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Rh mother materially through Mr. Hammond's liberality, and in due time she would take her children to England and give them all the advantages that money could obtain.

Although the Derricks and Lady Eveline had lost sight of Miss Hope, only hearing that she had married and gone to one of the colonies, she had been kept, for a few years at least, well informed as to the affairs of the family by her mother, who had formed an acquaintance with a poor relation of the Derricks, who was a neighbour of hers at Hastings. Mrs. Hammond still felt a keen interest in the most important and wealthiest people whom she had known, and from whom she had hoped and suffered so much. She therefore heard that John Derrick died at the age of thirty, leaving a widow and two children. She was sure that if Gerald Staunton returned from Sierra Leone alive, in spite of the most stringent marriage settlements by which her fortune would be reduced to a mere nothing if she married again, Lady Eveline would give her hand to he old love; but Mrs. Hammond was nearly as much surprised as other people to hear that this union took place eight or nine months after John Derrick's death. She had looked for some idea of decorum and propriety from a lady of rank; some regard to her position,

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114 to her reputation, and some consideration for her poor children whom she left to the care of their father's relatives; some pity for her mother, whose prospects were so materially altered by the second marriage; but Lady Eveline had shown none; she had married Gerald Staunton with this indecent haste, and had also injured most materially the prospects of the man she loved by the folly and impropriety of which she had been guilty.

But Lady Eveline, with her ill-regulated conscience, had one remorse hanging heavy upon her. She felt deep compunction for having married one man when she so entirely loved another. This is the greatest sin a woman can commit, but it is the man whom she marries without love who is most wronged, and not the man she gives up. The latter may find some compensation in a new attachment; his grief may be bitter at the time, but it is susceptible of various consolations; whereas the former is chained for life, and cannot go elsewhere for domestic happiness. But Eveline did not see that she had been guilty with regard to her husband; she thought he might have known how little affection she felt, and might have withdrawn; she had never told him that he had her heart; and as all he wanted was a noble

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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Rh alliance, he had no right to be disappointed and angry because he got nothing more. I was his own vanity and jealousy and selfishness that had wrought his own unhappiness. She did not think he could have appreciated her love if she had given it to him; but Gerald Staunton—who deserved everything and had received nothing—whom she thought of so constantly, who had been banished from England, and sent to die in that pestiferous climate, all on her account; his prospects blighted, his usefulness destroyed, his talent wasted, all because she had not had the courage and the honesty to break through her detested engagement and betroth herself to him for any length of time, or live with him in the humblest circumstances;—Gerald Staunton she had grievously wronged. It appeared to her now, looking back on her past, as if it had been the easiest thing in the world to do—so much easier than the miserable life she had endured so long. The one thing she had not had—love—assumed an importance in her eyes greater than it deserved; all her reading and all her thinking fostered the idea that it was the only thing worth living for, and that without it all pleasures were like apples of Sodom that turned to dust and ashes between the teeth.

When on a visit to her aunt, Lady Gower, she

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116 heard one day from an acquaintance that Gerald Staunton had returned from Sierra Leone dying, as might have been expected after so many years of that deadly climate. She could not control her emotion till her informant withdrew. She ordered her carriage without delay, and hastened to his lodgings to see him before he died and to implore his forgiveness. Very pale she looked in her widow's weeds; very agitated and tearful. Gerald, who was not actually dying but very dangerously ill, was very nearly frightened into his grave by the sudden apparition, which implored his forgiveness for all the mischief and injury she had caused him. So far as he could understand the wrong he had suffered, he forgave the suppliant; but his mind wandered often, and he could scarcely recognise her, and when he did, it was as Lady Eveline of Gower's Court, and not Lady Eveline Derrick. She would not leave him in this critical state; she was determined to remain as his nurse till he died or till he recovered. What were mother or children or even reputation to her now compared to him? She was his now, if he would accept of her, or his if he would wait for her if he survived; if he died, she would die with him. Everything was forgotten except that she loved him and that he loved her.

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Rh Under these circumstances, Gerald Staunton only waited till he was out of danger to marry Lady Eveline Derrick. The Dowager Countess was hotly angry, her husband's relations coldly and implacably indignant, and her children were told never to speak of the mother whom they never saw again. None of her friends or acquaintances could countenance Lady Eveline after the terrible indecorum of which she had been guilty, and Gerald Staunon's only sister was as angry at what had taken place as Lady Gower was. Her brother might have done so much better; the connection would ruin him, and so in a pecuniary point of view it did.

He obtained employment at some drudging literary work. Lady Eveline dropped her title, and dropped very soon out of the remembrance of society. As her father was no longer the Earl, the book of the peerage was cleared of her name, and she lived obscurely in a quiet street in London, and tried the reverse of the picture, where there was little but love to brighten her life.

Gerald might have regretted the relinquishment of his ambitious hopes and the nameless career that circumstances had hurried him into, but he was too generous ever to reproach his wife with it.

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118 He felt the charm of the devoted love, the simple child-like confidence of that impulsive nature; he reposed in it and resolved to be satisfied with it. They very rarely spoke of the time that had passed between their parting and their meeting, and Eveline tried to forget she had had another husband, or that she had other children than those of Gerald Staunton. How differently did maternity, with its pains, its pleasures, and its duties, appear to Eveline now! What solicitude and watchfulness, and love, and pride, did her children call forth! Amy was the eldest of their four children, and was always strong and healthy, but the three boys born subsequently were very delicate.

Years of watchful care and all the best advice that could be procured could not save them; they all died at about the same age. After the death of her Boys, Eveline's face assumed that strange far-looking expression peculiar to bereaved mothers; her health too began to give way, and her husband grew alarmed about her. When her medical attendant prescribed voyage to Madeira and a winter's residence there, Gerald threw up his employment and accompanied her and his little girl.

His family had been a very expensive one, but he would neglect nothing that would give

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Rh Eveline a chance of life, and a change of climate without him could do no good.

But the sacrifice was unavailing;—Lady Eveline did not get better, and she longed to return to England, to be buried beside her boys. That desire was gratified; she lived through the voyage, and a month or two afterwards. Her anxiety about her little girl and her husband was very great; she spoke a little to the girl of her past life, gave her some advice which the child could scarcely underscored, but the words of which she begged her to recollect; and enjoined her especially to take good care of her poor papa when she was gone. This advice Amy could comprehend, and she resolved to act on it; but she scarcely understood the far-looking intense way in which her mother gazed on her father. Did she suspect what was unknown to Gerald himself, that he was so soon to follow her to the Silent Land?

I was not many months after Eveline's death that Gerald Staunton, not feeling very well, but by no means alarmed about himself, went to consult the excellent physician who had attended his wife, and from him received that terrible sentence of death which is so appalling when dear ones are dependent on your exertions.

There was no hope, but there might be delay.

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120 A warmer climate, an easier life, and great care might prolong his life for several years. He now regretted the great seclusion in which they had lived, for in case of his death Amy would be friendless. The non-acknowledgment of his letters announcing Lady Eveline's death to Mr. Derrick and her children, which he had felt at the time to be a discourtesy, was now a serious misfortune. The Countess-Dowager was dead; the Derricks were all estranged; his sister, Mrs. Evans, had never visited him during his wife's lifetime, and had come to see him once after her death to shew him that she had no quarrel with him, but that she had decidedly objected to have any intercourse with her. She had a large family and no great income, and she did not seem to take to Amy at all, so that she was not to be depended upon. With his publisher he had had only business relations, and his little work on Madeira, which he had tried to persuade Eveline would pay all their expenses, had not taken and did not sell. Gerald hesitated a long time as to which of two courses to pursue:—whether to make submission for Amy's sake to the Derricks, or to try, as his last chance to prolong his life, to leave England for Australia, where he was to act very differently from heretofore: where he must be sociable, brilliant, and

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 these is uncertain, though the writer when in Texas in 1908 met two Indians near Hortense, Polk county, whose father was a Biloxi. Dorsey was informed that at the close of the Civil War a party of one or two hundred Pascagoula Indians and mixed-blood Biloxi removed from central Louisiana into Texas, “to a place which my informant called ‘Comˊ-mish-y.’”ᵃ Dorsey conjectures that Comˊ-mish-y is Commerce, Hunt county, Texas, but, as Mooney states, it is evidently Kiamichi or Kiamishi river in the Choctaw nation, Oklahoma.ᵇ No doubt there was some truth in this statement, but the number must have been exaggerated very greatly, since Morse in 1817 nukes only 100 Biloxi and Pascagoula together on lower Red river.ᶜ In 1829 Biloxi, Pascagoula, and Caddo are said to have been living near each other on Red river near the eastern border of Texas.ᵈ These may have belonged to the Angelina County band already referred to, but it is still more likely that they were connected with the 60 Pascagoula given by Morse as living 320 leagues above the month of Red river.ᶜ

In Bulletin 43 of the Bureau of American Ethnology the writer has given the following estimate of Biloxi population at various periods: 420 in 1698, 175 in 1750, 105 in 1805, 65 in 1829, 6 to 8 in 1908. A Biloxi woman named Selarney Fixico is living with the Creeks in Oklahoma, and a few other Biloxi are said to be near Atoka and at the mouth of the Kiamichi river, besides which there are a few in Rapides parish, Louisiana.

The last chapter in the history of the Biloxi tribe was its rediscovery by Dr. A. S. Gatschet in the fall of 1886 and his somewhat startling determination of its Siouan relationship. Doctor Gatschet was at that time in Louisiana engaged in visiting the smaller tribes of that State and collecting linguistic data for the Bureau of American Ethnology. After considerable search he located a small band of Biloxi on Indian creek, 5 or 6 miles west of Lecompte, Rapides parish, with the important result already mentioned. His conclusion was confirmed by Mr. Dorsey, and between January 14 and February 21, 1892, Dorsey visited the tribe himself, reviewed and corrected all of the material that Doctor Gatschet had gathered, and added a great amount to it, besides recording several texts in the original. A large part of the year 1892-93 was spent by him in arranging and copying his material, and in pursuance of that work he again visited the Biloxi in February, 1893, when he added considerably to it. In the spring of 1893 he laid this investigation aside and never resumed it, but made the material he had collected the basis of his vice-presidential address before Section H of the American Association for the Advancement of Science at the Madison, Wisconsin, meeting, August, 1893. His

ᵃ Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, XXX, 268, 1893.

