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 personal risk, in bringing off three men from a wreck. The boat's crew seemed unwilling to make the attempt, on which Hood himself jumped in, saying, ‘I never in my life gave a sailor an order that I was not ready to execute myself,’ and shoved off. The House of Assembly of Jamaica voted a hundred guineas for a sword to be presented to him, to mark their sense of this gallant act.

The Juno returned to England in the summer of 1791, and through the autumn and the following year was stationed at Weymouth, in attendance on the king. Early in 1793 she went out to the Mediterranean with the fleet under Lord Hood, and was with it at the occupation of Toulon. She was then sent to Malta to bring up supernumeraries, and during her absence Toulon was evacuated. On her return she made the harbour about ten o'clock on the night of 9 Jan. 1794. It was dark, with drizzling rain, and Hood, ignorant of what had occurred, and without having his suspicions roused, stood in, passed into the inner harbour, and let go his anchor. A French boat came on board and directed him to go into another branch of the harbour for quarantine; but while he was endeavouring to find out from the pretended health officers where Lord Hood was, a gleam of moonshine revealed their tricoloured cockades. Finding themselves discovered, they admitted that ‘the English admiral had been gone some time.’ At the same moment a flaw of wind came down the harbour; and Hood, promptly taking advantage of it, sent the Frenchmen below, made all sail, and cut the cable. As the Juno gathered way, the batteries opened fire on her, but in the rain and darkness the ship got out with little damage.

During the following months Hood was engaged in the operations on the coast of Corsica, and after the capture of S. Fiorenzo was transferred to the Aigle, a 36-gun frigate, in which, in 1795, he commanded a small squadron sent into the Archipelago to protect the trade and watch some French frigates which had taken refuge in Smyrna. For the able execution of this service he received the complimentary thanks of the English merchants. In April 1796 Hood was moved into the Zealous of 74 guns, one of the fleet with Sir John Jervis (afterwards Earl St. Vincent) [q. v.] off Toulon, and in 1797 off Cadiz. She was absent from the battle of Cape St. Vincent, being at the time refitting at Lisbon; but in July she was one of the squadron with Nelson at Santa Cruz; and after the failure of the attack, Hood was employed by Troubridge [see TROUBRIDGE, Sir THOMAS] to conduct the extraordinary negotiations by which the squadron was released from its dangerous position. During the early months of 1798 the Zealous was in the Bay of Biscay and off Rochefort; but having again joined the fleet before Cadiz, she was one of the ships sent in May to reinforce Nelson in the Mediterranean, and under his command to win the battle of the Nile. In that action the part of the Zealous was particularly brilliant: closely following the Goliath [see ], Hood let go his anchor on the bow of the Guerrier, the leading French ship, which was completely beaten within twelve minutes, her masts shot away, her side smashed in, most of her guns disabled, and half her ship's company killed or wounded (, ii. 184–7;, Histoire de la Marine française sous la première République, p. 372). The loss of the Zealous was trifling, and she passed on to engage other ships. The next morning she was starting in pursuit of the French ships that escaped; but alone and unsupported, the odds against her would have been too great, and she was recalled by signal. When Nelson quitted the coast of Egypt, Hood was left as senior officer in command of the squadron which continued the blockade of the French army, and captured or destroyed some thirty of their transports. In February 1799 he rejoined Nelson at Palermo, and was employed during the spring in the defence of Salerno, and afterwards as governor of Castel Nuovo at Naples. As an acknowledgment of his services the king of the Two Sicilies conferred on him the order of St. Ferdinand and of Merit.

In May 1800 the Zealous was paid off, and Hood was appointed to the Courageux, which formed part of the squadron under Sir John Borlase Warren [q. v.] off Ferrol. In January 1801 he was moved into the Venerable, which after a few months in the Channel joined Sir James Saumarez (afterwards Lord de Saumarez) [q. v.] in time to take prominent parts in the unfortunate action at Algeciras on 6 July, and in the brilliant victory in the Straits on the 12th. On this occasion the Venerable had all her masts shot away and sustained a loss of thirty killed and a hundred wounded. The Venerable was paid off at the peace, and in October 1802 Hood was sent out as a commissioner for the government of Trinidad. By the death of Rear-admiral Totty he became commander-in-chief of the Leeward Islands station, hoisting a broad pennant on board the Centaur; and on the renewal of the war captured, in conjunction with the land forces, the islands of St. Lucia and Tobago, and, on the mainland, Demerara, Essequibo, Berbice, and Surinam. Under his command also a large number of the enemy's privateers and ships of war were


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 captured or destroyed, to the great advantage of the English trade; and for the closer blockade of Martinique, as well as for harassing the enemy's cruisers, the Diamond Rock was occupied, armed with five heavy guns, and commissioned as ‘a sloop of war’ (, iii. 245). Hood's services were acknowledged by complimentary addresses from the legislative assemblies of the islands, and the present of plate of the value of three hundred guineas; he was also nominated a K.B. Early in 1805 he returned to England, and continuing in the Centaur was sent off Rochefort in command of a squadron of six sail of the line. On 25 Sept. he fell in with a French squadron of five large frigates and two brigs bound for the West Indies with troops, and succeeded in capturing the four largest; the other, with the brigs, got away. In this skirmish the loss of the English was six killed and thirty-two wounded, including Hood, whose right elbow was smashed by a musket-shot, entailing the amputation of the arm; he was afterwards granted a pension of 500l. per annum as compensation. In 1807 the Centaur was one of the fleet under Lord Gambier at Copenhagen [see ]. On 2 Oct. Hood was advanced to the rank of rear-admiral, and with his flag in the Centaur had the naval command of the force which reduced Madeira, 26 Dec. 1807. In the following year, still in the Centaur, he was second in command of the fleet in the Baltic, under Sir James Saumarez; and on 26 Aug., being then, with Captain [q. v.] in the Implacable, attached to the Swedish fleet, which at the time was ten miles to leeward, he cut off the 80-gun ship Sewolod from the Russian line, and captured her after a stubborn defence, in which she lost, it was said, upwards of three hundred killed and wounded: the ship herself had to be burnt. This brilliant achievement won for him a complimentary letter from the king of Sweden, with the grand cross of the order of the Sword.

In January 1809 he commanded in the second post at Corunna during the re-embarkation of the army. He was created a baronet on 13 April 1809, and for the next two years he commanded a division in the Mediterranean. On 1 Aug. 1811 he was advanced to be vice-admiral, and towards the end of the year was appointed commander-in-chief in the East Indies, where he arrived in the early summer of 1812. His command was uneventful, the war having been brought to an end with the reduction of Java and Mauritius; and the time was mainly occupied in regulating and reforming points of organisation or discipline and the methods of victualling, in which he introduced some substantial reforms, effecting a saving to the government of something like thirty per cent. He died at Madras on 24 Dec. 1814, carried off by a fever, after three days' illness. In 1831 a subscription monument to his memory, in the form of a column 110 feet high, was erected on a hill at Butleigh in Somersetshire (Gent. Mag. 1832, vol. cii. pt. i. p. 190). In the church is another monument with a long inscription by Southey (, Poetical Works; cf., 1758–1798).

Although essentially a war officer, whose whole life, with few and short intermissions, was spent in active service, Hood is described as well versed in the more theoretical branches of his profession, and as having an exceptional knowledge of navigation, geography, shipbuilding, fortification, and mechanical philosophy: he is also said to have ‘studied the language, laws, and customs of every country he visited.’ There is, at any rate, reason to believe that he was a good French and Spanish scholar. He married in 1804 Mary, the eldest daughter of Lord Seaforth; but dying without issue, the baronetcy, by a special clause in the patent, passed to the son of his brother Alexander, in whose family it now remains. His portraits by Beechey, before he lost his arm, and by Hoppner and Downman when armless, have been engraved.

HOOD, SAMUEL, (1724–1816), admiral, born on 12 Dec. 1724, was the eldest son of Samuel Hood, vicar of Butleigh in Somerset and prebendary of Wells, and of his wife Mary, daughter of Richard Hoskins of Beaminster, Dorsetshire. , viscount Bridport [q. v.], was his brother. He entered the navy on 6 May 1741 on board the Romney as captain's servant with Captain (d. 1762) [q. v.], popularly known as ‘Tom of Ten Thousand,’ and after-

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 as able seaman with Captain  [q. v.], whom in April 1743 he followed to the Garland. In November of the same year he was discharged to the Sheerness, in which he was rated a midshipman, with [q. v.], and in September 1744 went with him, again as midshipman, to the Ludlow Castle. He left her on 23 Jan. 1745–6; served for a few months in the Exeter, again under Smith, at this time commodore, commanding in chief on the coast of Scotland, and was appointed by him acting-lieutenant of the Winchelsea of 20 guns, commanded by Captain Henry Dyve, on whose recommendation the commission was confirmed on 17 June 1746. His appointments, thus traced from the respective pay-books, dispose of the story that he entered the navy as a clerk and served with Rodney in that capacity (, i. 243). That story probably sprang out of the circumstance that his first cousin, Samuel Hood, the father of Captain Alexander Hood (1758–1797) and of Vice-admiral Sir (1762–1814) [q. v.], was a purser and of about the same age. Hood's junior service is, indeed, only noticeable from having been passed under officers of exceptional merit, which may be explained by the fact that his family was known to the Lytteltons and the Grenvilles.

The Winchelsea continued to be actively employed on the coast of Scotland, in the North Sea, and in the Channel. On 19 Nov. 1746, while cruising off Scilly in company with the Portland, they fell in with the French frigate Subtile of 26 guns. In the chase the Portland was lost sight of, and a severe action between the two frigates ensued, in the course of which Hood was wounded in the hand. On the Portland's coming up the Subtile surrendered, and was added to the English navy as the Amazon (Winchelsea's Log;, i. 308). In March 1748 Hood was appointed to the Greenwich, then commissioned by Captain John Montagu, but left her in a few months to join the Lyon, going out to North America with the flag of Rear-admiral Watson. She returned to England in November, and was paid off. Hood was placed on half-pay, and the following year married Susannah, daughter of Edward Linzee, for several years mayor of Portsmouth. In January 1753 he was appointed to the Invincible, guardship at Portsmouth, from which in May he was turned over to the Terrible. In the following year he was promoted to the command of the Jamaica sloop, which he took out to the coast of North America. There, on 22 July 1756, he was posted to the Lively, but was appointed by Commodore [q. v.] to be his own captain in the Grafton, and in her he returned to England towards the end of the year.

