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Rh on my memory—gave no balls, no big dinners; if there were select little dinners, I was too young and insignificant to hear of them. I never got farther than the afternoon tea to which everybody was invited once every winter, a comfortless crush in her small house, with next to nothing to eat and drink as things to eat and drink go according to the lavish Philadelphia standard. But that did not matter. Nothing mattered except to be there, to be seen there. I was tremendously pleased with myself the first time the distinction was mine, though of my presence in her house Mrs. Bowie was no doubt amiably unconscious. I never knew her to recognize me out of it, though I sometimes met her when she came informally to see one of my Aunts who was her friend, or to give me the smile at the Dancing Class that would have raised my drooping spirits. The only notice she ever spared me there was to express to my Brother—who naturally, brother-like, made me uncomfortable by reporting it to me—her opinion of my poor, unpretentious, home-made, Second Street silk as an example of the absurdity of a long train to dance in, which shows how completely she had forgotten who I was.

Her chief rival, if so exalted a personage could have a rival, was Mrs. Connor, from whom also a smile, a recognition, was equivalent to social promotion. Her fascination did not have to be explained. She was an unqualified beauty, though the vision I have retained is of beauty in high-necked blue velvet and chinchilla, which I could not


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 can only learn by being left to himself, and though he cringingly begs for work, it is refused. The visitor will also tell how the girl has been frequently helped to clothes of which she had made no good use, how situation after situation had been carelessly lost, how weak parents and idle companions had always been ready to back her up in bad ways. The committee are thus able to see that now she must be taught to earn her clothes gradually. So only will she learn her responsibilities and reap the natural reward of labor.

It will be seen from the foregoing illustrations that the endeavor of the committee and of those at work under them is to give help that shall be adequate, and as far as possible, permanently beneficial. They feel themselves bound, even though the applicant be deserving, to refuse aid which could be a mere temporary stop-gap and confer no lasting benefit, and their aim is in every case to rouse the spirit of independence and self-help.

It will also have been observed how very valuable an element in the working of the scheme the visitor forms; that she is not only a channel through which useful information reaches the committee, but is, in almost every instance, their actual agent in carrying out the plans of help adopted. I must, however, say something further as to the importance of the appointment of some lady or gentleman acting as Referee; that is, as a center for all the volunteers working as visitors. For if volunteer work is to form a useful part of our scheme of dealing with the people, we must accept those as workers whose work is necessarily intermittent. This must be done in order that we may secure a sufficient number of workers, and not waste, but gather in and use all the overflowing sympathy which is such a blessing to giver and receiver. With our volunteers, home claims must and should come first; and it is precisely those whose claims are deepest, and whose family life is the noblest, who have the most precious influence in the homes of the poor. But if the work is to be valuable,

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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 is assumed, but there not "every." Also, (we may add the deception,) that there is a certain third man besides man himself, and individuals, for man and every common thing, is not this particular thing, but signifies a certain "quale" or relative, or in some way, or something of this kind. Likewise, also, in the question, whether Coriscus and Coriscus the musician, are the same or different question, for the former signifies this particular thing, but the other a thing of a certain quality, so that we cannot set out this; nor does the exposition make a third man, but the concession, (that what is common) is that very thing which is this particular thing, for (thus) to be this particular thing, is not that which Callias is, and which man is. Neither will it signify, if some one should say that what is set out, is not what this particular thing is, but what is a thing of a certain quality, for besides the many, there will be one certain thing, for instance man. We must evidently therefore, not grant that what is predicated in common of many, is this particular thing, but that it signifies either quality, or relation, or quantity, or something of the kind.

Chapter 23
short, of disputations from diction, the solution will always be according to the opposite of that from which the argument is derived, thus if the argument is from composition, the solution will


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 we must find some way to bind together broken scraps of time, and thus give it continuity in spite of changes and breaks. One great means of doing this is to have a living center. This should be secured in the referee.

The referee in the district here described was appointed in the first instance by the District Committee of the Charity Organization Society; she was subsequently asked to attend the Relief Committee, and has since been recognized by the Guardians and the sub-committee of the School Board as the representative of all the visitors throughout the district: the guardians kindly send to her, after their weekly meetings, notes of every decision arrived at as to applications for relief; these are immediately passed on by her to the visitor of the particular court where the applicant resides. The School Board has withdrawn its paid agent and entrusted to her and the staff of visitors working in concert with her the working of the compulsory clauses of the Education Act. She thus acts as a connecting link between all the various agencies at work in the parish.

It is evident that catastrophe would ensue if public bodies such as the guardians or School Board attempted to deal directly with such a crude, changeful, and untrained body as our volunteers necessarily form; but, communicating with them through the referee, they can use their aid and find it valuable.

The existence of a referee is a help to the visitors in various ways. She receives applications from all volunteers, introduces them to the clergy and others who need workers, or enrolls them as visitors under the Charity Organization Society in unvisited courts, if such there be. She has nothing to do with their work, so far as it is denominational, but takes note of it so far as it deals with visible help. She introduces temporary or permanent substitutes when visitors are absent from town, or ill, or unable from any other cause to continue their work; so that the threads of it are never broken. She is able to give, in a

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 be through division, but if from division, it will be through composition. Again, if (the argument) is from acute accent, the grave accent will be the solution, but if from the grave, an acute (will be). If, however, from equivocation, it is possible to solve by adducing the opposite name, thus if it happens that we can say a thing is animated, by denying that it is not animated, we can show that it is animated, but if (the respondent) says it is inanimate, but (the arguer) concludes it is animated, we must say that it is inanimate. In the same way with ambiguity, but if (the argument is derived) from similitude of diction, the opposite will be the solution, as, "Can any one give what he has not?" or not what he has not, but in the way in which he has not; for instance, one die alone. What any one knows, does he know by learning or discovery, and yet not the things which he knows, and does he tread on what he walks through, but not when, and so of the other (deceptions).

Chapter 24
respect to those which are from accident, there is one and the same solution for all of them, for since it is uncertain when an assertion can be made of a thing present from accident, and in some things this appears and is conceded, but in others, men deny that it is necessary, it must be said as being similarly adapted to all, that (the conclusion) is not necessary. Nevertheless, it is necessary to produce something similar. All such arguments however as these are from accident. Do you know what I am about to ask you? Do you know him


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 much more detailed and personal way than any corporate body could do, information as to sources of relief, societies available for special cases, as to what visitors of other denominations are doing, and what help the Poor Law will give. For example: "Can anything be done about Mrs. H——?" a new visitor will ask; "her room is fearfully dirty, and she is so infirm now that she cannot keep it clean. She would be better off in the workhouse." "I will communicate with the guardians, and no doubt the relieving officer will visit and report," the referee will answer. Or another volunteer will ask, "Can you tell me exactly what the law is now as to compulsory attendance at school? There are several bad cases of neglect in my court—what should I do about them?" Or another: "No. 7 in —— Street is in a most unhealthy state; can nothing be done?" "Yes, certainly," the referee will say; "if the drains are really, as you think, not trapped, the landlord can be compelled to do it. Write to the Inspector of Nuisances, and ask him to look into it. He is always most attentive to a request of this kind." Sometimes the suggestion will come from the referee. "Would you," she will say to some of the ladies, "make a list of the unvaccinated children in your streets, and tell the mothers how and when most easily to get the neglect remedied? They only want a little spurring up." Such is the work the ladies find, and the kind of help the referee can give.

Another most important means of securing unity of action is afforded by the written records which the committee make it a point that the visitors should keep—and should keep according to one fixed and definite plan. Each court has its own separate district book; each applicant has his separate page, where the detail regarding him and his family can be found at once. The reports of the relieving officer, of the clergyman, and of any references the applicant may have given, are all found in a condensed form on this same page. An entry is made of every kind of material help given, summed up in a money column

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 each month; and the visitor is also expected to record every month the principal events which have happened in the family. One line only is allowed for this. This rule is made because MS. records become useless if they are voluminous; the chief events only are required and must be carefully selected. The book is sent in once a month to the referee.

The privacy of the poor is not infringed by the use of these records, since the books remain exclusively in the hands of the visitor and referee, and it rests with the visitor to report to the committee only that which she deems essential to the right decision of a case. And, moreover, nothing of a private nature—nothing which could imply a breach of confidence—ought ever to be entered in the books at all.

The advantages of thus keeping district books are very great. It is of course not unusual for those who visit amongst the poor to keep written records of one kind or another. But if they are kept in various forms and the information is not tabulated so as to be readily comprehended by fellow-workers, half their value is lost. To be available for general use, it is all-important that the books throughout a parish should be uniform, and the information contained in them complete and condensed. They should be arranged so as to bring to a focus all the information obtained through the Charity Organization Society. Now it too often happens that they contain only notes of such facts as have come under the visitor's personal observation, and are kept by each visitor according to a different plan.