ᵇ Siouan Tribes of the East, Bull, 22, B. A. E., p. 16.

ᶜ Morse, Report on Indian Affairs, 1822, p. 373.

ᵈ Porter in Schoolcraft, Ind. Tribes, III, p. 596.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Maxse, Henry Berkeley Fitzhardinge


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Maxwell, James (fl.1600-1640)


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 OFO-ENGLISH DICTIONARY .— In arranging this dictionary the following order is observed: a, aⁿ (or añ), b, e, eⁿ, f, h (including x and x̣), i, iⁿ, k (including g), l, m, n, o, oⁿ, p, s, c (Eng. sh), tc (Eng. ch), t (including d), u, uⁿ, w, y. g is probably identical with the Biloxi medial ḳ and d with the Biloxi medial ṭ. tc is an independent sound intermediate between the sibilants and t. x, x̣ and h all usually stand for the aspirate which follows several Siouan consonants and is particularly prominent in the Ofo language. Superior m (ᵐ) occurs sometimes before p or b and indicates an m nasalization.

abahoˊ, hail.

ạbaiyaⁿˊte, a dream.

abashiˊskᵃ, fog.

abaˊsi, ạbaˊsi, a chicken. — ạbaˊsi yaˊñki, or abaˊsi yaˊñki, hen; abasdokiˊ, or abastoˊki, rooster; ạbastcĭˊñki, little chickens; ạbaˊs k’adeˊsi, guinea hen, “spotted hen;” abaˊstuta, chicken-hawk.

aboˊfti, bad, evil.

aboˊki, a river. — aboˊki keˊdji, a river bend.

aˊbowe, to poison, poison. — abaˊbowe, I poison; tcaˊbowe, you poison; ạˊñkwa aˊbowe, someone poisoned.

afhaⁿˊ, white.

afhiˊhi, it stops, to stop. — aˊnic loˊlohe afhiˊhi, the current.

ạfhoˊti, cane-brake.

afpĕˊni, to forget, not to know. — bafpĕˊni, I forget, or do not know; tcafpĕˊni, you forget, or do not know; oⁿafpĕˊni, we forget.

aftaˊti, to prick. — abạftaˊti, I prick; ạtcạftaˊti, you prick.

aheˊ, ahiˊ, horn (of deer, etc.). — itxaˊ aheˊ, deer-horns.

ahiˊhi, blood. — abahiˊhi, my blood; atcahiˊhitu, your (pl.) blood.

ahiˊte, to land, disembark.

aˊx̣nạki, ax̣naka, out of, it is nearly light, it is just rising, it is out. — iˊla ax̣naki, the sun rises. aˊni abax̣naka teˊkna, I am going out of the water.

aˊho, bone.

aˊho, the haw (black or rred).

aˊkạftati, to nail. — abạkạftaˊti, I nail; atcạkạftaˊti, you nail.

akạleˊwa, to stand up. — bakạleˊwa, I stand up.

akạnạfpạˊka, bow, semicircle, arc. — ashoˊhi akạnạfpạˊka, rainbow.

akạpĕˊ, six.

aˊkde, to find. — baˊkde, I find; tcaˊkde, you find.

ạkfuˊ, bead. — ạkfuˊ fhi, yellow bead; ạkfuˊ îfthĕpiˊ, black bead, ạkfuˊ ạtchuˊti, red bead; ạkfuˊ ithoˊhi, blue bead; ạkfuˊ afhaⁿˊ, white bead.

akhaiˊyi, cushion, pillow.

akx̣eˊ, to plant (cf. khewe). — baˊkx̣e, I plant; tcaˊkx̣e, you plant.

ạkhiˊpi, satisfied. — abạkhiˊpi, I am satisfied; atcạkhiˊpi, you are satisfied.

akhĭˊsi, akiˊsi, turtle. — akhĭˊsi sxûˊpka, soft-shelled turtle; akhĭˊsi patchûˊti, red-headed turtle (pa, head; tchûˊti, red).

akhĭˊsi, akx̣ĭˊsi, the caul (Creole: la toilette), the spleen (Creole: la rate).

akhoˊba, aˊkxoba, stout, strong. — iˊto akhoˊba, itoˊ aˊkxoba, a stout man, a strong man.

akhoˊhi, prairie.

akhoˊtcaⁿ, akhoˊtcạ, out, outside. — akhoˊtcaⁿ ateˊkna, I go out; akhoˊtcaⁿ cteˊkna, you go out; akhoˊtcạ atĕˊ, I go outside.

akhoˊtĕ, akhoˊte, under. — aboˊki akhôˊtĕ, river bank.

akxôⁿhiˊ, a worm found in human beings.

ạkhu, ku, to give. — bạkhuˊ, I give; tcạkhuˊ, you give; aˊñkwa ạkhuˊ, one gives. akhuˊhi, I am giving it to him; atcĭkhuˊ, you are giving it to him; tcakhuˊ, he is giving it to you; miⁿtiˊ atcĭkhuˊ, he is giving it to me; oⁿtcĭkhuˊbĕ, give it to me! (with future suffix); aⁿtcĭkhoˊ, give me! tciˊtcaki


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Maxwell, James (1708?-1762)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Maxwell, James (1720-1800)


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 ill-reputed Torres Straits. The timely arrival of the "Victoria," however, enabled the "Firefly" to get afloat again, and she was taken round to the Albert. Ascending that river twenty miles to a convenient landing-place, a depôt was formed, and the horses, by this time reduced to twenty-five by the loss of some of their number in the late mishap, were safely unshipped, and the expedition was begun on the 17th October.

Landsborough's instructions had been that ho should proceed in a south-westerly direction towards Stuart's Central Mount, and accordingly he makes a start upon that course, following up the Albert to its head. Thence diverging a little more to the westward, passing through a very dry country, and over a number of creeks, most of them waterless, as it was far on in the dry season, he is at last arrested by a total failure of water. Leaving this country, which he named Barkly's Tableland, and turning more towards the south along the river named the Herbert, he is compelled by the threatening indications of the natives, to return with his small party to the depot. His company consisted but of two colonists besides himself and two aborigines. He had succeeded in attaining to about 210 miles from the coast, and had passed through what was, on the whole, a most promising country, well deserving the name of one of its districts, the "Plains


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Maxwell, John (1512?-1583)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Maxwell, Robert (1695-1765)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Maxwell, William (d.1603)


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 of Promise." "The character of the country is," he says, "plains, with the best grasses on them." At Barkly's Tableland he seemed to have come upon the upper waters of a considerable river, or rather what would have been a river at the opposite season of the year, for at this time it was merely a chain of ponds. The ponds were full of fish. The channel took a south-westerly course. The Albert proved to be a fine running stream for 100 miles up to its source, where it gushed forth in a copious spring. About eighty miles from the sea a branch went off from the Albert to join the Nicholson. During the passage up and down the Albert, from October to January, or during the first half of summer, the temperature varied between 74° and 94°, and was usually about 80° in the daytime. The nights were agreeable, more especially as the travellers were not troubled by either mosquitoes or sandflies.

Commencing his return march on the 30th of December, Landsborough made the depôt on the 19th of January. Here he found that Walker had safely arrived from the east coast during his absence. He had made the depot on the 7th of December, bringing the interesting intelligence that he had come upon the tracks of Burke's party at the River Flinders. This information induced Landsborough to alter the course originally laid out for him, and on the 10th of February,


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Rh agreeable, where above all things he must endeavour to win friends for his child, who might be kind to her in case of his death. He was at the same time to try and complete her education, so that she might be able to earn her own livelihood. She was an intelligent, a docile, and a pretty child, and the idea of taking her with him to the antipodes was pleasanter than that of begging the Derricks to have compassion on her.

His residence at Sierra Leone had made life assurance impossible but at a rate so enormous that it was a very bad investment, and now of course his life was absolutely worth nothing in that way; but Dr. Hudson had assured him at his age and with his habits he might live very probably for six or eight years in Australia, and he had no doubt that in one of the thriving capitals of the colonies he could easily get a situation of light work sufficient for the necessities of his now small family. Amy had no objection to make; the place she lived in was quite indifferent to her, provided only her father was with her, and he got so much stronger on the voyage that his spirits were better than they had been since Eveline's death.

But he did not make friends among the passengers, who were not numerous and were not pleasant. There is no place where disagreeable

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 1862, he started on a course across Australia by way of the Flinders.

Reaching the Flinders on the 19th of February, he was disappointed in finding all tracks obliterated by the rains that had fallen since Walker's visit. This fine river, which was struck at about 100 miles from the sea, he followed further upwards in a south-easterly direction for 280 miles, where it still presented a bed 120 yards wide, with a shallow stream flowing over it. He estimated the Flinders to be 500 miles long, which makes it probably the most considerable of the rivers of Northern Australia. From this fine stream a short journey of twenty miles across a low dividing range, brought the party to the head waters of the Thompson, where they found that some colonists from the Queensland settlements had preceded them, in search of suitable pastoral stations. Following this river for the greater part of its course, they crossed from it eastwards to the upper part of the Cooper or Barcoo, and thence to the Warrego. Here a change in the features of the country takes place. While the north, under the influence of genial rains, has been covered with verdure, this more southerly district has been suffering from a rather long continued drought, and all the fine grass has disappeared. An effort is made to maintain a southerly course to Cooper's Creek, in order to reach the depôt established


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Maxwell, William (1676-1744)


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 there by Burke; but this endeavour is unsuccessful, owing to the want of water, and in the vain attempt the horses undergo the severe ordeal of being seventy-two hours without drinking. Landsborough therefore makes for the settlements on the Darling, and on the 1st of June arrives at the station of the Messrs. Williams on that river, where he learns for the first time of the sad fate of the expedition under Burke. His own expedition is finished by his arrival in Melbourne in August following.

Landsborough's description of the country between the gulf and the Thomson presents to us a new world. This extensive area he describes as magnificent, consisting of basaltic plains of good soil, very thickly grassed. There is no mention of any alloy of desert so common further south and west, so that we infer that this fine country prevails over the large area between 20° and 25° of latitude. A practical confirmation of its qualities appears in the fact that a foal which had been born at the Flinders, had followed its mother with the expedition to the station on the Darling. One of the most conspicuous of the grasses had a resemblance to sorghum, and the horses fed upon it with great avidity. With rare exceptions water was always abundant, and the climate was healthy as far as the brief experience of the travellers could decide. The whole country, however, was


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122 people can make themselves so obnoxious as on a long voyage. When they arrived at Melbourne he found that it was rather overdone at the time with educated gentlemen, and that obtaining the sort of employment he wanted was no easy matter.