In the following January Hood offered his services to take temporary command of any ship whose captain was absent on the court-martial on Admiral Byng, being, he wrote to Lord Temple, ‘no ways inclined to be idle ashore while anything can be got to employ me.’ He was accordingly appointed to the Torbay in lieu of Captain Keppel. On 1 April he was similarly appointed to the Tartar, and again, on 30 April, to the Antelope of 50 guns, then ordered on a cruise. A fortnight afterwards, 14 May, he fell in with the 50-gun ship Aquilon, which he drove ashore over a reef in Audierne Bay, where he left her a total wreck. A week later he captured a couple of privateers, the crews of which he brought in as prisoners. In acknowledging his letter giving an account of what he had done, the secretary of the admiralty conveyed to him their lordships' formal approval of his conduct, and an intimation that he might expect to be appointed to the command of a ship (Clevland to Hood, 3 June 1757). Accordingly on 14 July 1757 he was appointed to the Bideford frigate attached to the fleet under Sir Edward Hawke during its autumn cruise in the Bay of Biscay. On 7 Feb. 1758 he was commissioned to the Vestal frigate of 32 guns, and joined her on 7 March, on the return of the Bideford from a cruise, in time to take part in Hawke's second visit to Basque roads and destruction of the fortifications on the Isle of Aix. The year was passed in almost continuous cruising, for the most part between Ushant and Cape Clear, and on 12 Feb. 1759 the Vestal sailed for North America in the squadron under Commodore Holmes. On the 21st, however, off Cape Finisterre a strange sail was chased by the Vestal and brought to action, only the Trent frigate being in sight, and she several miles astern. After a running fight of more than three hours, the French frigate Bellona of 32 guns, being completely dismasted, struck her colours. The Vestal had only her lower masts standing, and these badly wounded. In this state it was necessary for her to return with her prize to Spithead, and after refitting she joined the squadron under Rodney, which in July bombarded Havre and destroyed the flat-bottomed boats there. Hood continued employed on the blockade of the French coast till the following spring, when, at his own special request, he was sent to the Mediterranean. ‘For ten years past,’ he wrote on 30 April 1760, ‘I have been afflicted more or less with a bilious disorder, which has been so very severe within these nine months as to confine me to my


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 cabin for many days together.’ A milder climate might, he thought, give him relief. For the next three years he was employed principally in the Levant and in convoy service within the Straits, and returned home to pay off in April 1763. In the following September he was appointed to the Thunderer guardship at Portsmouth, in which in the summer of 1765 he carried a regiment of foot soldiers to North America. In April 1767 he was appointed commander-in-chief in North America, with a broad pennant on board the Romney. On his return he commanded the Royal William guardship at Portsmouth from January 1771 to November 1773, and the Marlborough to July 1776. On 5 July, through the carelessness of the gunner when clearing the ship to go into dock, a quantity of powder left in the fore magazine was exploded. The fore part of the ship was wrecked, some eighteen people (men, women, and children) were killed, and fifty wounded. Hood, with the officers and crew, was turned over to the Courageux.

In January 1778 he was appointed commissioner at Portsmouth and governor of the Naval Academy. The acceptance of these offices was ordinarily considered as retiring from the active service; still more so perhaps in the case of Hood, when on the occasion of the king's visit to Portsmouth in the following May he was created a baronet. There was therefore some surprise felt in the navy when, on 26 Sept. 1780, he was promoted to the rank of rear-admiral of the blue, and appointed to the command of a strong squadron sent out in December to reinforce Sir George Rodney in the West Indies. The probable explanation is that in the lamentable state to which the maladministration of Lord Sandwich and the scandals of the Keppel and Palliser courts-martial had reduced the navy, competent admirals willing to serve were very difficult to find, and the admiralty were glad to secure the services of a man of good repute whose political principles were at least not antagonistic, and who from his early association might be trusted to co-operate loyally with his commander-in-chief. Hood's abilities and high character had not at that time manifested themselves in any remarkable degree.

Hood, with his squadron, joined Rodney at St. Lucia in time to take part in the expedition (30 Jan. 1781) against St. Eustatius, after which he was sent with a strong force to blockade Martinique. On this operation Rodney laid great stress; and, though Hood from time to time anxiously represented that if the expected fleet should arrive from France his position to leeward of the island would render it impossible for him to enforce the blockade and might expose him to great danger, Rodney refused to be convinced, or to believe in the rumours of the French fleet's coming (, ii. 82–6). Hood's forecast was, however, correct. On the morning of 29 April a fleet of twenty ships of the line, under Count de Grasse, slipped round the southern end of the island and effected a junction with the four ships at Fort Royal. Hood, who had with him only eighteen sail of the line, and had fallen some little distance to leeward during the night, was thus placed at a serious disadvantage. A partial action ensued, in which four of Hood's ships suffered much damage, and he was compelled to draw back. The fleets remained in presence of each other for two more days, when De Grasse, who was as timid as a tactician as he showed himself bold as a strategist, retired into Fort Royal, leaving the way clear for Hood to join Rodney at Antigua, and to take part with him in the various incidents of the campaign. As the hurricane months approached, and the season for active operations in the West Indies came to an end, Rodney, whose health was in a very precarious state, sailed for England, directing Hood to take as many of the ships as were available to reinforce Rear-admiral Graves [see ] on the coast of North America. He joined Graves at New York on 28 Aug., but with only fourteen ships, some, scarcely seaworthy, having gone home with Rodney, and others having been sent to Jamaica to refit. Neither Graves, nor Rodney, nor Hood seems, indeed, to have realised the very critical position of affairs, nor to have had any conception of the magnitude of the effort which the French were making to obtain the command of the sea. On 5 Sept. the English fleet of nineteen ships found itself off the Chesapeake opposed to a French fleet of twenty-four, with four still remaining inside to continue the blockade, and seven more, under De Barras, on their way from Rhode Island. In the battle which followed, Hood commanded the rear of the English line and never got into action, the stress of the fighting falling entirely on the van, which was roughly handled. He received a full share of the popular abuse which, after the unfortunate event, was lavished on every one concerned; it was hinted that he was ‘shy,’ and had shamefully kept aloof while the van was being overpowered. The fact was that he, with his division, was running down before the wind in obedience to the signal for close action, when he was checked by the signal for ‘the line of battle ahead’ repeated and enforced. To keep the line and at the same time to engage closely was an impossi-


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 bility. The fault lay, not with Hood, nor—except in a secondary degree—with Graves, but with the ‘Fighting Instruction’ which prescribed, under pain of cashiering or death, the preserving the line and engaging from van to rear. The fatal effects of this instruction, thus brought home to Hood's mind, probably led to the tactical changes which he largely assisted in developing, the more readily perhaps as, with the exception of his own skirmish off Martinique, where the immediate results were not very dissimilar, it was the first general action in which he had been present. Hood must, moreover, have compared the effects of the ‘Fighting Instructions’ with the different results obtained, in violation of them, by Hawke in November 1759, or by Rodney in January 1780.

After another vain attempt to relieve Cornwallis, the fleet returned to Sandy Hook on 2 Nov., and a few days later Hood sailed again for the West Indies. He endeavoured to persuade Rear-admiral Digby, who had succeeded to the command [see ], to send all the line-of-battle ships with him, and was permitted to take four in addition to his original thirteen; the fourteenth, the Terrible, was at the bottom of the sea outside the Capes of Virginia. He arrived at Barbadoes on 5 Dec., and on 14 Jan. 1782 learned that De Grasse with his whole fleet and a large body of troops had gone to St. Christophers; he sailed thither immediately, and at daylight of the 24th was off the south end of Nevis, purposing to stand in and attack the French fleet at anchor off Basseterre. His force was numerically inferior—twenty-two ships against twenty-nine—but he designed to concentrate it on one end of the enemy's line, anticipating the principle, though not the detail, of the plan afterwards adopted by Nelson at the Nile (, p. 261). Unfortunately a collision between two of his ships caused serious delay, and meanwhile De Grasse, expecting nothing less than an attack, got under way, in order to prevent Hood passing to the north. Hood saw the opportunity thus offered, and the next morning (25 Jan.), after standing towards the French fleet as though to engage, and thus inducing it to keep further to seaward, he suddenly hauled to the wind, and, after a passing interchange of fire, slipped into Basseterre roadstead, where he anchored in the very berth the French had previously occupied. De Grasse was furious at being outwitted, and the following day (26 Jan.) stood in against the English fleet as it lay at anchor; but his idea went no further than ranging along the line, as had been done by D'Estaing at St. Lucia (cf. ; Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, xxix. 914), and the attack, twice made, was repulsed with heavy loss. It was, however, found impossible to render effective aid to the garrison at Brimstone Hill, which capitulated on 13 Feb.; and, with the enemy in full possession of the island, the anchorage off Basseterre was no longer tenable, while the quitting it, in face of the superior force of the French fleet, now increased to thirty-two sail of the line, exclusive of several frigates, was difficult. On the 14th, however, Hood determined to make the attempt. He assembled the several captains in his cabin, made them set their watches by his, and gave orders that, without signal, at eleven o'clock that night they should cut their cables and put to sea. The manœuvre was performed without a hitch. The French, though not more than five miles distant, knew nothing of what was taking place till daylight on the 15th showed them the anchorage empty.

Hood was meanwhile well on his way to Barbadoes, where he was shortly afterwards joined by Rodney, who resumed the command, Hood commanding under him in the second post. The skirmish on 9 April to leeward of Dominica fell entirely on the ships of Hood's division; and on 12 April he commanded the rear of the fleet, no longer, as off the Chesapeake, without being able to take part in the action. The share of the Barfleur, carrying Hood's flag, was, indeed, particularly brilliant, and it was to her that the Ville de Paris hauled down her colours, the only French three-decker actually taken in battle. In his private correspondence, however, Hood expressed much dissatisfaction that more was not done—that the flying French were not closely followed; and he was only partially consoled by being detached with a strong squadron to look out for French stragglers, when he captured two ships of the line and two frigates in the Mona passage on 19 April (United Service Gazette, 5 April 1834; Add. MS. 9343). On 25 April he rejoined Rodney off Cape Tiberon, and was left in command of the greater part of the fleet to keep watch on the enemy at Cape Français, till at the end of May, finding that nothing was to be apprehended from them, he went to Jamaica. Rodney was superseded by Admiral Pigot in July [see ], but Hood remained as second in command till the peace, when he returned to England.

