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222, there issued any allusion to Lucy Brandon, the Chief replied, "I fear, Tomlinson, that I am already suspected by the old Squire! all of a sudden, he avoids me, shuts his door against me, Miss Brandon goes no where; and even if she did, what could I expect from her after this sudden change in the father?"

Tomlinson looked blank and disconcerted: "But," said he, after a moment's silence, "why not put a good face on the matter? walk up to the Squire, and ask him the reason of his unkindness?"

"Why, look you, my friend; I am bold enough with all others, but this girl has made me as bashful as a maid, in all that relates to herself. Nay, there are moments when I think I can conquer all selfish feeling, and rejoice for her sake that she has escaped me. Could I but see her once more—I could—yes! I feel—I feel I could—resign her for ever!"

Humph!" said Tomlinson; "and what is to become of us? Really, my Captain, your sense

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Rh of duty should lead you to exert yourself; your friends starve before your eyes, while you are shilly-shallying about your mistress. Have you no bowels for friendship?"

"A truce with this nonsense!" said Clifford, angrily.

"It is sense,—sober sense,—and sadness too;" rejoined Tomlinson. "Ned is discontented, our debts are imperious. Suppose now,—just suppose,—that we take a moonlight flitting from Bath, will that tell well for you whom we leave behind? yet this we must do, if you do not devise some method of refilling our purses. Either, then, consent to join us in a scheme meet for our wants, or pay our debts in this city, or fly with us to London, and dismiss all thoughts of that love which is so seldom friendly to the projects of ambition."

Notwithstanding the manner in which Tomlinson made this threefold proposition, Clifford could not but acknowledge the sense and justice contained in it; and a glance at the matter

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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224 to show how ruinous to his character, and therefore to his hopes, would be the flight of his comrades and the clamour of their creditors.

"You speak well, Tomlinson," said he, hesitating, "and yet for the life of me I cannot aid you in any scheme which may disgrace us by detection. Nothing can reconcile me to the apprehension of Miss Brandon's discovering who and what was her suitor."

"I feel for you," said Tomlinson, "but give me and Pepper at least permission to shift for ourselves; trust to my known prudence for finding some method to raise the wind without creating a dust; in other words—(this d—d Pepper makes one so vulgar!)—of preying on the public without being discovered."

"I see no alternative," answered Clifford, reluctantly; "but, if possible, be quiet for the present; bear with me for a few days longer, give me only sufficient time once more to see Miss Brandon, and I will engage to extricate you from your difficulties!"

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Rh "Spoken like yourself, frankly and nobly!" replied Tomlinson: "no one has a greater confidence in your genius, once exerted, than I have!"

So saying, the pair shook hands and parted. Tomlinson rejoined Mr. Pepper.

"Well, have you settled any thing?" quoth the latter.

"Not exactly; and though Lovett has promised to exert himself in a few days, yet as the poor man is in love, and his genius under a cloud, I have little faith in his promises."

"And I have none!" said Pepper; "besides, time presses! A few days!—a few devils! We are certainly scented here, and I walk about like a barrel of beer at Christmas, under hourly apprehension of being tapped!"

"It is very strange," said the philosophic Augustus; "but I think there is an instinct in tradesmen by which they can tell a rogue at first sight; and I can get (dress I ever so well) no more credit with my laundress than my friends the Whigs can with the people."

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226 "In short, then," said Ned, "we must recur at once to the road! and on the day after to-morrow there will be an excellent opportunity: the old Earl, with the hard name, gives a breakfast, or feast, or some such mummery; I understand people will stay till after night-fall; let us watch our opportunity, we are famously mounted, and some carriage later than the general string may furnish us with all our hearts can desire!"

"Bravo!" cried Tomlinson, shaking Mr. Pepper heartily by the hand, "I give you joy of your ingenuity, and you may trust to me to make our peace afterwards with Lovett; any enterprise that seems to him gallant he is always willing enough to forgive; and as he never practises any other branch of the profession than that of the road,—(for which I confess that I think him foolish,)—he will be more ready to look over our exploits in that line than in any other more subtle but less heroic."

"Well, I leave it to you to propitiate the cove or not, as you please; and now that we

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Rh have settled the main point, let us finish the lush!"

"And," added Augustus, taking a pack of cards from the chimney-piece, "we can in the mean while have a quiet game at cribbage for shillings."

"Done!" cried Ned, clearing away the dessert.

If the redoubted hearts of Mr. Edward Pepper, and that Ulysses of robbers, Augustus Tomlinson, beat high as the hours brought on Lord Mauleverer's fête, their leader was not without anxiety and expectation for the same event. He was uninvited, it is true, to the gay scene; but he had heard in public that Miss Brandon, recovered from her late illness, was certainly to be there; and Clifford, torn with suspense, and eager once more, even if for the last time, to see the only person who had ever pierced his soul with a keen sense of his errors, or crimes, resolved to risk all obstacles, and meet her at Mauleverer's.

"My life," said he, as he sat alone in his apartment, eyeing the falling embers of his still and lethargic fire, "may soon approach its termination;

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228 it is, indeed, out of the chances of things that I can long escape the doom of my condition; and when, as a last hope to raise myself from my desperate state into respectability and reform, I came hither, and meditated purchasing independence by marriage, I was blind to the cursed rascality of the action! Happy, after all, that my intentions were directed against one whom I so soon and so adoringly learned to love! Had I wooed one whom I loved less, I might not have scrupled to deceive her into marriage. As it is!—well!—it is idle in me to think thus of my resolution, when I have not even the option to choose; when her father, perhaps, has already lifted the veil from my assumed dignities, and the daughter already shrinks in horror from my name. Yet I will see her! I will look once more upon that angel face—I will hear from her own lips, the confession of her scorn—I will see that bright eye flash hatred upon me, and I can then turn once more to my fatal career, and forget that I have ever repented that it was begun. Yet, what else could

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Rh have been my alternative? Friendless, homeless, nameless—an orphan, worse than an orphan—the son of a harlot, my father even unknown! yet cursed with early aspirings and restlessness, and a half glimmering of knowledge, and an entire lust of whatever seemed enterprise—what wonder that I chose any thing rather than daily labour and perpetual contumely? After all, the fault is in fortune, and the world, not me! Oh! Lucy, had I but been born in your sphere; had I but possessed the claim to merit you, what would I not have done, and dared, and conquered for your sake!"

Such, or similar to these, were the thoughts of Clifford during the interval between his resolution of seeing Lucy, and the time of effecting it. The thoughts were of no pleasing, though of an exciting, nature; nor were they greatly soothed by the ingenious occupation of cheating himself into the belief, that if he was a highwayman, it was altogether the fault of the highways.

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text: Paul Clifford/Volume 2/Chapter 8

title: Paul Clifford/Volume 2/Chapter 8


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Proofread
Although most pages currently are marked as "proofread", they are missing all the footnotes, sidenotes, and comments of the original work, which makes up a significant fraction of the text. Headers and page numbers are also missing, among other issues. --EncycloPetey (talk) 04:50, 3 November 2012 (UTC)


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 We can see how easily such variations could find their way into liturgical passages. R. Judah, when he was a guest at another s table, included in the grace after meals a passage similar to the one before us (Berachoth 46a).

Page 7. At all times let a man fear God (לְעוֺלָם). This is a liturgical exhortation to inward religiousness, and does not belong to the prayer proper. It is taken from the Tanna debe Eliyahu rabba (tenth century), chapter xxi, introducing the following prayers from Sovereign of all worlds (רִבּוֺן) to (P.B. page 9) I will bring back your captivity before your eyes saith the Lord (לְעֵינֵיכֶם אָמַר יְיָ). Some authorities hold that we should render " At all times let a man fear God secretly (בַּסֵּתֶר) as well as openly (וּבַגָּלוּי)," and that the reference is to periods of persecution when the open profession of Judaism was interdicted.

Sovereign of all worlds (רִבּוֺן). In this passage we have the true Rabbinic spirit on the subject of "grace" and "works." The Rabbis held that reward and punishment were meted out in some sort of accordance with a man's righteousness and sin. But nothing that man, with his small powers and finite opportunities, can do constitutes a claim on the favour of the All-mighty and the Infinite. In the final resort all that man receives from the divine hand is an act of grace. Hence: Not because of (i.e. relying on) our righteous acts do we lay our supplications before thee, but because of (or relying on) thine abundant mercies.

This passage is probably the prayer briefly referred to in the Talmud (Tractate Yoma 87 b), and was originally intended for the concluding service of the Day of Atonement, where it also finds a place (P.B. page 267). The Sephardim have a beautiful addition (ending with Isaiah xl. 15) to the paragraph which in P.B. (page 8) ends for all is vanity (Ecclesiastes iii. 19). It would run thus : and the preeminence of man over the beast is nought, for all is vanity, save only the pure soul which will hereafter render its judgment and account before the throne of thy glory. (לְבַד הַנְּשָׁמָה הַטְּהוֺרָה שֶׁהִיא עֲתִידָה לִתֵּן דִּין שְחֶשְׁבּוֹן לִפְנֵי כִסֵּא כְבוֹדֶךָ)


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Index talk:O. F. Owen's Organon of Aristotle Vol. 1 (1853).djvu

Proofread
Although most pages currently are marked as "proofread", they are missing all the footnotes, sidenotes, and comments of the original work, which makes up a significant fraction of the text. Headers and page numbers are also missing, among other issues. --EncycloPetey (talk) 04:50, 3 November 2012 (UTC)
 * Although should we? Am I allowed to add them? Because at present time, there are "Unnanotated Versions", and I don't know if that is merely a state, or something desired (and the unnanotated versions use this Index as the source). — Genesis Bustamante  (talk) 04:58, 3 May 2020 (UTC)
 * De-annotated versions should only exist if the original exists. Wikisource policy is to first host the published work, and then consider producing a version that adds annotation or strips it out. --EncycloPetey (talk) 14:57, 3 May 2020 (UTC)


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 your own country according to the power within yourselves. May such be the lot of every portion of the British Empire. May we see the day when it can truly be said that no portion of the Empire is held within its bounds by any other tie but the tie of good-will and affection. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, in many of the dark and troubled periods through which we have passed in Ireland, our sufferings would have been far harder, were it not for the large and abundant gifts that were poured in upon us in our day of distress with generous hands by our kindred and sympathisers, and friends abroad. From Australia, from New Zealand, from Canada, and from the great free republic of America, have come to this country generous gifts, and largely have they come from our own people—from the sons and daughters of exiled Irishmen."