A ready writer is always sure to be able to make a living in England, though it may not be a luxurious one. But it is putting the round man into the square hole to bring a man with a special literary talent, like Gerald Staunton's, for careful criticism, and light essays, and philological research, into a bustling city like that of Melbourne. It is only on the staff of a newspaper that any one can gain a certain income, great or small, as the case may be, by literary work. Dr. Hudson had absolutely prohibited any night-work, and besides Gerald was totally ignorant of colonial politics and colonial life, and it would take him months to learn. He grew nervous as week after week his slender resources diminished, and there was no nearer prospect of success. The very youth, and life, and hurry of Melbourne dispirited and stunned the old Palladium critic, and when he was told that Adelaide was a quieter and slower place, it occurred to him that he might be more easily suited there. When he had arrived the literary world was still more

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 flat—the highest land along the Flinders being not more than from 1000 to 1500 feet in elevation, while the dividing range itself was not of greater height.

The rainy season of this promising country was found to begin in January, and end in April or the beginning of May; and as there had been considerable rainfall prior to the expedition's visit, everything looked to great, and, perhaps, more than usual, advantage. Leichhardt, who about seventeen years before, traversed all the country bordering on the Gulf of Carpentaria, gave a less favourable account, as he saw it during the dry season. He alludes to the creeks as being salt, and to the vast plains as imperfectly supplied with fresh water; remarking, however, at the same time, that the indications of a numerous aboriginal population would augur better for the country's qualities. The drought which Landsborough found prevailing at the Warrego and Darling rivers had extended eastwards into those parts of the settled territory of Queensland and New South Wales that were situated in the same latitudes.

Landsborough speaks rather more disparagingly than his fellow-travellers of the aborigines, regarding them as alike insatiably greedy and incurably treacherous. While the expedition was at the Herbert, about a hundred of them came swarming around the camp, all fully armed after their own


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 style, and all apparently so bent on mischief that the leader deemed it imprudent, with his very small party, to persist in going farther. Fortunately there was a great awe inspired by the horses. Again, at the Barcoo, he was compelled to use fire-arms to repel the furtive attacks of the natives; and it would appear that about this place they had tried similarly to surprise Gregory several years before. Landsborough found that the best plan was to give them nothing, in which case they seldom troubled him with their presence. When presents were given them, the more they got the more they wanted. They did not seem to be numerous in the districts passed through.

The kangaroo were seen to be numerous near Carpentaria, and emus were chased on the banks of the Flinders, one of their number having been caught and dressed as food. As McKinlay's party observed a Platypus (Ornithorhyncus paradoxus) in the water of the Upper Burdekin, we have thus the remarkable fact that the three distinguishing types of Australian fauna range through the widely-separated latitudes of the country, from Carpentaria and its vicinity far into the tropics in the north, to the southern extreme of the colony of Victoria, extending to south latitude 39°. The typical vegetation, too, seems equally pervasive. Dr. F. Mueller of Melbourne, in giving, by way of appendix to


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Rh hopeless for him than that of Melbourne, and he returned from vain enquiries more dispirited than ever.

Amy suggested that if he could not get employment as a writer he might as a teacher, because he knew so much, and was so pleasant to learn from. The idea was new to him and he acted upon it at once. His advertisement in the Adelaide newspapers attracted Mr. Hammond's eye, and the engagement had been made without delay. Mr. Hammond had been so prepossessed with Amy's manners and appearance that it had determined Staunton to accept a situation where he might make friends for his darling child. But it so happened that no friend was made in that quarter. Mrs. Hammond's heart had been hardened to her by a long course of events and feelings in her own life, and Amy's strong resemblance to her mother awoke the old dislike and jealousy; so that Amy Staunton, the grand-daughter of an Earl, the sister of the heir to a splendid fortune, was left in the bush of South Australia with no better or more powerful friends than worthy Hugh Lindsay and his wife and family, who were very much disposed to be kind to her, and to train her to be of some use to them.

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Allan Lindsay had been fully aware of his own ignorance, he had little or no idea of the extent and ramifications of the knowledge which he desired so much to acquire; and if he had been left at sea with the books alone which poor Gerald Staunton had brought from England, and for which he put up shelves lovingly as if they had been living things, he might in his ambition to learn everything have missed his aim, and at all events have learned nothing thoroughly or methodically. But young and inexperienced as his little teacher was, she gave good advice and good assistance to her friend Allan, whose remarkable powers surprised Amy as much as his remarkable ignorance. It was not at first she perceived his genius, for it was not a brilliant one; it was not quick or ready like her father's; his verbal memory was deficient, and that in the

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text: The Author's Daughter/Chapter 7

title: The Author's Daughter/Chapter 7


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Rh outset of education is the first quality that strikes a teacher; but as Allan began to feel his way and get holding ground, when he had once seen why a rule was given, or a principle laid down, his clear logical mind led him further in its application than his teacher could follow him. There was of come for a long time, along with this comprehensive view of the bearings of a subject, great ignorance of its devils, but Amy felt that her education had not stopped abruptly as she had feared, for this constant reference to her opinion and authority of a mind older and more powerful than her own, carried her back to old lessons which she might have forgotten, and at the same time forward in a direction into which few school girls are ever led, and towards subjects to which her father might not have called her attention. Jessie Lindsay, too, was desirous of learning something, but a little would satisfy her; she knew she was too old to be made a scholar of, and besides she had not time to give to books.

It was a first only an hour or two in the evening, after the day's work was over, that Allan could devote to make up for lost time, and he was so necessary to his father that if he did try to snatch a little leisure during the day, the old man would call for him and make him leave off. The

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Rh Mr. Forbes to allow Catherine to accompany them, that the nuptials between her and George (which had been delayed for some time) should take place, and which would save the latter being carried away by the profligate habits of Lord Lundy.

Hiring a small steamer from the Clyde, the whole party arrived at the entrance of Lochlinn on a beautiful summer's afternoon.

With feelings of joy and happiness, Charlie and his wife viewed all the endearing and well-remembered scenes of their happy childhood. Each spot which recalled many incidents connected with their first love was pointed out by Bella as she rested on her husband's arm, standing on the quarter-deck of the steamer, which glided swiftly through the smooth waters of Lochlinn. But on coming abreast of the rocks which had nearly proved fatal to her on the morning the pony ran away with her, a cold shiver came over her. This feeling soon vanished on coming in sight of the ruins of Ni Ruari's boothy, the delapidateddilapidated [sic] appearance of which told plainly that its mysterious tenant had gone to her long home. The strange revelations made to them by her flew to their memory for the first time since that memorable day, and the remarkable truthfulness of the prophecy now forcibly struck them.

"You are perfectly right, she would tell a person's fortune to a T," exclaimed Mary, who, with her husband, was indulging in the same reminiscences.

On landing at Kinlochlinn the party proposed to take George by surprise, and therefore did not send him notice of their arrival, they accordingly walked direct from the place of landing to his house. On their going through the copse-wood, game of all descriptions started before them and Donald, who was carrying a fowling-piece, longed to have a shot at them. Walking up to

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 death, which occurred February 4, 1895, was one of the severest blows that the study of American Indian languages has had to endure.

All that is known about the ethnology of the Biloxi tribe, besides what is given in the preceding pages and what may be inferred from that of other tribes in the same general region, is contained in Mr. Dorsey’s vice-presidential address above referred to and in the texts which follow.

The Siouan tribes most closely related to the Biloxi linguistically appear to have been the recently discovered Ofo of the lower Yazoo, the now extinct Tutelo of Virginia, and probably the other Siouan tribes of the East as well. Among the western Sioux they found their nearest relatives, curiously enough, among the northern representatives of the stock, the Dakota, Hidatsa, Mandan, Crows, and Winnebago. A closer study will probably establish their position in the group with much more exactness.

The Ofo tribe usually appears in history under the name Offagoula, or Ofogoula, which is evidently composed of their proper designation and the Mobilian ending meaning “people.” Du Pratz naturally but erroneously assumes that the first part is derived from Mobilian or Choctaw ofe, “dog.” By the Tunica, and apparently by the Yazoo and Koroa as well, they were known as Ushpie (Ûcpī), and this word has been employed by some French travelers not thoroughly familiar with the Yazoo tribes as if it referred to an independent people.

The first reference to the Ofo, so far as the writer is aware, is in Iberville’s journal of his first expedition to the mouth of the Mississippi in 1699. He did not ascend the river as far as the Yazoo, it is true, but he was informed by a Taëensa Indian that upon it were “seven villages, which are the Tonicas, Ouispe, Opocoulas, Taposa, Chaquesauma, Outapa, Thysia.”ᵃ Here the two names of the Ofo are given as if there were two distinct tribes. Margry, the transcriber of this document, has evidently misread Opocoulas for Ofocoulas. Pénicaut, in chronicling Le Sueur’s ascent of the Mississippi the year after, says: “Ascending the river [Yazoo] four leagues one finds on the right the villages where six nations of savages live called the Yasoux, the Offogoulas, the Tonicas, the Coroas, the Ouitoupas, and the Oussipée.”ᵇ The Jesuit missionary Gravier visited this river later in the same year in order to see Father Davion, who had established himself as missionary among the Tunica and was reported to be dangerously ill. He says: “There are three different lauguages in his mission, the Jakou [Yazoo] of 30 cabins, the Ounspik of 10 or 12 cabins, and the Toumika [Tunica], who are in seven hamlets, and

ᵃ Margry, Découvertes, IV, p. 180. ᵇ Ibid., V, p. 401.


text: Lindigo, the White Woman/Chapter 25

title: Lindigo, the White Woman/Chapter 25


text: Lindigo, the White Woman/Chapter 26

title: Lindigo, the White Woman/Chapter 26


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126 more he sounded the depths of his ignorance and the greater the heights which Allan had a glimpse of far above him, the sadder were his regrets at the lost years, and the poor scraps and edges of his days that he could now give. At first his progress was slow, and he felt depressed rather than exhilarated.