On 12 Sept. 1782 he was raised to the peerage of Ireland as Baron Hood of Catherington, Hampshire; he was also presented with the freedom of the city of London in a gold box. At the general election in 1784


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 retained as a rudimentary, separate, detached somite in front of the mesosoma, or disappears altogether (excalation). The atrophy and total disappearance of ancestrally well-marked somites frequently take place (as in all Arthropoda) at the posterior extremity of the body, whilst excalation of somites may occur at the constricted areas which often separate adjacent “regions,” though there are very few instances in which it has been recognized. Concentration of the organ-systems by fusion of neighbouring regions (prosoma, mesosoma, metasoma), previously distinct, has frequently occurred, together with obliteration of the muscular and chitinous structures indicative of distinct somites. This concentration and obliteration of somites, often accompanied by dislocation of important segmental structures (such as appendages and nerve-ganglia), may lead to highly developed specialization (individuation, H. Spencer), as in the Araneae and Opiliones, and, on the other hand, may terminate in simplification and degeneration, as in the Acari.}

The most important general change which has affected the structure of the nomomeristic Arachnida in the course of their historic development is the transition from an aquatic to a terrestrial life. This has been accompanied by the conversion of the lamelliform gill-plates into lamelliform lung-plates, and later the development from the lung-chambers, and at independent sites, of tracheae or air-tubes (by adaptation of the vasifactive tissue of the blood-vessels) similar to those independently developed in Peripatus, Diplopoda, Hexapoda and Chilopoda. Probably tracheae have developed independently by the same process in several groups of tracheate Arachnids. The nomomeristic Arachnids comprise two sub-classes—one a very small degenerate offshoot from early ancestors; the other, the great bulk of the class.

'''Sub-Class I. (of the Nomomeristica). PANTOPODA.'''—Nomomeristic Arachnids, in which the somites corresponding to mesosoma and metasoma have entirely aborted. The seventh, and sometimes the eighth, leg-bearing somite is present and has its leg-like appendages fully developed. Monomeniscous eyes with a double (really triple) cell-layer formed by invagination, as in the Eu-arachnida, are present The Pantopoda stand in the same relation to Limulus and Scorpio that Cyamus holds to the thoracostracous Crustacea. The reduction of the organism to seven leg-bearing somites, of which the first pair, as in so many Eu-arachnida, are chelate, is a form of degeneration connected with a peculiar quasi-parasitic habit resembling that of the crustacean Laemodipoda. The genital pores are situate at the base of the 7th pair of limbs, and may be repeated on the 4th, 5th, and 6th. In all known Pantopoda the size of the body is quite minute as compared with that of the limbs: the alimentary canal sends a long caecum into each leg (cf. the Araneae) and the genital products are developed in gonocoels also placed in the legs.

The Pantopoda are divided into three orders, the characters of which are dependent on variation in the presence of the full number of legs.

'''Order 1. (of the Pantopoda). Nymphonomorpha', Pocock (nov.) (fig. 43).—In primitive forms belonging to the family Nymphonidae'' the full complement of appendages is retained—the 1st (mandibular), the 2nd (palpiform), and the 3rd (ovigerous) pairs being well developed in both sexes. In certain derivative forms constituting the family Pallenidae, however, the appendages of the 2nd pair are either rudimentary or atrophied altogether.

Two families: 1. Nymphonidae (genus Nymphon), and 2. Pallenidae (genus Pallene).

'''Order 2. Ascorhynchomorpha', Pocock (nov.).—Appendages of the 2nd and 3rd pairs retained and developed, as in the more primitive types of Nymphonomorpha; but those of the 1st pair are either rudimentary, as in the Ascorhynchidae, or atrophied, as in the Colossendeidae''. In the latter a further specialization is shown in the fusion of the body segments.

Two families. 1. Ascorhynchidae (genera Ascorhynchus and Ammothea); 2. Colossendeidae (genera Colossendeis and Discoarachne).

'''Order 3. Pycnogonomorpha', Pocock (nov.).—Derivative forms in which the reduction in number of the anterior appendages is carried farther than in the other orders, reaching its extreme in the Pycnogonidae'', where the 1st and 2nd pairs are absent in both sexes, and the 3rd pair also are absent in the female. In the Hannoniidae, however, which resemble the Pycnogonidae in the absence of the 3rd pair in the female and of the 2nd pair in both sexes, the 1st pair are retained in both sexes.

Two families: 1. Hannoniidae (genus Hannonia); 2. Pycnogonidae (genera Pycnogonum and Phoxichilus).

Remarks.—The Pantopoda are not known in the fossil condition. They are entirely marine, and are not uncommon in the coralline zone of the sea-coast. The species are few, not more than fifty (23). Some large species of peculiar genera are taken at great depths. Their movements are extremely sluggish. They are especially remarkable for the small size of the body and the extension of viscera into the legs. Their structure is eminently that of degenerate forms. Many frequent growths of coralline Algae and hydroid polyps, upon the juices of which they feed, and in some cases a species of gall is produced in hydroids by the penetration of the larval Pantopod into the tissues of the polyp.

'Sub-Class II. (of the Nomomeristic Arachnida). EU-ARACHNIDA.'—These start from highly developed and specialized aquatic branchiferous forms, exhibiting a prosoma with six pediform pairs of appendages, an intermediate prae-genital somite, a mesosoma of six somites bearing lamelliform pairs of appendages, and a metasoma of six somites devoid of appendages, and the last provided with a post-anal spine. Median eyes are present, which are monomeniscous, with distinct retinal and corneagenous cell-layers, and placed centrally on the prosoma. Lateral eyes also may be present, arranged in lateral groups, and having a single or double cell-layer beneath the lens. The first pair of limbs is often chelate or prehensile, rarely antenniform; whilst the second, third and fourth may also be chelate, or may be simple palps or walking legs.

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civilization of China will further appear from the consideration of the stability, regularity, economy, and efficiency of their government. The country, no longer torn by the contentions of rival princes and independent states, is united under one regular and established authority. The emperor, residing in his capital, extends his influence to the remotest corner of the land. Every officer that presides in the most distant district is especially appointed by the court, and every measure of importance is the result of arrangements issuing from the centre of power. To exert an influence over such an extent of territory, and for such a length of time, argues a minuteness of arrangement and a comprehensiveness of system, which could not have place in an uncivilized country.

The question has frequently been asked, how do the


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Translation from Anacreon

 * "Translation from Anacreon", Ode 1 by George Gordon Byron. (I wish to tune my quivering lyre)
 * "Translation from Anacreon", Ode 5 by George Gordon Byron. (Mingle with the genial bowl)

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Rh happiest of all, Billy. When I was finally discovered even there and I saw people who had known me for years change over night and get the gold-greedy look in their eyes and the fawning, sycophantic tone in their voices, I gave up the struggle and that was the end of masquerading.'

"We saw a great deal of each other after that; and a year later she promised to marry me, but insisted that the engagement be kept a secret for the time being. Then came the failure of the Mastodon Bank, and the Clagdon fortune was wiped out. Henry Clagdon committed suicide rather than face a term in a Federal prison; and when everything was settled, Ethel was not only fatherless, but penniless. I urged her to marry me then, but she kept putting me off. Then yesterday," and Van Der Cynck's face was wicked with anger, "she told me she was going to marry John Dally, a miserable artist who can't sell enough of his own pictures to keep him out of the poorhouse,—and she penniless." He slapped his stick on the desk in wordless rage and stared straight ahead, forgetting, apparently, the man to whom he was talking.

An apologetic cough from Kimbarton recalled him to his surroundings and he took up his story again.

"That brings me to my purpose in peeking you," he said. "Once she told me that,"—he gulped with rage. "She said, 'It was the third summer Billy, I was nineteen, and my head was full of romance. His name was Kenally, Howard Kenally, and I thought I was in love with him. He said he was in love with me, and I believed him. We eloped, but Uncle found out and brought me back. Then I wrote to him. Foolish, silly letters they were, the kind a silly, sentimental child would write, saying how dearly I loved him and always would, and a lot of silliness; nothing that was wrong, but horribly and utterly foolish. Then my uncle told me that he had looked him up and found he was a married man, and that killed it. I never saw nor heard of him again and hope that I never shall, but I wanted to tell you nbout this, Billy, so you would know.'"

Van Der Cynck studied the tip of his shoe for a moment and then went on, his face fiendish in its intensity, his voice vibrating with suppressed anger.

"Here is my plan. Find this man Kenally, get the letters, and send them to Dally. Dally is a prude, a man who. would think a woman unclean if she should tell a lie even by imputation. He's a Puritan of the most rigid views. Those letters would damn her in his eyes as surely as if she were Saphira herself. I'd bleed them of every cent they have; but she's broke, and he's . as poor as a church mouse. I don't care a whoop about the money anyway, but by God, she won't marry him if I have anything to say about it Get those letters, Kimbarton, and I'll give you a hundred dollars apiece, for them, and pay your expenses. Look up this man Kenally. All I know of him is that he was at Idlemere ten years ago and he was a short, stout blonde, with blue eyes. He was married and lived in Chicago on Dearborn, near Schiller Street. Can you, handle it?"


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Rh 77.

What minstrel grey, what hoary bard,

Shall Allan's deeds on harp-strings raise?

The song is glory's chief reward,

But who can strike a murd'rer's praise?

78.

Unstrung, untouch'd, the harp must stand,

No minstrel dare the theme awake;

Guilt would benumb his palsied hand,

His harp in shuddering chords would break.

79.

No lyre of fame, no hallow'd verse,

Shall sound his glories high in air:

A dying father's bitter curse,

A brother's death-groan echoes there.

TRANSLATION FROM ANACREON.

to tune my quivering lyre,

To deeds of fame, and notes of fire;


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28 "I can handle it all right," said Kimbarton slowly, "provided the price is O. K. One hundred apiece isn't enough for them letters."