The work itself is an always growing one, as the system does not stop at mere relief, but uses its machinery to carry out every plan of helpfulness that can be devised. The visitors find that the work opens out as they themselves increase in power. Then the question arises how the pressing, useful things, which so urgently need doing, can possibly be got through. "I see more to do in my district

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 the longer I work there," one lady said to the referee, not long ago; "the more I learn, the more the work increases. I see numberless helpful things I could do if only I had time. May I divide my district? I don't know which part of it I can make up my mind to give up; there are people I should grieve to lose sight of in every part of it, yet I cannot manage all that I now see ought to be done." "Do not divide your district," the referee replied; "the Committees, Guardians, School Board, and I myself cannot easily treat with still smaller divisions than that into separate courts or streets. Let me introduce you to one of the younger volunteers whom you may associate with you in the work. She is too young to visit alone, or to judge what is wise in difficult cases, but she will write your monthly reports, will be a friendly messenger to pay pensions, will call to ask if children are at school, and report to the School Board, will collect savings and keep accounts of them, will write about admissions to Convalescent Homes or Industrial Schools, will give notice of classes and entertainments, and register the window plants before our flower shows. In short, she will form a friendly link between you and the people, will save your time, and be herself trained to take the lead hereafter. Mr. R., too, offered help in the evening, if you want him to establish that Co-operative Store, to keep some life in the Working Men's Club, or to collect savings in the court on a Saturday night; and Mrs. S. offers help in money for special cases of want which the committee can hardly take up, or for some of our excursions to the country this summer. In fact, it you will associate other workers with you, instead of still further subdividing the district, it will be much the best."

And so the work grows, and the various help gets more and more woven into one whole.

Much has been written of late on the subject of Sisterhoods and of "Homes," where those who wish to devote themselves to the service of the poor can live together,

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 who approaches, or him who is covered? Is this statue your work; or is the dog your father? Are not a few things, assumed a few times, few? For it is evident in all these, that it is not necessary that what is verified of accident, should also be verified of the thing, for in things alone which according to essence are without difference and one, all things appear to be inherent as the same, since to what is good, it is not the same thing to be good, and to be that which is intended to be asked, neither to him who approaches or who is covered, is it the same thing to be one approaching, and (to be) Coriscus, so that it does not follow, if I know Coriscus, but do not know the person approaching, that I know, and am ignorant of, the same person, neither if this is a work and is mine, is it my work, but either (my) possession, or thing, or something else; the other deceptions also (we must solve) after the same manner.

Some however solve them by distinguishing the question, for they say that it is possible to know, and not to know the same thing, yet not according to the same; therefore not knowing him who approaches, but knowing Coriscus, they say they know indeed, and are ignorant of the same thing, but not according to the same. But in the first place, as we have already said, it is necessary that there should be the same correction of arguments (derived) from the same (place), but this will not be


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 consecrating their whole life to the work. I must here express my conviction that we want very much more the influence that emanates not from "a Home," but from "homes." One looks with reverence on the devotion of those who, leaving domestic life, are ready to sacrifice all in the cause of the poor, and give up time, health, and strength in the effort to diminish the great mass of sin and sorrow that is in the world. I have seen faces shining like St. Stephen's with sight of heaven beyond the pain and sin. I have seen shoulders bent as St. Christopher's might have been—better in angels' sight than upright ones. I have seen hair turned gray by sorrow shared with others. And before such, one bends with reverence. But I am sure we ought to desire to have as workers, joyful, strong, many-sided natures, and that the poor, tenderly as they may cling to those who, as it were, cast in their lots amongst them, are better for the bright visits of those who are strong, happy, and sympathetic.

"Send me," said one day a poor woman, who did not even know the visitor's name, "the lady with the sweet smile and the bright golden hair."

The work amongst the poor is, in short, better done by those who do less of it, or rather, who gain strength and brightness in other ways. I hope for a return to the old fellowship between rich and poor; to a solemn sense of relationship; to quiet life side by side; to men and women coming out from bright, good, simple homes, to see, teach, and learn from the poor; returning to gather fresh strength from home warmth and love, and seeing in their own homes something of the spirit which should pervade all.

I believe that educated people would come forward if once they saw how they could be really useful, and without neglecting nearer claims. Let us reflect that hundreds of workers are wanted; that if they are to preserve their vigor they must not be over-worked; and that each of us who might help and holds back not only leaves work undone, but injures, to a certain extent, the work of others.

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 Let each of us not attempt too much, but take some one little bit of work, and, doing it simply, thoroughly, and lovingly, wait patiently for the gradual spread of good, and leave to professional workers to deal for the present with the great mass of evil around.

To recapitulate, then, let me say that I think the operations of the Charity Organization Society have been wholly beneficial so far, but that it will have to secure more extended personal influence between rich and poor if it is to be permanently successful. As a society it is doing its work; it is contending for justice and order; it has urged us not to corrupt our fellow-citizens; it has instituted inquiries in support of truth; it has responsible officers; it is an upholder of method, and it will help us to be swift, just, and sure in our gifts. But it can never be a more living educational body than the law is. The society can never be a vital, loving, living force; it can never wake up enthusiasm, nor gently lead wanderers, nor stir by unexpected mercy, nor strengthen by repeated words of guidance. The ground once cleared by it, the work remains for individuals to carry on. 2em

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 VOCABULARY OF THE WOOLNER DISTRICT DIALECT, ADELAIDE RIVER, NORTHERN TERRITORY. JOHN WILLIAM OGILVIE BENNETT.


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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Colyear, David


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Rh

Druncne dryht-guman,dōð swā ic bidde.” Ēode þā tō setle.Þǣr w«s symbla cyst, druncon wīn weras;wyrd ne cūþon, gēo-sceaft grimme, swā hit āgangen wearð eorla manegum.Syþðan ǣfen cwōm, ond him Hrōþgār gewāttō hofe sīnum, rīce tō ræste,reced weardode unrīm eorla,swā hīe oft ǣr dydon. Benc-þelu beredon;hit geond-brǣded wearð beddum ond bolstrum.Bēor-scealca sum fūs ond fǣgeflet-ræste ge*bēag. Setton him tō hēafdonhilde-randas, bord-wudu beorhtan;þǣr on bence wæs ofer æþelingeȳþ-gesene heaþo-stēapa helm,hringed byrne, þrec-wudu þrymlīc.Wæs þēaw hyra, þæt hīe oft wǣronan wīg gearwe ge æt hām ge on herge,ge gehwæþer þāra efne swylce mǣla,swylce hira man-dryhtne þearf gesǣlde;wæs sēo þrēod tilu.

Sigon þā tō slǣpe.Sum sāre angeald ǣfen-ræste,swā him ful oft gelamp, siþðan gold-seleGrendel warode,

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text: Beowulf (Wyatt)/Beowulf 18

title: Beowulf (Wyatt)/Beowulf 18


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Colyngham, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Combe, Andrew


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 temporary and illusory aid, and endeavoring, by means of employment, emigration, loans to enable people to start afresh in life, and so on, to give real and permanent assistance. This committee I was asked to join, as, having a seat on the Marylebone Charity Organization Society, I could form a personal link between the inquiring and the relieving bodies, in addition to the written link which the report on each case afforded. I was also asked to act as referee, that is, to communicate the decisions of the committee to the visitor, who was requested to dispense the aid voted or inform the applicant of the reason of its refusal. In this capacity of referee, I formed a sort of center for the district visitors; it became my duty to give advice when asked, and to instruct new or inexperienced visitors in the nature of their duties and the principles they were expected to adopt. Each visitor had to keep a book, in which the name of every applicant was entered, together with the information obtained about him through the local branch of the Charity Organization Society. An account of all money given to him by any charitable agency, and a short notice from month to month of the events in his family were also entered. Each book contained the facts relating to residents in one court or street only, and was always in the hands of the visitor of that court, temporary or permanent; an alphabetical index enabled her to turn at once to the account of any given family.

The result of this system was to train a body of visitors in judicious and organized modes of work. The light thrown upon cases of applicants by the Charity Organization Society, the advantages afforded by practical work under an experienced committee, and the power of watching individual cases of distress through a long period of their history (a power which small districts and written records materially increase), were all important elements in the education of these visitors.

When this system had been in operation two or three years, it became clear that these volunteer visitors might

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Combe, Charles


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 be valuable to the relieving officer, if they could be brought into communication with him, and that a mass of information had been collected in their district-books, which might be of service to the Guardians if it could be made available at the right moment. But the attempt to bring them into direct communication with any official would have been open to many objections. Confusions might arise when visitors were absent; new visitors would occasionally have to be appointed, and to have their work explained to them. No relieving officer would have time to undertake this duty, nor even to communicate with so large and fluctuating a body as that formed by these volunteers. The Guardians, therefore, resolved to recognize one of these volunteers as representing the whole body. The referee would be a connecting link between themselves and the visitors, and through her only, all communications would pass. I was asked to fill this position with relation to the Guardians, for one reason, because I was already a member both of the Relief Committee before mentioned, and the committee of the Charity Organization Society, and the recognized medium of communication between these two bodies.