"Dear me! Allan, my man," said his mother to him one day, "I thought all this work wi' books was to make ye as happy as a king, but for a' the lot that ye've got, and a' the pains and patience Amy takes wi' ye, here seems to be mair gloom on your brow than I e'er saw wi' the hardest day's work ye ever did. It's no behaving weel to Amy, poor thing, that's doing the best she can for you, to be so dissatisfied. If the Almighty has na given you the capacity for books that he has for other things, it behoves you to be satisfied with your gifts, an no to try to gar water run up hill."

"But I can't be satisfied, mother," said Allan; "not till I try harder, at any rate. I ought to understand this."

"'Deed, Allan, I think ye are just trying to learn owre muckle, and what gangs in at ae lug just gangs out at the other. It was all very weel for Mr. Staunton, poor man, that had his bread to get by it, and poor bread I doubt it was, to learn this, that, and the other, but for you who'll have

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Rh a bonnie bit of property, and ken weel how to make the best o't, I see no occasion for ye to fash your thumb with by-ordinar learning. If ye can read your Bible and the papers, and have a good hand o' write, and can cast accounts so as to keep you from either cheating or being cheated, it is just as much as can be expected o' you wi' your opportunities."

"But, Mrs. Lindsay," said Amy, who entered the room at the moment, "why should Allan be inferior in these things to his brothers who are now at school?"

"He'll never be inferior," said the mother. "No, Allan has the best headpiece of the lot of them, and is no to be left behind the hand; but I was just saying, that it does not need much book learning to farm the land and mind the stock and sheep, and there's a hantle things that were very befitting to a gentleman and real scholar like your father, that it would be mair fash than profit for Allan to learn, wi' his father needing him at every turn for his help and his counsel."

"But, mother, will not my help and my counsel be of more worth to my father the more I know?" said Allan.

"No doubt, no doubt," said the mother, but she said it doubtfully, "that would depend on whatna' kind of things they are, but there seems

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 who comprise in all 50 or 60 small cabins.”ᵃ In this narrative “Ounspik” is evidently a misreading or misprint of Ounspie, which is a variant of Ouispie. In the Tunica mission of Father Davion, Gravier did not learn the proper name of the tribe. In the journal of his descent of the Mississippi in 1721, Charlevoix mentions “a village of Yasous mixed with Curoas and Ofogoulas, which may have been at most two hundred men fit to bear arms.”ᵇ January 26, 1722, La Harpe entered the Yazoo, and describes the condition of the lower Yazoo tribes thus: “The river of the Yasons runs from its mouth north-northeast to Fort St. Peter, then north a quarter northwest hall a league, and turning back by the north until it is east a quarter northeast another half league as far as the low stone bluffs on which are situated settlements of the Yasons, Courois, Offogoula, and Onspée nations; their cabins are disposed by cantons, the greater part situated on artificial earthen mounds between the valleys, which leads one to suppose that anciently these nations were numerous. Now they are reduced to about two hundred and fifty persons.”ᶜ Father Poisson, ascending to his mission among the Quapaw in 1727, speaks of “three villages [on the lower Yazoo] in which three different languages are spoken,”ᵈ but professes no further knowledge regarding them. In his general survey of Louisiana tribes, founded on information received between the years 1718 and 1734, Du Pratz assigns this tribe “about 60 cabins” as against 100 tor the Yazoo and 40 for the Korea,ᵉ which would appear to be a very considerable overestimate.

In 1729 the Yazoo and Korea joined in the Natchez uprising, slew their missionary, and destroyed the French post that had been established among them. “Tho Offogoulas,” says Charlevoix, “were then on a hunt; on their return they were strongly urged to enter the plot; but they steadily refused, and withdrew to the Tonicas, whom they knew to be of all the Indians the most inviolably attached to the French.”ᶠ The earlier association which we know to have subsisted between these two tribes may also be assigned as a probable cause of their association with them at that period. During the subsequent hostilities they continued firm friends and efficient allies of the French. In 1739 an officer under M. de Noailles, ascending the Mississippi to take part in Bienville’s projected attack on the Chickasaw, says: “This last [the Natchez tribe] is the cause of our war against the latter [the Chickasaw], and induces them to extend their expeditions to this very fort [Fort Rosalie] against the Ossogoulas, a small tribe of fourteen or fifteen warriors who have settled here

ᵃ Shes, Early Voyages on the Mississippi, p. 133, 1861.

ᵇ French, Historical Collections of Louisiana, pt. 3, pp. 138-139, 1851.

ᶜ La Harpe, Jour. Hist. de l'Établissement des Français à la Louisiane, pp. 310-311, 1831.

ᵈ Jesuit Relations, Thwaites ed. LXVII, p. 317, 1900.

ᵉ Du Pratz, Histoire de la Louisiane, II, pp. 225-226, 1758.

ᶠ Shea’s Charlevoix’s History of New France, VI, p. 86, 1872.


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128 to me to be some things that further a man, and some things that hinder a man, and whether Jessie's in the right o' the matter or no, she looks blither and mair contented than you."

"Well, mother, I am no discontented either, but I cannot be quite contented to have the headpiece wihout he furniture inside, and I fancy that all sorts of knowledge would further me."

"May be you're right, Allan, but I would not have you educated above your station."

"But what is my station, and what may not my station be ten years hence, that you fear my knowing too much?" said Allan.

"That's very true, Allan, there's no saying what you may attain to. But all I was saying is, that you're no such good company in the evenings as you used to be, and your father was saying ye were no' sae helpful to him, which is a pity, and I thought that if ye aimed at less ye micht prosper better."

"I thought your proverb was 'If ye mint [aim] at a gown o' gowd ye'll aye ge a sleeve o't,'" said Allan rather sadly, and he conversation dropped.

Although the old people were exceedingly anxious in theory that Allan should have a chance of making up his lee-way, he had been so long

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 within a short time.” In 1758 governor De Kerlérec reports that “for some years some Indian families of the offogoula nation, the remains of a fairly numerous nation which the Chikachas have not ceased to persecute, have established themselves [at Natchez]; they are housed under the cannon of the fort, and in war expeditions they join our troops in order to pursue our enemies.” He gives the number of their warriors as fifteen, In 1784 Hutchins states that they had a small village of about a dozen warriors on the western bank of the Mississippi, eight miles above Point Coupée, and it is evident that Baudry de Lozières is only recalling earlier conditions when at about the same period he puts them back in their old situation along with the Koroa and Yazoo. On March 22, 1764, it is recorded that “The Ossogoulas, Chaktas, Avoyelles, and Tonicas,” to the number of thirty men, attacked an English convoy of pirogues, and in two somewhat in advance of the rest killed six men and wounded seven, thereby causing the expedition to be abandoned. The reason assigned for this attack was their refusal to give up a slave who had fled to them.

After 1784 no mention of this tribe appears in histories or books of travel, and it was naturally supposed that it had long been extinct, when in November, 1908, the writer had the good fortune to find an Indian woman belonging to this tribe, of which she is the last representative, who remembered a surprising number of words of her language, when it is considered that the rest of her people had died when she was a girl. She appears to have learned most of these from her old grandmother, who was also responsible for the positive statement that the name of their tribe was Ofo. This woman, Rosa Pierrette, is living with the Tunica remnant near Marksville, La., and her husband belongs to the Tunica tribe. Already in May, 1907, the writer had heard from the Tunica chief of the comparatively late existence of representatives of the Ofo, but from the fact that the one word this man could remember contained an initial f, it was assumed that it belonged to the Muskhogean linguistic family. It was therefore a surprising and most interesting discovery that the Ofogoula of French writers must be added to the Biloxi as a second representative of the Siouan family in the region of the lower Mississippi. In the use of an f it is peculiar, but its affinities appear to be first with the Biloxi and the eastern Siouan tribes rather than with the nearer Quapaw and the other Siouan dialects of the West.


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Author talk:Marcus Tullius Cicero

Author specific templates

 * Template:Cicero's correspondents
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title: Author talk:Marcus Tullius Cicero


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Page:EB1911 - Volume 02.djvu/384

 Amongst the great peoples of ancient history the Egyptians were the first and the most famous of archers, relying on the bow as their principal weapon in war. Their bows were somewhat shorter than a man, and their arrows varied between 2 ft. and 2 ft. 8 in. in length. Here, as elsewhere, flint heads for arrows were by no means rare, but bronze was the usual material employed. The Biblical bow was of reed, wood or horn, and the Israelites used it freely both in war (Gen. xlviii. 22) and in the chase (xxi. 20). The Assyrians also were a nation of archers. Amongst the Greeks of the historic period archery was not much in evidence, in spite of the tradition of Teucer, Ulysses and many other archers of the Iliad and Odyssey. The Cretans, however, supplied Greek armies with the bowmen required. In the “Ten Thousand” figured two hundred Cretan bowmen of Sosias’ corps. Rüstow and Köchly (Geschichte des griechischen Kriegswesens , p. 131) estimate the range of the Cretan bow at eighty to one hundred paces, as compared with the sling-bullet’s forty or fifty, and the javelin’s thirty to forty. The Romans as a nation were, equally with the Greeks, indifferent to archery; in their legions the archer element was furnished by Cretans and Asiatics. On the other hand nearly all Asiatic and derived nations were famous bowmen, from the nations who fought under Xerxes’ banner onwards. The Persian, Scythian and Parthian bow was far more efficient than the Cretan, though the latter was not wanting in the heterogeneous armies of the East. The sagittarii, three thousand strong, who fought in the Pharsalian campaign, were drawn from Crete, Pontus, Syria, &c. But the Roman view of archery was radically altered when the old legionary system perished at Adrianople ( 378). After this time the armies of the empire consisted in great part of horse-archers. Their missiles, we are told, pierced cuirass and shield with ease, and they shot equally well dismounted and at the gallop. These troops, combined with heavy cavalry and themselves not unprovided with armour, played a decisive part in the Roman victories of the age of Belisarius and Narses. The destruction of the Franks at Casilinum ( 554) was practically the work of the horse-archers.