"How much, then?" asked the young man angrily. "Look here; don't think you can play me for a mark. I'm not a rich man and while I am willing to do the right thing, I won't be held up. What's your price?"

"Listen to me, now," said Kimbarton, his face showing the confidence he felt in his ability to handle the situation. "In the first place, you come into my office as if you owned it, tell me where to head in at, and call me a crook without any license. If I'm a crook that's my own business. I haven't got you skinned any, I reckon. You talk about blackmail like you was pretty well used to it, and you're trying to hand this girl a package because she throws you down and hooks up with another guy. Well, the letters will cost you one hundred dollars apiece, all right. That's five hundred. Callin' me a crook is five hundred more, and five hundred more for necessary expenses is a grand total of fifteen hundred. Take it or leave it."

"Right," said Van Der Cynck, shaking with passion and getting to his feet. "I'll leave it, you dirty little shyster."

"One moment, please," grinned Kimbarton malignantly; "that word 'shyster' will cost you another hundred. Yes, I know," as the young man started to speak, "there are plenty of other agencies that would be glad to handle this, but you see I happen to be Kenally," and he burst out laughing at the look of blank amazement on the face of his visitor.

Van Der Cynck came back and sat down. "What's your price?" he asked helplessly, "and how the devil do you happen to be Kenally and Kimbarton, too?"

"Oh!" remarked the detective airily, "I just traveled under that name for a while, liking the sound of it, so to speak. As to the price, I told you, sixteen hundred."

"Ridiculous!" cried Van Der Cynck. He rose to his feet again. "I will give you a thousand dollars for the letters, and that's the ultimate limit. If you insist, I'll apologize for calling you a crook and a shyster, but I won't give more than a thousand for the letters, and that's final."

He had his hand on the door knob when the detective spoke. "You win," he said; "a thousand goes. Wait!" He went into the room marked private, and for several minutes the visitor waited. Kimbarton presently returned with a packet of letters in his hand and laid them on the table: "C. O. D." he remarked and looked expectantly at Van Der Cynck.

"I want to examine them first," was the answer; "that's a little thin. First you say you are Kenally, when I know you are Kimbarton, then you want to sell me those letters you have there for a thousand dollars when I don't know whether they're the ones I want or not." He held out his hand. "Give them to me. If they are what you say they are, you'll get your money immediately. Come!"

He looked expectantly at the detective, still holding out his hand; and, after a moment's hesitation, Kimbarton placed the letters in it.

Rapidly Van Der Cynck ran


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Rh Chinese, ignorant as they must be of the science of political economy, and destitute as they are of the knowledge of Christian ethics,—manage to keep such a mass of people in order, and preserve their empire free from encroachment and diminution? In attempting to solve this difficulty, we cannot but assign to the Chinese an intimate acquaintance with human nature, and an unusual skill in the application of well-defined principles to the business of life. The secret of their success in political matters is the establishment of the patriarchal system of government, grounded on the basis of filial obligation. The first principle in their moral code, is the duty of children to submit to their parents, and the right of parents to dispose of their children. Having been the instruments of bringing them into the world, and providing for their support and education, parents are considered as entitled to the unreserved respect and submission of their children; while disobedience to parental authority is punished with the severest rigour. From the dependency and inferiority of the infantile state, when this authority is naturally recognised and easily enforced, to the more advanced stages of life, the idea of an almost divine superiority is cherished, and no circumstances can arise in which the child is absolved from unqualified and undisputing obedience to the parent.

This principle forms the basis of their political code also. For though the emperor stands in no natural relation to his people, and is rather cherished by them than contributes to their support, yet he has induced the belief that he is their parent and protector, and as such possessed of unquestionable authority over them. In order to strengthen this assumption, the idea of


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Rh through them, his lips relaxing into a faint smile as he gathered the import of them. Folding the last one, he placed the packet in his pocket. Then, drawing a fat wallet from his inside pocket, he counted out ten hundred-dollar bills on the desk. Picking up his cane, he started for the door when the voice of the detective halted him again. There was a taunt in the voice now and a sneer on the coarse lips of the man as he spoke.

"Say," he drawled, "you're a pretty wise Willie. Not! You were going to hand me a package wan't you? Going to get them letters cheap and get away with it while I played the sucker and watched you do it? Well, you're just about a thousand out on this deal, Old Top."

"What do you mean?" demanded Van Der Cynck coldly. "Are not these the letters I wanted? Are there any more besides these?"

"Oh! They're the ones you wanted all right, and that's all of 'em; but you, you're a fine come-on you are. Why, you poor nut, I'd a-pulled that game myself if you hadn't butted in, and anyone had tipped me off where I could find that Wyndham doll. I didn't know her name was Clagdon. Kicked me out of the back end of a rig, her uncle did, and I've been laying for a chance to get square. And you! You blow in and run the whole game for me and hand me a thousand bucks. You're a hot sketch! I gotta hand it to you, kid."

Van Der Cynck had flushed angrily while Kimbarton was talking, but waited quietly until he had finished. Then, in the same even, well-modulated tone that had characterized his earlier speech, he said, "Jerry Longley said you were a damned crook, and I believed him. He said you were a fat-head, and I believed him. Figuring you to be these two things, I called you the first to make you mad, and added that you had brains to make you foolish. I succeeded admirably in each case. Me, you characterize as a sucker, a come-on, and several other very worthy things that are, no doubt, a part of your profession. You say I'm a thousand dollars out. Maybe. Mrs. Stairing, however, is probably many thousand in, besides, and an untold amount of happiness and a fortune in nights when she will be able to sleep. On the whole, I think I'm entirely satisfied, and I am sure Mrs. Stairing is."

"What the hell has Mrs. Stairing got to do with this anyway?" snarled Kimbarton. "I don't know anything about Mrs. Stairing. It's this Wyndham kid we are talking about, ain't it?"

"One and the same," assented Van Der Cynck, over his shoulder, as he opened the door and stepped into the hall, "and my name, by the way, is Clagdon, not Van Der Cynck. You see, Ethel Clagdon married Stairing this morning; and as I happen to be her brother, she asked me to clear up this annoying little business detail while they were on their honeymoon, and before you found out who she was. Come-on—eh? Why, my dear Mr. Kimbarton Kenally, I've known who you were for six months. You're number one.on the sucker list. No one but a come-on would fall for that sentimental bunk I sprung on you."

The door closed with a bang.


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148 To echo, from its rising swell,

How heroes fought and nations fell,

When Atreus' sons advanc'd to war,

Or Tyrian Cadmus rov'd afar;

But still, to martial strains unknown,

My lyre recurs to Love alone.

Fir'd with the hope of future fame,

I seek some nobler Hero's name;

The dying chords are strung anew,

To war, to war, my harp is due:

With glowing strings, the Epic strain

To Jove's great son I raise again;

Alcides and his glorious deeds,

Beneath whose arm the Hydra bleeds;

All, all in vain; my wayward lyre

Wakes silver notes of soft Desire.

Adieu, ye Chiefs renown'd in arms!

Adieu the clang of War's alarms!

To other deeds my soul is strung,

And sweeter notes shall now be sung;

My harp shall all its powers reveal,

To tell the tale my heart must feel;

Love, Love alone, my lyre shall claim,

In songs of bliss and sighs of flame.


text: The Black Cat (magazine)/Volume 22/Number 2/Number One on the Sucker List


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Rh FROM ANACREON.

ODE 3.

now the hour when Night had driven

Her car half round yon sable heaven;

Boötes, only, seem'd to roll

His Arctic charge around the Pole;

While mortals, lost in gentle sleep,

Forgot to smile, or ceas'd to weep:

At this lone hour the Paphian boy,

Descending from the realms of joy,

Quick to my gate directs his course,

And knocks with all his little force;

My visions fled, alarm'd I rose,—

"What stranger breaks my blest repose?"

"Alas!" replies the wily child

In faltering accents sweetly mild;

"A hapless Infant here I roam,

Far from my dear maternal home.

Oh! shield me from the wintry blast!

The nightly storm is pouring fast.

No prowling robber lingers here;

A wandering baby who can fear?"


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The New International Encyclopædia/Fast

FAST (AS. fæsten, Icel. fasta, Goth. fastubni, OHG. fasta, Ger. Fasten, fast, from AS. fæstan, Icel. fasta, Goth. fastan, OHG. fastēn, Ger. fasten, to fast; probably connected with AS. fæst, Icel. fastr, OHG. fasti, feste, Ger. fest, fast, firm). A term used in express either total abstinence from meat and drink, or at least a certain restraint in respect of food. As a religious custom, fasting seems in have originated in the conceived necessity of proper preparation for communion with the ancestral spirits in the sacrificial meal and in the ecstatic state. It was thus a sacrifice offered to the Divinity, the acceptance of which was indicated by permission to partake in the sacrificial banquet and by the vision vouchsafed to the devotee. Hence its universal occurrence

in some form in all religions and among common worshipers as well as among the religious leaders. It has been observed wherever ancestral worship has flourished, even though there was no marked tendency toward mysticism, and has not only maintained itself, but has developed especial intensity as a means of inducing an extraordinary psychical receptivity to spiritual impressions in monotheistic and pantheistic forms of religion otherwise preserving only slight traces of their animistic origin. The reduced vitality and increased nervous excitability occasioned by lack of proper nourishment have tended to produce a mental condition favorable to the seeing of visions and the hearing of voices, necessarily interpreted as objective realities. By curbing the appetites and the passions, they have served as means of moral discipline. On the other hand, the reaction has added joy and exhilaration to the following communion with the Divinity. See .

