and it can be done. A. A. PHELPS,
 * For the Board of Managers of the Mass. A. S. Society.
 * Boston, Feb. 12, 1838.


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12 have a call and cannot be at the station. And I expect all of you to do your best in your studies. But look out for your health, too. Take plenty of gym work, girls. Tom, you rascal! I want to hear of you standing just as well in athletics as you do in your books. Ah! if Mercy was going with you, I'd think the party quite complete."

"What do you hear from her, Doctor?" questioned Ruth, eagerly.

"My little Goody Two-sticks is hopping around pretty lively. She will come home in a few days. Too bad she cannot see you before you go. But then—perhaps you'll see her, after all."

"What do you mean?" demanded Helen, looking sharply at the physician. "You're hiding something. I can see it! You've got something up your sleeve, Doctor!"

"Quite so—my wrist!" declared the physician, and now, having shaken hands all around, he hurried away, looking vastly mysterious.

"Now, what do you suppose he meant by that?" demanded Helen. "I'm suspicious of him. He's always bringing unexpected things about. And poor Mercy Curtis"

"If she could only go to Briarwood with us." sighed Ruth.

"She would make you and Helen hustle in your work, all right," declared Tom, looking


text:
Author:Anne Warren Weston

Works

 * Circular to Abolitionists of Massachusettes (1838)
 * 1837
 * Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Deborah Weston (1837)
 * Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Caroline Weston (August 7, 1837)
 * Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Boston Female Anti-slavery Society (August 21, 1837)
 * 1838
 * Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Sarah Moore Grimke (April 4 1838)
 * Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Deborah Weston (May 1, 1838)
 * Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Deborah Weston (July 30, 1838)
 * 1842
 * Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Deborah Weston (1842)
 * 1849
 * Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Fanny Kemble (1849)

title: Author:Anne Warren Weston


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Rh over the back of his seat "She's the smartest little thing that I ever saw."

"That's what Dr. Davison says," Ruth observed, "If the surgeons have enabled her to walk again, and dispense with the wheel chair, why couldn't she come to Briarwood?"

"I don't think Sam Curtis is any too well fixed," said Tom, shaking his head. "And Mercy's long illness has been a great expense to them. Hello! here we are at the station, with plenty of time to spare."

Mrs. Murchiston was not going with them; the trio of young folk were to travel alone, so Tom took the tickets, got the trunk checks, and otherwise played escort to the two girls. There were several friends at the station to bid the Camerons good-bye; but there was nobody but the stationmaster to say a word to Ruth Fielding. It was his lame daughter whom they had been discussing with Dr. Davison—an unfortunate girl who had taken a strong liking for Ruth, and for whom the girl from the Red Mill, with her cheerful spirit and pleasant face, had done a world of good.

The train was made up and they got aboard. Just below Cheslow was the Y where this train branched off the main line, and took its way by a single-track, winding branch, through the hills to the shore of Lake Osago. But the young folks


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14 did not have to trouble about their baggage after leaving Cheslow, for that was checked through—Tom's grip and box to Seven Oaks, and the girls' over another road, after crossing Lake Osago, to Lumberton, on Triton Lake.

Lake Osago was a beautiful body of water, some thirty miles long, and wide in proportion; island-dotted and bordered by a rolling country. There were several large towns upon its shores, and, in one place, a great summer camp of an educational society. Steamboats plied the lake, and up and down the rivers which either emptied into the Osago, or flowed out of it, as far as the dams.

The trio of school-bound young folk left the train very demurely and walked down the long wharf to the puffy little steamboat that was to take them the length of the lake to Portageton. Tom had been adjured by his father to take good care of his sister and Ruth, and he felt the burden of this responsibility. Helen declared, in a whisper to Ruth, that she had never known her twin brother to be so overpoweringly polite and thoughtful.

Nevertheless, the fact that they were for the very first time traveling alone (at least, the Camerons had never traveled alone before) did not spoil their enjoyment of the journey. The trip down the lake on the little side-wheel steamer


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 rises in the U-Ganda hills near the shores of Nyanza, and which was supposed by Speke to flow from the lake itself. On his map he sketched a third emissary, the Kafu, which after a course of about 120 miles joined the Nile lower down. But such a phenomenon as three rivers flowing from the same lake and meeting again after traversing a hilly region would indeed be remarkable. In point of fact the Kafu, like the Luajerri, rises not in, but near the lake, with which it has no communication.

Soon after leaving Lake Ibrahim the Nile is described by Chaillé-Long as again expanding into a vast morass covered with vegetation, and with a mean depth of scarcely more than 10 or 12 feet. This is the Kioja or Kapeki lagoon, which was discovered by the Italian explorer Piaggia, and a short distance below which the Nile is joined by the navigable river Kafu. Farther on it describes a bend towards the east and north, after which it trends abruptly westwards to its confluence with the great lake Mwútan-Nzigé, or Albert Nyanza. Throughout this section of its course the Nile is usually designated on English maps by the name of Somerset.

The river, which has here a mean breadth of over 1,300 feet, would be perfectly navigable but for its precipitous incline. According to the approximate measurements taken by travellers, the total fall in this distance of about 90 miles appears to be 2,310 feet, or about 1 in 205 feet. The Kuruma, the first fall occurring in this part of the Nile, is rather a rapid, where the water, confined between walls of syenite, escapes in sheets of foam down a total incline of about 10 feet. But this is followed by the Tada, Nakoni, Assaka, Kadia, Wadé, and Ketutu Falls, forming the chief barriers to the Nile on its descent from the high plateaux. In a space of 18 miles it passes from gorge to gorge, rushing over rocky boulders, filling the atmosphere with vapours, which are precipitated as rain on the trees lining its banks. The action of the stream has, so to say, sawn through its stony walls, while gradually lowering its level. On the south bank the cliffs rise to a vertical height of from 140 to 160 feet above the boiling waters.

This boisterous course of the Somerset Nile terminates in a magnificent fall. For about 12 miles above it, the bed of the river is so steep that rapids follow in quick succession, with a mean incline of at least 10 in 1,000 yards. Suddenly the current, contracted to a width of scarcely more than 160 feet, is precipitated over a ledge between two black cliffs, plunging from a height of 115 feet into a cauldron of seething waters, above which floats an iridescent haze quivering in the breeze. Some 300 feet above the ever-restless flood the cliffs are fringed with the waving branches of the feathery palm. To this cataract Baker, its discoverer, gave the name of the Murchison Falls, in honour of the learned president of the English Geographical Society. Almost immediately below its last eddies the water becomes quite still, expanding to a breadth of from 500 to 800 feet without any perceptible current, and resembling a backwater of Lake Albert Nyanza rather than the continuation of a rapid stream. This phenomenon is said to be due to a lateral affluent flowing north-west to the Lower Nile without traversing the lake, and constituting the real main stream.