In the main, the nations whose migrations altered the face of Europe were not archers. Only with the Welsh, the Scandinavians, and the peoples in touch with the Eastern empire was the bow a favourite weapon. The edicts of Charlemagne could not succeed in making archery popular in his dominions, and Abbot Ebles, the defender of Paris in 886, is almost the only instance of a skilled archer in the European records of the time. The sagas, on the other hand, have much to say as to the feats of northern heroes with the bow. With English, French and Germans the bow was the weapon of the poorest military classes. The Norman archers, who doubtless preserved the traditions of their Danish ancestors, were in the forefront of William’s line at Hastings (1066), but contemporary evidence points conclusively to the short bow, drawn to the chest, as the weapon used on this occasion. The combat of Bourgtheroulde in 1124 shows that the Normans still combined heavy cavalry and archers as at Hastings. Horse-archers too (contrary to the usual belief) were here employed by the English.

Yet the “Assize of Arms” of 1181 does not mention the bow, and Richard I. was at great pains to procure crossbowmen for the Crusades. The crossbow had from about the 10th century gradually become the principal missile weapon in Europe, in spite of the fact that it was condemned by the Lateran Council of 1139. As early as 1270 in France, and rather later in Spain, the master of the crossbowmen had become a great dignitary, and in Spain the weapon was used by a corps d’élite of men of gentle birth, who, with their gay apparel, were a picturesque feature of continental armies of the period. But the Genoese, Pisans and Venetians were the peoples which employed the crossbow most of all. Many thousand Genoese crossbowmen were present at Creçy.

It was in the Crusades that the crossbow made its reputation, opposing heavier weight and greater accuracy to the missiles of the horse-archers, who invariably constituted the greatest and most important part of the Asiatic armies. So little change in warfare had centuries brought about that a crusading force in 1104 perished at Carrhae, on the same ground and before the same mounted-archer tactics, as the army of Crassus in 55 But individually the crusading crossbowman was infinitely superior to the Turkish or Egyptian horse-archer.

England, which was to become the country of archers par excellence, long retained the old short bow of Hastings, and the far more efficient crossbow was only used as a rule by mercenaries, such as the celebrated Falkes de Breauté and his men in the reign of John. South Wales, it seems certain, eventually produced the famous long-bow. In Ireland, in Henry II.’s time, Strongbow made great use of Welsh bowmen, whom he mounted for purposes of guerrilla warfare, and eventually the prowess of Welsh archers taught Edward I. the value of the hitherto discredited arm. At (q.v.), once for all, the long-bow proved its worth, and thenceforward for centuries it was the principal weapon of English soldiers. By 1339, archers had come to be half of the whole mass of footmen, and later the proportion was greatly increased. In 1360 Edward III. mounted his archers, as Strongbow had done. The long-bow was about 5 ft., and its shaft a cloth-yard long. Shot by a Welsh archer, a shaft had penetrated an oak door (at Abergavenny in 1182) 4 in. thick and the head stood out a hand’s breadth on the inner side. Drawn to the right ear, the bow was naturally capable of long shooting, and in Henry VIII.’s time practice at a less range than one furlong was forbidden. In rapidity it was the equal of the short bow and the superior of the crossbow, which weapon, indeed, it surpassed in all respects. Falkirk, and still more Creçy, Poitiers and Agincourt, made the English archers the most celebrated infantry in Europe, and the kings of England, in whatever else they differed from each other, were, from Edward II. to Henry VIII., at one in the matter of archery. In 1363 Edward III. commanded the general practice of archery on Sundays and holidays, all other sports being forbidden. The provisions of this act were from time to time re-issued, particularly in the well-known act of Henry VIII. The price of bows and arrows was also regulated in the reign of Edward III., and Richard III. ordained that for every ton of certain goods imported ten yew-bows should be imported also, while at the same time long-bows of unusual size were admitted free of duty. In order to prevent the too rapid consumption of yew for bow-staves, bowyers were ordered to make four bows of wych-hazel, ash or elm to one of yew, and only the best and most useful men were allowed to possess yew-bows. Distant and exposed counties were provided for by making bowyers, fletchers, &c., liable (unless freemen of the city of London) to be ordered to any point where their services might be required. In Scotland and Ireland also, considerable attention was paid to archery. In 1478 archery was encouraged in Ireland by statute, and James I. and James IV. of Scotland, in particular, did their best to stimulate the interest of their subjects in the bow, whose powers they had felt in so many battles from Falkirk to Homildon Hill.

The introduction of hand-firearms was naturally fatal to the bow as a warlike weapon, but the conservatism of the English, and the non-professional character of wars waged by them, added to the technical deficiencies of early firearms, made the process of change in England very gradual. The mercenary or professional element was naturally the first to adopt the new weapons. At Pont de l’Arche in 1418 the English had “petits canons” (which seem to have been hand guns), and during the latter part of the Hundred Years’ War their use became more and more frequent. The crossbow soon disappeared from the more professional armies of the continent. Charles the Bold had, before the battle of Morat (1476), ten thousand coulevrines à main. But in the hands of local forces the crossbow lingered on, at least in rural France, until about 1630. Its last appearance in war was in the hands of the Chinese at Taku (1860). But the long-bow, an incomparably finer weapon, endured as one of the principal arms of the English soldier until about 1590. Edward IV. entered London after the battle of Barnet with 500 “smokie gunners”

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Page:Tracks of McKinlay and party across Australia.djvu/60

 Landsborough's account of his expedition, a list of the plants known to exist at the Gulf of Carpentaria, remarks upon the general similarity of these intra-tropical productions to those of the extra-tropical part of Australia. He says, "that a vast predominance of phyllodinous acaciæ, and especially of eucalypti (gum-trees) impress on the vegetation a character by no means dissimilar to that of the extra-tropical tracts of Australia; that plants indicating a high mountainous character of the country are absent; and that amongst grasses and other herbaceous plants, very many occur of nutritious property, and of perennial growth, readily renewed by judicious farming, when, after the rains of the summer months, a fresh pastoral green will be desired for the future herds and flocks of the gulf country during the cool and drier season of the year."

Mr. Landsborough's successful journey, more, perhaps, than that of any other before him, will stimulate pastoral colonization, already advancing with a wonderful progress from the southern settlements towards the north and west, into that vast and vacant expanse of a pastoral empire through which the explorer passed. The herbage and the climate are found suited to the sheep even in these low latitudes; nor is the Australian squatter much disturbed by the assertions of scientific theory that the close fine warm fleece cannot continue


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 upon the sheep under a tropical sun. The Australian colonists have had many years' experience of wool-growing in latitudes close to the tropics; and latterly they have passed with their fine-woolled sheep several hundred miles within the tropical boundary. And yet they shear annually a fleece of the finest quality from the still healthy and thriving sheep.

Mr. Landsborough is not less impressed than his fellow-colonists that the pastoral empire of the future is to be projected yet much further into tropical Australia. Science, sitting at home, speaks in one way on this subject; experience, working upon the actual scene, speaks in another. The following passage-of-arms between these two opponents occurs at a meeting of the Royal Geographical Society, held in London on the 11th May last (1863), at which Mr. Landsborough was present, and it is quite a refreshing variety to the monotonous dignity of more ordinary procedure:—

"Mr. Landsborough stated that, from his experience of sheep-rearing, Queensland was eminently adapted for the growth of wool, and the climate suitable for European constitutions; the Plains of Promise (part of the fine country above spoken of) were as fine a pastoral country as he had seen.

"Mr. Crawford was of opinion that wool could not be grown in the tropics; sheep were intended for a temperate climate, and the fleece was given to protect them from the cold. In the tropics the fleece was not required.

"Mr. Landsborough.—'You are theorizing. Who, of all


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 "the human race, have the most wool on their heads—is it not the inhabitants of the tropics?' (Roars of laughter.)'"

As to this difference of opinion, Australian experience has amply shown what can be done for a sheep and its fleece, within or without the tropics, by strict attention to breeding, regular shearing of the fleece, and careful shepherding. How a flock would fare in tropical Australia, if left for some time to its own shepherding, and if its breeding incidents were consigned to Mr. Darwin's general provision of "natural selection," is a question we have no data to answer. But in truth our data on Mr. Crawford's question are still less complete, for the region of Australia in which we have as yet experimented upon these pastoral problems is really not a tropical country in the climatic sense of the words. Far within the tropical boundary the country still retains the peculiarities of its extra-tropical features. Waterhouse, as we have seen, pushes the line of central non-tropical Australia northwards as far as 17° of latitude—that is, six and a half degrees within the tropical limit. Although in the parts of this immediate region near the sea, there seems a somewhat regular rainy season, as Gregory inferred at the River Victoria (North-west Australia), and as Landsborough observed towards the Gulf of Carpentaria, yet, on the whole, there is a general resemblance throughout in climate and physical


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Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 7.djvu/78

44 Masking and humming,

Fifing and drumming,

Guitarring and strumming,

Oh Thomas Moore! December 24, 1816. [First published, Letters and Journals, 1830, ii. 58, 59.]

TO MR. MURRAY.


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Author:John Francis Hamtramck Claiborne

Works

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title: Author:John Francis Hamtramck Claiborne


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 features to the more southerly districts, a resemblance extending even to the irregular and rather scanty rain-fall. There is the dry atmosphere that results from this imperfect rain supply. There are heavy dews, with chill and even frosty nights, McKinlay, for instance, in descending the Burdekin, found ice on three different mornings, while the other nights or mornings were also mostly very cold. This was in July, mid-winter, no doubt, but in a latitude between 19° and 20°. Arnhem's Land, forming the west shore of the Carpentaria Gulf, and the Cape York peninsula, forming the opposite shore, have alone decidedly tropical features; and even in these comparatively restricted areas, it is not improbable that we may discern something of the "Australian feature" still imparting its peculiar expression to the tropical countenance.

KINLAY—1861-2. McKinlay left Adelaide on the 16th August, 1861. Proceeding in a direction due north, it was not until the 24th September that he had passed the furthest settlements of the colony, then extending in that direction to upwards of 400 miles from Adelaide. Some interest attaches to these remoter parts of the colony, as exhibiting extremes of flood and arid sterility. Twenty years before, Eyre had seen and described a kind of inland sea, shallow


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Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 7.djvu/77

Rh 2.

When the web that we weave is complete,

And the shuttle exchanged for the sword,

We will fling the winding sheet

O'er the despot at our feet,

And dye it deep in the gore he has poured.

3.

Though black as his heart its hue,

Since his veins are corrupted to mud,

Yet this is the dew

Which the tree shall renew

Of Liberty, planted by Ludd! December 24, 1816. [First published, Letters and Journals, 1830, ii. 58.]