One of the chief characteristics of the Irish in Australia is felicitously indicated in the foregoing remarks by the Lord Mayor of Dublin—the remarkable manner in which they have succeeded in rendering full and satisfactory allegiance to the land of their adoption and all its local institutions, whilst never forgetting the filial loyalty they owed to the land of their fathers and all its cherished traditions. Whilst bravely doing their part in building up new states in faraway lands, founding fresh cities, taming the wild bush, and developing all the natural resources of the fifth division of the globe, they have at the same time religiously preserved a deep and abiding interest in all that pertained to the old land of their affections, in every national movement, in every patriotic undertaking, in every successive advance towards the goal of legislative freedom. If any proof of this assertion were wanting, it is abundantly sup})lied by the active and continuous interest that has been manifested by the Irish race throughout the colonies in the present national

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 ever since the first day of its inception, and by the thousands of pounds that have been remitted from time to time in support of that movement to the parent National League in Dublin by its scores of colonial children. When Mr. J. E. Redmond, M.P. and Mr. W. H. K. Redmond, M.P., visited the colonies a few years ago, as the delegated representatives of the Irish National League, they were everywhere received with a generous welcome and a rousing enthusiasm, that were the most eloquent of testimonies to the depth and the strength of the sympathy and the affection, subsisting between the Irish in Australia and their brethren in the old land. The recent intercolonial tour of the Earl and the Countess of Aberdeen affords another evidence of the solidarity of the race. The knowledge that Lord Aberdeen was the first Irish Viceroy, for many long years, who had honestly striven to rule Ireland in accordance with Irish ideas, secured him a princely reception at the hands of grateful Irish-Australians in all the colonial cities that were visited by the Countess and himself. The moment a patriotic note is sounded in the home country, it immediately finds a responsive echo in the hearts and deeds of the Irish in Australia showing how thorough is the sympathy, and how magnetic the influence, that bind together the "sea-divided Gael." The same fraternal feeling finds expression in the loving conservatism which has led to so many distinctively Irish customs and festivals being transplanted to the antipodes, and taking deep and lasting root in the soil. This striking characteristic of colonial Irishmen—this measure of equal justice meted out to the land of their birth and the land of their adoption—did not escape the notice of Smith O'Brien during his tour in Victoria after his recall from a five years' exile. "It has caused me intense

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text: Author talk:Robert Reynold Merhige

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User:Jesusajith

AJITH JOHN

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BORN: - SAI HOSPITAL, PAZHAYANNUR, TRISSUR DIST, KERALA, INDIA on APRIL 27th of 1987

RESIDANCE: - RAYAGADA, ODISHA, INDIA

OCCUPATION: - EVANGALIST AND APOSTLE FOR JESUS THE GRACE GENERATION Inc.

Early Life and Education:- AJITH JOHN was born on APRIL 27th of 1987 in Sai Hospital that is in Pazhayannur under the dist of Trissur, Kerala, India.starting his education career in Kerala and after that as his father had a vision and call for the northern India so fasted and prayed according to the guidance of GOD THE FATHER, SON THE JESUS CHRIST AND THE HOLY SPRIT they came to ODISHA (ORISSA) a place called Therubali under Rayagada dist where his compete schooling and high schooling got completed. From his child hood onward everybody used to call him Pastor as he was a son of a Pastor. During his child hood onwards he was much interested in the activity of church and ministry and used to be a active member where he used to translate from different language in to Oriya and Telugu language. Thus during his B Sc graduation period he met Bro Sujit.S.Viswanath and Bro Renish George with whom a new youth prayer meeting started in Vishskapatanam city where many a youth used to gather and it was a blessing for many. After that they planned a special meeting in Vishskapatanam city where they called 4 Pastors from Kerala named Bro Tony,Bro Anish,Bro James and Bro Jino in that meeting many were baptized by The HOLY SPRIT in that AJITH JOHN was present which was on Dec 2010.

From there on started vision directed form GOD THE FATHER, SON THE JESUS CHRIST AND THE HOLY SPRIT for starting JESUS the GRACE GENERATION Inc which proclaimed only about JESUS CHRIST giving the people the message of GRACE and TRUTH through the GOSPEL OF JESUS CHRIST which continued through Mobile Evangelisms by mobile phone just by giving guidance and counseling to many and along with that Social Network Evangelism in facebook,twitter,linkedin,orkut,gmail,rediff,bogspot,myspsce,googleplus,batchmates,yahoo etc. It’s only about JESUS where counseling, guidance, praying and teaching the message of GRACE AND TRUTH through the GOSPEL OF JESUS CHRIST Grace be with you all, AJITH JOHN,

JESUS THE GRACE GENERATION Inc

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JESUS the GRACE GENERATION Inc.

title: User:Jesusajith


text: Author talk:Edwin Thomas Merrick

title: Author talk:Edwin Thomas Merrick


text: Author talk:Thomas Davis Merrigan

title: Author talk:Thomas Davis Merrigan


text: Author:Egbert Hamilton Walker

title: Author:Egbert Hamilton Walker


text: Author talk:Egbert Hamilton Walker

title: Author talk:Egbert Hamilton Walker


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Fastenrath, Johannes

FASTENRATH, Johannes, yō-hän'-nĕs fäs'ten-rat, German poet and story writer: b. Remscheid, 3 May 1839; d. 1908. A brief sojourn in Spain (1864) filled him with a permanent enthusiasm for its land and literature which inspired nearly all his life-work. He translated Juan Diana's comedy ‘Receipt Against Mothers-in-Law’; and compiled a series of volumes which are less translations than transcriptions in the spirit of the originals—‘A Wreath of Spanish Romances’; ‘Hesperian Blooms’; ‘The Book of My Spanish Friends’; ‘Voices of Christmas.’ He also published several works on the history of Spanish literature; and in Spanish, ‘Passion-Books of a German-Spaniard,’ a description of the

Oberammergau Passion Play; and ‘Walhalla and the Glories of Germany.’ A volume of war songs dedicated ‘To the German Heroes of 1870’ is likewise his.


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152 one of which Donald was to break open at the expiration of four weeks. This contained all necessary instructions for Donald's action; the other package was addressed to Mr. McKay, in Sydney, and which was to be forwarded to him by Donald at the expiration of the four weeks, did Charlie not return in that time.

Donald was very much against his master's strange and perilous undertaking, and strenuously endeavoured to dissuade him from taking such a course, arguing that sufficient country had already been explored and although he might possibly extend his discoveries, the fruits of his toil would only fall into other people's hands, who would not even thank him for his philanthropy.

These arguments, although stamped with truth, did not alter Charlie's determination, and Donald was obliged to relinquish his task, muttering to himself, on taking leave of his master:—"I knew the Cu Glas had some particular business in coming to Australia."

Charlie and Quandak, after great fatigue and hardship in penetrating steep gullies and ranges, came upon some good grazing country fit for a settlement, and having satisfied themselves with its extent and capabilities, they commenced their homeward journey.

Quandak was greatly disappointed at not meeting with or perceiving any traces of the Warrigals, with whom Maria was a captive.

One evening, however, they came to an old encampment among the ranges, where they intended to pass the night, when, just as they were about to light the fire, the quick ear of Quandak heard some indications of an approaching tribe, who by the sound were evidently on their way to the Alps. His countenance at once brightened up; he told his master that they must at once look out for a place of concealment, from which they could with safety reconnoitre.

The judgment with which Quandak conducted any case of emergency, and his indisputable experience in the habits of his own countrymen, led his master to be guided by his counsel; but the only cover or place of refuge within a short distance of the encampment (where Quandak said the tribe would stop for the night) was a

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 satisfaction," said the leader of '48, "to find that in this colony the Irish have distinguished themselves by their industry, intelligence, enterprise, and good conduct, as well as that their exertions have for the most part been rewarded with success; but the satisfaction is greatly enhanced when I perceive that they retain in this hemisphere those features of the national character—those noble impulses, those generous emotions, those genial susceptibilities—which I have been elsewhere accustomed with loving pride to extol as the attributes of our race."

A second conspicuous feature in the character of the typical Irish-Australian is the remarkable facility, and the pronounced success, with which he has adapted himself to the administration of municipal and parliamentary forms of government in these newly-created states. Coming from a country in which the fewest possible governing privileges are grudgingly granted to the people, the signal all-round ability displayed by the Irish settlers in Australasia, in the work of both local and general government, is little less than marvellous, considering the previous absence of any adequate training for such positions of authority and responsibility. They seem to possess an intuitive acquaintance with the rules and forms of popular government, and a ready tact by which this invaluable knowledge becomes easily translated into action for the benefit of their fellow citizens. Special references have been made in preceding pages to the number of Irish-Australians who have distinguished themselves in the parliamentary arena, but it must not be forgotten that there are hundreds of their brother Celts all over the colonies doing equally good and useful work on a less lofty platform as mayors, presidents and councillors of cities, towns and shires. Many a business Irishman in Australian

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 centres works hard all day for himself and his family, and gives his evenings to the service of the community that has called him to a foremost place in its Town Hall; and many an Irish farmer in thinly-settled districts travels twelve or fifteen miles at periodical intervals to take his seat in the shire council, of which he is an elected member. Facts like these are the strongest possible condemnation of the traditional policy, which has so long and so unwisely refused to Irishmen in their own native land, those legislative and municipal rights, which they have proved themselves fully competent to exercise in all other English-speaking dominions. As Sir Charles Gavan Duffy once told a Melbourne audience, "the history of the Irish race in Australia was one they might fairly be proud of. They exercised a large influence in public affairs, and he challenged any man to say it was not a beneficial and a salutary one. Every enlargement of Australian liberty had them for zealous friends; every enemy of Australian rights had them for uncompromising antagonists."

One further characteristic of the Irish in Australia must not be overlooked, and that is the general good-will, the prevailing amity of their social relations with their fellow-citizens of other nationalities. It is unfortunately true that, in times of exceptional political excitement, it is possible for unscrupulous agitators to raise and profit by an anti-Irish or anti-Catholic cry, but, viewing the colonies in their normal condition, the harmony that subsists between the inhabitants of Irish birth or parentage and the other component parts of the population, is one of the most noticeable and gratifying features of Australian life. In every colonial centre, Irishmen are found associated on the most amicable terms with their fellow-citizens of other nationalities in the management of public and charitable institutions, and in

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Rh large tree where foliage promised perfect security. A difficulty now presented itself, and which they had overlooked until the last moment, which was, that although Quandak could easily climb the tree, Charlie would be unable to accomplish such a feat.