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Rh was very interesting to all three. First the Camerons and Ruth Fielding went about to see if they could find any other girl or boy who appeared to be bound to school like themselves. But Tom said he was alone in that intention among the few boys aboard; and there were no girls upon the Lanawaxa, as the little steamboat was lamed, save Ruth and Helen.

Tom did not neglect the comfort of the girls, but he really could not keep away from the engine-room of the Lanawaxa. Tom was mightily interested in all things mechanical, and in engines especially. So the girls were left to themselves for a while upon the upper deck of the steamboat. They were very comfortable under the awning, and had books, and their luncheon, and a box of candy that Tom had bought and given to Ruth, and altogether they enjoyed the trip quite as much as anybody.

The breeze was quite fresh and there were not many passengers on the forward deck where the girls were seated. But one lady sitting near attracted their attention almost at first. She was such a little, doll-like lady; so very plainly and neatly dressed, yet with a style about her that carried the plain frock she wore, and the little hat, as though they were both of the richest materials. She was dark, had brilliant eyes, and her figure was youthful. Yet, when she chanced to raise


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16 her veil, Ruth noted that her face was marred by innumerable fine wrinkles—just like cracks in the face of a wax doll that had been exposed to frost.

"Isn't she a cunning little thing?" whispered Helen, seeing how much Ruth was attracted by the little lady.

"She's not a dwarf. There's nothing wrong with her," said Ruth. "She's just a lady in miniature; isn't she? Why, Helen, she's no taller than you are."

"She's dainty," repeated her chum. "But she looks odd."

Below, on the other deck, the music of a little orchestra had been tinkling pleasantly. Now a man with the harp, another with a violin, and a third with a huge guitar, came up the companionway and grouped themselves to play upon the upper deck. The three musicians were all foreigners—French or Italian. The man who played the harp was a huge, fleshy man, with a red waistcoat and long, black mustache. The waistcoat and mustache were the two most noticeable things about him. He sat on a little campstool while he played.

The musicians struck into some rollicking ditty that pleased the ear. The two girls enjoyed the music, and Helen searched her purse for a coin to give whichever of the musicians came around


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Rh for the collection at the end of the concert. There was but one person on the forward deck who did not seem to care for the music. The little lady, whose back was to the orchestra, did not even look around.

All the time he was playing the huge man who thrummed the harp seemed to have his eyes fixed upon the little lady. This both Ruth and Helen noted. He was so big and she was so fairy-like, that the girls could not help becoming interested in the fact that the harpist was so deeply "smitten."

"Isn't he funny?" whispered Helen to Ruth. "He's so big and she's so little. And he pays more attention to her than he does to playing the tune."

Just then the orchestra of three pieces finished its third tune. That was all it ever jingled forth before making a collection. The man who played the guitar slipped the broad strap over his shoulders and stood up as though to pass his cap. But instantly the huge harpist arose and muttered something to him in a guttural tone. The other sat down and the big man seized the cap and began to move about the deck to make such collection as the audience was disposed to give for the music.

Although he had stared so at the unconscious lady's back, the big man did not go in her direction


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18 at first, as the two girls quite expected him to do. He went around to the other side of the deck after taking Helen's toll, and so manœuvred as to come to the end of the lady's bench and suddenly face her.

"See him watch her, Ruth?" whispered Helen again. "I believe he knows her."

There was such a sly smile on the fat man's face that he seemed to be having a joke all to himself; yet his eyebrows were drawn down over his nose in a scowl. It was not a pleasant expression that he carried on his countenance to the little lady, before whom he appeared with a suddenness that would have startled almost anybody. He wheeled around the end of the settee on which she sat and hissed some word or phrase in her ear, leaning over to do so.

The little woman sprang up with a smothered shriek. The girls heard her chatter something, in which the word "merci" was plain. She shrank from the big man; but he was only bowing very low before her, with the cap held out for a contribution, and his grinning face aside.

"She is French," whispered Helen, excitedly, in Ruth's ear. "And he spoke in the same language. How frightened she is!"

Indeed, the little lady fumbled in her handbag for something which she dropped into the


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Rh cap of the harpist. Then, almost running along the deck, she whisked into the cabin. She had pulled the veil over her face again, but as she passed the girls they felt quite sure that she was sobbing.

The big harpist, with the same unpleasant leer upon his face, rolled down the deck in her wake, carelessly humming a fragment of the tune he had just been playing. He had collected all the contributions in his big hand—a pitiful little collection of nickels and dimes—and he tossed them into the air and caught them expertly as he joined the other players. Then all three went aft to repeat their concert.

An hour later the Lanawaxa docked at Portageton. When our young friends went ashore and walked up the freight-littered wharf, Ruth suddenly pulled Helen's sleeve.

"Look there! There—behind the bales of rags going to the paper-mill. Do you see them?" whispered Ruth.

"I declare!" returned her chum. "Isn't that mysterious? It's the little foreign lady and the big man who played the harp—and how earnestly they are talking."

"You see, she knew him after all," said Ruth. "But what a wicked-looking man he is! And she was frightened when he spoke to her."

"He looks villainous enough to be a brigand,"


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20 returned her chum, laughing. "Yet, whoever heard of a fat brigand? That would take the romance all out of the profession; wouldn't it?"

"And fat villains are not so common; are they?" returned Ruth, echoing the laugh.


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The lake discovered by Baker, and by him named the Albert Nyanza, is known to the people on its east bank aa the Mwútan-Nzigé, or "Grasshopper Sea." Others call it the "Great Water," although far inferior in extent to the Victoria Nvanza. It stretches south-west and north-east for a distance of about 90 miles, with a mean breadth of over 18 miles. According to Mason's rough survey it has a superficial area of 1,850 square miles, and stands at an altitude of 2,300 feet. From the Victoria to this lower basin the Nile has consequently descended nearly half of the entire elevation of the continent between the plateaux and the Mediterranean. Like the Dead Sea, the Mwútan-Nzigé seems to fill a fissure in the earth's crust. It is enclosed right and left by steep mountains, whereas at its northern and southern extremities it terminates in gently shoaling bays and low-lying beaches. The high cliffs on the east side, consisting of granite, gneiss, and red porphyry, form a first stage in the ascent towards the U-Nyoro and U-Ganda plateaux. The streams flowing from the swamps on these uplands have not yet completed their work of erosion by furrowing regular channels across the outer scarps of the plateau. Hence, like the Nile at Murchison Falls, they have all still to make their way through cataracts, where the volume of water is less but the fall much greater, being approximately estimated for most of them at about 320 feet.