After the combination of volunteer and official agency had thus been arranged, which was in the winter of 1872-3, the Guardians directed the relieving officer who is in charge of the St. Mary's Poor Law District, to send me daily a list containing the name of each applicant from that district, with his address, ages of family, and nature of application. I send out the information at once to the visitor in whose court the applicant resides, with a blank form on which she may report any facts bearing on the character and circumstances of the family, which appear to her to be such as the Poor Law authorities ought to know. She can report by giving a summary of the

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Combe, George


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 contained in her district-book, and return the form at once, or she can re-visit the applicant and give later information in addition if she deems it necessary. She sends her report to me, and I forward it to the relieving officer, who uses it as he may see fit. In many instances it gives information which the relieving officer might not otherwise possess, as, for instance, that an applicant is in receipt of money paid by the visitor, or known by her to be paid by local charity. In other cases the report gives clues for further investigation by him, as where it mentions the existence of grown-up sons and daughters who may be able to give help. After the weekly meeting of the board, I am informed of the decision arrived at in each case, by a list sent to me similar to that furnished to every Guardian. These particulars I send to the visitors of the courts where applicants reside, and they are entered in the several district-books. The average number of applicants in the Poor Law District of St. Mary's is forty-five weekly, and the number of visitors engaged in the work is thirty-five. The number of visitors has doubled during the last year, so that we have subdivided all the larger courts and streets. Additional clergymen are coming into active co-operation with us, and some few gentlemen have come forward to act as visitors. These may all be considered hopeful signs that the movement is gaining ground.

It will be seen from this outline, that in St. Mary's district there are four agencies employed in the endeavor to administer relief to the necessitous in the wisest and most really helpful way: the Guardians, with their relieving officer, the Charity Organization Society, the Relief Committee, and the District Visitors. These four agencies are

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 and brought into efficient co-operation by the referee, who directs and superintends the visitors, attends the meetings of the Charity Organization Society, and of the Relief Committee, and is the medium through which the Board of Guardians acquire information otherwise inaccessible to them.

The immediate direct effect of the adoption of this system upon the Poor Law cases may be slight; it may be that the information supplied by the district visitors does not in many instances modify the decisions of the Board; but this is the least part of the work. If the visitors really learn their duties, and apprehend the spirit of the system they have undertaken to carry out, it is impossible to measure the effect which the work may have in diminishing pauperism and inducing more provident habits of life among our laboring classes; and thus, along with other advantages, reducing the heavy burden of the poor-rates. The connection with the Poor Law system is calculated to be of great advantage to the visitors. They will learn something of its working; they will be enabled to use with much greater effect and with much greater frequency the lever which distaste for the "House" puts into their hands; and knowing that while the workhouse exists even the idle and improvident and reckless need not starve, they will be encouraged to refuse to such persons the pauperizing doles of a merely impulsive charity, in the belief that such refusal will probably benefit the individual, and will certainly in the long run benefit the class.

The plan described resembles the one in operation at Elberfeld, inasmuch as it is based on the same principle; sub-division of work among a large number of volunteer visitors, grouped under recognized though unpaid leaders. As in Elberfeld, we have not sought to enlist visitors who can give their whole time to the work. We want those living in their own homes, surrounded by their own interests and connections, and who can bring individual sympathy and thought to bear on a very few families. A large

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 of visitors are needed, and we could not obtain them if those only were eligible who could give a large amount of time to the work. Even more intimate knowledge of individual families is secured in Marylebone than we have any evidence of in the case of Elberfeld, because here in their own small districts the visitors undertake duties for other bodies as well as for the Guardians. Our volunteers are constantly in the courts, on business connected with the local charities, with the Charity Organization Society, and also with the School Board: and though I must not here enlarge on the particular form of their work for these different bodies, I may point out that the entire truth is better elicited by those who come into communication with the poor in various ways: facts concealed from them in one capacity being revealed to them in another. For example, the desire on the part of parents to represent the ages of children to the Poor Law visitor as young enough to receive parochial relief, is counteracted by their desire to represent them to the school board visitor as old enough to exempt them from attendance at school.

The important difference between the Elberfeld and Marylebone systems is that, whereas in Elberfeld the volunteers themselves decide on the parochial relief, our volunteers have no such authority committed to them. It would be a fundamental change of the gravest nature to throw any share of such responsibility on the visitor, and would be a change not only disastrous, until the visitors have more experience, but in my opinion probably unadvisable even in the future. The large discretionary power exercised by Guardians under our English Poor Law (which contrasts with the very definite scale for out-door relief in use at Elberfeld) would make it an additional difficulty to place the decisions as to grants in the hands of visitors. In fact, in every case, so that only the evidence brought before him be sufficient, it is easier for a judge or arbitrator to deal in a uniform manner with cases which come before him when he is not brought into close communication with those

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 whom his decision affects. So that the division of duty in Marylebone, where the visitor brings information and the Guardians vote relief, appears to be the right one. It is, moreover, a real help to the visitor in maintaining a satisfactory footing among the people under her charge, for them to know that, though she will listen to and represent their claims for relief, the absolute award of it does not rest with her.

I may perhaps here point out that there is one small addition to the system, which, though it would be of no direct advantage to the Poor Law authorities, would be of great service to those who are administering the local charities. I have already mentioned that the Guardians send to me as referee an official weekly report of the cases decided by them; but the grounds of their decision are not given, and often they may be such as would, if known to us, influence grants from the charities. If the Guardians saw no objection to allowing one or two representative volunteers to be present at their weekly meetings, this information would reach us fully and regularly. It would also afford guidance to the visitors if we could know to what extent the information furnished by them to the relieving officer is received and acted upon.

There is one further addition to the scheme which has been suggested. It has been said that it might be well to empower the volunteers to pay the regular out-door relief of the aged at their own homes, instead of compelling them, as at present, to gather at the workhouse door to receive it. As to the advantages of this plan I have as yet come to no decision. On the one hand, it is a gain that the poor should not be obliged to congregate for relief, which has a pauperizing effect upon them; and moreover the weekly visitation of the home would form a regular method of inspection. On the other hand, as I have stated above, the less the visitor is contemplated as an almoner, the more independent and satisfactory are her relations likely to be with her people,—and I fear the distinction between

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Combe, Thomas


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 bringing and giving relief would not be very clear to recipients.

In conclusion, I may say that the system described above, would, when perfectly carried out, ensure that out-door relief should be confined to the deserving, and that drunken and idle people should be offered the workhouse only. Thus far our volunteer workers are fully aware of the objects for which they are associated together. But I am myself satisfied that the scheme is capable of a far deeper influence on the condition of the poor, when the volunteers shall rise to the perception that, in dealing with poverty, they must aim at prevention rather than at cure; at saving those under their influence from sinking to the Poor-law Level, rather than merely obtaining relief for them when they have reached that low point. Few of my fellow-workers have as yet grasped the idea that their best success would be to develop the resources of the poor themselves, instead of letting them come upon the rates, or continue upon them. I think they rarely set before themselves the desire to find some employment, at hand or far off, which may support the young widow and her children before she has tasted parish bread. I think they rarely press upon the old woman the duty of first trying if the successful son cannot support her, or the daughters in service unite to do so. They have not yet watched the poor closely enough to see that this would be in reality the truest kindness. They forget the dignity of self-maintenance, they forget the blessing of drawing the bonds of relationship closer, and dwell only upon the fact that the applicant is deserving—see only the comfort or relief which the parish allowance would secure.

How far they can raise the people by degrees above the degrading need of charitable or Poor Law relief, to be energetic, self-reliant, provident, and industrious, will depend upon the height of their own hope, the patience of their own labor, the moral courage which will teach them to prefer being helpful to being popular, and finally to the temper and spirit of their own homes and lives. For, say what

title: Page:Homes of the London Poor.djvu/79


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Combe, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Comberford, Nicholas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Comerford, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Comgall


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Comin, Robert de


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text: Page:The Native Tribes of South Australia (1879).djvu/80


text: Page:The Native Tribes of South Australia (1879).djvu/82


text:
Translation:Shulchan Aruch/Orach Chaim/501

Forbidden and Permitted Wood on a Holiday

עצים האסורים והמתרים ביום טוב

Paragraph 1 - One may not chop wood from the beams that are ready for a building, but not from beams that broke on the holiday, even if they were in bad shape before the holiday and were close to breaking. However, if they broke before the holiday and it is impossible to burn them without chopping, one may chop them into large pieces. One cannot chop with an axe, a saw, or a sickle, but only with a kupitz (meaning the butcher's knife, and there are some who make it with two heads, such that it is similar to an axe. Rash"i) using the narrow side [of the kupitz] and not the wide side. There are some who are stringent even with regards to a kupitz because we aren't experts in what it is; these people only allow a knife.

סעיף א - אין מבקעין עצים מן הקורות שעומדות לבנין, ולא מקורה שנשברה ביום טוב, אפלו אם היתה רעועה מערב יום טוב וקרובה להשבר, אבל אם נשברה מערב יום טוב, אם אי אפשר להסיקה בלא בקוע מבקעין ממנה חתיכות גדולות. ולא יבקע לא בקרדם, ולא במגל, ולא במגרה, אלא בקופיץ (פרוש, סכין של קצבים ויש עושין בו שני ראשין דומה קצת לקרדם. רש"י), ובצד הקצר שלו אבל לא בצד הרחב. ויש מי שאוסר אפלו בקופיץ לפי שאין אנו בקיאין מהו, ולא התירו אלא בסכין.