The custom prevailed among the Aztecs and Toltecs of Mexico, the Incas of Peru, and other American aborigines. It has been found among the Pacific Islanders, who occasionally use strong purges before venturing to eat holy meat. In China and Japan there are possible traces of it before contact with Buddhism; and it has been kept in eastern Asia wherever Brahmanism and Buddhism have spread. If the climatic conditions of India forced attention to dietary rules, the introspective attitude of her people naturally led to observation of the effects upon the mental activities of abstinence from food. Insensibility to pain, clairvoyance, attainment to a higher superconscious state, absorption in the divine, seemed the rewards or results of a patient endurance. Already in the Yajur-Veda period this estimate of the value of fasting becomes apparent, and it is still widely prevalent in all parts of India. In the Mithras cult, a mixture of Iranian and orgiastic elements, it was a necessary preparation for initiation into the mysteries. As this faith spread over Armenia, Cappadocia, Pontus, and Syria, the importance of the already-existing religious custom was everywhere enhanced. It was indeed a characteristic requirement made by mystic cult societies in many lands. At least as early as the seventh century B.C. the Orphic societies in Greece demanded total abstinence from meat and beans, and subsequently the highest rites in the Eleusinian mysteries were preceded by a day of fasting. Similarly, fasting was required previous to initiation in the mysteries of Isis and Osiris, while in earlier time it does not seem to have been widely observed in Egypt, though it is known through Herodotus that at Busiris a fast preceded the sacrificial meal. The Romans also to some extent practiced fasting in connection with their festivals, and in later times before initiation in cult societies.

It is not certain that the Babylonians kept the custom; and the story of the fast in Nineveh (Jonah iii. 5 sqq.) merely shows that the late Jewish authors took for granted that the Assyrians fasted to avoid a great national calamity, though they may have been quite right in this assumption. In Israel, fasting was, in earlier times, spontaneous and not regulated by law. The purpose appears to have been to arouse Yahweh's pity (II. Sam. xii. 22), to avert national

calamity (I. Sam. vii. 6), to express sorrow for the dead (I. Sam. xxxi. 13), to prepare for a sacrificial meal (I. Sam. xxi. 5), or to render a man fit for a special revelation (Ex. xxxiv. 28; Deut. ix. 9, 18). After the Exile, days of public fasting were instituted. They are first mentioned in Zech. viii. 19, where the fasts of the fourth, fifth, seventh, and tenth months are referred to and the question whether they should be observed is discussed. These fasts were ordained in commemoration of the misfortunes that bad befallen Jerusalem, viz. the capture of the city on the 9th of Tammuz, the destruction of the temple on the 9th of Ab, the murder of Gedaliah on the 3d of Tishri (Jer. xli. 2), and the beginning of the siege on the 10th of Ab. The only day set apart for fasting in the Mosaic law is the tenth of the seventh month (Tishri). It is thought by modern scholars to have been instituted later than the four fast days previously mentioned. See.

Still later is the observance of the 13th of Adar as a fast day. (See .) While the earlier prophets denounced the custom of fasting, the later prophetic writers seem to have regarded it as valuable. Prayer and fasting are often united, and the necessity of fasting as a preparation for divine revelations is emphasized (Dan. ix. 3; x. 2, 3, 12; IV. Ezra v. 13; vi. 31). The Pharisaic party practiced fasting on two days in the week, Monday and Thursday, though it is doubtful whether it ever was more than partial; the Essenes were led by their ascetic tendencies to attach much value to fasting, while the Sadducees, more conservative in such matters, did not go beyond the fast days prescribed in the law. As the Babylonian exile, rendering sacrifices impossible for a time, led to a development of fast days, so the misfortunes that in later times have befallen the Jewish people have occasioned the establishment of new fast days. These, however, have not become permanent. There are half days of fasting at the summer and winter solstices which may go back to earlier times; those before Rosh Hashshana, or the New Year's Day, and the Day of Atonement, seem to be later developments. Fasting is often prescribed on certain memorial days. An orthodox Jew fasts on his birthday after reaching the age of thirteen, and on the birthday of his first-born son till the latter reaches the age of thirteen, in commemoration of the sparing of the Israelite first-born in Egypt. The anniversary of the death of parents is also similarly observed. Fasting with the Jews always implies entire abstinence and lasts from daybreak till the appearance of the first three stars, except on the Day of Atonement and the 9th of Ab, when the period begins with sunset of the preceding day. Children, pregnant women, and the sick are exempted from the observance of fasting.

In the reported sayings of Jesus, He refers only twice to fasting. In Matt. vi. 16-18, He says: “When thou fastest, anoint thy head and wash thy face, that thou be not seen of men to fast,” thus condemning all ostentatious fasting, and inferentially all public display of contrition. In Matt. ix. 14-17 and parallels, He answers the question why He and His disciples do not fast. All scholars are agreed that the strikingly original utterances concerning the new wine and the old bottles and the new piece and the old garment

are genuine. Assuming the authenticity also of the remarks concerning the bridegroom who is to be taken away, Roman Catholic interpreters understand, not improperly, the words, “And then they shall fast in those days,” to be a direct exhortation, and that the disciples were only exempted from fasting during the presence of their Master on earth. This must indeed have been the manner in which the words were apprehended in the early Church. But the genuineness of this saving is seriously questioned by competent critics, and it is most naturally understood as a justification of a practice not observed by Jesus Himself or His disciples in His lifetime, but subsequently adopted. It seems to be earlier than the story of His fast for forty days (Matt, iv.). These passages probably show that at the end of the first century fasting was quite generally observed in the Church. This is also shown by Acts xiii. 2, 3; xiv. 23; II. Cor. vi. 5: xi. 27, and the interpolations found in the received text of Matt. xvii. 21; Mark ix. 29; Acts x. 30; I. Cor. vii. 5. In the Oxyrhyneus fragment containing what claim to be the sayings of Jesus. He is represented as having said, “If ye fast not in respect of the world, ye shall not find the Kingdom of God.” The language is probably to be taken figuratively, may be directed against physical fasting, and certainly does not come from Jesus. Fasting was required as a preparation for holy acts and feasts, for ordination and baptism. The forty hours between Friday afternoon and Sunday morning, commemorating the time when Christ lay in the sepulchre, were annually celebrated, and early fathers allude to the forty days of Lent as handed down and observed by the Church. The moral earnestness of the Montanistic movement found expression in vigorous fasting. (See .) While Wednesdays and Fridays had no doubt been observed by fasting before his time, Montanus emphasized the necessity of abstaining from all food on these days, and probably was the first to lay down definite rules concerning fasting. The growing Catholic Church was led by this movement to regulate more closely the matter of fasting and to grant certain relaxations. At the Council of Orleans (541), abstinence from meat during Lent, except on Sundays, was prescribed. The eighth Council of Toledo (633) declared those who ate meat, during Lent sinners unworthy to partake in the resurrection. But the severe laws on this subject which prevailed in earlier times generally, and were made still stricter in the monastic rules (the Cistercians, for example, eating nothing at all until two o'clock in the afternoon), have been much relaxed in later days as a concession to the needs of modern complexity of life and severity of climate. To regulate the details of fasting has always been considered as within the authority of the Church: in George Herbert's phrase, “The Bible bids us fast—the Church says ‘Now.’ ” Accordingly the power of dispensation is considered by Roman Catholic theologians to reside primarily and universally in the Pope, for practical purposes also in the bishops, and (for individual cases) in parish priests and confessors. Fasting is divided into the natural or absolute and total fast, which means entire abstinence from any sort of food or drink, no matter in how small quantities; the ecclesiastical

or partial fast; and abstinence. The first only applies to the regulation for those who are to receive Holy Communion; it lasts from the previous midnight until after communion, and is never relaxed except in the case of the dying. The second allows only one full meal in the day, with a small collation in the evening, and two ounces of dry bread with the morning coffee or tea. The third does not regulate the quantity, but forbids the use of meat. Normally, all weekdays in Lent, the ember-days (q.v.) at the four seasons, certain vigils (q.v.), and in some countries the Wednesdays and Fridays in Advent, are observed as strict fasts under the above definition; but the regulations vary considerably in detail in different countries. Recently a dispensation granted for ten years and already once renewed allows the bishops of the United States to relax very much the Lenten fast for the working classes. Those who are under twenty-one or over sixty, the insane, sick, or convalescent persons, pregnant and nursing women, and those whose occupations are specially laborious or exhausting, are excused from fasting. Strictly, the prohibition of flesh-meat includes the products of the animals whose flesh is not to be eaten, as milk, butter, cheese, eggs, classed together as lacticinia; but in northern countries, at least, these are usually allowed, either by custom or express dispensation. The Roman Catholic Church regards fasting as a means of grace, under two aspects—that of the actual mortification and that of obedience to ecclesiastical precept.

In the Greek Church fasting is kept with much greater severity. The Easter fast lasts 48 days, that of Christmas 39 days, that in honor of the Virgin 14 days, and that of the Apostles begins on Monday after Trinity and extends to the 29th of June. There are also many vigils preparatory for great festivals. The Church of England considers fasting as praiseworthy, but not as obligatory, a useful exercise preparatory for the means of grace, but not itself one. The days named by the English Church as seasons of fasting are the forty days of Lent, including Ash Wednesday and Good Friday; the ember-days, the three rogation days, all the Fridays of the year (except Christmas Day), and the eves or vigils of certain festivals.

Mohammed commanded but one fast, viz. that during the month of Ramadan (see ), although he recommended fasting at certain other times as a meritorious act. The fast of Ramadan is rigorously observed, at least in letter, by all Mussulmans. Whether fasting was practiced in Arabia before contact with Judaism or Christianity is doubtful. Certain of the fasts recommended by Mohammed seem to be imitations; that on the 10th of Muharram (see ), for instance, corresponds to the Day of Atonement on the 10th of Tishri.

Abstinence from food may cause a grave condition of the body, and may even endanger life. In an experiment upon an animal which was caused to fast for 13 days, the more important tissues lost the following percentages of dry solid matter: The adipose tissues, 97 per cent.; the spleen, 63.1 per cent.; the liver, 56.6 per cent.; the muscles, 30.2 per cent.; the blood, 17.6 per cent.; the brain and spinal cord, none. The tissues in general became more watery than in health.

As the amount of muscle lost during the fasting period contained about 15.2 grains of nitrogen, more than half the lost nitrogen came from metabolism of muscular tissue. Experience has taught that the weight of an adult's body may remain approximately constant for months or years, even under varying conditions of diet. Also, the relative proportions of the various tissues of the body remain constant, in addition to an unchanged weight. Evidently, in such cases, the expenditure of the body must precisely balance its income. If it did not lose as much nitrogen as it takes in, the body would gain in muscle. If it did not lose as much carbon as it takes in, it would put on fat. It may be losing or gaining carbon, losing or gaining fat, and yet the proteid constituents remain constant in amount, the expenditure of nitrogen being exactly equal to the income of nitrogen. This condition is called ‘nitrogenous equilibrium.’ In a fasting animal, while urea is excreted and carbonic acid is given off, the expenditure of nitrogen is very small. The glycogen and then the fat disappear, and, lastly, some of the proteid. But, as the figures given show, the heart and central nervous system are supported, and lose but little in weight, while other organs are sacrificed to feed them.