Livingstone and other explorers of Central Africa supposed that Lake Tanganyka belonged to the Nile basin, sending its overflow north-eastwards to the Albert Nyanza. But subsequent investigation has shown that the two lakes have no conmiimication with each other. During their trips round the latter, both Gessi and Mason ascertained that from the south it receives no affluent except a shallow, sluggish stream, almost choked with vegetation. In this marshy district it is covered with a floating or half-submerged forest of ambach (arabaj), a leguminous plant (herminiera elaphrorylou), 18 or 20 feet high, with star-shaped leaves and golden yellow flowers like those of the broom. Its wood, which resembles cork in appearance, is the lightest known to botanists, so light that a raft strong enough to support eight persons forms the load of a single porter. It grows so densely that the native boats are unable to penetrate the tangled masses of vegetation springing from the muddy bottom of the lake. Beyond this aquatic forest Gessi beheld a vast prairie rolling away between two steep mountains, which formed a southern continuation of the coast ranges.

Lake Albert, continually renewed by contributions from the Nile, is everywhere sweet and pure, except in the southern shallows, where the water is turbid and brackish, and in some places on the east side, where it mingles with saline springs, utilised by the people of U-Nyoro. Although no distinct undercurrents have been observed, the navigation is rendered very dangerous by the sudden squalls sweeping round the headlands and down the mountain gorges. When embarking on their frail craft the natives never fail to cast some valued object into the lake as a propitiatory offering to the water-gods. A chief, one of Baker's friends.

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 No. 38.]

Laicus.—Will you listen to a few free questions from one who has not known you long enough to be familiar with you without apology? I am struck by many things I have heard you say, which show me that, somehow or other, my religious system is incomplete; yet at the same time the world accuses you of Popery, and there are seasons when I have misgivings whither you are carrying me.

Clericus.—I trust I am prepared, most willing I certainly am, to meet any objections you have to bring against any doctrines which you have heard me maintain. Say more definitely what the charge against me is.

L. That your religious system, which I have heard some persons style the Apostolical, and which I so name by way of designation, is like that against which our forefathers protested at the Reformation.

C. I will admit it, i. e. if I may reverse your statement, and say, that the Popish system resembles it. Indeed, how could it be otherwise, seeing that all corruptions of the truth must be like the truth which they corrupt, else they would not persuade mankind to take them instead of it.

L. A bold thing to say, surely; to make the earlier system an imitation of the later!

C. A bolder, surely, to assume that mine is the later, and the Popish the earlier. When think you that my system (so to call it) arose?—not with myself?

L. Of course; but whatever individuals have held it in our Church since the Reformation, it must be acknowledged that they have been but few, though some of them doubtless eminent men.

C. Perhaps you would say (i. e. the persons whose views you are representing), that at the Reformation, the stain of the old theology was left among us, and has shown itself in its measure ever since, as in the poor, so again in the educated classes;—


text: Author:Alexander Macomb Mason

title: Author:Alexander Macomb Mason


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Bio reference

 * http://www.mlloyd.org/gen/macomb/text/amm.htm

title: Author talk:Alexander Macomb Mason


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 that the peasantry still use and transmit their Popish rhymes, and the minds of students still linger among the early Fathers; but that the genius and principles of our Church have ever been what is commonly called Protestant.

L. This is a fair general account of what would be maintained.

C. You would consider that the Protestant principles and doctrines of this day were those of our Reformers in the sixteenth century; and that what is called Popery now is what was called Popery then.

L. On the whole: there are extravagances now, it is obvious. I would not defend extremes; but I suppose our Reformers would agree with moderate Protestants of this day, in what they meant by Protestantism and by Popery.

C. This is an important question, of course; much depends on the correctness of the answer you have made to it. Do you make it as a matter of history, from knowing the opinions of our Reformers, or from what you consider probable?

L. I am no divine. I judge from a general knowledge of history, and from the obvious probabilities of the case, which no one can gainsay.

C. Let us then go by probabilities, since you lead the way. Is it not according to probabilities that opinions and principles should not be the same now as they were 300 years since? that though our professions are the same, yet we should not mean by them what the Reformers meant? Can you point to any period of Church history, in which doctrine remained for any time uncorrupted? Three hundred years is a long time. Are you quite sure we do not need ?

L. Are you really serious? Have we not Articles and a Liturgy which keep us from deviating from the standard of truth set up in the sixteenth century?

C. Nay, I am maintaining no paradox. Surely there is a multitude of men all around us who say the great body of the Clergy has departed from the doctrines of our Martyrs at the Reformation. I do not say I agree with the particular charges they prefer; but the very circumstance that they are made is a proof there is nothing extravagant in the notion of the Church having departed from the doctrine of the sixteenth century.

L. It is true; but the persons you refer to bring forward, at


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 least, an intelligible charge; they appeal to the Articles, and maintain that the Clergy have departed from the doctrine therein contained. They may be right or wrong; but at least they give us the means of judging for ourselves.

C. This surely is beside the point. We were speaking of probabilities. I observed that change of opinion was probable. Probable in itself you can hardly deny, considering the history of the universal Church; not extravagantly improbable, moreover, in spite of articles, as the extensively prevailing opinion to which I alluded, that the clergy have departed from them, sufficiently proves. Now consider the course of religion and politics, domestic and foreign, during the last three centuries, and tell me whether events have not occurred to increase this probability almost to a certainty; the probability, I mean, that the members of the English Church of the present day differ from the principles of the Church of Rome more than our forefathers differed. First, consider the history of the Puritans from first to last. Without pronouncing any opinion on the truth or unsoundness of their principles, were they not evidently further removed from Rome than were our Reformers? Was not their influence all on the side of leading the English Church farther from Rome than our Reformers placed it? Think of the fall of the Scottish Episcopal Church. Reflect upon the separation and extinction of the Nonjurors, of the rise of Methodism, of our political alliances with foreign Protestant communities. Consider especially the history and the school of Hoadley. That man, whom a high authority of the present day does not hesitate to call a Socinian, was for near fifty years a bishop in our Church.

L. You tell me to think on these facts. I wish I were versed enough in our ecclesiastical history to do so.

C. But you are as well versed in it as the generality of educated men; as those whose opinions you are now maintaining. And they surely must be well acquainted with our history, and the doctrines taught in the different schools and eras, who scruple not to charge such as me with a declension from the true Anti-popish doctrine of our Church. For what the doctrine of the Church is,


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 what it has been for three centuries, is a matter of fact which cannot be known without reading.

L. Let us leave, if you please, this ground of probability, which, whatever you may say, cannot convince me while I am able to urge that strong objection to it which you would not let me mention just now. I repeat, we have Articles; we have a Liturgy; the dispute lies in a little compass, without need of historical reading:—do you mean to say we have departed from them?

C. I am not unwilling to follow you a second time, and will be explicit. I reply, we have departed from them. Did you ever study the Rubrics of the Prayer Book?