Paragraph 2 - Slightly large pieces of wood that are fitting for burning without chopping may not be chopped at all. Some even forbid breaking them by hand.

סעיף ב - עצים גדולים קצת וראויים להסקה בלא בקוע, לא יבקע כלל, ואפלו לשברם ביד יש מי שאוסר.

Paragraph 3 - One may not bring wood from the field even if it is assembled there from the previous evening [before the holiday]. But one may gather what is in front of him in the field (similarly in the field, he may take what is in front of him) (Beit Yosef and Ramba"m) and light there. One may bring from that which was collected together in the private domain, even if it is not enclosed for dwelling, as long as it is enclosed and it is within the tchum. If one of these conditions is missing, it is muktzah.

סעיף ג - אין מביאין עצים מן השדה אפלו היו מכנסין שם מבערב, אבל מגבב הוא בשדה משלפניו (וכן בחצר לוקח מלפניו) (בית יוסף ורמב"ם) ומדליק שם. ומביאין מהמכנסין שברשות היחיד ואפלו היתה מקפת שלא לשם דירה, ובלבד שיהיה בה מסגרת ותהיה בתוך תחום שבת, ואם חסר אחת מכל אלו, הרי הן מקצה.

Paragraph 4 - Regarding leaves of shrubbery and leaves of grapevines, even if they are gathered in a karpef [courtyard-like enclosure], because the wind scatters them, they are treated as if they are scattered and are forbidden [to collect and burn]. If one placed a heavy object on them before the holiday, they are considered ready [and can be burned].

סעיף ד - עלי קנים ועלי גפנים אף על פי שהם מכנסים בקרפף, כיון שהרוח מפזרת אותם הרי הם כמפזרין ואסורים. ואם הניח עליהם כלי כבד מערב יום טוב, הרי אלו מוכנים.

Paragraph 5 - Wood that fell from a tree on the holiday cannot be burned. (And see below Chapter 507 Paragraph 2).

סעיף ה - עצים שנשרו מן האילן ביום טוב אין מסיקין בהם. (ועין לקמן סימן תק"ז סעיף ב').

Paragraph 6 - Things that broke on the holiday cannot be burned because they are nolad ["born" on the holiday and thus ineligible for use]. (If one burned these things, it is forbidden to turn the fire after they are partially lit because it is then a fragment of an object, unless one put much prepared wood on top) (The Maggid Chapter 2 and the Ra"n chapter 2 of Beitzah). However, one may burn whole objects or objects that broke when it was still day [before the holiday].

סעיף ו - כלים שנשברו ביום טוב, אין מסיקים בהם מפני שהם נולד. (ואם הסיק בכלים, אסור להפך האש לאחר שהדלקו במקצת דאז הוי שבר כלי, אלא אם כן רבה עליהם עצים מוכנים) (המגיד פרק ב' ור"ן פרק ד' דביצה). אבל מסיקין בכלים שלמים או בכלים שנשברו מבעוד יום.

Paragraph 7 - The shells of almonds and nuts eaten before the holiday can be burned on the holiday. If they are eaten on the holiday, their shells cannot be burned. Rem"a: The nuts and almonds themselves also may not be burned, unless they are still in their shells (Beit Yosef). Lanterns that remain from the first day of the holiday that went out can be relit, even on the second day of Rosh Hashana or on a holiday that falls after a Shabbat (the Ros"h and the Mordechai at the beginning of Beitza and Beit Yosef).

סעיף ז - שקדים ואגוזים שאכלם מערב יום טוב, מסיקין בקלפיהם ביום טוב. ואם אכלם ביום טוב, אין מסיקין בקלפיהם. הגה: ''גם אין להסיק עם האגוזים והשקדים עצמן, אלא אם כן הם עדין בקלפה (בית יוסף). ולפידים שנשארו מיום טוב ראשון, שכבו, מתר לחזר ולהדליקם אפלו ביום טוב שני של ראש השנה או יום טוב אחר שבת (הרא"ש ומרדכי ריש ביצה ובית יוסף).''

 * }


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Page:Wittgenstein - Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, 1922.djvu/89

Rh The expression of the formal concept is therefore a propositional variable in which only this characteristic feature is constant.

The propositional variable signifies the formal concept, and its values signify the objects which fall under this concept.

Every variable is the sign of a formal concept.

For every variable presents a constant form, which all its values possess, and which can be conceived as a formal property of these values.

So the variable name “x” is the proper sign of the pseudo-concept object.

Wherever the word “object” (“thing”, “entity”, etc.) is rightly used, it is expressed in logical symbolism by the variable name.

For example in the proposition “there are two objects which …”, by “(∃x,y)…”.

Wherever it is used otherwise, i.e. as a proper concept word, there arise senseless pseudo-propositions.

So one cannot, e.g. say “There are objects” as one says “There are books”. Nor “There are 100 objects” or “There are ℵ0 objects”.

And it is senseless to speak of the number of all objects.

The same holds of the words “Complex”, “Fact”, “Function”, “Number”, etc.

They all signify formal concepts and are presented in logical symbolism by variables, not by functions or classes (as Frege and Russell thought).

Expressions like “1 is a number”, “there is only one number nought”, and all like them are senseless.

(It is as senseless to say, “there is only one 1” Rh


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Comman


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Page:Wittgenstein - Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus, 1922.djvu/91

Rh as it would be to say: 2+2 is at 3 o’clock equal to 4.)

The formal concept is already given with an object, which falls under it. One cannot, therefore, introduce both, the objects which fall under a formal concept and the formal concept itself, as primitive ideas. One cannot, therefore, e.g. introduce (as Russell does) the concept of function and also special functions as primitive ideas; or the concept of number and definite numbers.

If we want to express in logical symbolism the general proposition “b is a successor of a” we need for this an expression for the general term of the formal series: aRb, (∃x):aRx.xRb, (∃x,y):aRx.xRy.yRb,… The general term of a formal series can only be expressed by a variable, for the concept symbolized by “term of this formal series” is a formal concept. (This Frege and Russell overlooked; the way in which they express general propositions like the above is, therefore, false; it contains a vicious circle.)

We can determine the general term of the formal series by giving its first term and the general form of the operation, which generates the following term out of the preceding proposition.

The question about the existence of a formal concept is senseless. For no proposition can answer such a question.

(For example, one cannot ask: “Are there unanalysable subject-predicate propositions?”)

The logical forms are anumerical.

Therefore there are in logic no pre-eminent numbers, and therefore there is no philosophical monism or dualism, etc.

The sense of a proposition is its agreement and disagreement with the possibilities of the Rh


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Rh existence and non-existence of the atomic facts.

The simplest proposition, the elementary proposition, asserts the existence of an atomic fact.

It is a sign of an elementary proposition, that no elementary proposition can contradict it.

The elementary proposition consists of names. It is a connexion, a concatenation, of names.

It is obvious that in the analysis of propositions we must come to elementary propositions, which consist of names in immediate combination.

The question arises here, how the propositional connexion comes to be.

Even if the world is infinitely complex, so that every fact consists of an infinite number of atomic facts and every atomic fact is composed of an infinite number of objects, even then there must be objects and atomic facts.

The name occurs in the proposition only in the context of the elementary proposition.

The names are the simple symbols, I indicate them by single letters (x, y, z).

The elementary proposition I write as function of the names, in the form “fx”, “ϕ(x,y)”, etc.

Or I indicate it by the letters p, q, r.

If I use two signs with one and the same meaning, I express this by putting between them the sign “=”.

“a=b” means then, that the sign “a” is replaceable by the sign “b”.

(If I introduce by an equation a new sign “b”, by determining that it shall replace a previously known sign “a”, I write the equation—definition Rh


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Rh —(like Russell) in the form “a=b Def.”. A definition is a symbolic rule.)

Expressions of the form “a=b” are therefore only expedients in presentation: They assert nothing about the meaning of the signs “a” and “b”.

Can we understand two names without knowing whether they signify the same thing or two different things? Can we understand a proposition in which two names occur, without knowing if they mean the same or different things?

If I know the meaning of an English and a synonymous German word, it is impossible for me not to know that they are synonymous, it is impossible for me not to be able to translate them into one another.

Expressions like “a=a”, or expressions deduced from these are neither elementary propositions nor otherwise significant signs. (This will be shown later.)

If the elementary proposition is true, the atomic fact exists; if it is false the atomic fact does not exist.

The specification of all true elementary propositions describes the world completely. The world is completely described by the specification of all elementary propositions plus the specification, which of them are true and which false.

With regard to the existence of n atomic facts there are $$\mathbf{K}_n = \sum_{v=0}^n \binom{n}{v}$$ possibilities.

It is possible for all combinations of atomic facts to exist, and the others not to exist.

To these combinations correspond the same number of possibilities of the truth—and falsehood—of n elementary propositions.