The results obtained from the study of fasting men differ a little from those in the case of starving animals. In men, the excretion of nitrogen diminishes continuously for several days. There is a diminution of the chlorine and urea in the urine, and an increase in phenol. The respiratory quotient sinks to a figure less than the one corresponding to oxidation of fats alone. The inference must be that some of the carbon of the disintegrated proteids is stored up in the body as glycogen.

After a certain period of fasting, fever, restlessness, and delirium generally set in. The delirium may be mild, with hallucinations of food and drink, or it may be furious. Age and obesity have a considerable influence upon the length of time life persists, in the face of actual starvation. A case is recorded, of the wreck of the frigate Medusa in 1876, when fifteen people survived without food on an open raft, for thirteen days. In the case of a convict, quoted by Berard, life was sustained on water alone for sixty-three days. Eight miners survived five days and sixteen hours with almost no food. But, generally, death occurs in man after from five to eight days of total deprivation of food. Chossat states that death from starvation occurs after a loss of four-tenths of the weight of the body. Though there have been many alleged cases of fasting for thirty days, or even some years, by certain professional fasters or religious women, nothing of the sort could possibly have happened, impostures having thus been practiced invariably in every ease. Dogs live from thirty to thirty-five days if deprived entirely of food and drink.

Hibernating animals (see ) are capable of sustaining the want of food for an apparently indefinite period of weeks during the winter sleep; but no warm-blooded animal can endure fasting in anything like the same degree as the reptiles—in many of which, indeed, the natural state of existence is one of long intervals between the times of taking food, and in which the vital change of texture is remarkably slow. Thus, the remarkable amphibious animal, the

Proteus anguinus, has been known to live for years without food, and the same is true of salamanders, tortoises, and even goldfishes. In attempting the recovery of persons reduced by fasting, food must be given in very small quantities at a time, and of the most nourishing and digestible quality; stimulants should be either withheld or very cautiously administered. The most important point, next to the regulation of the food, and sometimes even before food is given at all, is the removal of the chill of the body by gradually applied heat; for, in addition to emaciation and arrest of secretion, the animal heat falls perceptibly during fasting.

. Consult the Hebrew archæologies of Nowack (Freiburg, 1894) and Benzinger (ib., 1894); Linsenmayr, Die Entwicklung der kirchlichen Fastendiziplin bis zum Konzil von Nicäa (Munich, 1877); Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites (Cambridge, 1894); Smend, Alttestamentliche Religionsgeschichte (Freiburg, 1899); Duchesne, Origines du culte chrétien (Paris, 1898). For the physiological effects, consult: Flint, Text-Book of Human Physiology (New York, 1879); Stewart, Manual of Physiology (London, 1895).

title: The New International Encyclopædia/Fast


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150 I heard his seeming artless tale,

I heard his sighs upon the gale:

My breast was never pity's foe,

But felt for all the baby's woe.

I drew the bar, and by the light

Young Love, the infant, met my sight;

His bow across his shoulders flung,

And thence his fatal quiver hung

(Ah! little did I think the dart

Would rankle soon within my heart).

With care I tend my weary guest,

His little fingers chill my breast;

His glossy curls, his azure wing,

Which droop with nightly showers, I wring;

His shivering limbs the embers warm;

And now reviving from the storm,

Scarce had he felt his wonted glow,

Than swift he seized his slender bow:—

"I fain would know, my gentle host,"

He cried, "if this its strength has lost;


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 he was returned to parliament at the head of the poll for Westminster after a contest of unparalleled length and severity [see ]; in 1787–8 he was commander-in-chief at Portsmouth, his flag again in the Barfleur. On 24 Sept. 1787 he became vice-admiral of the blue, and in July 1788 was nominated to a seat on the board of admiralty under the Earl of Chatham. Here he remained till the outbreak of the war of the French revolution (February 1793), when he was appointed commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean. He sailed on 22 May with his flag in the Victory, and, touching at Gibraltar, came off Toulon on 16 July. The south of France was already in arms against the Convention; the entry of the national forces into Marseilles was followed by the usual massacres; the people of Toulon, conscious of their inability to defend themselves, were mad with terror, and the close blockade of the coast instituted by Hood added famine to the other evils which oppressed them. On 23 Aug. commissioners from Marseilles came on board the Victory to treat for peace on the basis of declaring for a monarchy and the constitution of 1789; they expected to have been joined by commissioners from Toulon, but internal strife had prevented these leaving the town. Negotiations were, however, opened, and it was agreed that the forts and ships of war should be placed provisionally at Hood's disposal, to be held by him for the king, and returned when peace should be declared. Rear-admiral Trogoff, commanding the French fleet of twenty-two sail of the line, had a convenient attack of gout, real or pretended, and retired to the shore. St. Julien, the second in command, a man of feeble capacity and intemperate habits, declared that he would dispute the entrance of the English fleet, and moored some of his ships in a position to rake the passage. But his men were insubordinate and undisciplined, and when on 27 Aug. Hood landed fifteen hundred men and took possession of the forts commanding the roadstead, St. Julien with five thousand of the seamen went ashore, and the ships quietly retired into the inner harbour. The English fleet then entered, joined at the very moment by the Spanish fleet under Don Juan de Langara, which raised the force to imposing numbers, but weakened it by introducing conflicting interests and a divided command. The inherent difficulties of the situation were sufficiently great. St. Julien, unable or unwilling to escape to the national army, surrendered himself to the Spaniards; but it was impossible to keep the five thousand seamen as prisoners, and free in the town they were a very evident danger. They belonged for the most part to Brest or other ocean ports, and clamoured to be sent to their homes. Accordingly, after some delay, they were put on board four of the most crazy ships, without guns or arms, and sent on their way, only to find on their arrival at Rochefort or Brest that they were held amenable to the law as cowards and traitors, apparently for not bringing the English ships along with them (, ii. 228). More serious, however, than the disposal of the prisoners was the question of the land defences, for the means at Hood's disposal were scanty. He had on board the fleet two regiments of foot, borne in lieu of marines; these and such seamen as could be spared gave him about two thousand men. The rest of his force, which seems never to have exceeded about twelve thousand effective men, was made up of loyal Frenchmen, Spaniards, Sardinians, and Neapolitans, soldiers in little more than the name, without discipline or training, and liable to panic on any emergency.

From the first, Toulon was surrounded by the national troops; by the end of September it was closely invested; and when, on 17 Dec., they obtained possession of Éguillette and the adjacent forts, which commanded the roadstead, it was at once necessary for the fleets to withdraw. A council of war was held, and it was agreed to embark the troops without delay and to put to sea, taking with them such of the French ships as were ready and setting fire to the rest. The confusion was extreme; the Neapolitan soldiers were seized with panic; terror reigned through the town; and men, women, and children thronged the quays, weeping, wailing, and imploring to be taken on board. Some fifteen thousand inhabitants were embarked, at the cost of all their property; no one whose rank or social standing seemed to expose him or her to the severity of the law was left behind (, ii. 87). But of those who remained a number—differently estimated at from one thousand to six thousand (, ii. 246;, ii. 89; , i. 89)—were guillotined or shot by the officers of the Convention. The destruction of the ships was entrusted partly to Langara, and partly to Sir W. Sidney Smith [q. v.], who had joined the fleet as a volunteer. Neither of them executed their task efficiently. Two floating powder-magazines which were ordered to be sunk were set on fire, and their explosion added greatly to the confusion. Of the line-of-battle ships few were actually destroyed; four were taken away by Hood; but of those that were set on fire the greater


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 number escaped with little or no damage, and were at sea in the course of the following summer. By popular opinion Hood was blamed for these disasters and miscarriages; all, it was argued, might have been prevented by timely care and forethought. But the embarrassment of the dual command and of diverse nationalities cannot be ignored. Both the Toulonese and the Spaniards were averse to the destruction of the ships or to their being sent to an English port. The Spaniards wished them to be sent to a Spanish port, but this Hood refused to allow; and thus amid conflicting jealousies the weeks slipped away till it was too late.

For some time previous Hood had been in communication with Paoli, the leader of the Corsicans in revolt against France, and now on the fall of Toulon he resolved to secure the island, if only as a base of operations. A close blockade had already been kept up for several weeks. After a sharp encounter between the Fortitude and a martello tower defending the entrance of the bay of S. Fiorenzo, the tower was captured from the land side by the English troops, and S. Fiorenzo was taken without further opposition on 17 Feb. 1794. Hood now wished to attack Bastia, but the general in command of the troops refused to co-operate before the arrival of reinforcements. The enemy, however, were adding each day to the strength of their position; and Hood, judging that no time should be lost, laid siege to it on 4 April with the small forces at his disposal for land service, some 1,200 marines, or soldiers borne in lieu of marines, under the command of Lieutenant-colonel Villettes, and 250 seamen, under Nelson, then captain of the Agamemnon [see ], he himself keeping up a close blockade by sea. The place capitulated on 19 May. Nelson, somewhat ignoring the co-operation of the fleet, the moral effect of which must have been considerable, independently of the rigorous blockade which it enforced, wrote to his brother on 30 May: ‘All has been done by seamen and troops embarked to serve as marines, except a few artillery under the orders of Lord Hood, who has given in this instance a most astonishing proof of the vigour of his mind and of his zeal and judgment. … Four thousand five hundred men have laid down their arms to under 1,200 troops and seamen; it is such an event as is hardly on record.’ On 9 June the Dido frigate came in with intelligence that the enemy's fleet was at sea. Sorely against his will, Rear-admiral Martin had been compelled by the Convention to sail. He had vainly represented that he had only about half the number of ships that the English had, not to speak of the Spanish fleet, numerically as strong as the English; he knew also that his men were untrained and undisciplined, that his officers were ignorant, and that the courage or enthusiasm on which the Convention depended was no sufficient substitute for skill, discipline, and numbers. He was ordered to take on board furnaces for heating shot, shells, and carcasses, to seek for the English fleet, and forthwith destroy it. In accordance with his orders he put to sea on 6 June, but when out of reach of the Convention determined that his proper course was to preserve the fleet, and therefore not to venture far from the Lérins Islands, which he judged might afford him refuge. On the 12th, when the English came in sight, he at once stood in and anchored in Golfe Jouan. Hood, with a force vastly superior in point of numbers and still more in efficiency, ordered an immediate attack. So far as the numbers went, two English ships were to anchor alongside each French ship and make themselves masters of her. Unfortunately the wind died away, and during the next few days a dead calm was broken only by fitful breezes from opposing quarters. Martin meanwhile took the opportunity of strengthening his position, landing guns, throwing up batteries, and converting small coasting vessels into gunboats. When at last the wind blew fair for the roadstead, Hood judged that the attack was no longer feasible; and, leaving the greater part of the fleet under Vice-admiral Hotham to maintain the blockade, he returned to Corsica, where the siege of Calvi was already in progress. This, the last stronghold of the French, surrendered on 10 Aug., and the whole island submitted to the English.