L. But surely they have long been obsolete;—they are impracticable!

C. It is enough; you have answered your own question without trouble of mine. Not only do we not obey them, but it seems we style them impracticable. I take your admission. Now, I ask you, are not these Rubrics (I might also mention parts of the services themselves which have fallen into disuse), such as the present day would call Popish? and, if so, is not this a proof that the spirit of the present day has departed (whether for good or evil) from the spirit of the Reformation?—and is it wonderful that such as I should be called Popish, if the Church services themselves are considered so?

L. Will you give me some instances?

C. Is it quite in accordance with our present Protestant notions, that unbaptized persons should not be buried with the rites of the Church?—that every Clergyman should read the daily service morning and evening at home, if he cannot get a congregation?—that in college chapels the Holy Communion should be administered every week?—that Saints' Days should be observed?—that stated days of fasting should be set apart by the Church? Ask even a sober-minded really serious man about the observance of these rules; will he not look grave, and say, that he is afraid of formality and superstition if these rules were attended to?

L. And is there not the danger?

C. The simple question is, whether there is more danger now than three centuries since? was there not far more superstition


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 in the sixteenth than in the nineteenth century? and does the spirit of the nineteenth move with the spirit of the sixteenth, if the sixteenth commands and the nineteenth draws back?

L. But you spoke of parts of the services themselves, as laid aside?

C. Alas!…

What is the prevailing opinion or usage respecting the form of absolution in the office for Visiting the Sick? What is thought by a great body of men of the words in which the Priesthood is conveyed? Are there no objections to the Athanasian Creed? Does no one stumble at the word "oblations," in the Prayer for the Church Militant? Is there no clamour against parts of the Burial Service? No secret or scarcely secret murmurings against the word regeneration in the Baptismal? No bold protestations against reading the Apocrypha? Now do not all these objections rest upon one ground: viz. That these parts of our services savour of Popery? And again, are not these the popular objections of the day?

L. I cannot deny it,

C. I consider then that already I have said enough to show that the Church of this day has deviated from the opinions of our Reformers, and become more opposed than they were to the system they protested against. And therefore, I would observe, it is not fair to judge of me, or such as me, in the off-hand way which many men take the liberty to adopt. Men seem to think that we are plainly and indisputably proved to be Popish, if we are proved to differ from the generality of Churchmen now a-days. But what if it turn out that they are silently floating down the stream, and we are upon the shore?

L. All, however, will allow, I suppose, that our Reformation was never completed in its details. The final judgment was not passed upon parts of the Prayer Book. There were, you know, alterations in the second edition of it published in King Edward's time; and these tended to a more Protestant doctrine than that which had first been adopted. For instance, in King Edward's first book the dead were prayed for; (not of course as if there were a purgatory, but as if it were right to commemorate and hold communion with the saints in paradise;) in the second this commemoration was omitted. Again, in the first book the


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 of the Lord's Supper were more distinctly offered up to God, and more formally consecrated than in the second edition, or at present. Had Queen Mary not succeeded, perhaps the men who effected this would have gone further.

C. I believe they would; nay indeed they did at a subsequent period. They took away the Liturgy altogether, and substituted a Directory.

L. They? the same men?

C. Yes, the foreign party: who afterwards went by the name of Puritans. Bucer, who altered in King Edward's time, and the Puritans, who destroyed in King Charles's, both came from the same religious quarter.

L. Ought you so to speak of the foreign Reformers? to them we owe the Protestant doctrine altogether.

C. I like foreign interference, as little from Geneva, as from Rome. Geneva at least never converted a part of England from heathenism, nor could lay claim to patriarchal authority over it. Why could we not be let alone, and suffered to reform ourselves?

L. You separate then your creed and cause from that of the Reformed Churches of the Continent?

C. Not altogether; but I protest against being brought into that close alliance with them which the world now a-days would force upon us. The glory of the English Church is, that it has taken the, as it has been called. It lies between the (so called) Reformers and the Romanists; whereas there are religious circles, and influential too, where it is thought enough to prove an English Clergyman unfaithful to his Church, if he preaches any thing at variance with the opinions of the Diet of Augsburg, or the Confessions of the Waldenses. However, since we have been led to speak of the foreign Reformers, I will, if you will still listen to me, strengthen my argument by an appeal to them.

L. That argument being, that what is now considered Protestant doctrine, is not what was considered such by the Reformers.

C. Yes; and I am going to offer reasons for thinking that the present age has lapsed, not only from the opinions of the English Reformers, but from those of the foreign also. This is too


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 extensive a subject to do justice to, even had I the learning for it; but I may draw your attention to one or two obvious proofs of the fact.

L. You must mean from Calvin, for Luther is, in some points, reckoned nearer the Romish Church than ourselves.

C. I mean Calvin, about whose extreme distance from Rome there can be no doubt. What is the popular opinion now concerning the necessity of an Episcopal Regimen?

L. A late incident has shown what it is; that it is uncharitable to define the Catholic Church, as the body of Christians in every country as governed by Bishops, Priests, and Deacons; such a definition excluding pious Dissenters and others.

C. But what thought Calvin? "Calvin held those men worthy of anathema who would not submit themselves to truly Christian Bishops, if such could be had ." What would he have said then to the Wesleyan Methodists, and that portion of the (so called) Orthodox Dissenters, which co-operates, at present, with the Church? These allow us, or numbers among us, to be truly Christian, yet make no attempts to obtain Bishops from us. Thus the age is more Protestant now than Calvin himself.

L. Certainly in this respect; unless Calvin spoke rhetorically under circumstances.

C. Now for a second instance. The following is his statement concerning the Lord's Supper. "I understand what is to be understood by the words of ; that He doth not only offer us the benefits of His death and Resurrection, but His very body, wherein He died and rose again. I assert that the body of Christ is really, (as the usual expression is,) that it is truly given to us in the Sacrament, to be the saving food of our souls." …… "The Son of God offers daily to us in the Holy Sacrament, the same body which He once offered in sacrifice to His Father, that it may be our spiritual food." …… "If any one ask me concerning the manner, I will not be ashamed to confess that it is a secret too high for my reason to comprehend, or my tongue to express ." Now, if I were of myself to use these words, (in spite of the qualification at the end, concerning the


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 manner of His presence in the Sacrament,) would they not be sufficient to convict me of Popery in the judgment of this minute and unlearned generation?

L. You speak plausibly, I will grant; yet surely, after all, it is not unnatural that the Reformers of the sixteenth century should have fallen short of a full Reformation in matters of doctrine and discipline. Light breaks but gradually on the mind: one age begins a work, another finishes.

C. I am arguing about a matter of fact, not defending the opinions of the Reformers. As to this notion of their but partial illumination, I am not concerned to oppose it, being quite content if the persons whom you are undertaking to represent are willing to admit it. And then, in consistency, I shall beg them to reproach me not with Popery but with Protestantism, and to be impartial enough to assail not only me, but "the Blessed Reformation," as they often call it, using words they understand not. It is hard, indeed, that I have no share of their praise, while they praise those who hold what I hold.