The truth-possibilities of the elementary propositions mean the possibilities of the existence and non-existence of the atomic facts. Rh


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Commius


text:
Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Jay

JAY, the popular name of Garrulus glandarius, a species of Corvidæ, of a vinous red color; the back pale gray; the rump and upper tail coverts white; the tail black or gray, with bluish-gray bars; the wing coverts light gray; the bastard wing or primary coverts barred with black or bright cobalt blue; head with an erectile crest; forehead white, streaked with black. Length about 13 inches. It is a beautiful bird, but attacks peas and other garden crops. It also eats worms, larvæ, and snails. It is often kept as a cage bird. The common blue jay, Cyanocitta cristata, is found over a large portion of North America. The green jay of the United States is Xanthura luxuosa. The long-tailed blue jays are also arranged under Xanthura, though they have not the yellow tail which the generic name suggests.

title: Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Jay


text:
Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Jay, John

JAY, JOHN, an American statesman; born in New York City, Dec. 12, 1745; graduated at King's College (now Columbia University) in 1764; admitted to the bar in 1768. Elected to the 1st Continental Congress in 1774, and re-elected in 1775, he prepared addresses to the people of Great Britain and Canada, and to his own countrymen; drafted the constitution of New York State in 1777, and was appointed chief-justice of the State; was returned to Congress in 1778 and elected its president, and in the following year was sent as minister to Spain. In 1782 he was added by Congress to the peace commissioners, and it was mainly by his efforts that the treaty was brought to a conclusion on terms so satisfactory to the United States. In 1784-1789 he was secretary for foreign affairs. On the adoption of the National Constitution in 1789 he wrote in its favor in the “Federalist”; and after the organization of the Federal Government, Washingfton having offered him his choice of the offices in his gift, he selected that of chief-justice of the Supreme Court. In 1794 he concluded with Lord Grenville the convention familiarly known as “Jay's treaty,” which provided for the recovery by British subjects of pre-revolutionary debts and by Americans of losses incurred by illegal capture by British cruisers, and the determination of the E. frontier of what is now the State of Maine; the British were to surrender the W. posts held by them in 1786, and there was to be reciprocity of inland trade between the United States and British North America. The treaty, though favorable to the United States, was passionately denounced by

the Democrats as a surrender of American rights and a betrayal of France; but it was ratified by Washington in August, 1795. Jay was governor of New York from 1795 to 1801. Then, though offered his former post of chief-justice, he retired from public life, and passed the remainder of his days at his estate of Bedford, Westchester co., N. Y., where he died, May 17, 1829.


text: The Native Tribes of South Australia/Book 5


text:
Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Jeanne d'Albrêt

JEANNE D'ALBRÊT (zhän-dal-brā'), the Calvinistic mother of Henry IV. of France through whom he succeeded to Navarre and Bearn. She was born in 1528 and died in 1572.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Compotista, Roger


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Compton, Henry (1632-1713)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Compton, Henry (1805-1877)


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Aborigines of different parts of the province are distinguished by differences of language, customs, manners, and traditions. Thus there appears to be no similarity between the Adelaide and Encounter Bay language, and the same may be said of their manners, habits, and traditions. In what follows, therefore, I am only to be understood as speaking of the manners, customs, traditions, &c., of the natives of Encounter Bay and the lower banks of the Murray. These people, who speak one language with slight variation of dialect, are divided into different tribes, as Raminjerar, Lampinjerar, Karkarinjerar, Pankinjerar, &c., and these tribes consider themselves as large families, and are more or less connected with each other by marriage. Each tribe derives its name from the district to which it belongs, and which they claim as their own property, as Ramong, the district belonging to the Raminjerar, the affix injeri (plural injerar) having the same signification as "er" in English, as Londoner, &c., &c. Although these tribes are, as just observed, related, they are nevertheless extremely jealous and suspicious of each other, and almost constantly at war.

In giving an account of these people, we shall endeavour to trace the life of one from his birth upwards.

When a woman is near her confinement she removes from the encampment with some of the women to assist her. As soon as the child is born, the information is conveyed to the father, who immediately goes to see the child and to attend upon the mother, by carrying firewood, water, &c. If there are


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186 men and boys in the camp, as there generally are, the woman and her friends are obliged to remain at a distance in their own encampment. This appears to be part of the same superstition which obliges a woman to separate herself from the camp at the time of her monthly illness, when, if a young man or boy should approach, she calls out, and he immediately makes a circuit to avoid her. If she is neglectful upon this point, she exposes herself to scolding, and sometimes to severe beating by her husband or nearest relation, because the boys are told from their infancy, that if they see the blood they will early become grey-headed, and their strength will fail prematurely.

If the child is permitted to live (I say permitted, because they are frequently put to death) it is brought up with great care, more than generally falls to the lot of children of the poorer class of Europeans. Should it cry, it is passed from one person to another and caressed and soothed, and the father will frequently nurse it for several hours together.

Children that are weak or deformed, or illegitimate, and the child of any woman who has already two children alive, are put to death. No mother will venture to bring up more than two children, because she considers that the attention which she would have to devote to them would interfere with what she regards as the duty to her husband, in searching for roots, &c. If the father dies before a child is born, the child is put to death by the mother, for the Father who provides for us all is unknown to them. This crime of infanticide is increased by the whites, for nearly all the children of European fathers used to be put to death. It is remarkable that when the children are first born they are nearly as white as Europeans, so that the natives sometimes find it difficult to say whether they are of pure blood or not. In such doubtful cases the form of the nose decides. When the child commences to walk, the father gives it a name, which is frequently derived from some circumstances which occurred at the time of the child's birth; or, as each tribe has a kind of patron or protector in the objects of nature, as Thunder, the protector of the Raminjerar, a kind of ant, the protector of the


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Rh Kargarinjerar, the pelican, a kind of snake, &c., &c., of other tribes, the father often confers the name of this protector (as the pouch of the pelican), or a part of it, upon the child. Grown-up persons frequently exchange names, probably as a mark of friendship.

Children are suckled by their mothers for a considerable time, sometimes to the age of five or six years; and it is no uncommon thing to see a boy playing with his companions, suddenly leave off and run to his mother to refresh himself with a draught of milk. When weaned, he accompanies his father upon short excursions, unless he should be delicate and unable to bear the fatigue, upon which occasion the father takes every opportunity to instruct his son. For instance, if they arrive at a place concerning which they have any tradition, it is told to the child if old enough to understand it. Or he shows him how to procure this or that animal, or other article of food, in the easiest way. Until his fourteenth or fifteenth year he is mostly engaged in catching fish and birds, because already, for some years, he has been obliged to seek for food on his own account. Thus he early becomes, in a great measure, independent; and there is nobody who can control him, the authority of his parents depending only upon the superstitions which they have instilled into him from infancy; and the prohibitions respecting certain kinds of food—for different kinds of food are allotted to persons of different ages—are enforced by their superstitions. The roes of fishes are appropriated to the old men, and it is believed that if women or young men or children eat of them they will become prematurely old. Other kind of meat they consider diminishes the strength of the muscles, &c., &c. At certain seasons of the year, when a particular kind of fish is abundant, the men frequently declare it to be rambe (holy); after which, all that are caught must be brought to the men, by whom they are cooked, and the women and children are not allowed even to approach the fires until the cooking is over and the fish are cold, when they may approach and eat of what the men choose to give them, after having previously regaled themselves.


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188 The boys, besides being taught to obtain their own food, are also exercised in the use of the spear and other weapons; and when arrived at the age of fourteen or fifteen years, they take part in the wars between the tribes. A few years afterwards, when sixteen or eighteen years of age, according to the growth of the beard, he is admitted into the rank of the men, and becomes rambe, or sacred, in the following way:—

In the summer time, when the nights are warm, several tribes meet together for the purpose of fighting, and afterwards amusing themselves with dancing and singing. Immediately after the fight, the relations of the different tribes visit each other for purposes of amusement. Previously, however, the men have spoken together, and agreed to make some two of the boys into men, and for this purpose have provided themselves with grease and red ochre, which are required in the ceremony to be performed. In the midst of the amusement the men suddenly give a shout, and all turn towards the two young men, who are suddenly seized and carried away by the men. The females cease their singing and begin to scold, for from this time they are not allowed to accept any food from these young men. As soon as these latter are brought to the place appointed for the ceremony two fires are made, and the young men placed between. Several of the men are now engaged in singeing and plucking out all the hair from the body except the hair of the head and beard, and as soon as this is accomplished, the whole body except the face is rubbed over with grease and red ochre. The young men thus anointed are not allowed to sleep during the whole night, but must either sit or stand until the morning, when the men return to them, and they are then obliged to go into the bush until sundown, when they return to their male relations, but are to avoid the females, and obtain some food, for until now they have not eaten. They are now considered rambe (sacred or holy), and no female must accept any food from them, not even their own brothers, until such time as they are allowed to ask for a wife. For a year after this the two assist each other in singeing and plucking out the hair, and rubbing in the ochre and