TO THOMAS MOORE.

are you doing now,

Oh Thomas Moore?

What are you doing now,

Oh Thomas Moore?

Sighing or suing now,

Rhyming or wooing now,

Billing or cooing now,

Which, Thomas Moore?

But the Carnival 's coming,

Oh Thomas Moore!

The Carnival 's coming,

Oh Thomas Moore!


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 7/To Thomas Moore (2)


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 7/To Mr. Murray (1)


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Page:Report of the Board of Inquiry into the Helderberg air disaster.djvu/114

Rh these tests that a significant portion of the cold smoke rose towards the ceiling. Nevertheless the rate at which smoke would rise would depend on the conditions in the cargo compartment at the time.

Access to various pallets is made between the pallets and the fuselage which is very restrictive. Under the most ideal conditions fire fighting with the equipment provided would be difficult. During the search for the fire the fire fighter has both hands occupied, one hand carrying the 16 lb extinguisher and the other holding the 10ft wand. It must be remembered that the whole philosophy of fire protection in the Combi relies on early detection, rapid location of the fire and extinguishing with Halon. Furthermore, early detection and suppression are dependent on the fire being on the outside edge of a pallet, not towards the centre of a given pallet.


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 apparently, but of vast expanse, being twenty miles wide, and extending, in a horse-shoe or serpentine form, 400 miles into the interior. He named this watery expanse Lake Torrens, and Lake Torrens has ever since figured upon our maps with a vague and mysterious outline that has been gradually softening into those uncertain marks that may represent the traditionary and mythic. The sea in question was the sudden effect of heavy rains, such in fact as McKinlay's party encountered further on in the journey, and disappearing perhaps as suddenly as it came. On the present occasion there was nothing but a dry desert. "Got all safe across the Lake Torrens," says the explorer on 27th September, "no water being at our crossing nor in view." Indeed, the next fifty miles was the most veritable desert that was experienced on the journey.

Lake Hope succeeded, and the expedition entered a country remarkable for many such sheets of water, and for a soil clothed with luxuriant grass whenever the supplies of rain gave support to vegetable life, but at other times parched and waste with the excessive heat of summer. Here, at Lake Buchanan, the expedition halted for some time, until its leader had explored this lake district, and in particular had followed up the traces afforded to him by the reports of natives of the missing party under Burke. In the midst of his


text:
Author:Marc de Villiers du Terrage

Works

 * Des Dernières Années de la Louisiane Française

title: Author:Marc de Villiers du Terrage


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mayer, John


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Author:Louis Narcisse Baudry de Lozières

Works

 * Voyage à la Louisiane et sur le continent de l’Amérique septentrionale, fait dans les années 1794 à 1798 et Second voyage à la Louisiane en 1802


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 researches, he received intelligence that the fate of the party had been ascertained. He resolved, however, still to pursue the journey across Australia, a contingency for which the expedition had been fully fitted out.

Amongst the lakes and creeks of this country, the natives were found to be, comparatively speaking, exceedingly numerous; as many as from 200 to 300 would be found around some one of the lakes, and from 400 to 500 upon a creek, all being in good physical condition, and apparently amply supplied with food, chiefly the fish of these waters. There seemed to be large numbers to the eastward, upon the Cooper and in its neighbourhood, some of whom on one occasion, during McKinlay's search at Lake Massacre, were disposed to be hostile. In estimating numbers some allowance must be made for the fact that these natives were not stationary at the places where they were respectively seen. They doubtless wandered freely about over a certain range of country occupied by tribes mutually friendly, or connected with each other; so that bodies of natives successively met with may have consisted to some extent of those who had been previously seen. Thus at Lake Jeannie many "old friends" came about, whose acquaintance had been made at Lake Buchanan, fifty miles away. We must also bear in mind that Stuart in his preceding expedition in these latitudes could see no


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, a circumstance alluded to by Mr. McKinlay as most unaccountable. On the whole, however, these later Australian expeditions warn us that we must extend somewhat our estimates, vague as they previously were, of the Australian aboriginal population, and no longer imagine that an area equal to two-thirds of that of Europe, had contained, before the inroad of our colonization, no more than about 200,000 human beings.

Quitting the lake region, the party had to pass through Sturt' s Desert, lying north and west of their position. Explorers since Sturt have successively contracted the dimensions, and mitigated the bad repute of this region. While Eyre, in 1841, witnessed the effects of deluge, Sturt, four years afterwards, encountered the opposite extreme of drought; and again, in a region where the latter had nearly perished with thirst, McKinlay and his expedition were all but swept away by a flood. Had these, in their turn of incident, been floated safely down for 300 or 400 miles, they might have witnessed Lake Torrens once more, assuming its impromptu existence; only, however, to suffer an equally rapid disappearance under that extraordinary evaporative power of the Australian atmosphere alluded to by both Waterhouse and McKinlay. The flooded state of the country on the left compelled the party to make a considerable detour to the eastward or right of the intended direction,


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Rh VERSICLES.

QUEM DEUS VULT PERDERE PRIUS DEMENTAT.


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46 TO THOMAS MOORE.


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 7/Versicles


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 7/Quem Deus vult perdere prius dementat


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 7/To Thomas Moore (3)


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Page:Authors daughter v1.djvu/133

Rh the most useful person at home, and his services in various ways were so indispensable, that practically he was hindered by them, and it was from trying to do too much in too little time that the disappointment arose. Amy felt sure that if her father had been the teacher, he could have succeeded better; and probably he would, for he would have had more authority with he parents, and would have perceived the difficulty. There was one in the household, however, who perceived it, and who endeavoured to remedy it to the best of his powers. This was George Copeland, who had not been much longer at Branxholm than Amy, but who was a man of a superior order to any about the place. At first he had been rather careless and indifferent as to whether he pleased Hugh Lindsay or not, but he was naturally good-natured and good-tempered, and had a pleasant manner. But after the arrival of little Amy Staunton, and the kindness shown to her by the family, George seemed, as Hugh Lindsay said, to take hold of his place, and to work with more than eye-service. He was clever too, and handy, and in a roving life of ten years over the colonies, the intelligent young Englishman had learned things which neither the versatile Pa nor the solid Donald were ever likely to learn in all their lives; and instead of sending him out with

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16 Why did I hold thy love so dear?

Why shed for such a heart one tear?

Let deep and dreary silence be

My only memory of thee!

2.

When all are fled who flatter now,

Save thoughts which will not flatter then;

And thou recall'st the broken vow

To him who must not love again—

Each hour of now forgotten years

Thou, then, shalt number with thy tears;

And every drop of grief shall be

A vain remembrancer of me! Undated, ?1812. [From an autograph MS. in the possession of Mr. Murray, now for the first time printed.]

TO THOMAS MOORE.

WRITTEN THE EVENING BEFORE HIS VISIT TO MR. LEIGH HUNT IN HORSEMONGER LANE GAOL, MAY 19, 1813.

you, who in all names can tickle the town,

Anacreon, Tom Little, Tom Moore, or Tom Brown,—

For hang me if I know of which you may most brag,

Your Quarto two-pounds, or your Two-penny Post Bag;

But now to my letter—to yours 't is an answer—

To-morrow be with me, as soon as you can, sir,


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Rh home, in spite of the bad roads and he broken weather. There was more to come than the young people, for he girls had persuaded their father to get a piano to set in the best parlour, and to commission their music teacher to choose it, because hey had gone so far back in their music last holiday that it had taken them all the first quarter to make it up; and besides, as Amy was fond of music, Allan had urged the purchase on her account. He was anxious to make her new life as pleasant for her as he could, and owed her something for her patience with him.

When Isabel and Phemie, fresh from boarding-school, questioned Amy as to what she had learned and what she could do, they were astonished to find that she was, as they said, "further on," than any girl at the school, and indeed might be further on than Miss Effingham herself. They looked at her books with wonder and awe, and listened to her performances on the new piano with delight. And as the time drew nearer for their return to school, a bright thought struck Isabel, that since Amy was so clever, why should they go to Adelaide at all? Could she not teach them at home? And they plied their mother to make their father agree to this delightful arrangement, which would leave them at

title: Page:Authors daughter v1.djvu/135


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Author:Thomas Hutchins

Works

 * An historical narrative and topographical description of Louisiana and West-Florida

title: Author:Thomas Hutchins


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132 liberty to ride about the country and enjoy all the pleasures of home while they were learning.

"Nae doot," said Mrs. Lindsay, "she's got the skill and the wit, and as for the piano, the way she makes the lifeless thing speak is just astonishing; but I misdoot ye'll no mind a wee body like her that Isabel could mak' twa o,' after the first novelty o' the thing is worn off."

"But Allan is bigger than we are, and he minds what she says, mother," said Isabel.

"Oh! but ye hae na Allan's sense or discretion," said Mrs. Lindsay, "and there's none of ye sae keen for learning as he is, an' it would be hard on Amy, poor lassie, to gie her sic a pair o' gilpies to manage."

"Oh! but we've asked her, and she said she would like it, and I am sure it costs father a lot of money to keep us at the school."

"That's true, but we didna tak' Amy to Branxholm to mak' a profit of her. Na, that might befit the like of Mrs. Hammond, but it's no our fashion."

"But we don't like the school, mother," said Phemie.

"I'm thinking that's the plain English of it," said Mrs. Lindsay.

"I'm sure there's no need for us being kept so strict and never allowed to go out anywhere but

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Rh All ready and dressed for proceeding to spunge on

(According to compact) the wit in the dungeon—

Pray Phœbus at length our political malice

May not get us lodgings within the same palace!

I suppose that to-night you're engaged with some codgers,

And for Sotheby's Blues have deserted Sam Rogers;

And I, though with cold I have nearly my death got,

Must put on my breeches, and wait on the Heathcote;

But to-morrow, at four, we will both play the Scurra,

And you'll be Catullus, the Regent Mamurra. [First published, Letters and Journals, 1830, i. 401.]

ON LORD THURLOWS POEMS.

1.

Thurlow this damned nonsense sent,

(I hope I am not violent)

Nor men nor gods knew what he meant.


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Rh for a walk with the governess, and then we know nobody in the town but uncle Robert and our cousins, and Miss Effingham won't allow us to go there half as often as we like, because she says we come home with more vulgar ways than before we went."