A second search was accordingly made, when they found a hollow stump standing near the encampment, into which Charlie was obliged to lower himself from the top and crouch down. Quandak had barely time to gain the position allotted to him, when the foremost of the tribe made their appearance, and, fortunately for the explorers, they were too tired and hungry to notice any tracks or indications of the presence of any foe. The darkness of the evening, which was now closing in, favoured Charlie and his companion greatly.

The clamour and noise made by the natives in erecting gunyahs, together with the preparation of their evening meal, struck strangely on Charlie's ear within his narrow prison, and he expected every moment that some of them would set fire to his refuge. This was not done, and he was left unmolested to commune with his own thoughts, and meditate on his peculiar and unsafe situation.

As the darkness advanced, and the glare of the fires became more visible, Charlie observed that a small crack in the shell admitted a little light from the opposite fire, and through which he peered, in order to obtain a view of those immediately before him; when, to his surprise, he saw Maria, Quandak's wife, in her old calico dress, in close conversation with another female in a fur dress, but whose face was turned from him.

There being no other person at the same fire, he kept his eyes fixed on them, as he was anxious to see the face of the woman talking with Maria, and whose dress appeared to be made in a more civilised manner than those worn by aboriginal women.

Maria now replenished the fire, which sent up a bright blaze, and, at the same time, her companion turned her face full upon it. Was it a vision Charlie now beheld? his face felt cold, his limbs trembled! He gasped for breath, and, wiping his eyes, for he doubted them, he

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154 stared wildly. Nay! It was no vision! There sat before him the never-to-be-forgotten beautiful form and face of his long lost Bella McKay!

His late hopes and presentiments were indeed true; it was her well-known voice that he heard above the sound of the bagpipes, while on the pleasure-trip among the lakes. She was the Lindigo that little Takawarrant called on, the day he was captured, and afterwards recognised her by her portrait! What was he now to do? Would he at once go forth and claim her, thereby risking her's, as well as his own, life?

While thus debating in his mind, he heard the snuffing of a dog round the tree, and on coming to the crack, beheld another old and faithful friend, his stag hound Bran. This was Donald's Cu Glas! But how came he here, or was all a dream? His old familiar Bran bochd escaped unconsciously from him. A fatal recognition, which threatened destruction to all! for, on hearing the well-known voice and words, the hound flew at the thin partition which separated them, with such manifestations of joy, that his whining and tearing attracted the attention of some of the savages.

Charlie now saw one powerful fellow approaching his refuge apparently with the intention of ascertaining what game was hidden there, and which the dog was so anxious to unearth; for, on coming up, he walked leisurely round the stump, repeatedly tapping it with a stone tomahawk.

At this moment a long and shrill whistle sounded through the valley, which, with its peculiar note, arrested the attention of the savage, and he stood listening as if expecting its repetition.

Charlie was looking through the crack at this time watching the females at the fire, when he observed Maria, who had heard the whistle, start unconsciously, but, as if checking herself, she stared cautiously around her, then whispered in her companion's car, but instantly placed her hand on her arm, as if commanding silence.

The savage, whose curiosity was attracted by the restlessness of the dog, walked towards the fire where the

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text: Index:Memories of Virginia.djvu

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144 beautify the scene. Behind this garden, is a library of immense extent, vieing with that of Alexandria, in ancient, or of Paris, in modern times; and, further on, stands the gate of the flower-garden, which constitutes the northern outlet to the forbidden city.

The above comprises the buildings in a direct line between the northern and southern gates. To the east are the council chamber, and a number of princely palaces; with a temple, designed to enshrine the parental tablets of the present imperial family. To the west of the principal line of buildings, stand the hall of pictures, his majesty's printing-office, the principal magazines of the crown, and the female apartments; which fill up this division of the enclosure, and render the whole, one compact and extensive establishment. This magnificent residence, though described in a page or two, is about two miles in circumference, surrounded by walls, thirty feet high, and twelve wide; built of polished red brick, and surrounded by a moat, lined with hewn stone; the whole ornamented with gates and towers, and laid out in a diversified and elaborate manner.

The city, surrounding the imperial residence, is four miles long, and two and a half wide, encircled by walls, and entered by nine gates; which have given to it, the appellation of the "City of Nine Gates." This was the original capital; but since the occupancy of it, by the present dynasty, it has been increased by the addition of another city, larger than the former, and covering an area of fifteen square miles. These two cities are severally called the inner and outer, or the Tartar and Chinese city. In the former of these, directly to the north of the imperial palace, is an


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Rh "gate of extensive peace," which is a superb building of white marble, one hundred and ten feet high, ascended by five flights of steps, the centre of which is reserved for the emperor. It is here that he receives the congratulations of his officers, who prostate themselves to the ground before the imperial presence, on the new year's day, and the anniversary of the emperor's birth. Two more halls and three flights of steps, lead to the palace of the sovereign, which is called the "tranquil region of heaven," while that of his consort is entitled "the palace of earth's repose;" to keep up the idea of the inseparable connection subsisting, in the Chinese mind, between the powers of nature, and the monarch of China; the latter of whom is, in the estimation of that idolatrous and superstitious people, the representative and counterpart of the former. Into this private retreat of the emperor, no one is allowed to approach, without special leave; and here the great autocrat deliberates upon the affairs of state, or gives audience to those who solicit his favour.

The Russian traveller, Timkowski, represents this as the "loftiest, richest, and most magnificent of all the palaces. In the court before it, is a tower of gilt copper, adorned with a great number of figures, which are beautifully executed. On each side of the tower, is a large vessel, likewise of gilt copper, in which incense is burned, day and night;" doubtless, to flatter the vanity of the imperial inhabitant, who fancies himself a god, though he must die like men. Beyond the residence of the emperor and empress, is the imperial flower-garden, laid out in beautiful walks, and adorned with pavilions, temples, and grottoes; interspersed with sheets of water, and rising rocks, which vary and


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142 the most splendid, as well as the most important part of Peking. According to the Chinese, this is a very superb residence, with "golden walls, and pearly palaces," fit for the abode of so great a monarch: to the unprejudiced eyes of strangers, however, it presents a glittering appearance, with its varnished tiles of brilliant yellow, which, under the rays of the meridian sun, seem to constitute a roof of burnished gold: the gay colours and profuse gilding applied to the interior, give the halls a dazzling glory, while the suite of court yards and apartments, vieing with each other in beauty and magnificence, all contribute to exalt our apprehensions of the gorgeous fabric. We must not expect to find much there that will gratify the taste, or suit the convenience of those accustomed to admire European architecture, and English comfort; but in the estimation of the Chinese, their scolloped roofs, and projecting eaves, and dragon encircling pillars; with their leaf-shaped windows, and circular doors, and fantastic emblems, present more charms than the Gothic and Corinthian buildings, or the curtained and carpeted apartments of modern Europe. "There reigns," says father Hyacinth, "among the buildings of the forbidden city, a perfect symmetry, both in the form and height of the several edifices, and in their relative positions, indicating that they were built upon a regular and harmonious plan."

The grand entrance to the "forbidden city," is by the southern gate, through the central avenue of which the emperor alone is allowed to pass: within this gate is a large court, adorned with bridges, balustrades, pillars, and steps; with figures of lions, and other sculptures, all of fine marble. Beyond this is the


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Rh design: while the enactments, requiring these to be kept in constant repair, shew that the rulers of China are not altogether indifferent to the welfare of the people. Considering the nature of the present work, it would be impossible to enter more into detail respecting the laws of this singular people, but the slight sketch we have given is sufficient to shew, that the Chinese are not devoid of sagacity, and that they deserve to be classed among civilized nations. A people possessed of written laws, of whatever character, must be considered as a grade above barbarians; but those who descend to the minutiae of legislation, and provide for every possible exigency in the administration of an extensive empire, must have advanced to a stage of improvement, not far inferior to what is witnessed in this western world.

As another proof of their civilization, we may mention the state maintained by the emperor, who dwells in the interior of his splendid palace, secluded from the gaze of the populace, and surrounded by extensive parks and gardens; with the solemn parade of ministers, and the pompous pageantry of processions; which bespeak indeed a sort of barbaric grandeur, but a grandeur delighted in by some of the most powerful European monarchs of the nineteenth century. In order to form some idea of the degree of civilization attained by the Chinese, it may not be unsuitable here to allude to the extent and magnificence of the imperial city, where the lord of one third of the human race holds his court. The capital is divided into two parts, the northern section of which covers an area of twelve, and the southern of fifteen square miles. Within the northern enclosure is the palace, which is


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Rh while a parent, chastising' a disobedient child, so as to cause death, shall be punished with one hundred blows. This distinction between the claims of the superior and inferior relatives, is in unison with the system which they have adopted, of raising rulers and parents to the ranks of gods, and of depressing subjects and children to the level of slaves or brute animals. The policy, however, of these enactments, considering their design, will be easily seen.

Magistrates are forbidden to receive presents of any kind, except eatables, from the people, under the penalty of forty blows. Police officers, neglecting to apprehend offenders, are to be subjected to the bamboo. In judicial examinations, torture is not to be employed with respect to the eight privileged classes; and persons under the age of fifteen or above seventy, as well as those suffering under any bodily infirmity, are exempted; but in all other cases it is allowed and practised. This enactment goes upon the principle of not allowing offenders to be punished, until they acknowledge the fact of which they are accused, the justice of the sentence pronounced against them, and the parental kindness of the ruler in thus inflicting the necessary chastisement. Considering also the utter dereliction of truth, and the consequent want of confidence among the Chinese, the policy of this regulation, whatever may be the justice of it, will be acknowledged.

The laws relative to public works provide, that granaries should be built in every province, supplied with a sufficient store of rice, for the sustenance of the people in time of scarcity; which, being sold at a reduced rate, keeps down the price of grain, and brings the necessaries of life within the reach of the indigent.