L. You speak as if you really agreed with the Reformers. You may say so in an argument, but in sober earnest you cannot mean to say you really agree with the great body of them. Neither you nor I should hesitate to confess they were often inconsistent, saying, at one time, what they disowned at another.

C. That they should have said different things at diflferent times, is not wonderful, considering they were searching into Scripture and Antiquity, and feeling their way to the Truth. Since, however, they did vary in their opinions, for this very reason it is obvious I should be saying nothing at all, in saying, that I agreed with them, unless I stated explicitly at what period of their lives, or in which of their writings. This I do state clearly: I say I agree with them as they speak in the formularies of the Church; more cannot be required of me, nor indeed is it possible to say more.

L. What persons complain of is, that you are not satisfied with the formularies of the Church, but add to them doctrines not contained in them. You must allow there is little stress laid in the Articles on some points, which are quite cardinal in your system, to judge by your way of enforcing them.

C. This is not the first time you have spoken of this supposed


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 system of ours. I will not stop to quarrel with you for calling it ours, as if it were not rather the Church's; but explain to me in what you consider it to consist.

L. The following are some of its doctrines: that the Church has an existence independent of the State; that the State may not religiously interfere with its internal concerns; that none may engage in ministerial works except such as are episcopally ordained; that the consecration of the Eucharist is especially entrusted to Bishops and Priests. Where do you find these doctrines in the formularies of the Church, so prominently set forth, as to sanction you in urging them at all, or at least so strongly as you are used to urge them?

C. As to urging them at all, we might be free to urge them even though not mentioned in the Articles; unless indeed the Articles are our rule of faith. Were the Church first set up at the Reformation, then indeed it might be right so to exalt its Articles as to forbid to teach "whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby." I cannot consent, I am sure the Reformers did not wish me, to deprive myself of the Church's dowry, the doctrines which the Apostles spoke in Scripture, and impressed upon the early Church. I receive the Church as a messenger from Christ, rich in treasures old and new, rich with the accumulated wealth of ages.

L. Accumulated?

C. As you will yourself allow. Our articles are one portion of that accumulation. Age after age, fresh battles have been fought with heresy, fresh monuments of truth set up. As I will not consent to be deprived of the records of the Reformation, so neither will I part with those of former times. I look upon our Articles as in one sense an addition to the Creeds; and at the same time the Romanists added their Tridentine articles. Theirs I consider unchristian; ours as true.

L. The Articles have surely an especial claim upon you; you have subscribed these, and are therefore more bound to them, than other truths, whatever or wherever they be.

C. There is a popular confusion on this subject. Our Articles are not a body of divinity, but in great measure only protests against certain errors of a certain period of the Church. Now I will preach the whole counsel of God, whether set down in the


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 Articles or not. I am bound to the Articles by subscription; but I am bound, more solemnly even than by subscription, by my baptism and by my ordination, to believe and maintain the whole gospel of Christ. The grace given at those seasons comes from the Apostles, not from Luther or Calvin, Bucer or Cartwright. You will presently agree with me in this statement. Let me ask, do you not hold the inspiration of Holy Scripture?

L. Undoubtedly.

C. Is it not a clergyman's duty to maintain and confess it?

L. Certainly.

C. But the doctrine is no where found in the Articles; and for this plain reason, that both Romanists and Reformers admitted it; and the difference between the two parties was, not whether the Old and New Testament were inspired, but whether the Apocrypha was of canonical authority.

L. I must grant it.

C. And in the same way, I would say, there are many other doctrines unmentioned in the Articles, only because they were not then disputed by either party; and others, for other reasons, short of disbelief in them. I cannot, indeed, make my neighbour preach them, for he will tell me he believes only just so much as he has been obliged to subscribe; but it is hard if I am therefore to be defrauded of the full inheritance of faith myself. Look at the subject from another point of view, and see if we do not arrive at the same conclusion. A statesman of the last century is said to have remarked that we have Calvinistic Articles, and a Popish Liturgy. This of course is an idle calumny. But is there not certainly a distinction of doctrine and manner between the Liturgy and the Articles? And does not what I have just stated account for it, viz. that the Liturgy, as coming down from the Apostles, is the depository of their complete teaching; while the Articles are polemical, and for the most part only protests against certain definite errors? Such are my views about the Articles; and if in my teaching, I lay especially stress upon doctrines only indirectly contained in them, and say less about those which are therein put forth most prominently, it is because times are changed. We are in danger of unbelief more than of superstition. The Christian minister should be a witness against the errors of his day.


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 L. I cannot tell whether on consideration I shall agree with you or not. However, after all, you have said not a word to explain what your real differences from Popery are; what those false doctrines were which you conceive our Reformers withstood. You began by confessing that your opinions and the Popish opinions had a resemblance, and only disputed whether yours should be called like the Popish, or the Popish like yours. But in what are yours different from Rome?

C. Be assured of this—no party will be more opposed to our doctrine, if it ever prospers and makes noise, than that of Rome. This has been proved before now. In the seventeenth century the theology of the body of the English Church was substantially the same as ours is; and it experienced the full hostility of the Papacy. It was the true Via Media; Rome sought to block up that way as fiercely as the Puritans. History tells us this. In a few words then, before we separate, I will state some of my irreconcilable differences with Rome,; and in stating her errors, I will closely follow the order observed by Bishop Hall in his treatise on "The Old Religion," whose Protestantism is unquestionable.

I consider that it is unscriptural to say with the Church of Rome, that "we are justified by inherent righteousness."

That it is unscriptural that "the good works of a man justified do truly merit eternal life."

That the doctrine of transubstantiation is profane and impious.

That the denial of the cup to the laity, is a presumptuous encroachment on their privileges as people.

That the sacrifice of the mass is a mere corruption, without foundation in Scripture or antiquity; blasphemous and dangerous.

That the honour paid to images is dangerous in the case of the uneducated, that is of the great part of Christians.

That indulgences are a monstrous invention.

That the doctrine of purgatory is a wicked invention, at variance with Scripture, cruel to the better sort of Christians, and administering deceitful comfort to the irreligious.

That the practice of celebrating divine service in an unknown tongue is a great corruption.

That forced confession is an unauthorised and dangerous practice.


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 That the invocation of Saints is a dangerous practice, as tending to give, often actually giving, to creatures the honour and reliance due to the Creator alone.

That there are not seven Sacraments.

That the Romish Doctrine of Tradition is unscriptural.

That the claim of the Pope to be Universal Bishop cannot be maintained.