"Vulgar indeed!" said Mrs. Lindsay. "It doesna do to try to make gentlefolks of the like of you, if you're to be taught to look down on them as ought you. He's no more vulgar than your father, and that Miss Effingham kent richt weel when she took the both of you."

"Oh! but Uncle Robert lives in Adelaide, and you live out in the country ever so far, and that makes a difference. Oh! yes, we are bush girls, and of course we are set among the little ones in the classes, and we are sneered at if we speak about our father and mother, for it's papa and mamma with all the others. Oh, mother!" continued Isabel with a sigh, "it is hard work trying to be a lady. You're no to do this, and you're no to say that, and you're no to sit in this fashion, and no to walk that gait. Phemie and me have a constant 'Don't do that, Miss Lindsay,' 'Don't express yourself thus, Miss Euphemia,' and so on from morning to night."

"And what the better will we be of it all?" remonstrated Phemie, "not a bit. I'd like to

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18 2.

And since not even our Rogers' praise

To common sense his thoughts could raise—

Why would they let him print his lays?

3.

4.

Rogers, entitled 'An Epistle to a Friend."' The first stanza ran thus—

"Byron," says Moore, "undertook to read it aloud;—but he found it impossible to get beyond the first two words. Our laughter had now increased to such a pitch that nothing could restrain it. Two or three times he began; but no sooner had the words 'When Rogers' passed his lips, than our fit burst forth afresh,—till even Mr. Rogers himself ... found it impossible not to join us. A day or two after, Lord Byron sent me the following:—'My dear Moore, "When Rogers" must not see the enclosed, which I send for your perusal.'"—Life, p. 181; Letters, 1898, ii. 211-213, note 1.]

Thurlow's poems are by no means contemptible. A sonnet, "To a Bird, that haunted the Water of Lacken, in the Winter," which Charles Lamb transcribed in one of Coleridge's note-books, should be set over against the absurd lines, "On the Poems of Mr. Rogers."


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 7/To Thomas Moore (1)


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Rh for 2½ ploughs. On the demesne is 1 ; and villeins with 3 bordars have 1 plough, and there could be half a plough more. There are 2 serfs, meadow (sufficient) for 2 plough (teams), woodland (to feed) 15 swine. It is worth 20 shillings ; when received 10 shil- lings; T.R.E. 40 shillings. This manor Brictuin, a man of Earl Harold, held and could sell.

In the same vill Humfrey holds of the count 3 virgates. There is land for i plough. One bordar is there and meadow (sufficient) for i plough (team). It is and was worth 5 shillings ; T.R.E. 10 shillings. This land Chentis, a man of Levenot son of Osmund, held and could sell.

M. Earl Hugh holds [Menr- more]. Robert holds it of him. It is as- sessed at 1 8 hides. There is land for 10 ploughs. On the demesne are 4 ploughs ; and 1 8 villeins have 6 ploughs. There are 3 serfs and meadow (sufficient) for 4 plough (teams). In all (totis valetntiis) it is worth 12 pounds; when received 10 pounds; T.R.E. 14 pounds. This manor Eddeva the Fair held.

Hugh holds of the earl SENELAI [(Great) Shenley ]. It is assessed at 2 hides. There is land for 10 ploughs. On the demesne are ploughs ; and 5 villeins with 6 serfs have 5 ploughs, and there could be 2 more. Meadow is there (sufficient) for 5 plough (teams), wood- land (to feed) 50 swine. It is and was worth IOO shillings ; T.R.E. 6 pounds. This manor Burcard, a housecarl of King Edward, held and could sell.

fo. 147 In [Shenley] Hugh holds of Earl Hugh 5 hides as one manor. There is land for 5 ploughs, and there are there 4 ploughs, and could be a fifth. There are 8 villeins, meadow (sufficient) for 5 plough (teams), and woodland (to feed) 50 swine. In all (totis valentiis) it is and was worth 3 pounds ; T.R.E. 4 pounds. This manor Burchard, a thegn of King Edward, held.

William holds [(Great) Brick- hill]. It is assessed at 9 hides. There is land for 9 ploughs. On the demesne are 4 ploughs ; and 16 villeins with 6 bordars have 6 ploughs. There are 6 serfs, and 2 mills worth (de) 30 shillings and meadow (sufficient) for 10 plough (teams) and wood- land (to feed) 100 swine. In all it is worth pounds ; when received 7 pounds ; T.R.E. pounds. This manor Earl Tosti held.

Walter Gifard holds in [Hartwell] 2 hides, and Hugh de Molebec holds them of him. There is land for 2 ploughs, and these are there with 4 villeins and 3 bordars. There are 4 serfs. It is and was worth T.R.E. and after (valuit semper) 30 shillings. This land 2 men of Sired held and could sell, and they now hold it.

M. Hugh himself holds of Walter [(Great) Kimble]. It is assessed at 20 hides. There is land for 11½ ploughs. On the demesne are 2, and there could be a third. There 22 villeins with 8 bordars have 8½ ploughs. There are 6 serfs, meadow (suffi- cient) for 1 1 plough (teams), and wood for (making) fences. In all (totis valentiis) it is and was worth T.R.E. and after (valuit semper) 10 pounds. This manor Sired, a thegn of King Edward, held and could sell.

M. Turstin son of Rolf holds of Walter [Missenden]. It is assessed at 10 hides. There is land for 8 ploughs. On the demesne are 2 ; and 9 villeins with i bordar have 6 ploughs. There are 2 serfs, meadow (sufficient) for 2 plough (teams), wood- land (to feed) 500 swine, and from rent (de reddita) of woodland come 4 ' ores ' yearly. In all (totis valentiis) it is and was worth 4 pounds ; T.R.E. 7 pounds. This manor Sired son of Alveva, a thegn of King Edward, held and could sell.

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134 speak better nor I do, and to know the meaning of words and how to spell them, and to have some notion about places, and to play on the piano; but as for the airs, and graces, and carriage that Miss Effingham is always dinning into our ears, I see no good in them."

"Airs and graces for you to ride in a carriage in!" exclaimed Mrs. Lindsay. "Indeed its sma' thanks Miss Effingham will get from me if that is what she airts at. I'll speak to your father about it this very day, and if he thinks weel o' your notion, and Amy is willing to try, we might have you learnt something without the airs and graces. But I'll see what Allan says first, before I break it to the good man," said Mrs. Lindsay, with her instinctive respect for the judgment of her eldest son, who, besides, was most likely to know Amy's real feelings on the subject.

Allan hesitated; he thought, like his mother, that it was taking advantage of Amy to give her so many pupils. But he now saw his way and hoped to be less troublesome to her, and there was no doubt she could teach them, as well as they had hitherto been taught, and he knew she wished to make the attempt.

Hugh Lindsay was willing to do what his wife and Allan thought feasible, and it was settled that Amy was to be asked to undertake the duties.

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Rh "I am so young," said she; "I wonder you can trust me; but as I want to learn to teach so that I may be independent, I am very glad you will try me."

"And it will be a great saving to me if you succeed wi' the lassies," said Hugh Lindsay, "an' a pleasure to them besides. And if ye can give them your skill at the piano or the half o't, its more than we ever expected of the schoolmistress in the town."

"There's mony things that it seems to behove young folk to learn now-a-days, that was never thocht of when their father and me were at the schule. There was the reading and the writing, and a sma' matter o' counting, and the questions we learned;—but what wi' the piano, and the geography, and the grammar, and a wheen things they call roots, that are a sair fash to the brains to learn a' on the top o' the plain branches, I'm thinking ye'll have your hands full, Amy, my woman. They're no to call downright stupid, but they are no sae quick in the uptake as Allan," said Mrs. Lindsay.

"I should really like to try," said Amy. "I will be a beginning for that work my poor father thought I might in time be able to do."

"And if they're fashious and dinna mind ye, you maun jus call in Allan, for they'll aye mind

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 (foreign mercenaries), but at that engagement Warwick’s centre consisted solely of bows and bills (1471). The new weapons gradually made their way, but even in 1588, the year of the Armada, the local forces of Devonshire comprised 800 bows to 1600 “shot,” and 800 bills to 800 pikes. But the Armada year saw the last appearance of the English archer, and the same county in 1598 provides neither archers nor billmen, while in the professional army in Ireland these weapons had long given way to musket and caliver, pike and halberd. Archers appeared in civilized warfare as late as 1807, when fifteen hundred “baskiers,” horse-archers, clad in chain armour, fought against Napoleon in Poland.

As a weapon of the chase the bow was in its various forms employed even more than in war. The rise of archery as a sport in England was, of course, a consequence of its military value, which caused it to be so heartily encouraged by all English sovereigns.

The Japanese were from their earliest times great archers, and the bow was the weapon par excellence of their soldiers. The standard length of the bow (usually bamboo) was 7 ft. 6 in., of the arrow 3 ft. to 3 ft. 9 in. Numerous feats of archery are recorded to have taken place in the “thirty-three span” halls of Kioto and Tokyo, where the archer had to shoot the whole length of a very low corridor, 128 yds. long. Wada Daihachi in the 17th century shot 8133 arrows down the corridor in twenty-four consecutive hours, averaging five shots a minute, and in 1852 a modern archer made 5583 successful shots in twenty hours, or over four a minute.