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 KAINJANAR. 189 grease; and the nest year they pluck out each other's beards, and apply the grease and ochre to the face as well as to the other parts of the body. When the beard has again grown to a considerable length it is a second time plucked out, after which they have a right to ask for wives; but this rule is not without exception, for it seems that when any tribe is much diminished by deaths, the young men are permitted to marry earlier by a year or thereabout. The plucking out of the beard and anointing with grease and ochre the men may continue if they please till about forty years of age, for they consider it ornamental, and fancy that it makes them look younger, and gives them an importance in the eyes of the women, and above all, that it makes them fat, for they admire a fat man however ugly. It must be observed that before the boys are made Kainjanar —for so they are called after being painted as described above— they are very much offended at having the beard touched or even spoken of, and frequently one of their fights commences in the following manner: —Two tribes having put together some of the painted ones on one side, will shake the left hand in a threatening manner, and call out to the boys of the other tribe, Towűnde mak  ngawir—You are naked upon the cheek, boys; to which taunt they reply by throwing their spears, thus commencing the fight. A rude kind of tattooing is practised amongst them, consisting merely in making scars without applying any colour, and for this there seems to be no particular time allotted, as sometimes boys of ten or twelve years of age may be seen with several large cuts upon the breast and shoulders, and others, several years older, without. They consider it not only as ornamental, but also as a means of alleviating pain, and giving freedom of motion to the arms, and enabling them to use the spear and shield with dexterity. The education of the females is simple. As soon as weaned they receive the fringe, for covering the pubes, which is the only article of dress considered absolutely necessary; for the skins or mats which they sometimes wear, are worn only at pleasure, and both men and women generally go uncovered, or wear some


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 190 THE ENCOUNTER BAY TRIBE. article of clothing given to them by the Europeans, only, as just observed, the female is obliged to wear the fringe until near the birth of her first child; and, should she prove barren, it is taken, away by her husband while she is asleep, and burned. They are given in marriage at a very early age (ten or twelve years). The ceremony is very simple, and with great propriety may he considered an exchange, for no man can obtain a wife unless he can promise to give his sister or other relative in exchange. The marriages are always between persons of different tribes, and never in the same tribe. Should the father be living he may give his daughter away, but generally she is the gift of the brother. The person who wishes to obtain a wife never applies directly, but to some friend of the one who has the disposal of her, and should the latter also wish for a wife, the bargain is soon made. Thus the girls have no choice in the matter, and frequently the parties have never seen each other before. At the time appointed for the marriage, the relations on both sides come and encamp about a quarter of a mile from each other. In the night the men of one tribe arise, and each takes a fire-stick in hand. The bride is taken by the hand and conducted in the midst, and appears generally to go very unwillingly; the brother or relation who gives her away walks silently and with downcast looks by himself. As soon as they approach the camp of the other tribe, the women and children of the latter must quit the hut, which upon this occasion is built larger than their huts usually are, When they arrive at the hut, one of the men invites them to take their places; but before they sit down the bride and bridegroom are placed next each other, and also the brother and his intended wife, if it is a double marriage. The friends and relations then take their places on each side of the principal parties. They sit in this manner, silent, for a considerable time, until most of them fall asleep. At daybreak the brides leave the hut and go to their nearest relations, and remain with them until the evening, when they are conducted to their husbands by their female friends, and the tribes then separate and go to their own districts. When married very young, the girl


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 MODE OF LIFE. 191 is frequently away from her husband, upon a visit to her relations, for several months at a time, but should she remain, the man is under obligation to provide her with animal food (providing vegetable food is always the duty of the females), and if she pleases him, he shows his affection by frequently rubbing her with grease to improve her personal appearance, and with the idea that it will make her grow rapidly and become fat. If a man has several girls at his disposal, he speedily obtains several wives, who, however, very seldom agree well with each other, but are continually quarrelling, each endeavouring to be the favourite. The man, regarding them more as slaves than in any other light, employs them in every possible way to his own advantage. They are obliged to get him shell-fish, roots, and eatable plants. If one from another tribe should arrive having anything which he desires to purchase, he perhaps makes a bargain to pay by letting him have one of his wives for a longer or shorter period. The Europeans and others are aware of this, and therefore if any woman whose company they desire refuses to go with them, they commonly go to the husband with some bread or tobacco, or article of clothing, who then compels her to grant what the white man desires. Miserable and degraded beings! When will they throw off these diabolical practices, and become obedient to the laws of our God ? Their mode of life is a wandering one; but the whole tribe does not always move in a body from one place to another, unless there should be abundance of food to be obtained at some particular spot; but generally they are scattered in search of food. Sometimes of a morning two or three of the men will leave the camp to go fishing. If they are fortunate, after having satisfied their hunger they will lie down and sleep for several hours; they then perhaps get up and search for another meal, and if they have obtained more than they can consume, they return at sunset to the camp with the remainder, which they distribute amongst their wives and children if married, or if unmarried, amongst their friends and relations. Sometimes the men go out with their wives and children, when the men employ themselves, according


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 192 THE ENCOUNTER BAY TRIBE. to the season, either in fishing or hunting emus, opossums, kangaroos, &c., while the women and children search for roots and plants. If food is not found in the neighbourhood, they remain out sometimes a month or longer, wandering about from place to place. Upon these occasions the aged and sick, who remain at what may be considered their head-quarters (the place from which the tribe derives its name), often suffer severely from want of food. Having to search for food is not the only cause of their wandering about from place to place, but also their frequent wars, and the meetings of the different tribes for purposes of amusement, and the wish of the women to visit their relations in the tribes to which they originally belonged. These circumstances taken together make their residence at one place very uncertain. This wandering life must be considered as the cause of their having no permanent habitations, but merely huts of the rudest construction. Arrived at a place where they intend to remain for the night, the women and children proceed to obtain some branches, which are placed in a semicircle open to the side opposite to that from which the wind is blowing at the time, placed a little closer and with more care in bad weather, so as to afford some shelter from the wind and rain, and constitute the hut. Near the sea, if they are likely to remain for some time, they cover the hut with sea-weed, and the branches composing the framework being arranged something in the form of a quarter of a sphere, or the half of a bee-hive cut perpendicularly, it makes a pretty good defence against the weather. Yet the children and sick persons, no doubt, suffer considerably in bad weather, and the former, left to themselves as soon as weaned, lie huddled together to keep themselves warm. Before the arrival of the Europeans they had two modes of catching fish—with the net and the spear—to which must now be added the hook and the line, which they have learned of the whites. They use the spear at the Murray in catching the large fish, Mallowe. Going into the river as far as he can to use the spear with effect, the native stands like a statue, holding the spear obliquely in both hands ready to strike his prey as it passes.


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 FISHING. 193 Standing motionless, he is soon surrounded by fish, and the first that passes his feet is pierced by a certain and powerful thrust. Sometimes they make use of a canoe made of bark, from which they spear the fish, and have a fire in the middle, upon which they are immediately roasted. The nets are precisely similar in texture to European nets, though made without mesh and needle, and they display considerable patience and ingenuity in the manufacture. The string of which they are made is composed of the fibres of a kind of flag. It is prepared by roasting the leaves, and afterwards chewing them; the leaf is then divided longitudinally into four, two of these are twisted by being rolled upon the thigh, and are then twisted together by being rolled the contrary way; other lengths are added until as much line is made as is required. In the operation of netting the twine is wound round a short stick which answers the purpose of a needle, and the meshes are formed and the knot tied by passing the string over and between the fingers. Thus are made long pieces or ribbons of netting twenty or thirty feet long, and about a foot broad, which are afterwards put together to make a fishing-net. The net is kept extended by pieces of sticks, placed across at the distance of about four feet from each other. Some nets are furnished with a bag or pouch of netting, with smaller meshes placed at one end of the net, into which the smaller fish are driven as the net is hauled in. When the fish approach the shore the natives enter the water with the net, and swim about until they get the fish between themselves and the shore, they then spread out the net, those on shore directing them, so that they may enclose the fish, and as soon as this is accomplished they are drawn to the shore. Swans, geese, ducks, and other birds, which are plentiful at the Lake, are caught with a noose at the end of a long stick, with which the native steals upon them amongst the reeds which border the margin. Shell and crayfish they get by diving, the last generally by the women; in obtaining which, one woman last year lost her life, having by some means or other become jammed between the rocks at the bottom of the sea.