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Author:George Gibbard Jackson

Works

 * Steamships, their history and deeds (1923)
 * All about our British railways (1923)
 * The book of the locomotive (1924)
 * British locomotives (1924)
 * The world's railways (1927)
 * The ship under steam (1928)
 * British railways (1930)
 * Hobbies for boys (1930)
 * The romance of the submarine (1930)
 * Triumphs and wonders of modern engineering (1930)
 * The book of the ship (1930)
 * The romance of exploration (1930)
 * The world's aeroplanes and airships (1930)
 * The romance of the sea (1930)
 * From post boy to air mail (1930)
 * The book of the air (1930)
 * Past times and sports for boys (1931)
 * Ships, seas and sailors (1933)
 * Twenty-six flying stories (1933)
 * From track to highway (1935)
 * The splendid book of locomotives (c.1929)
 * The splendid book of steamships (c. 1929)
 * The splendid book of engineering (date?)
 * The splendid book of the Army and the Air Force (date?)
 * Travel ways: by land sea and air (date?)
 * Trains and their story (date?)

title: Author:George Gibbard Jackson


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 chosen pastor of the eighth church formed in the colony of Massachusetts. In June 1636 he removed with the greater part of his congregation to the banks of the Connecticut, where Hartford was founded. Hooker came to be identified with all the important political and religious movements of the colony, and, in August 1637, was one of the moderators of the synod held in Boston concerning the doctrines promulgated by Mrs. Anne Hutchinson [q. v.]. In the autumn of 1638 he addressed a remarkable letter to Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts regarding a permanent confederation of the colonies (first published in 1860 in vol. i. of the Collections of the Connecticut Historical Society, and also separately). Hooker was cut off by an epidemic on 7 July 1647. His death was mourned as a public calamity. He died possessed of a good estate and library, as appears from his will and inventory printed in Trumbull's ‘Public Records of Connecticut,’ i. 498–502. He left several children.

Hooker wrote: He wrote also ‘The Unbelievers preparing for Christ,’ and an epistle ‘To the Reader’ prefixed to ‘The Doctrine of Faith,’ by J. Rogers of Dedham, Essex, 12mo, 1629. His life was written by his descendant, the Rev. Edward W. Hooker, for vol. vi. of the series called ‘Lives of the Chief Fathers of New England,’ 12mo, Boston, 1849 and 1870, but is merely a compilation from Cotton Mather and Hooker's own writings.
 * 1) ‘The Soules Preparation for Christ; or a Treatise of Contrition’ (anon.), 4to, London, 1632 (many editions).
 * 2) ‘The Soules Implantation’ (anon.), 4to, London, 1637; another edit., 4to, London, 1640.
 * 3) ‘The Soules Ingrafting into Christ. By T. H.,’ 4to, London, 1637.
 * 4) ‘The Soules Exaltation … By T. H.,’ London, 1638.
 * 5) ‘The Soules Humiliation’ (anon.), 2nd edit., 4to, London, 1638; another edit., 4to, London, 1640.
 * 6) ‘The Soule's Vocation, or effectual calling to Christ [on John vi. 45]. By T. H.,’ 4to, London, 1638.
 * 7) ‘An Exposition of the Principles of Religion,’ 12mo, London, 1640.
 * 8) ‘The Danger of Desertion; or a farewell Sermon [on Jer. xiv. 9] … preached immediately before his departure out of Old England. Together with ten particular Rules to be practised every day by converted Christians,’ 4to, London, 1641; 2nd edit. the same year.
 * 9) ‘The Faithful Covenanter: a Sermon,’ &c., 4to, London, 1644.
 * 10) ‘A briefe Exposition of the Lord's Prayer,’ 4to, London, 1645.
 * 11) ‘Heaven's Treasury opened in a fruitfull Exposition of the Lord's Prayer. Together with the principall grounds of Christian Religion briefly unfolded,’ two parts, 12mo, London, 1645. Part ii. had been published separately in 1640 as ‘An Exposition of the Principles of Religion.’
 * 12) ‘The Saint's Guide, in three Treatises. I. The Mirror of Mercie, on Gen. vi. 13. II. The Carnall Man's Condition, on Rom. i. 18. III. The Plantation of the Righteous, on Ps. i. 3,’ three parts, 12mo, London, 1645.
 * 13) ‘A Survey of the Summe of Church Discipline’ (defence of the churches of New England), four parts, 4to, London, 1648, a book which has largely affected the course of thought in the development of congregationalism in the United States.
 * 14) ‘The Covenant of Grace opened: wherein … infants baptisme is fully proved and vindicated; being severall Sermons preached at Hartford in New England,’ 4to, London, 1649.
 * 15) ‘The Saints Dignitie and Dutie. … Delivered in severall [seven] Sermons,’ 4to, London, 1651.
 * 16) ‘The Application of Redemption by the effectual work of the Word and Spirit of Christ, for the bringing home of lost sinners to God. The ninth and tenth books [on Is. lvii. 15 and Acts ii. 37]. (A Comment upon Christ's last Prayer in the seventeenth of John … being his seventeenth book, made in New England.) Two parts,’ 4to, London, 1656.
 * 17) ‘The poor doubting Christian drawn to Christ …,’ 12mo, London, 1684; another edit., with an abstract of the author's life by E. W. Hooker, 8vo, Hartford, 1845.

HOOKER, WILLIAM JACKSON (1785–1865), director of Kew Gardens, was born, on 6 July 1785, at Norwich, where his father was then in business. His father, Joseph Hooker, who was lineally descended from [q. v.], the historian, the uncle of [q. v.], was a native of Exeter, and devoted his leisure to the cultivation of rare plants and to reading, especially travels and German literature. Hooker was educated under the Rev. Dr. Foster at the Norwich grammar school, and having at an early age inherited landed property from his godfather, William Jackson of Canterbury, he determined to devote himself to travel and natural history. He lived for some time with Mr. Paul, a gentleman farmer, at Starston, Norfolk, and, being a keen sportsman, formed a fine collection of the birds of the county. An intimate acquaintance with Kirby, Spence, and Alex-


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 Macleay led him to the study of entomology. The discovery of a rare moss near Norwich brought him under the notice of Sir James Edward Smith, at whose suggestion he devoted himself to botany. In 1806, in the company of his future father-in-law, Dawson Turner, F.R.S., and afterwards in that of William Borrer, F.L.S., he botanised in the wilder parts of Scotland, and in 1809, on the advice of Sir Joseph Banks, he visited Iceland. Here he made collections in all branches of natural history, which were, however, lost by the burning of the ship on the return voyage, when Hooker himself had a narrow escape. In 1811 he printed privately his ‘Recollections of Iceland,’ describing the island and its natural history, mainly from memory; the book was reprinted in 1813. He then determined to accompany Sir Robert Brownrigg, recently appointed governor, to Ceylon, and with this object sold his land, unfortunately investing the proceeds in stocks which declined in value. The disturbed state of Ceylon prevented his carrying out his intention. In 1814 he undertook a nine months' botanical tour in France, Switzerland, and Northern Italy, forming the acquaintance of most of the continental, as he had already made that of the English botanists, and pursuing an extensive correspondence. In the following year he married Maria, eldest daughter of Dawson Turner, F.R.S., banker, of Yarmouth, and settled down at Halesworth, Suffolk. Here he began the collection of his extensive herbarium, and produced between 1816 and 1820 his first four botanical works; but an increasing family and a decreasing income led him in 1820 to accept, at Banks's advice, the regius professorship of botany at Glasgow. His success as a lecturer with large classes and useful botanical excursions secured the increase of the endowment of the chair from 50l. to 150l., and of the fees from 60l. to over 700l. He maintained intimate relations with the admiralty, colonial, and India offices, secured former pupils as correspondents in many parts of the world, and organised the sending out of numerous collectors. In 1836 he was made a knight of Hanover for his services to botanical science. Among his correspondents was John, sixth duke of Bedford, who was desirous that the royal gardens at Kew should be turned to account as a national institution, and after the death of the duke in 1839, and a report in favour of this scheme by Lindley, Lord John Russell was able to carry out his father's wishes by obtaining for Hooker the appointment of director of the royal gardens, on the resignation of W. T. Aiton in 1841. Here Hooker's great administrative talent showed itself: during the remaining twenty-four years of his life a garden of eleven acres was extended to seventy-five acres of botanic garden and 270 acres of arboretum and pleasure-ground, and ten old conservatories and hothouses were replaced by twenty-five houses of modern construction and considerably greater size. Of these, two, the palm house and temperate house, have no rivals in point of dimensions combined with successful cultivation. He also founded in 1847, with the aid of Professor [q. v.], a museum of economic botany, the first and most complete in the world, occupying three buildings. A queen's private garden had thus become an unrivalled botanic establishment. The opening of the gardens to the public and a liberal system of exchange with other gardens, both public and private, were amongst his earliest reforms.

During the first ten years of his directorate he occupied a private house, West Park, in the adjoining parish of Mortlake, to which he had transported his vast herbarium and library from Glasgow, having hired a Leith smack for the purpose. In 1857 a crown house attached to the gardens having become vacant, he was instructed to occupy it, and as it did not afford sufficient accommodation for his herbarium, which had occupied twelve rooms at West Park, he was permitted to deposit this in a larger house at Kew that had been in the occupation of the king of Hanover. This herbarium, by far the richest ever accumulated in one man's lifetime, was after his death purchased by the nation.

Hooker always rose early, went little into society, and retired late. He was able, in addition to purely official duties, to produce either as author or editor about one hundred volumes devoted to systematic and economic botany. These contain descriptions of many thousand species, and are illustrated by about five thousand plates. Until 1835 the drawings were mostly executed by himself; after that date by Mr. Walter Fitch. Hooker's descriptions are singularly accurate, and he always completed the works that he planned. In addition to his own work, he liberally assisted younger botanists, and did much to advance the science by persuading the treasury, the admiralty, and the Indian and colonial governments to produce local floras. Of these the flora of British North America was by himself, and those of New Zealand, Australia, the British West Indies, the Cape colonies, and tropical Africa were inaugurated by him, and for the most part elaborated in his herbarium and library.

During his whole lifetime his library and


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 herbarium were liberally thrown open to botanists, and his duplicates and publications distributed to scientific men and institutions all over the world. By his enormous correspondence and prompt acknowledgment of assistance, he maintained friendly relations with the Indian and colonial governments, which in their turn reaped lasting benefits from the distribution of plants from Kew, especially in the case of the cinchona in India, Ceylon, and Jamaica. Hooker died at Kew on 12 Aug. 1865 of a disease of the throat then epidemic there, leaving a widow, two married daughters, and one surviving son, Sir Joseph Dalton Hooker, O.M. (b. 1817). He was elected fellow of the Linnean Society in 1806, and of the Royal Society in 1812; he was one of the founders of the Wernerian Society at Edinburgh; was LL.D. of Glasgow, and from 1845 D.C.L. of Oxford; was corresponding member of the Institute of France, and companion of the Legion of Honour. In person he was tall, erect, good-looking, agile. Darwin, writing to Hooker's son, spoke of Sir W. J. Hooker's ‘remarkably cordial, courteous, and frank bearing.’