The Pastime of Archery.—The use of the bow and arrow as a pastime naturally accompanied their use as weapons of war, but when the gun began to supersede the bow the pastime lost its popularity. Charles II., however, and his queen, Catherine of Braganza, interested themselves in English archery, the queen in 1676 presenting a silver badge or shield to the “Marshall of the Fraternity of Archers,” which badge, once the property of the Finsbury Archers, was transferred to the keeping of the Royal Toxophilite Society, when in 1841 the two clubs combined. The Toxophilite Society was founded in 1781; for though in the north archery had long been practised, its resuscitation in the south really dates from the formation of this club by Sir Ashton Lever. This society received the title of “Royal” in 1847, though it had long been patronized by royalty. It is an error to suppose that the Finsbury Archers were connected with the Archers’ division of the Hon. Artillery Company, but many members of the Toxophilite Society joined that division, and used its ground for shooting, securing, however, a London ground of their own in the district where Gower Street, W.C., now is. When this ground became unavailable, the shooting probably took place at Highbury, and later in 1820, on Lord’s cricket ground, the present ground in the Inner Circle of Regent’s Park, near the Botanical Gardens, not being acquired till 1833. The society may be regarded as the most important body connected with archery, most of the leading archers belonging to it, though the Grand National Archery Society controls the public meetings. Among its more important events is the shooting of 144 arrows at 100 yds. for the Crunder Cup and Bugle. In the early days of the club targets of different sizes were used at the different ranges, and the scores were recorded in money (e.g. “Mr Elwin, 86 hits, £5:5:6”). The Woodmen of Arden can claim an almost equal antiquity, having been founded—some say “revived”—in 1785. The number of members is limited to 80; at one time there were 81, Sir Robert Peel having been elected as a supernumerary by way of compliment. The headquarters of the Woodmen are at Meriden in Warwickshire; the club has a nominal authority over vert and venison, whence its officers bear appropriate names—warden, master-forester and verderers; and the annual meeting is called the Wardmote. The master-forester, or captain for the year, is the maker of the first “gold” at the annual target; he who makes the second is the senior verderer. The club devotes itself to the old-fashioned clout-shooting at long ranges, reckoned by “scores,” nine score meaning 180 yds., and so on. (Vide “Clout-shooting” infra.) The chief matches in which the Woodmen engage are those against the Royal Company of Scottish Archers. The Royal British Bowmen date back to the end of the 18th century. Like many others, during the Napoleonic war they suspended operations, revived when peace was made. The club was finally dissolved in 1880. The Royal Kentish Bowmen were founded in 1785, but did not survive the war. John O’Gaunt’s Bowmen, who still meet at Lancaster, were revived, not created, at the same time, and still flourish. The Herefordshire Bowmen only shoot at 60 yds., while the West Berks Society is limited to twelve members, who meet at each other’s houses, except for their Autumn Handicap, shot on the Toxophilite Grounds—216 arrows at 100 yds. The Royal Company of Archers is the chief Scottish society. Originally a semi-military body constituted in 1676, it practised archery as a pastime from the time of its foundation, several meetings being held in the first few years of its existence. It devoted itself to “rovers,” or long-range shooting at the “clout,” among its most interesting trophies being the “Musselburgh Arrow,” first shot for in 1603, possibly even earlier, in that town; the competition was then open to all comers, for archery was long popular in Scotland, especially at Kilwinning, the headquarters of (q.v.) shooting. Other prizes are the “Peebles Silver Arrow,” dating back to 1626, the “Edinburgh Silver Arrow” (1709), the “Selkirk Arrow,” a very ancient prize, the “Dalhousie Sword,” the “Hopetoun Royal Commemoration Prize,” and others, shot for at ranges of 180 or 200 yds. The most curious is the “Goose Medal.” Originally a goose was buried in a butt with only its head visible, and this was the archers’ mark; now a small glass globe is substituted. The “Popingo (Popinjay) Medal,” for which a stuffed parrot was once used as the mark, is now contested at the ordinary butts. The Kilwinning Society of Archers, founded in 1688, did not disband till 1870; the Irvine Toxophilites flourished from 1814 till about 1867. But of all societies the Grand National Archery Society, regulating the great meetings, though comparatively young, is the most important. Various open meetings were already in existence, but in 1844 a few leading archers projected a Grand National Meeting, which was held in York in that year and in 1845 and 1846, and subsequently in other places. But the society did not exist as such till 1861, after the meeting held at Liverpool, since when, notwithstanding some financial troubles, it has been the legislative and managing body of English archery. The chief meetings are the “Championship,” the “Leamington and Midland Counties,” the “Crystal Palace,” the “Grand Western” and the “Grand Northern.” For some years a “Scottish Grand National” was held, but fell into abeyance. The “Scorton Arrow” is no longer shot for in the Yorkshire village of that name, but the meeting, held regularly in the county, dates back to 1673 by record, and is probably far older. The silver arrow and the captaincy are awarded to the man who makes the first gold; the silver bugle and lieutenancy to the first red; the gold medal to most hits, and a horn spoon to the last white.

In the United States archery has had a limited popularity. The only one of the early clubs that lasted long was the “United Bowmen of Philadelphia,” founded in 1828, but defunct in 1859. There was a revival twenty years later, when a National Association was formed; and various meetings were held annually and championships instituted, but there was never any popular enthusiasm for the sport, though it showed signs of increasing favour towards the end of the 19th century. The longer ranges are not greatly favoured by American archers, though at some meetings the regulation “York Round” (vide infra under “Targets”) and the “National” are shot. Other rounds are the “Potomac,” 24 arrows at 80, 24 at 70, and 24 at 60 yds.; the “Double American,” 60 arrows each at 60, 50 and 40 yds.; and the “Double Columbia,” for ladies, 48 each at 50, 40 and 30 yds. In team matches ladies shoot 96 arrows at 50 yds., gentlemen 96 at 60.

The Bow.—As used in the pastime of archery the length of the bows does not vary much, though it bears some relation to the length

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136 him," said Mrs. Lindsay. "And as for what ye say about learning to teach and being independent, you're not to think that when we took you, we didna tak' you for good an a'. As I said to Mrs. Hammond, the pot that boils for eight may weel boil for nine, and if it boils owre, as our pot does, for as the Psalmist says, our cup of prosperity overflows, it will be for your behoof as weel as for Jessie's, and Isabel's, and Phemie's. Ye shall have your dwelling with us and your providing just as if you were ane of our ain, when ye see fit to leave us for a house of your ain, but let there be nae seeking o' service among fremmet folk. When your aunt—Mrs. Evans do they call her?—wrote that she was glad you had met wi' sick kindness in a foreign country, and never made the offer to tak' you hame, the goodman and me felt that you were given up fairly to us, and we will deal fairly by you. So if you find the lassies owre troublesome a'thegither, just say so, an' ye'll no be burdened wi' them ony longer, and they'll go back to the schule."

This threat had its effect; the girls knew their mother would act on it, and they worked very fairly under their young teacher.

It was easier, however, for Mr. and Mrs. Lindsay to do large and generous things than to change family arrangements or old habits out of

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Rh

M. Herbrand holds of Walter [Fawley]. It is assessed at 10 hides. There is land for 14 ploughs. On the demesne are 2 ploughs ; and 13 villeins with i bordar have 1 2 ploughs. There are 5 serfs, meadow (sufficient) for 2 plough (teams), wood- land (to feed) 100 swine. In all it is worth 6 pounds ; when received 100 shillings ; T.R.E. 6 pounds. This manor Earl Tosti held.

M. Walter himself holds [(Long) Crendon]. It is assessed at 2O hides. There is land for 25 ploughs. In the demesne are 10 hides, and on it are 5 ploughs ; and 52 villeins with 10 bordars have 20 ploughs. There are 10 serfs, and 1 mill worth (de) 18 shillings, meadow (sufficient) for 10 plough (teams) and woodland (to feed) 100 swine, and an enclosure (parcus) for beasts of the chase (bestiarum silvaticarum) is there. In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 20 pounds ; when received and T.R.E. 1 5 pounds. This manor Seric son of Alveva held.

M. Hugh holds of Walter [Addingrove. ] It is assessed at 3½ hides. There is land for 4 ploughs. On the de- mesne are 2 ; and 2 villeins with 7 bordars have 3 ploughs. There is I serf, and meadow (sufficient) for I plough (team). In all it is worth 60 shillings ; when received 40 shil- lings ; T.R.E. 4 pounds. This manor Ul- ward, a man of Queen Eddid, held and could sell.

M. Walter himself holds [Chil- ton]. It is assessed at 10 hides. There is land for 10 ploughs. In the demesne are 4 hides, and on it are 4 ploughs ; and 10 vil- leins with 4 bordars have 6 ploughs. There are 3 serfs, meadow (sufficient) for 3 plough (teams), woodland (to feed) 100 swine. In all it is worth 7 pounds ; when received 8 pounds ; and as much T.R.E. This manor was held by Alric son of Coding, a thegn of King Edward.

M. Roger holds of Walter [Easington]. It is assessed at 5 hides. There is land for 4 ploughs. On the de- mesne are 2 ; and 5 villeins have 2. There are 2 serfs and meadow (sufficient) for 2 plough (teams). It is and was worth T.R.E. and after (valuit semper) 60 shillings. This manor Alric son of Coding held and could sell.

M. Walter himself holds [Dor- ton]. It is assessed at 5 hides. There is land for 7 ploughs. In the demesne are 2½ hides, and on it are 3 ploughs. There 12 villeins with 6 bordars have 4 ploughs. There are 3 serfs, meadow (sufficient) for 3 plough (teams), and woodland (to feed) 100 swine. In all (totls valentiis) it is and was worth T.R.E. and after (valuit semper) 100 shillings. This manor Alric, a thegn of King Edward, held and could sell.

M. Walter himself holds [Polli- cot. ] It is assessed at 10 hides. There is land for 8 ploughs. Two knights (milites) hold it of Walter. On the demesne are 4 ploughs ; and 13 villeins with I bordar have 4 ploughs. There are 4 serfs and meadow (sufficient) for 8 plough (teams). In all (totis valentiis) it is and was worth 6 pounds ; T.R.E. 7 pounds. Alric son of Coding held 5 hides of this manor, and 3 brothers held 5 hides, and could sell (their land) to whom they wished.

M. In [Ashendon] Richard holds of Walter 8 hides. There is land for 6 ploughs. On the demesne are 2 ; and 4 villeins with 4 bordars have 4 ploughs. There are 2 serfs, and meadow (sufficient) for 6 plough (teams). In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 3 pounds ; when received 4 pounds ; T.R.E. 100 shillings. This manor 3 brothers held and could sell to whom they wished.

M. In [Chearsley] Ernulf and Geoffrey hold of Walter 8½ hides. There is land for 6 ploughs. On the demesne are 4 ploughs ; and 6 villeins with 2 bordars have 2 ploughs. There are 4 serfs, and meadow (sufficient) for 6 plough (teams). It is and was worth 6 pounds ; T.R.E. 7 pounds. This manor 6 thegns held and could sell to whom they wished.

M. Walter himself holds [(Nether) Winchendon]. It is assessed at 10 hides. There is land for 11 ploughs. In the demesne are 3 hides, and on it are 3 ploughs ; and 23 villeins with 8 bordars have 8 ploughs. There is 1 serf, and meadow (sufficient) for 7 plough (teams) and 1 mill worth (de) 20 shil-

title: Page:VCH Buckinghamshire 1.djvu/310