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 194 THE ENCOUNTER BAY TRIBE. In hunting the kangaroo they sometimes go a number together, and sometimes singly. When going singly, the native takes care to have his spear in good order; he places it over the fire to straighten it, sharpens the point with a shell, and barbs it with pieces of quartz or glass, fixed on with the resin of the grass-tree. Having prepared his spear he takes his Koye (basket) upon his shoulder, which contains his throwing stick and other weapons of defence, and goes in search of his prey. When arrived at the place where he expects to find some kangaroo, he seems quite a different man. He is now silent; rolling his eyes from side to side, and looking in every direction, he moves forward with long strides, his body erect and arm motionless, the spear grasped in both hands, and held obliquely in front. As soon as he perceives a kangaroo he stops suddenly, and watches an opportunity to steal upon it while holding down its head to graze; when near enough he fixes the spear in the throwing stick, and taking his aim he sends it flying at his prey, which seldom escapes him. When a number go in company they endeavour to surround the kangaroo, and gradually close in upon him, and at length despatch him with their spears and sticks. The emu is hunted in the same manner. Other tribes are said to use large nets in taking the kangaroo and emu; but it is quite foreign to the practice of the tribes of whom we are now speaking. The opossum is hunted only by some tribes. In this district the Raminjerar are the only opossum hunters, and they manifest considerable dexterity in getting them from the hollow branches of trees which they inhabit. Before ascending a tree they examine the bark to see if an opossum has recently gone up, by the marks which their claws leave upon the bark. Having determined that there is an opossum in the tree, one commences to climb, and in a few seconds ascends thirty or forty feet without any branches to assist, and this accomplished only by means of a stick about two feet long, pointed at one end. With this stick he first makes a small hole in the bark, into which he inserts the great toe of the left foot, and then driving the point of the stick held by the right hand into the bark as high as he can,


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 PREPARATION OF FOOD. 195 and embracing the tree with his left arm, he lifts himself up, and now supports himself upon the toe of the left foot, and by the left arm embracing the tree; and taking out the stick he makes another hole at a convenient distance above the first, then again driving the stick into the tree he holds on by it while raising the left foot to the second hole, and lifts himself up as before, and so on until he arrives at the branches. Here arrived, he ascertains by tapping against the branch in which the opossum is, where the hollow terminates. If the hollow is of small depth, he puts in his hand, seizes it by the tail, and striking its head two or three times against the tree throws it down to his companions. If the hollow is deeper there is more difficulty. He makes a hole where he considers the hollow to terminate, and endeavours to seize the opossum; but if it has ascended, he applies fire, the smoke of which speedily drives the animal out of the top of the branch, where the native is ready to seize it. The preparation of their food is extremely simple. Fish, crayfish, opossums, and small birds, are roasted upon the fire; roots and shell fish are roasted in the ashes; some plants, the flesh of the kangaroo, emu, &c., are prepared in the following manner: — A hole is dug and a fire kindled therein, stones are added, and when sufficiently heated, the fire is removed and grass placed upon the hot stones; the article to be cooked is placed upon the grass, covered with more grass, and the whole covered up with earth; if they think there will not be sufficient steam, holes are made and water poured in. In proportion as these people are removed from the true knowledge of God so they are deeply sunk in superstition, as witnessed by their notions of diseases, the means adopted to cure them, and the observations in disposing of their dead. There are but few diseases which they regard as the consequences of natural causes; in general they consider them the effects of enchantment, and produced by sorcerers. They fancy that they can charm or enchant by means of two instruments, one called plongge, the other mokani. The plongge is a stick about two feet long, with a large knob at the end. They believe that if a person is tapped


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 196 THE ENCOUNTER BAY TRIBE. gently upon the breast with this instrument he will become ill and die, or if he should shortly afterwards receive a wound that it will be mortal. The charming is generally performed upon a person asleep; therefore, when several tribes are encamped near each other there is always one keeping watch that they may not be charmed by any of the other tribe. Should a man have an enemy whom he wishes to enchant, and he can steal upon him while sleeping without being discovered, he thinks to throw him into a sounder sleep by striking in the air before his face as though in the act of sprinkling with a tuft of emu feathers which have been previously moistened in the liquor from a putrid corpse, and having performed the same operation upon any others who are sleeping near, to prevent their awaking, he taps gently with the plongge upon the breast of his victim. The mokani is a black stone, shaped something like the head of an axe, fixed between two sticks bound together, which serve for a handle. The sharp side of the stone is used to enchant males, the other side females. It is used in the same manner as the plongge. The ngadungge is another instrument to cause illness and death. Enemies watch each other, and search diligently for places where they have eaten ducks, parrots, cockatoos, a kind of fish called ponde, &c. If any one has eaten of either of these animals, and neglected to burn all the bones, his enemy picks them up. But if the other has been too careful to enable him to do this, he takes one of these animals and cooks it, and offers it in a friendly manner to his intended victim—having previously taken from it a piece of bone. This he keeps carefully, and fixes with grass-tree resin upon the end of a small needle-shaped piece of kangaroo bone about three inches long. This is the ngadungge, which he places near the fire, in order to produce illness and death. While in possession of this instrument, he fancies he has the other in his power. Should a man become sick, if he is satisfied that his illness is not owing to the plongge or mokani, he attributes it to the ngadungge, which he supposes an enemy of his has placed near the fire. If he has, or can obtain from one of his friends, a ngadungge giving him power over the person whom he sus


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 DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD. 197 pects, he immediately places it near the fire. If he is only certain of the tribe to which his enemy belongs, without knowing whom to suspect, he gets as many ngadungges as he can, giving power over individuals of that tribe, and places them near the fire; should he become better, his recovery is attributed to his enemy having removed from the fire the ngadungge which made him ill; and as soon as the others are attacked with illness, in consequence of the ngadungges which he has placed, he removes them also. Should he become worse and die, the ngadungges are left until the resin is melted and the pieces of bone come apart; which they think will cause the death of their enemies. If a person is convinced that the death of a friend or relation has been caused by enchantment, and he can obtain a ngadungge having power over the person whom he suspects, he places it in the thigh of the corpse, believing that this will cause the suspected person to die a lingering death. If any person should die, and his friends are ignorant of the cause, his death is attributed to sorcerers, called Melapar. They apply this name to the Adelaide and more northern tribes, and believe that they have the power of transforming themselves into birds, trees, &c. Both young and old are very much afraid of these Melapar, and, in consequence, do not like to be away from their huts after sunset. Nearly every tribe has its own doctor, who has but one remedy for every disease; but every doctor has a different one, and this is the object, animal or vegetable, which he regards as his friend or protector—thus one has a snake, another an ant, another seaweed, &c. &c. The sick man may either go to the doctor, or send for him. If the doctor is prepared, he knocks against the hut with his fingers, and upon the shoulder of the patient; then squeezes the part affected between his hands, and sucks it with his mouth; having done this for a minute or two, he spits out (if this is his protector) seaweed upon the hand of the patient, which he is to keep carefully until it is dry. In the evening, the doctor and friends of the patient assemble round him, and sing as loud as they can to drive away the disease.


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 198 THE ENCOUNTER BAY TRIBE. The doctor sits in front of the patient with two sticks, one in each hand, beating the air; and the women beat upon kangaroo skins, rolled up, held between their knees. He pretends to have sucked out the seaweed from the patient; and if anyone should hint his having previously put it into his mouth he becomes indignant, and threatens to send it with the disease into his body. Some weeks ago I accompanied a man, whose eye was inflamed, to the doctor. The old man was sitting before his hut in company with some of his friends, with a large portion of cooked plants before him, which he appeared to enjoy very much. Having learned the purpose of our coming, and knowing that I would watch his movements, he sat for some time as if in silent contemplation, and then said in a low tone, "I am not able to suck to-day; I have eaten too much of this (pointing to the plants), and there is much wind upon my stomach—I will come to-morrow. " The next morning the doctor came, and after sucking the eye it became much better, which, doubtless, it would have been without his assistance. There is another man in the same tribe who cures a kind of large boils, which the natives are very subject to, by sucking out the matter and swallowing it, saying that it is his ngaitye (friend or protector). They have several different modes of disposing of the dead, depending upon the age and sex of the deceased. Children, stillborn, or that have been put to death immediately after birth, are burned. If a child dies a natural death, it is carefully packed up, and the mother or grandmother carries it about with her for several months, or a year; after which it is exposed upon a tree until the bones are completely cleaned, after which they are buried. Young and middle-aged persons are buried in the following manner: —As soon as the person is dead, the knees are drawn up towards the head, and the hands placed between the thighs. Two fires are kindled, and the corpse placed between them, so as to receive the heat of the fires and of the sun. After a few days the skin becomes loose, and is taken off. Such a corpse is then called grinkari. This custom may explain why


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 TRADITIONS. 199 this name has been applied to Europeans, from the resemblance between their colour and that of the native corpse after the skin has been removed. After this, all the openings of the body are sewn up, and the whole surface rubbed with grease and red ochre. Thus prepared, the corpse is placed upon a hut, so arranged that the head and arms can be tied. It is then placed with the face to the east and the arms extended, and a fire is kept constantly beneath. It remains thus until quite dry, when it is taken by the relations and packed up in mats, and then carried from one place to another—the scenes of his former life. After having been thus carried about for several months, it is placed upon a platform of sticks, and left until completely decayed. The head is then taken by the next of kin, and serves him for a drinking vessel; and now his name may be mentioned, which, if done before, would highly offend his relations, and is sometimes the cause of a war. This may be the reason of there being several names for the same thing. Thus, if a man has the name ngnke (which signifies water), the whole tribe must use some other word to express water for a considerable time after his death. If a man is killed in battle, or dies in consequence of a wound, he is supposed to have been charmed with the plongge. And in addition to the above-mentioned ceremonies they hold a kind of inquest over the corpse to ascertain to whom he owes his death. One of the nearest relations sleeps with his head resting upon the corpse until he dreams of the guilty person. As soon as this is ascertained, which is generally after the first or second night, he orders wood to be brought to make a kind of bier, upon which the corpse is placed. Several men then take the bier upon their shoulders, and the dreamer, striking upon the breast of the corpse, asks: "Who charmed you?" He then mentions the name of some person. All remain quiet. After he has asked this question several times, and mentioned several names, he mentions the name of the person he saw in his dream. The bearers then immediately begin running as if mad, pretending that the corpse has moved itself. The corpse is then erected as above