Hood, whose promotion on 12 April to the rank of admiral had reached him shortly before, was soon afterwards recalled. It was pretended that his health was failing and that he had desired to be relieved; but it seems to have been generally understood that it was rather on account of a difference of opinion with the admiralty or the ministry. Nelson ascribed it to some contemptible intrigue. Hood sailed for England on 11 Oct., leaving the command with Hotham [see ]. This was spoken of as merely a temporary arrangement, and the news of his final resignation called forth a fresh burst of Nelson's indignation. ‘The fleet (Nelson wrote) must regret the loss of Lord Hood, the best officer, take him altogether, that England has to boast of; great in all situations which an admiral can be placed in’ (8, 22 June 1795).


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Rh I fear, relax'd with midnight dews,

The strings their former aid refuse."

With poison tipt, his arrow flies,

Deep in my tortur'd heart it lies:

Then loud the joyous Urchin laugh'd:—

"My bow can still impel the shaft:

'Tis firmly fix'd, thy sighs reveal it;

Say, courteous host, canst thou not feel it?"

THE EPISODE OF NISUS AND EURYALUS.

A PARAPHRASE FROM THE "ÆNEID," LIB. 9.

, the guardian of the portal, stood,

Eager to gild his arms with hostile blood;

Well skill'd, in fight, the quivering lance to wield,

Or pour his arrows thro' th' embattled field:

From Ida torn, he left his sylvan cave,

And sought a foreign home, a distant grave.


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The New International Encyclopædia/Fast and Loose

FAST AND LOOSE. The name of a cheating game, also called pricking at the belt, which appears to have been much practiced by the gypsies in the time of Shakespeare. The following is a description: “A leathern belt is made up into a number of intricate folds, and placed edgewise upon a table. One of the folds is made to resemble the middle of a girdle, so that whoever shall thrust a skewer into it would think he held it fast to the table; whereas, when he has so done, the person with whom he plays may take hold of both ends and draw it away.”


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 On 27 March 1795 Hood's wife was created Baroness Hood of Catherington, Hampshire, in the peerage of Great Britain, and on 1 June 1796 he was himself created Viscount Hood of Catherington. On the reconstruction of the order of the Bath in 1815 he was nominated a G.C.B. Sir William Hotham [q. v.], who knew him intimately, says that ‘though he applied for leave to wear the decoration without undergoing, at his advanced age, the ceremony of investiture, it was refused him.’ On 25 March 1795 he was elected an elder brother of the Trinity House, and in March 1796 was appointed governor of Greenwich Hospital, a post which he held till his death, twenty years later, on 27 Jan. 1816. He was buried in the old cemetery of the hospital. Notwithstanding his great age, and though latterly declining in strength, he preserved his faculties to the last. ‘He was very attentive to his religious duties, and talked of and viewed his approaching dissolution with the courage of a strong mind and the hope of a religious one’ (Hotham MS.) Summing up his professional character, Sir William Hotham says: ‘I never saw an officer of more intrepid courage or warmer zeal; no difficulties stood in his way, and he was a stranger to any feeling of nervous diffidence of himself. Without the least disposition to severity, there was a something about him which made his inferior officers stand in awe of him. He was so watchful upon his post himself that those who acted with him were afraid to slumber; and his advanced age at the time he was last employed appears neither to have impaired the vigour of his understanding nor in any way cooled the ardour of his zeal. … He was exceedingly liberal, and never was nor would have been a rich man’ (ib.)

Hood's wife predeceased him in 1806, leaving issue one son, Henry (1753–1836), in whom the titles of baron and viscount merged. Besides his brother Alexander, viscount Bridport, whose career has been frequently confused with his in a very singular manner, and his own immediate relations, Captain Alexander Hood [q. v.] and Vice-admiral Sir Samuel Hood [q. v.], Hood had several relations and connections in the navy, and more or less closely associated with him. While in the Vestal he wrote, 3 Jan. 1760, recommending his first cousin, Thomas Hoskins, ‘who is about 22, and has been my clerk four years,’ for a commission in the marines. Rear-admiral Robert Linzee, who had a command under him in the Mediterranean, was his wife's brother. John Linzee, apparently another brother, served with him in the Vestal, and afterwards as a lieutenant in the Romney, with Edward Linzee as his servant; he became a captain in 1777. His own son Henry served as commodore's servant in the Romney, but seems to have quitted the navy after the first experiment.

There are several portraits of Hood. Among others, one by Abbott, belonging to the City of London, is in the Guildhall; another by Abbott is in the National Portrait Gallery; one by West, dated 1796, belongs to the present Lord Hood; copies of others by Gainsborough and Sir Joshua Reynolds are in the Painted Hall at Greenwich, where there is also a good picture by Pocock of the repulse of the French fleet at St. Kitts. [The Memoir of Hood in the Naval Chronicle (ii. 1) was presumably written, or at least edited, by McArthur, Hood's secretary during the period of the Mediterranean command, and has thus, for this part of his career, high authority. The editor of the ‘Toulon papers’ (Naval Chronicle, ii. 102, 192, 288, iv. 478), also presumably McArthur himself, or one who wrote with McArthur's approval, accepts and lays stress on the evidence of Robespierre's Political Testament, published in 1796, which describes the Spaniards at Toulon as having a secret understanding with Robespierre, and as acting with systematic treachery towards the English (pp. 16–22). This appears most improbable, and the alleged testimony is tainted by the false pretence under which it is given; the pamphlet is clearly English in its origin, and merely proves that some anonymous Englishman suspected the Spaniards of having acted in bad faith: that an officer in Hood's confidence, as McArthur undoubtedly was, could believe the story, is the most important part of it; but there is no trustworthy evidence of any negotiation between Paris and Madrid, such as is spoken of. The earlier part of the memoir in the Naval Chronicle was probably furnished, not very indirectly, by Hood himself; it is imperfect, but is the only published account of this part of his career which is fairly accurate. The Memoirs by Charnock (Biog. Nav. vi. 169), Ralfe (Nav. Biog. i. 242), and in the Gentleman's Magazine (vol. lxxxvi. pt. i. p. 277) are very inaccurate. The full record of his service, which has been curiously entangled with that of his brother, Lord Bridport, can be gathered from the pay-books, muster-books, and logs of the several ships in which he was borne, from his official correspondence and other documents in the Public Record Office. Some letters written by Hood while commanding in North America in 1768 are included in a small collection entitled ‘Letters to the Ministry,’ published at Boston (Mass.) in 1769. More interesting are his letters in Add. MS. 9343, which, with correspondence and papers from other sources, are printed in Letters written by Sir Samuel Hood in 1781–2–3 (Navy Records Soc.), 1895. Nicolas's Despatches and Letters of Lord Nelson (i. and ii.) often refer to Hood. See also Beatson's


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228 16.

To Thee I breathe my humble strain,

Grateful for all thy mercies past,

And hope, my God, to thee again

This erring life may fly at last. December 29, 1806.

TRANSLATION FROM ANACREON.

ODE 5.

with the genial bowl

The Rose, the flow'ret of the Soul,

The Rose and Grape together quaff'd,

How doubly sweet will be the draught!

With Roses crown our jovial brows,

While every cheek with Laughter glows;

While Smiles and Songs, with Wine incite,

To wing our moments with Delight.

Rose by far the fairest birth,

Which Spring and Nature cull from Earth—

Rose whose sweetest perfume given,

Breathes our thoughts from Earth to Heaven.


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 Naval and Military Memoirs; Mundy's Life of Lord Rodney; Matthews's Twenty-one Plans of Engagements in the West Indies; White's Naval Researches; Clerk's Essay on Naval Tactics (3rd edit.); Ekins's Naval Battles of Great Britain; James's Naval History (edit. of 1860); Chevalier's Histoire de la Marine française (i.) pendant la guerre de l'Indépendance américaine, and (ii.) pendant la première République; Brun's Guerres maritimes de la France—Port de Toulon, tom. ii. livre xxiv.; Troude's Batailles navales de la France, tomes i. and ii.; Pouget's Précis historique sur la vie et les campagnes du Vice-amiral Comte Martin.]

HOOD, THOMAS (fl. 1582–1598), mathematician, son of Thomas Hood, a merchant tailor of London, entered Merchant Taylors' School 7 Nov. 1567, and matriculated at Cambridge as a pensioner of Trinity College in November 1573. He graduated B.A. 1577–8, was elected fellow of Trinity, and commenced M.A. in 1581. The privy council having recommended that the citizens be instructed in military matters, a mathematical lectureship was founded in London, apparently by ‘Thomas Smith of Gracechurch Street,’ and in 1582 Hood was appointed the first lecturer. The course was given in Staples Chapel, Leadenhall Street, and afterwards in Smith's house. Sir Francis Walsingham recommended his lectures. Hood afterwards practised physic under a license from his university dated 1585. In 1590 he was living in Abchurch Lane, in 1596 ‘a little beneath the Minories,’ and in 1598 he is called ‘doctor in physicke’ on the title-page of one of his books. [q. v.] was a friend and admirer.