I might add other points in which also I protest against the Church of Rome, but I think it enough to make my confession in Hall's order, and so to leave it. And having done so, I will ask you but one question. Which uses the stronger language against Popery, the Articles or I? The only severe words in the Articles being, that "the Sacrifice of Masses" "were blasphemous fables and dangerous deceits;" whereas the "doctrines concerning Purgatory, Pardons, Worshipping, and Adoration, as well of Images as of relics, and also invocation of saints," is only called "a fond thing, vainly invented, and grounded upon no warranty of Scripture, but rather repugnant to the Word of God."

L. Thank you for this conversation; from which I hope to draw matter for reflection, though the subject seems to involve such deep historical research, I hardly know how to find my way through it.


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 a disease to which in recent years much attention has been paid, from its prevalence in the mining industry in England, France, Germany, Belgium, North Queensland and elsewhere. This disease (apparently known in Egypt even in very ancient times) caused a great mortality among the negroes in the West Indies towards the end of the 18th century; and through descriptions sent from Brazil and various other tropical and sub-tropical regions, it was subsequently identified, chiefly through the labours of Bilharz and Griesinger in Egypt (1854), as being due to the presence in the intestine of nematoid worms (Ankylostoma duodenalis) from one-third to half an inch long. The symptoms, as first observed among the negroes, were pain in the stomach, capricious appetite, pica (or dirt-eating), obstinate constipation followed by diarrhoea, palpitations, small and unsteady pulse, coldness of the skin, pallor of the skin and mucous membranes, diminution of the secretions, loss of strength and, in cases running a fatal course, dysentery, haemorrhages and dropsies. The parasites, which cling to the intestinal mucous membrane, draw their nourishment from the blood-vessels of their host, and as they are found in hundreds in the body after death, the disorders of digestion, the increasing anaemia and the consequent dropsies and other cachectic symptoms are easily explained. The disease was first known in Europe among the Italian workmen employed on the St Gotthard tunnel. In 1896, though previously unreported in Germany, 107 cases were registered there, and the number rose to 295 in 1900, and 1030 in 1901. In England an outbreak at the Dolcoath mine, Cornwall, in 1902, led to an investigation for the home office by Dr Haldane F.R.S. (see especially the Parliamentary Paper, numbered Cd. 1843), and since then discussions and inquiries have been frequent. A committee of the British Association in 1904 issued a valuable report on the subject. After the Spanish-American War American physicians had also given it their attention, with valuable results; see Stiles (Hygienic Laboratory Bulletin, No. 10, Washington, 1903). The American parasite described by Stiles, and called Uncinaria americana (whence the name Uncinariasis for this disease) differs slightly from the Ankylostoma. The parasites thrive in an environment of dirt, and the main lines of precaution are those dictated by sanitary science. Malefern, santonine, thymol and other anthelmintic remedies are prescribed. ANNA, BALDASARRE, a painter who flourished during part of the 16th and 17th centuries. He was born at Venice, probably about 1560, and is said to have been of Flemish descent. The date of his death is uncertain, but he seems to have been alive in 1639. For a number of years he studied under Leonardo Corona, and on the death of that painter completed several works left unfinished by him. His own activity seems to have been confined to the production of pieces for several of the churches and a few private houses in Venice, and the old guide-books and descriptions of the city notice a considerable number of paintings by him. Scarcely any of these, however, have survived. ANNA (Hindustani ana), an Indian penny, the sixteenth part of a rupee. The term belongs to the Mahommedan monetary system (see ). There is no coin of one anna, but there are half-annas of copper and two-anna pieces of silver. The term anna is frequently used to express a fraction. Thus an Anglo-Indian speaks of two annas of dark blood (an octoroon), a four-anna (quarter) crop, an eight-anna (half) gallop. ANNA AMALIA (1739–1807), duchess of Saxe-Weimar, daughter of Charles I., duke of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel, was born at Wolfenbüttel on the 24th of October 1739, and married Ernest, duke of Saxe-Weimar, 1756. Her husband died in 1758, leaving her regent for their infant son, Charles Augustus. During the protracted minority she administered the affairs of the duchy with the greatest prudence, strengthening its resources and improving its position in spite of the troubles of the Seven Years’ War. She was a patroness of art and literature, and attracted to Weimar many of the most eminent men in Germany. Wieland was appointed tutor to her son; and the names of Herder, Goethe and Schiller shed an undying lustre on her court. In 1775 she retired into private life, her son having attained his majority. In 1788 she set out on a lengthened tour through Italy, accompanied by Goethe. She died on the 10th of April 1807. A memorial of the duchess is included in Goethe’s works under the title Zum Andenken der Fürstin Anna-Amalia.

ANNABERG, a town of Germany, in the kingdom of Saxony, in the Erzgebirge, 1894 ft. above the sea, 6 m. from the Bohemian frontier, 18 m. S. by E. from Chemnitz by rail. Pop. (1905) 16,811. It has three Evangelical churches, among them that of St Anne, built 1499–1525, a Roman Catholic church, several public monuments, among them those of Luther, of the famous arithmetician Adam Riese, and of Barbara Uttmann. Annaberg, together with the neighbouring suburb, Buchholz, is the chief seat of the braid and lace-making industry in Germany, introduced here by Barbara Uttmann in 1561, and further developed by Belgian refugees, who, driven from their country by the duke of Alva, settled here in 1590. The mining industry, for which the town was formerly also famous and which embraced tin, silver and cobalt, has now ceased. Annaberg has technical schools for lace-making, commerce and agriculture, in addition to high grade public schools for boys and girls. ANNABERGITE, a mineral consisting of a hydrous nickel arsenate, Ni3(AsO4)2 + 8H2O, crystallizing in the monoclinic system and isomorphous with vivianite and erythrite. Crystals are minute and capillary and rarely met with, the mineral occurring usually as soft earthy masses and encrustations. A fine apple-green colour is its characteristic feature. It was long known (since 1758) under the name nickel-ochre; the name annabergite was proposed by H. J. Brooke and W. H. Miller in 1852, from Annaberg in Saxony, one of the localities of the mineral. It occurs with ores of nickel, of which it is a product of alteration. A variety, from Creetown in Kirkcudbrightshire, in which a portion of the nickel is replaced by calcium, has been called dudgeonite, after P. Dudgeon, who found it. ANNA COMNENA, daughter of the emperor Alexius I. Comnenus, the first woman historian, was born on the 1st of December 1083. She was her father’s favourite and was carefully trained in the study of poetry, science and Greek philosophy. But, though learned and studious, she was intriguing and ambitious, and ready to go to any lengths to gratify her longing for power. Having married an accomplished young nobleman, Nicephorus Bryennius, she united with the empress Irene in a vain attempt to prevail upon her father during his last illness to disinherit his son and give the crown to her husband. Still undeterred, she entered into a conspiracy to depose her brother after his accession; and when her husband refused to join in the enterprise, she exclaimed that “nature had mistaken their sexes, for he ought to have been the woman.” The plot being discovered, Anna forfeited her property and fortune, though, by the clemency of her brother, she escaped with her life. Shortly afterwards, she retired into a convent and employed her leisure in writing the Alexiad—a history, in Greek, of her father’s life and reign (1081–1118), supplementing the historical work of her husband. It is rather a family panegyric than a scientific history, in which the affection of the daughter and the vanity of the author stand out prominently. Trifling acts of her father are described at length in exaggerated terms, while little notice is taken of important constitutional matters. A determined opponent of the Latin church and an enthusiastic admirer of the Byzantine empire, Anna Comnena regards the Crusades as a danger both political and religious. Her models are Thucydides, Polybius and Xenophon, and her style exhibits the striving after Atticism characteristic of the period, with the result that the language is highly artificial. Her chronology especially is defective.