An oil portrait of him by T. Phillips, R.A., is in the possession of his son, and another, by Gambardella, is at the Linnean Society. A marble bust by Woolner is in the Kew Museum, and a Wedgwood medallion, also by Woolner, is in a tablet in Kew Church. A copy of this tablet is in the South Kensington Museum. There is also a lithograph by Maguire in the Ipswich Museum series. He is commemorated by Sir James Smith in the name Hookeria, a genus of mosses.

Lady Hooker, who for fifty years had acted as her husband's secretary and amanuensis, died at Torquay on 26 Sept. 1872, in her seventy-fifth year.

Hooker's chief works are: 1. ‘British Jungermanniæ,’ 1816, 4to. 2. ‘Plantæ Cryptogamicæ coll. Humboldt et Bonpland,’ 1816, 8vo. 3. ‘Muscologia Britannica,’ with Dr. Thomas Taylor, 1818–27, 8vo. 4. ‘Musci Exotici,’ 2 vols. 8vo, 1818–20. 5. ‘Flora Scotica,’ 1821, 8vo, arranged both on the Linnæan and on the natural system. 6. The continuation, vols. iv. and v. of Curtis's ‘Flora Londinensis,’ 1821–8, fol. 7. ‘Botanical Illustrations,’ 1822, 4to. 8. ‘Exotic Flora,’ 3 vols., 1823–7. 9. ‘Account of Sabine's Arctic Plants,’ 1824, 4to. 10. ‘Catalogue of Plants in the Glasgow Botanical Garden,’ 1825, 8vo. 11. ‘Botany of Parry's Third Voyage,’ 1826, 8vo. 12. ‘Icones Plantarum,’ 10 vols. 8vo, 1827–54, with about one thousand plates, drawn by Walter Fitch. 13. ‘The Botanical Magazine,’ 38 vols., 1827–65, with 2,700 coloured plates also by Fitch, and descriptions. 14. ‘Icones Filicum,’ with R. K. Greville [q. v.], 2 vols., 1829–31. 15. ‘Characters of Genera from the British Flora,’ 1830, 8vo. 16. ‘British Flora,’ 2 vols., 1830–1, 8vo, with subsequent editions in 1831, 1835, 1838, and 1842, after which date he transferred the editorship to Dr. Arnott, who succeeded him at Glasgow. 17. ‘Botanical Miscellany,’ 3 vols., 1830–3, 8vo. 18. ‘Supplement to English Botany,’ 4 vols., 1831–49, 8vo, with plates by James de Carle Sowerby. 19. ‘British Flora; Cryptogamia’ (exclusive of fungi), 1833, 8vo. 20. ‘Flora Boreali-Americana,’ 2 vols. 4to, 1833–40. 21. ‘The Journal of Botany,’ 4 vols. 1834–42, followed by ‘The London Journal of Botany,’ 7 vols., 1842–8, and ‘The Journal of Botany and Kew Garden Miscellany,’ 9 vols., 1849–57. 22. ‘Companion to the Botanical Magazine,’ 2 vols. 8vo, 1835–6. 23. ‘Letter to Dawson Turner on the Death of the Duke of Bedford,’ 1840, 4to. 24. ‘Botany of Beechey's Voyage,’ with Dr. Arnott, 1841, 4to. 25. ‘Genera Filicum,’ 8vo, 1842, with plates by Francis Bauer. 26. ‘Notes on the Botany of the Voyage of the Erebus and Terror,’ 1843, 8vo. 27. ‘A Century of Orchideæ,’ 1846, 4to. 28. ‘Species Filicum,’ 5 vols., 1846–64, 8vo. 29. ‘Guide to Kew Gardens,’ 1847–65, 16mo. 30. ‘Niger Flora,’ 1849, 8vo. 31. ‘Admiralty Manual of Scientific Inquiry’ (botanical portion), 1849, 8vo. 32. ‘Victoria Regia,’ 1851, fol. 33. ‘A Century of Ferns,’ 1854, 8vo. 34. ‘Guide to the Museums of Economic Botany at Kew,’ 1855, 8vo. 35. ‘Filices Exoticæ,’ 1857–9, 4to. 36. ‘British Ferns,’ 1861–2, 8vo. 37. ‘A second Century of Ferns,’ 1861, 8vo. 38. ‘Garden Ferns,’ 1861–2. 39. ‘Synopsis Filicum,’ with J. G. Baker, 1868, 8vo, of which a second edition appeared in 1874. In the Royal Society's Catalogue (iii. 422) eighty-three papers are enumerated, of which Hooker was author wholly or in part.

(1816–1840), eldest son of Sir William Jackson Hooker, was born in Glasgow on 4 April 1816, and educated there for the medical profession, graduating M.D. in 1839. After a trip to Scandinavia he printed in 1837 an octavo volume for private circulation, entitled ‘Notes on Norway,’ which was reprinted in 1839. In the same year he also brought out an ‘Inaugural Dissertation on Cinchona’ just before starting for the West Indies. He formed a considerable ornithological collection, but published nothing on the subject. He died at Kingston, Jamaica, on 1 Jan. 1840.


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 however, that a new edition of Tertullian’s works was being prepared abroad, he sent his ‘notes’ (which were very highly thought of) to the editors, and they were lost.  ‘Eight Sermons preached on several occasions from 1681 to 1713.’ These are admirably written with studied plainness, but able, earnest and scholarly.  ‘An Inquiry into the State of Antient Weights and Measures, the Attick, the Roman and the Jewish,’ 1721.  ‘De Benedictione Patriarchæ Jacobi, Gen. xlix. conjecturæ,’ 1728. This was published by Hooper’s own directions on his deathbed, at Oxford, by (1696-1774) [q. v.], who prepared in 1757 an excellent edition in 2 vols. of most, not all, of Hooper’s works. Another edition of the same was republished at Oxford in 1855.

HOOPER, JOHN (d. 1555), bishop of Gloucester and Worcester, was born towards the end of the fifteenth century in Somerset, where his father was a man of wealth. The exact date and place are not known. He himself usually spelt his name Hoper, others wrote it Houper. He graduated B.A. at Oxford early in 1519, but his college is unknown (Oxf. Univ. Reg. Oxf. Hist. Soc. i. 108). An older kinsman of the same names was elected fellow of Merton College, Oxford, in 1510, and was afterwards (1514) principal of St. Alban Hall (cf. Memorials of Merton, Oxf. Hist. Soc. p. 248). Hooper, the future bishop, is said, very doubtfully, to have also studied at Merton College, but the statement is possibly due to a confusion between the two John Hoopers. The ‘Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London’ (ed. Nichols, Camd. Soc. p. 63), says of him ‘That sometyme [he] was a whyte monnke,’ which points to his having been a Cistercian. He is said, after leaving the university, to have entered the Cistercian monastery at Gloucester, where he probably received holy orders. On the dissolution of the monasteries he went to reside in London, and, according to Foxe, lived ‘too much of a court life in the palace of the king.’ He soon became impressed by the writings of Zuinglius and Bullinger, and went back to Oxford with the intention of forwarding reforming views. He attracted the attention of Dr. (1500–1563) [q. v.], regius professor of divinity, who made preparations to seize and try him under the Six Articles Law; but Hooper fled in time from Oxford, and became steward in the household of Sir [q. v.]. His patron, finding that his opinions savoured of heresy, sent him to Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, to be convinced of his errors. But, after a disputation with the bishop, Hooper returned with his views unchanged, and it became necessary for him to fly from England to escape a prosecution for heresy. He went to Paris in 1539, but soon returned to England. Finding danger still threatening, he assumed the disguise of a captain of a ship and again went abroad, passing to Ireland, and thence by way of France to Switzerland. At Strasburg he had met with a lady of Antwerp, Anna de Tserelas, whom he married at Basle towards the end of 1546. In March 1547 Hooper went to Zurich, where he resided two years. He became very intimate with Bullinger, and corresponded also with Bucer and, or a Lasco [q. v.], whose opinions he eagerly adopted.

In May 1549, when the reformation was well established in England, Hooper returned and became chaplain to Protector Somerset. He now appeared as the leader of the advanced section of the reformers. He lectured twice a day in some of the London churches, and drew enormous auditories. His demeanour was excessively severe and repellent, and he was not personally popular. He engaged in controversy about divorce, maintaining its lawfulness, both for the woman and the man, in case of adultery. He was also engaged in a controversy with Traheron on predestination, and took a prominent part in denouncing Bonner. His views on the Eucharist recommended him to the young king, and he was chosen to preach the Lent lectures before him in 1550. He selected for his subject the prophet Jonas, and made many bitter attacks on the ordinal then lately set forth, on the oath by the saints, and the vestments. By his combativeness he much angered Cranmer, who caused him to be brought before the council, where he was severely rated. The king, however, was faithful to him, and the Lord-protector Warwick offered him the see of Gloucester, then vacant. The letters-patent nominating him to the see are dated 3 July 1550 (, Fœdera, xv. 240). Hooper refused the see, on the ground of his fixed objection to the wording of the oath of supremacy; thereupon the king, on 20 July, erased with his own hand the specification of saints and angels. Hooper still hesitated on account of the vestments, which he considered idolatrous, upon which the king, on 5 Aug., issued a dispensation to Archbishop Cranmer, which was signed


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 by six of the council, empowering Cranmer to consecrate him without the vestments. But this the archbishop refused to do. He, however, requested Ridley, bishop of London, to discuss with Hooper the question of wearing the episcopal dress. The discussion took place, and appears to have been angry and bitter. Hooper called the vestments impious. Martyr and Bucer were then asked by Hooper for their opinions, and both agreed that the vestments might lawfully be worn. Laski and Micronius, however, encouraged him in his resistance. Hooper was again called before the council, and, refusing to yield, was ordered to keep his house, and not to publish anything. This order he openly disobeyed, going about everywhere, and straightway publishing his ‘Confession of Faith.’ The council, sorely perplexed, ordered him into the Archbishop of Canterbury's custody (13 Jan. 1550–1). Cranmer soon reported that he could do nothing with him, and Hooper was committed to the Fleet (27 Jan.). Thereupon he signified to the council, and afterwards to Cranmer, his willingness to wear the episcopal dress. Accordingly, he was consecrated (8 March 1551) with the usual ceremonies. Bullinger, writing to Utenhovius 8 Nov. 1551, says that he heard the news of Hooper's submission ‘non sine dolore.’