Hood was the author of:
 * 1) ‘A Copie of the Speache made by the Mathematicall Lecturer unto the Worshipfull Companye present in Gracious Street the 4 of November 1588,’ London, 4to, n.d.; an argument in favour of the study of mathematics, and showing their application to astronomy and navigation, ‘geographie,’ ‘topographie,’ ‘hydrographie,’ and ‘martiall affaires.’
 * 2) ‘Elements of Geometrie,’ London, 1590 (J. Windet for T. Hood), 8vo; translated from the Latin of Ramus for the use of Hood's auditors, and dedicated to Sir John Harte, the lord mayor.
 * 3) ‘The Use of the Celestial Globe in Plano, set foorth in two Hemispheres, wherein are placed all the most noted Starres of Heauen according to their Longitude, Latitude, Magnitude, and Constellation,’ London, 1590, 4to (for T. Cooke); in dialogue form, containing a table of stars with the right ascension and the ‘degree of any signe wherewith they come to the meridian, and the time of the yeere wherein they may be seen there.’
 * 4) ‘The Use of the “Jacobs Staffe,” with “A Dialogue touching the Use of the Crosse Staffe,”’ London, 1590, 4to; a second edition, ‘newly reviewed,’ entitled ‘Two Mathematicall Instruments, the Cross-staffe (differing from that in common use with the Mariners) and the Jacobs Staffe, set foorth Dialogue-wise,’ London (R. Field for R. Dexter), 1596, 4to, was dedicated to the Lord Admiral, Howard of Effingham.
 * 5) ‘The Use of both the Globes Celestiall and Terrestriall most plainely delivered in forme of a dialogue. Containing most pleasant and profitable conclusions for the Mariner,’ London, 1592, 8vo.
 * 6) ‘The Marriners Guide set forth in the form of a Dialogue, wherein the use of the Plane Card is briefelie and planely delivered,’ London (T. Este for T. Wight), 1596, 4to; an application of the sea-card to the solution of a number of elementary problems in navigation; this tract is also found appended to the 1596 issue of Hood's revised edition of William Bourne's ‘Regiment for the Sea.’
 * 7) ‘Elements of Arithmeticke most methodically delivered,’ London, 1596; a translation of the ‘Elementa Arithmeticæ’ of Urstisius, Basle, 1579.
 * 8) ‘The Making and Use of the Geometricall Instrument called the Sector,’ London, 1598, 4to, dedicated to, eighth lord Mountjoy [q. v.], mainly consisting of problems to be solved by using the sector after studying the geometry of Ramus or Euclid, with accurately drawn diagrams.

Hood ‘newly corrected and amended’ in 1592 ‘A Regiment for the Sea,’ by [q. v.], and his edition was reissued in 1596 and 1611. Appended to Joseph Moxon's ‘Tutor to Astronomie,’ London, 1659, 4to, is the ‘Ancient Poeticall Stories of the Starres’ collected from ‘Dr. Hood.’ Copies of all Hood's books, except No. 7, are in the British Museum Library.

HOOD, THOMAS (1799–1845), poet, born on 23 May 1799 at 31 Poultry, London, was second son of Thomas Hood (d. 1811), a Scotchman, who was at the date of the poet's birth partner in the bookselling firm of Vernor & Hood; the poet's mother was a sister of the engraver Sands. After receiving some education at private schools in London, Hood entered a merchant's counting-house there when about thirteen, but his health failed and he was sent to some of his father's relatives at Dundee to recruit it. He remained in Dundee from 1815 to 1818, and occupied himself in reading and sketching, and in writing for local newspapers. On returning


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 to London he was articled to his uncle the engraver, and subsequently to Le Keux; but the confinement of the profession proved too trying for his delicate constitution, and he turned to literature. Messrs. Taylor & Hessey, the publishers, old friends of his father, gave him in 1821 employment as an assistant sub-editor upon their ‘London Magazine,’ to which he was a constant contributor until its transference to other hands in 1823. His contributions, chiefly in verse, comprise examples of nearly all the styles of composition in which he subsequently excelled. He became acquainted with most of the then brilliant staff of contributors, including De Quincey, Hazlitt, and Charles Lamb, and in 1825 he published anonymously, in conjunction with John Hamilton Reynolds, ‘Odes and Addresses to Great People,’ which no less a critic than Coleridge ascribed to Lamb. On 5 May 1825 he married Reynolds's sister Jane. Lamb's lines, ‘On an Infant dying as soon as born,’ were prompted by the death of his first child. His time was now entirely devoted to authorship. The two series of ‘Whims and Oddities’ appeared respectively in 1826 and 1827, and were followed by the now entirely forgotten ‘National Tales,’ novelettes somewhat in the manner of Boccaccio. The ‘Plea of the Midsummer Fairies’ was published in 1827, and the dramatic romance of ‘Lamia,’ first printed in 1852 in the appendix to vol. i. of Jerdan's ‘Autobiography,’ was probably written about this time. In 1829 Hood became editor of the ‘Gem,’ an annual which gave to light many remarkable productions, or at least productions of remarkable men, such as Tennyson. His own ‘Eugene Aram's Dream’ was among them. In the same year he removed from Robert Street, Adelphi, to Winchmore Hill, where he spent three years. In 1832 he went to live at Wanstead. While there he had a hand in Reynolds's ‘Gil Blas,’ and other dramatic pieces, which his son afterwards found it impossible to identify. The ‘Comic Annual,’ commenced in 1830, was a more substantial undertaking, and met with the most favourable reception. While at Wanstead he wrote his novel, ‘Tylney Hall’ (1834, 3 vols.), and his poem on the ‘Epping Hunt.’ Towards the close of 1834 Hood met with heavy pecuniary misfortunes, the cause of which is obscurely stated; they appear to have been due to the failure of a publisher. Rejecting the temptation to shield himself by a declaration of insolvency, he yielded up all his property to his creditors. Temporarily provided for by advances made to him by publishers on the mortgage of his brain, he retired to the continent with a view to economy while clearing off the liabilities yet remaining. Upon his voyage to Holland (March 1835) he was overtaken by a terrible storm, the effects of which seriously impaired his already weakly constitution. He settled successively at Coblentz (1835–7) and Ostend (1837–40), continuing his annual, and writing ‘Hood's Own’ (1838) and ‘Up the Rhine,’ commenced in 1836 and published in 1839. Much of his correspondence during this period is preserved in the ‘Memorials’ published by his children; its gaiety and spirit are remarkable indeed for a consumptive patient almost worn out by continual attacks of exhausting illness. In 1840 he returned to England, living successively at Camberwell and St. John's Wood, and began to write for the ‘New Monthly Magazine,’ of which, on the death of Theodore Hook in August 1841, he became the editor. In it appeared ‘Miss Kilmansegg,’ perhaps his masterpiece in his own most characteristic style. Still greater success was attained by the ‘Song of the Shirt,’ published anonymously in the Christmas number of ‘Punch’ for 1843. Hood, who could seldom agree with a publisher, retired from the editorship of the ‘New Monthly Magazine’ at the end of 1843, and with a partner established ‘Hood's Magazine’ in January 1844, an undertaking too great for his strength. In the same year he collected some of his recent pieces in a volume called ‘Whimsicalities’ illustrated by Leech. But before Christmas 1844 he completely broke down, and from that date to his death never left his bed. The kindness of Sir Robert Peel soothed his last days by the bestowal of a pension of 100l., with remainder to his wife. The last production of Hood's pen, and not the least valuable, was a letter to the statesman on the estrangement between classes in modern society. He died on 3 May 1845 at Devonshire Lodge, Finchley Road, and was buried in Kensal Green cemetery, where in 1854 a public monument was erected to him, adorned with bas-reliefs from ‘Eugene Aram's Dream’ and the ‘Bridge of Sighs,’ and inscribed: ‘He sang the Song of the Shirt.’ His complete works have been edited thrice; the last time (1882–4) in eleven volumes. His poems were edited by Canon Ainger in 1897. His son and daughter  are noticed separately.

There were two sides to Hood's poetical character, either of which would have given him distinction; but his great and unique reputation rests upon the performances in which they appeared in combination. As a poet in the more conventional and restricted sense he was graceful, delicate, and tender, but not very powerful. As a humorist he was exuberant and endowed with a perfectly exceptional faculty of playing upon words. As a poet he is no unworthy disciple of Lamb and Hunt; as a humorist he


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Rh Rose whom the Deities above,

From Jove to Hebe, dearly love,

When Cytherea's blooming Boy,

Flies lightly through the dance of Joy,

With him the Graces then combine,

And rosy wreaths their locks entwine.

Then will I sing divinely crown'd,

With dusky leaves my temples bound—

Lyæus! in thy bowers of pleasure,

I'll wake a wildly thrilling measure.

There will my gentle Girl and I,

Along the mazes sportive fly,

Will bend before thy potent throne—

Rose, Wine, and Beauty, all my own.

1805.

[OSSIAN'S ADDRESS TO THE SUN IN "CARTHON." ]

! thou that roll'st above thy glorious Fire,

Round as the shield which grac'd my godlike Sire,

Whence are the beams, O Sun! thy endless blaze,

Which far eclipse each minor Glory's rays?

Forth in thy Beauty here thou deign'st to shine!

Night quits her car, the twinkling stars decline;


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 1/Translation from Anacreon (Ode 1)


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 1/From Anacreon


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The New International Encyclopædia/Fastenrath, Johann

FASTENRATH, fäs'ten-rät, (1839—). A German writer, born at Remscheid. He studied at the universities of Bonn, Heidelberg, Munich, and Berlin, and in Paris; traveled extensively in Spain in 1864, 1869, and 1879; wrote several works of verse after the Spanish manner (Ein spanischer Romanzenstrauss, 1866; Hesperische Blüten, 1869; Immortellen aus Toledo, 1869); and in Das Buch meiner spanischen Freunde (1870) introduced to German readers the work of contemporary Spanish poets through translations of representative specimens. His La Walhalla y las glorias de Alemania (1872-87) performed a reverse service, describing for Spanish benefit, under the guise of interesting essays, prominent German characters from the days of Hermann. Numerous other original volumes and translations have in a scholarly manner familiarized in Germany much of Spanish literature and history.


text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 1/Translation from Anacreon (Ode 5)