Editions in Bonn ''Corpus Scriptorum Hist. Byz''., by J. Schopen and A. Reifferscheid (1839–1878), with Du Cange’s valuable commentary; and Teubner series, by A. Reifferscheid (1884). See also C. Krumbacher, Geschichte der byzantinischen Literatur (2nd ed. 1897); C. Neumann, Griechische Geschichtschreiber im 12 Jahrhunderte (1888); E. Oster, Anna Komnena (Rastatt, 1868–1871); Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. 48; Finlay, Hist, of Greece, iii. pp. 53, 128 (1877); P. Adam, Princesses byzantines (1893); Sir Walter Scott, Count Robert of Paris; L. du Sommerard, Anne Comnène ... Agnès de France (1907); C. Diehl, Figures byzantines (1906).

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These countries are achieving commercial supremacy along lines that parallel the development of their canal systems. One of the most interesting features of international political economy is the great value one nation will place upon a thing that another people will throw away. What makes the canals of France of such value to the people is their contentment in saving money. The Frenchman has a keen sense of the value of a dollar saved. So long as he can get the product of his acres and the output of his factories at their final destination at the lowest freight cost, without time as an important factor, he is content with canal transportation. He realized that a dollar so saved is to be totaled among his profits and not credited to his savings.

The American, working on the credit system, is obliged to earn the quick dollar, and yet feels the attrition of the nether millstone that gives to the corporate trusts the money that belongs to the small producer. He thus abandons canals that in France would pay the individual as well as the state. The American has but one standard, Do the canals pay? He demands immediate returns, not prospective. Canals have their good and bad years. With such a criticism no canal, as a tax earner, is always successful. This, in brief, was the history of the abandonment of the central New York canals. It is interesting to trace this cause in the profligate dereliction of the lateral canals.


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western ends with a cromlech, and LeRouzic is confident that there was originally a cromlech at the western end of Kermario, but that it has disappeared.

The alignment of Ménec may be taken as typical. It lies in an undulating pasture, with farm buildings here and there, and is crossed at about the middle by a country road. Through this field, from the slight elevation at the west, down through the hollow of the road, and disappearing over the rise at the east, stretch eleven rows of menhirs, the rows being approximately parallel and about thirty feet apart, and the whole a little over three hundred feet wide while in length they extend 3,800 feet, or over two thirds of a mile. Some of the menhirs have tumbled down; here and there we note one built into the walls separating the fields but still occupying its original position. In all there are 1,099 stones still standing in Ménec. At the eastern end they are small, rising but two or three feet above the soil, but at the western end are the giants, three or four feet in diameter and thirteen feet high.

The cromlech of Ménec consists of 70 stones, about five feet high on the average, which sweep in a semicircle around the farm buildings at the west end of the alignment, the chord of the curve including only the southern half of the lines proper.

Only dry facts need be given concerning the other alignments we saw. In Kermario there are 982 menhirs in ten rows, extending over


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an area about 320 by 3,700 feet. The largest menhir, which has fallen, is 21 feet in total length, while the smallest stands but a foot and a half above the ground. In Kerlescan the cromlech of 39 stones is quadrangular in outline with rounded corners, while the alignment proper consists of 540 menhirs in thirteen rows in an area 2,700 feet long with an interruption of 600 feet where the little village of Kerlescan is situated. The largest of the stones is thirteen feet in height, the smallest only two feet above the surface of the ground.

While dolmens and isolated menhirs occur all around Carnac; the most striking of them are on the next peninsula to the east, near the little village of Locmariaquer. Here one must leave the road and go into the fields to see the monuments. Suddenly a one-armed man sprang up beside the carriage and led the way among farm outhouses, gardens and across vegetable patches, to the most remarkable of all these remains, which continually bring up the question, How could they have been erected? Largest of all is the gigantic menhir, "menhir groach," in the village itself, now fallen and broken into five pieces. According to Le Rouzic, who has measured it carefully and who has taken the specific gravity of the stone, it was originally 68 feet in length and weighed 382 tons. Le Rouzic also says that the time and cause of its fall are unknown, and cites a drawing of 1727 to show that at that time it was in its present condition. On the other hand, I have seen a little pamphlet


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which states that it was struck by lightning, overthrown and broken in the sixteenth century. There is apparently little doubt that once this immense stone stood vertically, but the engineering problem of its erection is not easily solved. One can hardly believe, with Le Rouzic, that the lever and inclined plane were sufficient; yet what other mechanical aids could have been available?


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Rh At Locmariaquer is also the largest of the dolmens, the "dolmen des marchands." I regret that I took no measurements of its size, especially since none are given in the works at hand. I can only depend upon my memory, aided by pictures, for my estimates. At its southern end is a passage about four feet wide and high enough for a tall man to stand erect. This is walled by vertical slabs of stone and roofed in with the same material. The passage leads to a larger chamber which is at least seven feet wide and high by possibly ten or twelve in length. The end opposite the entrance is formed of a single stone, shaped like

the smaller end of an egg and remarkable from the fact that its surface is covered with groups of parallel curved lines, a feature found but rarely in this region. Smaller stones, about six feet high, make up the sides of the chamber, while at the opening of the passage into the chamber are a pair of seven-foot stones, like door posts. The roof is supported on these three larger stones, like an enormous three-legged table. The table top is an immense block of granite, about ten feet wide, fifteen feet long and four feet in thickness. The problem of putting this roof in position is not so difficult as that of the erection of the giant menhir just described. We may imagine the ancient workers filling all around the vertical stones of the dolmen with soil and then sliding or rolling the covering stone into position. But even this calls for an expenditure of an enormous amount of human strength. Near this "table of the merchants" is another dolmen, "mané rétual" less perfect and less easily studied than its fellow, since it has


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132 not been excavated. Its covering stone, however, is larger, or was before one end was broken off. Judging from the size of a man in a picture which I bought it was forty feet in length, eight in breadth and two or three in thickness.