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 200 THE ENCOUNTER BAY TRIBE. described, and all the friendly tribes come to lament. The nearest relations cut their hair and blacken their faces, and the old women put human excrement upon their heads—the sign of the deepest mourning. If the supposed guilty one should come to the lamentation, the dreamer looks narrowly to his countenance, and if he does not shed tears is the more convinced of his guilt, and considers it now his duty to avenge his relation's death. The person who sews up the apertures of the corpse runs some risk if he does not provide himself with good string; as if the string should break it is attributed to the displeasure of the deceased, who is supposed to make known in this manner that he has been charmed by him; also, if the small quill used as a needle should not be sufficiently sharp to penetrate the flesh easily, the slightest movement, caused by pressing the blunt point into the flesh, is supposed to be spontaneous motion of the corpse, and to indicate that the sewer is the guilty person. Rather aged persons are not treated with all the ceremonies above mentioned, but are merely wrapped up in mats and placed upon a elevated platform, formed of sticks and branches, supported by a tree and two posts; and after the flesh has decayed, the bones are burned; the very old are buried immediately after death. As the mythology and traditions of other heathen nations are more or less immoral and obscene, so it is with these people. The sun they consider to be a female, who, when she sets, passes the dwelling-places of the dead. As she approaches, the men assemble, and divide into two bodies, leaving a road for her to pass between them; they invite her to stay with them, which she can only do for a short time, as she must be ready for her journey for the next day. For favours granted to some one among them she receives a present of a red kangaroo skin; and, therefore, in the morning, when she rises, appears in a red dress. The moon is also a woman, and not particularly chaste. She stays a long time with the men, and from the effects of her intercourse with them, she becomes very thin, and wastes away to a mere skeleton. When in this state, Nurrunduri orders her


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 NATIVE STORIES. 201 to be driven away. She flies, and is secreted for some time, but is employed all the time in seeking roots which are so nourishing that in a short time she appears again, and fills out and becomes fat rapidly. The stars were formerly men, and leave their huts in the evening, to go through the same employments which they did while on earth. Some are remarkable amongst them, as Pungngane, Waijungngari, and their Ningarope. The first was born naturally, and the others were made as follows: —Ningarope having retired upon a natural occasion, was highly pleased with the red colour of her excrement, which she began to mould into the form of a man, and tickling it, it showed signs of life, and began to laugh. He was thus a Kainjani at once from his colour, and his mother took him into the bush and remained with him. Pungngane, his brother, had two wives, and lived near the sea. Once when he remained out a long time, his two wives left the hut and went and found Waijungngari. As they approached he was asleep, and the two women placed themselves on each side of the hut, and began making the noise of an emu. The noise woke him, and he took his spear to kill them; but, as soon as he ran out, the two women embraced him, and requested him to be their husband. His mother, enraged at the conduct of the women, went to Pungngane, and told what had happened. Very much enraged, he left his hut to seek that of his brother, which he soon found; but there was no one there, as his wives and brother were out seeking for food. Very much vexed, he put some fire upon the hut, saying "kundajan" meaning—let it remain, but not burn immediately. Waijungngari and the two women arrived in the evening, and, lying down to sleep, the fire began to burn and presently to fall upon the skins with which they were covered. Awaking with fright, they threw away the skins and ran to the sea. Out of danger, and recovered a little from his fright, Waijungngare began to think how he could escape the wrath of his brother, and threw a spear up to the sky, which touched it, and came down again. He then took a barbed spear, and throwing it upwards with all his force, it remained sticking in the sky. By this he climbed up, and the two women after him.


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 202 THE ENCOUNTER BAY TRIBE. Pungngane seeing his brother and wives in the sky, followed, with his mother, where they have remained ever since. To Pungngane and Waijungngari the natives attribute the abundance of kangaroo and the fish called ponde. Pungngane caught a ponde, and dividing it into small pieces, and throwing them into the sea, each became a ponde. Waijungngari multiplied kangaroos in the same manner. They have many similar histories of the stars. The milky-way, they say, is a row of huts, amongst which they point out the heaps of ashes and the smoke ascending. They do not appear to have any story of the origin of the world; but nearly all animals they suppose anciently to have been men who performed great prodigies, and at last transformed themselves into different kinds of animals and stones! Thus the Raminjerar point out several large stones or points of rock along the beach, whose sex and name they distinguish. One rock they say is an old man named Lime, upon which women and children are not allowed to tread; but old people venture to do so from their long acquaintance with him. They point out his head, feet, hands, and also his hut and fire. For my part, I could see no resemblance to any of these things except the hut. The occasion upon which he transformed himself was as follows: —A friend of his, Palpangye, paid him a visit and brought him some tinwarrar (kind of fish). Lime enjoyed them very much, and regretted that there were no rivers in the neighbourhood, that he might catch them himself, as they are a river fish. Palpangye went into the bush and fetched a large tree, and thrusting it into the ground in different places, water immediately began to flow, and formed the Inman and Hindmarsh rivers. Lime, out of gratitude, gave him some kanmari (small sea fish), and transformed himself into rock, the neighbourhood of which has ever since abounded in this kind of fish. Palpangye became a bird, and is frequently near the rivers. The steep hill and large ponds at Mootabarringar were produced by the dancing of their forefathers at that place. At the present time it is customary for two hundred or three hundred natives to meet together at their


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 CORROBERIES. 203 dances (or corroberies as they are called by the whites). At sunset a fire is made, to give light. The women sit apart, with skins rolled up and held between the knees, upon which they beat time. The young men are ornamented, after their fashion, with a tuft of emu feathers in the hair; and those who are not painted red, ornament themselves with chalk, by making circles round the eyes, a stroke along the nose, and dots upon the forehead and cheeks, while the rest of the body is covered with fanciful figures. One commences singing, and if all cannot join (for the songs are frequently in a different language, taken from some distant tribe), he commences another song. If the song is known to all, the women scream or yell out at the top of their voices, and the men commence a grotesque kind of dance, which to us appears sufficiently ridiculous and amusing. It is upon an occasion like this that they represent their ancestors to have been assembled at Mootabarringar. Having no fire, this dance was held in the daytime, and the weather being very hot, the perspiration flowed copiously from them and formed the large ponds; and the beating of their feet upon the ground produced the irregularities of surface in the form of the hills and valleys. They sent messengers, Kuratje and Kanmari, towards the east, to Kondole, to invite him to the feast, as they knew that he possessed fire. Kondole, who was a large powerful man, came, but hid his fire, on account of which alone he had been invited. The men, displeased at this, determined to obtain the fire by force; but no one ventured to approach him. At length one named Rilballe determined to wound him with a spear, and then take the fire from him. He threw the spear and wounded him in the neck. This caused a great laughing and shouting, and nearly all were transformed into different animals: Kondole ran to the sea, and became a whale, and ever after blew the water out of the wound which he had received in his neck. Kuratje and Kanmari became small fish. The latter was dressed in a good kangaroo skin, and the former only a mat made of seaweed, which is the reason, they say, that the kanmari contains a great deal of oil under the skin, while the kuratje is dry and without fat. Others


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 204 THE ENCOUNTER BAY TRIBE. became opossums, and went upon trees. The young men, who were ornamented with tufts of feathers, became cockatoos, the tuft of feathers being the crest. Rilballe took Kondole's fire and placed it in the grass-tree, where it still remains, and can be brought out by rubbing. (The operation for obtaining fire is as follows: —A split piece of the flower-stem is placed upon the ground, the flat side uppermost, and the lower end of a thinner piece pressed upon it, while the upper part is held between the palms of the hands, and an alternate revolving motion given to it by rubbing the hands backwards and forwards till it ignites). They tell a number of other stories concerning the origin of the sea, heat, &c., &c.; but it will suffice to mention the cause of rain and the origin of languages—Near the Goolwa lived an old man named Kortuwe, with his two friends, Munkari and Waingilbe. The latter, who were considerably younger than Kortuwe, went out fishing, and as they caught kuratje and kanmari, they put the kuratje, which are not so good as the kanmari, aside for Kortuwe. The old man perceiving this, commenced a song, Annaitjeranangk rotjer  tampatjeranangk  (in the Encounter Bay dialect it would be, Ngannangk  kuratje tampin,  "for me they put aside the kuratje"), upon which rain began to fall. Kortuwe then went into his hut, and closed it with bushes, and Munkari and Waingilbe were obliged to remain outside, and got wet as a punishment. The three were transformed into birds, and as often as Kortuwe makes a noise it is a sign that rain will soon follow. Languages originated from an ill-tempered old woman. In remote time an old woman, named Wurruri, lived towards the east, and generally walked with a large stick in her hand, to scatter the fires round which others were sleeping. Wurruri at length died. Greatly delighted at this circumstance, they sent messengers in all directions to give notice of her death; men, women, and children came, not to lament, but to show their joy. The Raminjerar were the first who fell upon the corpse and began eating the flesh, and immediately began to speak intelli