Hooper at once went to his diocese of Gloucester, and displayed the utmost zeal in his work. He is said to have preached three or four times a day. He drew up a paper of fifty articles for the instruction of his clergy, and issued a large list of injunctions and interrogatories; but finding the replies not very satisfactory, he began a personal examination of his clergy as to their knowledge of the Ten Commandments, the Apostles' Creed, and the Lord's Prayer, in which simple subjects he is said to have found them very insufficiently informed. His nonconformist leanings appeared in the organisation of his diocese. He followed John Laski [q. v.] or the Zurich usage in appointing ‘superintendents’ instead of rural deans and archdeacons. Early in 1552 the see of Worcester was given to him to hold in commendam with the see of Gloucester. Later, Gloucester was made an archdeaconry merely, and Hooper was termed bishop of Worcester. He seems to have been forced to consent to the alienation of the revenues of Gloucester to the crown. Hooper endeavoured to carry out the same strict discipline at Worcester as he had inaugurated at Gloucester, but he appears to have met with greater resistance, his articles being denounced as illegal by two of the canons, with whom he held a disputation. When, in 1552, the commission for the confiscation of church goods was at work, Hooper, at Worcester, removed, as far as possible, all the plate and church furniture. He wrote to Cecil in October to correct any false rumours which his action might have given rise to. While Hooper was occupied at Worcester, the old practices which he had condemned were resumed at Gloucester, but he returned to his work there with unabated energy. He gained much reputation by his severe censure of the irregularities of Sir Anthony Kingston, who was so enraged at being censured that he responded with abuse, and even with blows. The day before Hooper's execution Kingston visited him, thanked him for reforming his morals, and urged him to recant and save his life. The bishop's liberality to the poor was unbounded, and in spite of his severity he appears to have been beloved at Gloucester. From 1551 he was a member of the commission of thirty-two which had to report upon the ecclesiastical laws.

Hooper was opposed to the attempt to set aside Mary in favour of Lady Jane Grey, which Cranmer and some other of the reforming bishops favoured, but he was nevertheless one of the first persons against whom proceedings were taken in her reign. The laws for the punishment of heresy not having been yet re-enacted, Hooper was sent to the Fleet on an apparently unfounded charge of owing a debt to the queen. His imprisonment was excessively rigorous. He complains that he was used ‘worse and more vilely than the veriest slave.’ On 15 March 1553–4 a commission was issued by Queen Mary to deprive him of his bishopric (, Fœdera, xv. 370). On 22 Jan. 1554–5 he was brought before the commissioners sitting in the church of St. Mary Overie at Southwark and accused of heresy. The principal charge against him was grounded on his teaching on the Eucharist. He refused to recant, was excommunicated and degraded, and handed over to the sheriffs of London, who put him in Newgate (, Chron. ed. Nichols, Camd. Soc. ii. 126). It was determined to send him to Gloucester for execution, and as his popularity there was well known, strict orders were given to prevent him speaking to the people at the stake. Full details of his last hours are given by Foxe. His sufferings were extreme, but his constancy remained unshaken. He was burned on 9 Feb. 1554–5. The lower end of the stake to which he was bound has recently been discovered.

By his actions and writings Hooper very effectively contributed to the popularising of extreme puritanic views of religion in England. Of his numerous works, both in Latin and English, the following have been printed:


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nō ðȳ ǣr suna sīnumsyllan wolde, hwatum Heorowearde,þēah hē him hold wǣre, brēost-gewǣdu.Brūc ealles well.” Hȳrde ic, þæt þām frætwumfēower mēaras lungre gelīcelāst weardode, æppel-fealuwe;hē him ēst getēah mēara ond māðma.Swā sceal *mǣg dōn, nealles inwit-netōðrum bregdon, dyrnum cræftedēað rēn[ian] hond-gesteallan.Hygelāce wæs nīða heardumnefa swȳðe hold, ond gehwǣðer ōðrumhrōþra gemyndig. Hȳrde ic, þæt hē ðone heals-bēahHygde gesealde, wrætlīcne wundur-māððum,ðone þe him Wealhðēo geaf, ðēod[nes] dohtor,þrīo wicg somod swancor ond sadol-beorht;hyre syððan wæs, æfter bēah-ðege,br[ē]ost geweorðod. Swā bealdodebearn Ecgðēowes, guma gūðum cūð,gōdum dǣdum, drēah æfter dōme,nealles druncne slōg heorð-genēatas;næs him hrēoh sefa, ac hē man-cynnesmǣste cræfte gin-fæstan gife,þe him God sealde, hēold hilde-dēor.Hēan wæs lange, swā hyne Gēata bearngōdne ne tealdon, ne hyne on medo-bencemicles wyrðne *drihten weredagedōn wolde; swȳðe [wēn]don, þæt hē slēac wǣre, aeðeling unfrom.Edwenden cwōm

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The United States decision to provide military assistance to France and the Associated States of Indochina was reached informally in February/March 1950, funded by the President on May 1, 1950, and was announced on May 8 of that year. The decision was taken in spite of the U.S. desire to avoid direct involvement in a colonial war, and in spite of a sensing that France's political-military situation in Indochina was bad and was deteriorating. Moreover, predictions that U.S. aid would achieve a marked difference in the course of the Indochina War were heavily qualified.

The situation in which the decision was made was completely dominated by the take-over of and consolidation of power in China by the communists. Nationalist Chinese forces had been withdrawn from mainland China and Communist Chinese troops had arrived on the border of Indochina in late 1949. This period was the high water mark of U.S. fears of direct Chinese Communist intervention in Indochina. NIE 5 of 29 December 1950 stated: "Direct intervention by Chinese Communist troops may occur at any time... it is almost certain to occur in strength whenever there is danger either that the Viet Minh will fail to maintain its military objective of driving the French out of Indochina, or that the Bao Dai Government is succeeding in undermining the support of the Viet Minh."

The rationale of the decision was provided by the U.S. view that the Soviet-controlled expansion of communism both in Asia and in Europe required, in the interests of U.S. national security, a counter in Indochina. The domino thesis was quite prominent. On 6 March 1950, the Secretary of Defense wrote the President as follows: "The choice confronting the United States is to support the legal government in Indochina or to face the extension of communism over the remainder of the continental area of Southeast Asia and possibly westward..." Despite this statement, it was a generally accepted proposition that "regardless of current U.S. commitments for certain military assistance to China, the U.S. will not commit any of its armed forces to the defense of Indochina against overt, foreign aggression, under present circumstances."

The decision to begin military assistance to France and the Associated States of Indochina was not made under the illusion of great expectations. In April 1950, the Joint Chiefs would go no further than to say that prompt delivery of the aid would do no more than create the "possibility of success." In July 1950, General Erskine, after completing his Presidential mission to Indochina, reported that "the amount of aid and the scope of the assistance thus far requested by the French were inadequate to the needs of the situation." All U.S. expectations seemed to have been underpinned by the Rh


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BY J. BERNARD LYNCH

NCLE MYER, first aid to the financially afflicted, displayed unwonted interest as he mentally inventoried a customer, while leaning patronizingly across the glass showcase.

That customer was tall, gaunt, emaciated; his hair long and straggly, the chalky color of his face accentuated by bright, sparkling light in big brown eyes. The age advertised by plentiful streaks of gray strands was repudiated by a youthful figure and nervous energy evidenced in every movement.

With apparent effort, he raised a violin case from the floor and laid it across the counter. Then after a sigh he relaxed his grip and, with a gesture of despair, allowed his gaze to travel questioningly toward the pawnbroker.

"Well," asked the keeper, "do you want a loan or is it for sale?"

"A loan," answered the man, wearily. "It's my all, but soul hunger must wait until human need is satisfied."

The pawnbroker, with business-like brusqueness, snapped open the catch and made ready to uncover the offering.

"Pardon me," interposed the man, "this is an instrument of delicate and artistic construction, and must be handled with care. In fact—it is an old master!"

Slowly, as if drawing forth a precious treasure, the man laid the violin on the counter. He then looked toward the pawnbroker, as if anticipating that the exhibition would enforce enthusiastic admiration.

The pawnbroker, to whom all instruments perhaps looked alike, blinked disinterestedly and asked, "How much do you want?"

"Listen," said the man, impressively, as he raised the instrument from the counter and tucked it, in a peculiar manner, under his chin. "You fail to value this treasure, but the violin will make you understand."

He drew the bow across the strings slowly, and the eulogy he could not convey in words he put into tones and half tones. A merry lilting waltz enlivened the sombre atmosphere and regaled the varied collection of misfortune's trophies. The man and melody bespoke mastery in the medium of expression and the pawnbroker's grim look softened as he felt the appeal dominating the strains.

The music ceased with soft plaintiveness and the player laid the instrument oh the counter.

"You see," he offered, indulgently, "it bespeaks the mellowness of bygone years; it is a heritage of master workmanship. But even though it's


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“” succeeded to “Hell Row.” Hell Row was a block of thatched, bulging cottages that stood by the brook-side on Greenhill Lane. There lived the colliers who worked in the little gin-pits two fields away. The brook ran under the alder-trees, scarcely soiled by these small mines, whose coal was drawn to the surface by donkeys that plodded wearily in a circle round a gin. And all over the countryside were these same pits, some of which had been worked in the time of Charles II., the few colliers and the donkeys burrowing down like ants into the earth, making queer mounds and little black places among the corn-fie1ds and the meadows. And the cottages of these coalminers, in blocks and pairs here and there, together with odd farms and homes of the stockingers, straying over the parish, formed the village of Bestwood.

Then, some sixty years ago, a sudden change took place. The gin-pits were elbowed aside by the large mines of the financiers. The coal and iron field of Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire was discovered. Carston, Waite and Co. a peared. Amid tremendous excitement, Lord Palmerston formally opened the company’s first mine at Spinney Park, on the edge of Sherwood Forest.