Some of the other dolmens in the vicinity are nearly as large as these, and some vary by having lateral chambers given off, either from the main chamber or from the passage. None, however, are their equals in the size of the roofing stones, but in most instances the roof is formed of several stones. I recall measuring one roughly as it lay across the dolmen at Locmariaquer—as between eleven and twelve feet in length.

The rock of which these monuments are formed is the common granite of the region. The blocks were probably weathered out from the underlying bed rock by the elements and needed no quarrying on the part of the unknown engineers.

Speculations as to the time at which these monuments were erected, the people who put them in position and the purposes for which they were intended are numerous in the literature of the subject, some of them as fantastic and absurd as those which ascribe the antiquities of

Yucatan to the followers of St. Thomas of apostolic times. Usually they are attributed to that mysterious people, the "Druids," whoever they may have been. Certain it is that they long antedated the conquest of Gaul by the Romans, while the relics found in connection with some of them would seem to indicate that they may date back to the second stone age, the neolithic period of the archeologist.


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Rh Human interments often occurred at the isolated menhirs and associated with these are found only simple pottery and instruments formed solely of stone and bone. Not a trace of bronze or iron, except where it was clearly of a later and intrusive character. Arrow and spear points, ceremonial stones, etc., closely resembling those of our American Indians, would point far back in the history of western Europe. Yet this is not conclusive, for these objects occur only in connection with human interments and one must make allowance for the well-known conservatism of the priestly class. Among other peoples the objects buried with the dead retained the primitive character long after the race had developed other forms in its daily life. So it may have been here. The fact that these burials were accompanied only by objects of the stone age is not conclusive proof that the people were ignorant of bronze or even of iron.

It is an interesting fact that the passages leading to the chambers of the dolmens are invariably so placed that the openings lie between the points of the rising and the setting of the sun at the summer solstice, possibly indicating that the builders were to a certain extent sun worshippers. From certain considerations of orientation the English astronomer, Lockyer, has figured out the date of the building of Stonehenge as about 1680 with a limit of probable error of two centuries either way. If his arguments be valid, there is a probability that the monuments of Carnac and Locmariaquer are at least as old. With such a throwing back of the age of these monuments there is more and more uncertainty as to who built them. The "Druids," who just appear on the pages of written history, were Keltish, but what evidence have we that Kelts dwelt in Brittany or Great Britain a thousand or fifteen hundred years before Christ? We know that other races dwelt in these regions before the immigrant Kelt. Did the Kelt erect these stones or did he find them where they still stand when he came? and did he simply adapt his religious rites to them? Who can say?

We are on a little more certain ground when we come to the purposes of the standing stones, or at least of some of them. As implied above, the isolated menhirs, usually placed on some spot a little above the surrounding country, have, in many cases, been found to stand near some burial, and hence it is probable that they are funeral monuments. Some may also have been boundary stones. The dolmens are also mortuary in character. Apparently every dolmen and allée couverte was formerly buried with earth or rocks, the whole forming a large mound—a tumulus or galgal. With the ages the earth in many cases has been removed, either by man or by the elements, leaving the strange "tables" as we see them. In other cases the tumulus still persists and many of these have been explored by modern archeologists, all revealing, in the interior, either a dolmen, an allée couverte, or smaller cairns of stones,


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each with human bones, frequently mingled with those of the horse and cow.

The way in which one tumulus near Carnac has been explored is interesting. This forms a large mound, over 260 feet long, oval in outline, rising fifty or sixty feet above the surrounding plain, and locally known as Mont St. Michel. On one end of the level summit is a small chapel of St. Michel while on the space in front is an interesting cross of fifteenth century workmanship. As open cuttings would have been expensive (and even impossible in the neighborhood of the chapel), the tumulus has been explored by driving small tunnels through it in every direction. These have later been walled up and roofed in with stone, so that, by the aid of a candle, one may visit all the points of interest in the interior, just as one-would explore one of our Indiana or Kentucky caves, seeing all the features found—in this case two dolmens and numerous cairns—as nearly as possible in their original condition.

It would be a tedious task to enumerate, even by name, all of the objects found in these explorations, which were begun in 1862 by the Société Polymathique of Vannes, continued, for the fifteen years ending with his death in 1881, by the Scotchman, James Miln, and since that time by Le Rouzic. The material collected by Miln forms a small but very important museum which he bequeathed to the Commune of Carnac, and which must be visited in order to have a full knowledge of these strange megaliths. Le Rouzic, the present curator, is enthusiastic in his field, gladly welcoming the student, and spending much time in explaining his treasures.

In the first place these plainly show that, whether the orientation


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Rh of the dolmens has any significance or not, the tumuli were mortuary in character. Sometimes the body was buried while still in the flesh; in other instances cremation had occurred. At times there were isolated interments; at others the bones are found in large numbers, as if there were collective burials. Along with the human bones occur those of the horse and cow, while burnt clay vases, necklaces of pierced stones and stone implements—celts, arrow and spear points, etc.—accompany the remains. Some of the vessels were apparently new, while others show signs of culinary use. Many of the stone implements have a perfection of surface and edge that would imply that they were never used but were merely votive offerings, ceremonial in character. It is interesting to note that even to this day the peasants of Morbihan prize the arrow and spear points as talismans and call them "men-garun"—thunder stones.

But what are the alignments? Here we are in the region of speculation—pure guessing. One may pass by with mere mention the view that they, with the cromlech at the end, are gigantic phallic symbols. Le Bouzic thinks them funereal without being sepulchral in character. He thinks that they might have been connected with the religious rites. The spaces between the rows would afford passages for the faithful assembled for the celebration of the ceremonies, possibly in connection with the collective burials in the tumuli, while the cromlech was the place set apart for the priests.

Whether we can ever arrive at an exact interpretation of these monuments or not, whether we ever know when or by whom they were erected, whether we solve the problems involved in the handling of these immense stones; these thousands of rocks—originally 15,000 or 20,000 in number—scattered over the plains of Morbihan will form one of the most striking of the monuments of antiquity. Possibly we shall get nothing better or more definite, certainly nothing more poetical, than the medieval legend of Saint Cornély which I paraphrase from the version given by Le Rouzic.

Saint Cornély was Pope of Rome, from which place he was driven by the pagan soldiers, who pursued him as he fled before them, accompanied by two cows which bore his baggage and belongings when he was tired. One evening he arrived at the village of Moustoir (two miles north of Carnac). Here he fain would have stopped, but hearing a young girl there abusing her mother, he could not stay. So he went on until he came to a little hill (Mont St. Michel) where he had a view in all directions. In front was was the sea, behind the soldiers in martial array. Further flight was impossible. What could he do? He stretched forth his hand and immediately the soldiers, rank and file as they stood, were changed to stone. Hence it is that one sees the long lines of standing stones to the north of the village of Carnac, and