About this time the notorious Hell Row, which through growing old had acquired an evil reputation, was burned down, and much dirt was cleansed away.

Carston, Waite and Co. found they had struck on a good thing, so, down the valleys of the brooks from Selby and Nuttall, new mines were sunk, until soon there were six pits working. From Nuttall, high up on the sandstone among the 1


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 SONS AND LOVERS


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2 woods, the railway ran, past the ruined priory of the Carthusians and past Robin Hood’s Well, down to Spinney Park, then on to Minton, a large mine among corn-fields; from Minton across the farm-lands of the valleyside to Bunker’s Hill, branching off there, and running north to Beggarlee and Selby, that looks over at Crich and the hills of Derbyshire; six mines like black studs on the countryside, linked by a loop of line chain, the railway.

To accommodate the regiments of miners, Carston, Waite and Co. built the Squares, great quadrangles of dwellings on the hillside of Bestwood, and then, in the brook valley, on the site of Hell Row, they erected the Bottoms.

The Bottoms consisted of six blocks of miners’ dwellings, two rows of three, like the dots on a blank-six domino, and twelve houses in a block. This double row of dwellings sat at the foot of the rather sharp slope from Bestwood, and looked out, from the attic windows at least, on the slow climb of the valley towards Selby.

The houses themselves were substantial and very decent. One could walk all round, seeing little front gardens with auriculas and saxifrage in the shadow of the bottom block, sweet-williams and pinks in the sunny top block; seeing neat front windows, little porches, little privet hedges, and dormer windows for the attics. But that was outside; that was the view on to the uninhabited parlours of all the colliers’ wives. The dwelling-room, the kitchen, was at the back of the house, facing inward between the blocks, looking at a scrubby back garden, and then at the ash-pits. And between the rows, between the long lines of ash-pits, went the alley, where the children played and the women gossiped and the men smoked. So, the actual conditions of living in the Bottoms, that was so well built and that looked so nice, were quite unsavoury because people must live in the kitchen, and the kitchens opened on to that nasty alley of ash-pits.

Mrs. Morel was not anxious to move into the Bottoms, which was already twelve years old and on the downward path, when she descended to it from Bestwood. But it was the best she could do. Moreover, she had an end house in one of the top bocks, and thus had only one neighbour; on the other side an extra strip of garden. And, having an end house, she enjoyed a kind of aristocracy among the other women of the “between” houses, because her rent was five shillings and sixpence instead of five shillings a week. But this superiority in station was not much consolation to Mrs. Morel.


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Rh She was thirty-one years old, and had been married eight years. A rather small woman, of delicate mould but resolute bearing, she shrank a little from the first contact with the Bottoms women. She came down in the July, and in the September expected her third baby.

Her husband was a miner. They had only been in their new home three weeks when the wakes, or fair, began. Morel, she knew, was sure to make a holiday of it. He went off early on the Monday morning, the day of the fair. The two children were highly excited. William, a boy of seven, fled off immediately after breakfast, to prowl round the wakes ground, leaving Annie, who was only five, to whine all morning to go also. Mrs. Morel did her work. She scarcely knew her neighbours yet, and knew no one with whom to trust the little girl. So she promised to take her to the wakes after dinner.

William appeared at half-past twelve. He was a very active lad, fair-haired, freckled, with a touch of the Dane or Norwegian about him.

“Can I have my dinner, mother?” he cried, rushing in with his cap on. “’Cause it begins at half-past one, the man says so.”

“You can have your dinner as soon as it’s done,” replied the mother.

“Isn’t it done?” he cried, his blue eyes staring at her in indignation. “Then I’m goin’ be-out it.”

“You’ll do nothing of the sort. It will be done in five minutes. It is only half-past twelve.”

“They’ll be beginnin’,” the boy half cried, half shouted.

“You won’t die if they do,” said the mother. “Besides, it’s only half-past twelve, so you’ve a full hour.”

The lad began hastily to lay the table, and directly the three sat down. They were eating batter-pudding and jam, when the boy jumped off his chair and stood perfectly still. Some distance away could be heard the first small braying of a merry-go-round, and the tooting of a horn. His face quivered as he looked at his mother.

“I told you!” he said, running to the dresser for his cap.

“Take your pudding in your hand—and it’s only five past one, so you were wrong—you haven’t got your twopence,” cried the mother in a breath.

The boy came back, bitterly disappointed, for his twopence; then went off without a word.

“I want to go, I want to go,” said Annie, beginning to cry.

“Well, and you shall go, whining, wizzening little stick!”


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4 said the mother. And later in the afternoon she trudged up the hill under the tall hedge with her child. The hay was gathered from the fields, and cattle were turned on to the eddish. It was warm, peaceful.

Mrs. Morel did not like the wakes. There were two sets of horses, one going by steam, one pulled round by a pony; three organs were grinding, and there came odd cracks of pistol-shots, fearful screeching of the cocoanut man’s rattle, shouts of the Aunt Sally man, screeches from the peep-show lady. The mother perceived her son gazing enraptured outside the Lion Wallace booth, at the pictures of this famous lion that had killed a negro and maimed for life two white men. She left him alone, and went to get Annie a spin of toffee. Presently the lad stood in front of her, wildly excited.

“You never said you was coming—isn’t the’ a lot of things?—that lion’s killed three men—I’ve spent my tuppence—an’ look here.”

He pulled from his pocket two egg-cups, with pink moss-roses on them.

“I got these from that stall where y’ave ter get them marbles in them holes. An’ I got these two in two goes—’aepenny a go—they’ve got moss-roses on, look here. I wanted these.”

She knew he wanted them for her.

“H’m!” she said, pleased. “They are pretty!”

“Shall you carry ’em, ’cause I’m frightened o’ breakin’ ’em?”

He was tipful of excitement now she had come, led her about the ground, showed her everything. Then, at the peep-show, she explained the pictures, in a sort of story, to which he listened as if spellbound. He would not leave her. All the time he stuck close to her, bristling with a small boy’s pride of her. For no other woman looked such a lady as she did, in her little black bonnet and her cloak. She smiled when she saw women she knew. When she was tired she said to her son:

“Well, are you coming now, or later?”

“Are you goin’ a’ready?” he cried, his face full of reproach.

“Already? It is past four, I know.”

“What are you goin’ a’ready for?” he lamented.

“You needn’t come if you don’t want,” she said.

And she went slowly away with her little girl, whilst her son stood watching her, cut to the heart to let her go, and yet unable to leave the wakes. As she crossed the open ground in front of the Moon and Stars she heard men shouting, and


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 1. ‘Answer to the Bishop of Winchester's Book entitled “A Detection of the Devil's Sophistry,”’ Zurich, 1547, 4to. 2. ‘A Declaration of Christ and His Office,’ dedicated to Edward, duke of Somerset, 8 Dec. 1547, Zurich, 1547; recus. cum correctionibus per Christoph. Rosdell, 12mo, London, 1582. 3. ‘A Declaration of the Ten Holy Commandments of Almighty God,’ 1548, 8vo; 1550, 8vo; 1588, 12mo. 4. ‘Lesson of the Incarnation of Christ,’ London (E. Whitchurch), 1549, 8vo. 5. ‘A Funerall Oratyon,’ preached 14 Jan. on chapter xiv. of Revelation, London (E. Whitechurch), 1549; another edition in same year by T. Purfote. 6. ‘An Oversight and Deliberacion upon the Holy Prophete Jonas’ [London], J. Daye and W. Seres, 1550; sermons on Jonas before the king and council in Lent; two other editions in the same year by J. Daye and J. Tisdale; another issue appeared in 1559. 7. ‘Annotations on XIII Chapter of Epistle to Romans,’ Worcester, 1551; London, 1583, 12mo. 8. ‘A Godly Confession and Protestation of the Christian Faith,’ London (John Day) [1551?], 4to. 9. ‘Homily to be read in the time of Pestilence, and a most present Remedy for the same,’ Worcester (J. Oswen), 1553, 4to. 10. ‘Certain Sentences written in Prison,’ London, 1559, 4to. 11. Speech at his death, ‘An Apology against the Untrue and Slanderous Report that he should be a Maintainer and Encourager of such that Cursed Queen Mary, newely set forth,’ London (J. Tisdale and T. Hacket), 1562, 8vo; also appended to No. 12. 12. ‘Exposition on Psalm 23,’ London, 1562. 13. ‘Comfortable Expositions on the 23, 62, 73, 77 Psalms,’ London, 1580, 4to. 14. ‘Twelve Lectures on the Creed,’ London, 1581, 8vo. 15. ‘Confession of the Christian Faith, containing 100 Articles according to the order of the Creed of the Apostles,’ London, 1583 and 1584, 8vo.

Some of Hooper's letters were printed by Coverdale in ‘Certain most Godly Letters of such true Saintes,’ 1564. These, and others written in prison, appear in Foxe's ‘Actes’ and Strype's ‘Cranmer.’ Many of Hooper's letters are in the collection of original letters published by the Parker Society, 1846–7. Hooper's ‘Answers to certain Queries concerning the Abuses of the Mass’ is printed in Burnet's ‘Reformation Records,’ No. 25, 2nd ser. A portion of the manuscript of Hooper's book to the council against the use of the disputed vestments, written in October 1550, to which Ridley replied, was in existence in 763 (cf., Life of Ridley, p.315).

Hooper's ‘Articuli 50, Injunctiones 31, et Examinationes in Visitatione Diœcesis Glocestriæ,’ appear in Strype's ‘Life of Cranmer,’ p. 216.

The following tracts are attributed to Hooper by Bale: ‘Variæ Conciones,’ lib. i.; ‘Ad Vigornenses et Glocestrenses,’ lib. i.; ‘De Perseverantiâ Christianorum,’ lib. i.; ‘An Fides celari possit,’ lib. i.; ‘Vitandos esse Pseudoprophetas,’ lib. i.; ‘Contra Abominationem Missæ,’ lib. i.; ‘Adversus Concionem Jacobi Brokes,’ lib. i.; ‘Contra Mendacia Thomæ Martin,’ lib. i.; ‘In Psalmum “Levavi oculos meos,”’ lib. i.; ‘Super Orationem Dominicam,’ lib. i.; ‘Fidelis Uxoris Officia,’ lib. i.; ‘De triplici Hominis Statu,’ lib. i.; ‘Contra Buceri Calumniatorem,’ lib. i.; ‘De Re Eucharisticâ,’ lib. i.; ‘De verâ et falsâ Doctrinâ,’ lib. i.; ‘Contra Obtrectatorem Divini Verbi,’ lib. i.; ‘Ad Londinensis Antichristi Articulos,’ lib. i.; ‘Contra Primatum Romani Episcopi,’ lib. i.; ‘Exhortationes ad Christianos’—[Scripsit ex carcere]; ‘Epistolam ad Episcopos, Decanos, Archidiaconos et ceteros Clerici Ordinis,’ Foxe, p. 2135; ‘De Pseudo-doctrinâ fugiendâ,’ lib. i.; ‘Ad Parliamentum contra Neotericos,’ lib. i.; ‘Pro Doctrinâ Cœnæ Dominicæ,’ lib. i.; ‘Contra Corporalem Præsentiam,’ lib. i.; ‘Ad Cardinalem Polum Epist.;’ ‘Ad Acestrensem Episcopum Epist.;’ ‘Ad Calvinum Epist.,’ Epist. ii., Foxe, p. 1482; ‘Transtulit in Anglican. ling.,’ ‘Tertulliani ad uxorem,’ ‘De Electione Mariti et uxoris.’ Selections from Hooper's works have been published in ‘Fathers of the English Church,’ vol. v., London, 1810, and by the Parker Society, in two volumes: vol. i. edited by the Rev. C. Carr, Cambridge, 1843; vol. ii. by the Rev. R. C. Nevinson, Cambridge, 1852.

HOOPER, ROBERT (1773–1835), medical writer, son of John Hooper of Marylebone, was born in London in 1773, and after a course of medical study in London was appointed apothecary to the Marylebone workhouse infirmary. He entered at Pembroke College, Oxford, on 24 Oct. 1796, graduated


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 B.A. in 1803, M.A. and M.B. in 1804. Some difficulty (instigated, it is said, by members of the College of Physicians) prevented his proceeding to M.D. at Oxford, but he was created M.D. of St. Andrews on 16 Dec. 1805, and admitted licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians on 23 Dec. 1805. Settling in Savile Row, he lectured there on the practice of medicine for many years to large classes. He made a special study of pathology, and formed a large collection of illustrative specimens. While carrying on an extensive practice, he was a most industrious writer, and his books had a large sale. Revised editions of several of them continue in sale. He retired from practice in 1829, having made a fortune, and lived at Stanmore. He died in Bentinck Street, Manchester Square, on 6 May 1835, in his sixty-third year.

Hooper wrote: 1. ‘Observations on the Structure and Economy of Plants; to which is added the Analogy between the Animal and Vegetable Kingdoms,’ Oxford, 1797, 8vo. 2. ‘The Hygrology; or Chemico-Physiological Doctrine of the Fluids of the Human Body. From the Latin of J. J. Plenck,’ London, 1797, 8vo. 3. ‘A Compendious Medical Dictionary, containing an Explanation of the Terms in Anatomy, Physiology, Surgery,’ &c., London, 1798, 12mo; 6th edit., 1831; numerous American editions were issued. The edition of 1811 was issued as a new edition of John Quincy's ‘Lexicon Medicum,’ a work of long-standing repute which had gone through thirteen editions, and had been largely copied by Hooper. Subsequent editions bore the title ‘Lexicon Medicum, or Medical Dictionary,’ without reference to Quincy. 4. ‘The Anatomist's Vade Mecum, containing the Anatomy, Physiology, and Morbid Appearances of the Human Body,’ London, 1798, 12mo; 4th edit., 1802; American editions, Boston, 1801, 1803. 5. ‘Anatomical Plates of the Bones and Muscles, reduced from Albinus, for the use of Students and Artists,’ London, 1802, 12mo; 3rd edit., 1807. 6. ‘Observations on the Epidemical Diseases now prevailing in London,’ London, 1803. 7. ‘The London Dissector,’ London, 1804, 8vo. 8. ‘Examinations in Anatomy, Physiology, and Pharmacy,’ London, 1807, 12mo; 4th edit., 1820. 9. ‘The Physician's Vade Mecum, containing the Symptoms, Causes, Prognosis, and Treatment of Diseases,’ London, 1809, 12mo; enlarged edition, 1833; many American editions. 10. ‘Anatomical Plates of the Thoracic and Abdominal Viscera,’ 3rd edit., 1809. 11. ‘The Morbid Anatomy of the Human Brain, being Illustrations of the most frequent and important Organic Diseases to which that viscus is subject,’ London, 1826, 4to. 12. ‘The Morbid Anatomy of the Human Uterus and its Appendages, with Illustrations of the most frequent and important Organic Diseases to which those Viscera are subject,’ London, 1832, 4to.

HOOPER, WILLIAM HULME (1827–1854), lieutenant in the navy, after having passed his examination at Portsmouth was in November 1847 appointed mate of the Plover, under the command of Commander Thomas E. L. Moore, one of the earliest vessels sent out to search for and relieve Sir John Franklin [q. v.] The Plover's orders were to pass through Bering Strait and examine the coast eastward. She sailed from Plymouth on 30 Jan. 1848, and from Honolulu on 25 Aug. On 15 Oct. she was off Chutsky Nos, and the next day went into Port Providence, where she wintered. Hooper led a party along the coast as far as Cape Atcheen, and through the winter was much among the natives, whom he calls Tuski, and whose language he learned. The next summer the Plover moved over to Kotzebue Sound, and near Icy Cape, on 25 July, her two boats, under the command of Lieutenants Pullen and Hooper (who, though he did not know it, had been promoted to be lieutenant on 12 May), left the ship for a voyage along the coast. This they examined as far as the mouth of Mackenzie River, and going up it, Hooper wintered (1849–50) on the shores of Bear Lake, close to Fort Franklin, Pullen going a little further up the river and wintering at Fort Simpson. In the summer of 1850 they descended the river and examined the coast as far as Cape Bathurst, whence they returned to Fort Simpson, and there they both wintered (1850–1). Leaving their boats they afterwards travelled overland to New York, and reached England in October. Hooper's health had given way under the hardships of three arctic winters, and he became a confirmed invalid, relieving the tedium of his illness by writing the account of the expedition in which he had shared. This, under the title of ‘Ten Months among the Tents of the Tuski, with Incidents of an Arctic Boat Expedition in search of Sir John Franklin,’ was published in 8vo in 1853. It is an interesting, well-written book. Hooper died in London on 19 May 1854.


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 HOOTEN, ELIZABETH (d. 1672), quakeress, appears to have been middle-aged in 1647, when George Fox first met her in Nottinghamshire. Fox describes her as a ‘very tender woman’ (Journal, ed. 1765, p. 6), and she is usually considered to have been the first person to accept the peculiar doctrines of quakerism. It was not until 1650, although she probably preached earlier, that she formally received ‘the gift of the ministry,’ and she has the honour of being the first woman who was recorded as a quaker minister. She soon commenced to make ministerial journeys. In 1651 she was imprisoned at Derby on complaint of having reproved a priest, and in the following year was imprisoned in York Castle for exhorting a congregation at Rotherham at the close of the service. In 1654 she suffered five months' imprisonment at Lincoln for disturbing a congregation. At Selston, Nottinghamshire, she was violently assaulted in 1660 by Jackson, minister of the village, because she was a quaker, although she does not appear even to have spoken to him. In 1661, when more than sixty, she went to America on a missionary journey, arriving at Boston in 1662. On account of the laws against the quakers she had considerable difficulty in obtaining food or shelter, and for visiting some quakers in prison was taken before the governor, John Endecott [q. v.], who, after insulting her, sent her to prison. She was subsequently carried two days' journey into the forest and there left to starve. She managed to find her way to Rhode Island, obtained a passage to Barbadoes, returned to Boston, and after a brief stay came back to England. Having procured a license from Charles II to settle in any of the American colonies, Elizabeth Hooten returned to Boston, where she attempted to settle, but found that the king's license was set at nought by the rulers of the town. She then went to Cambridge, where, because she would not deny her creed, she was thrown into a dungeon and kept without food or drink for forty-eight hours (a person who relieved her being fined 5l. for the offence). She was afterwards ordered by the court to be whipped through three towns, which was done in the depth of winter and with great severity. She was then again carried into the depth of the forest and left; she was enabled to find her way to a town, where she was befriended, and then, after visiting Rhode Island, she returned to Cambridge, where she was again subjected to barbarous usage. She returned to England and resumed her work as an itinerant preacher, but in 1665 she was committed to Lincoln gaol for three months on a charge of disturbing a congregation. Notwithstanding her age, she accompanied George Fox and a number of other Friends to the West Indies in 1670, and died very suddenly about the middle of January 1671–2 in Jamaica.

Elizabeth Hooten published (with Thomas Taylor) an address ‘To the King and both Houses of Parliament,’ 1670, 4to. Several of her letters are preserved among the Swarthmore MSS.

 HOOTEN, CHARLES (1813?–1847), novelist, born about 1813, edited for some time a newspaper in Leeds, but came to London about 1837, and published in ‘Bentley's Miscellany’ a novel called ‘Colin Clink’ (republished, with illustrations by John Leech, 3 vols. 1841). After producing two worthless skits, termed respectively ‘The True Sun’ and ‘The Woolsack,’ the one attacking political economy and the other the court of chancery, he left for Texas, where for nine months he led an almost savage life. He afterwards attempted newspaper work in New Orleans, New York, and Montreal, and then returned to England broken in mind and body. He wrote a series of ballads for the ‘New Monthly Magazine,’ illustrations of American life and literature, and a novel called ‘Launcelot Wedge,’ which was running in ‘Ainsworth's Magazine’ at the time of his death (republished, 3 vols. 1849). He died from an overdose of morphia at his residence in Nottingham on 16 Feb. 1847. Hooton wrote, besides the works already mentioned:
 * 1) ‘Adventures of B. Thirland,’ 1836.
 * 2) ‘St. Louis' Isle, or Texiana, with Additional Observations made in the United States and in Canada,’ 1847.
 * 3) ‘Woodhouselee, or the Astrologer,’ 3 vols. 1848.

 HOPE, ALEXANDER (1769–1837), of Craighall, N.B., general, born on 9 Dec. 1769, was second son of John Hope, second earl of Hopetoun, by his third wife, the Lady Elizabeth, second daughter of Alexander Leslie, fifth earl of Leven and Melville. He was educated at home, and with his elder half-brother John, afterwards the fourth earl