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 124 LANGUAGE. PLURAL. Nom. kornar, men. Gen. kornan, of men. Da. kornungar, to men. Ac. kornar, men. YOG. kornuna, O men. Ab. kornar, by men. Exative kornungar, from men. Ergative kornan, with men.

The following is the declension of the personal pronouns:  FIRST PERSON. SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL. Nom., ngape, I. ngel, we two. ngurn, we. Ac., ngan, me. lam, us two. nam, us. Caus., ngati, by me. ngel, by us two. ngurn, by us. SECOND PERSON. SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL. Nom., nginte, thou. ngurl, you two. ngun, you. Ac., ngum, thee. lom, you two. nom, you, Voc., nginta, 0 thou. ngurla, 0 you two. nguna, 0 you. Caus., nginte, by thee. ngurl, by you two. ngun, by you. THIRD PERSON. SINGULAR. DUAL PLURAL. Nom., kitye, he, she, it. kengk, they two. kar, they. Ac., kin, him. kenggun, they two. kan, them. Caus., kil, by him. kengk, by them two. kar, by them. Personal pronouns are also used in an abbreviated form for the sake of euphony as affixed to nouns. The following is the commonly-used short and euphonised form:  FIRST PERSON. SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL. Nom., ap p, I. angal, we two. arn, we. Ac., an, me. alam, us two. anam, us. Caus., atte, by me. angal, by us two. arn, by us. SECOND PERSON. SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL. Nom., ind, inde, thou. ungul, you two. ungune, you. Ac., um, thee. olom, you two. onom, you. Voc., inda, 0 thou. ula, 0 you two. una, 0 you. Caus., inde, by thee. ungul, by you two. ungune, by you.


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 LANGUAGE. 125 THIRD PERSON. SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL. Nom., itye atye, he, she, it. engk, they two. ar, they. Ac., in ityanian, him. enggun, they two. an, them. Caus., il, ile, by him. engk, by them two. ar, by them. The genitives, datives, and ablatives of pronouns are framed by adding the following words to their respective accusatives:  Genitives, auwe auwurle. Datives, angk, ungai, anyir. Ablatives, anyir. The following is the declension of the pronominal adjective kinauwe, "of him" or "his":  SINGULAR. Nom., kinauwe, his. Gen., kinanyerald, of his. Da., kinanyerangk, to his. Ac., kinauwe, his. Ab., kinanyeril, by his (causative). DUAL. Nom., kenggunauwurle, theirs (two). Gen., kenggunanyirald, of theirs. Da., kenggunanyirangk, to theirs. Ac., kenggunauwe, theirs. Ab., kenggunanyiril, by their. PLURAL. Nom., kanauwe, theirs. Gen., kananyirald, of their. Da., kananyirenggun, to their. Ac., kanauwe, their. Ab., kananyiril, by their (causative). The use of this causative form, will be seen in the following sentence: Lakkir atte ityan wundi ananyiril (I speared him with my spear). Here the literal rendering isWas speared by me, him, spear by my. The declension of other pronouns will be best illustrated by the words "ngangge" (who); "minye" (what).

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 126 LANGUAGE. The interrogative s "who" and "what" are thus declined: "NGANGGE" (WHO). ngangge, who. nak, to whom. nak an angk, to whom (plural) nauwe, whose, or of whom. nauwurle, whose, or of whom. ngande, by whom. nambe, for whom. "MINYE" (WHAT). minye, what. mek, to what. mek, of what. mengye, by what (how). mekimbe, for what (what for). minyandai, what times (how often). minyurti, what sort. minyai, munyarai, what numher. minde, what reason, why. murel, with what intention. The verbs are always formed from roots, which consist invariably of one or two vowel sounds, and two or three consonantal sounds. The tenses are made hy participles joined to the roots. For example, let us take the word "lakkin" (spearing): Root, lak, to spear or pierce. Present, lakkin, spearing. Imperative, lakour, must spear. Past, lakemb, speared a long time ago. Past, lakkir speared recently. Future, lakkani, will spear. Past Participle, laggelin, speared. lakuramb, for the purpose of speariug, lakilde, ought to spear. lakai, spear not. Let us take a further example, and give some sentences in which is the word "pettin" (stealing): Stealing by him it. Pettin ile ityan. He steals it. Steal with it. Pet al yan. Let him steal it. Steal with thee it. Pet al um ityan. Let you steal it (permissive). Thou steal must it. Nginte pet our ityan. Thou must steal it. By him it was stolen. Kile yan petemb. He stole it a long time ago. Steal did by him it nearly. Pet emb ile ityan ngak. He nearly stole it.


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 LANGUAGE. 127 By him it was stolen. Kil ityan pettir. He stole it recently. Thou it stealing. Nginte yan pettin. You are stealing. Pet our ityan. Steal it. I will now give two or three sentences in the language: When must I at Tip? Yaral ap our Tipald? When must I go to Point Sturt? Here to me sugar rice with for. Ak anangk pinyatowe tyilye aldamb. Give me some sugar for my rice. Now by me thee sending. Hik atte um taiyin. I send thee. I to me cutting. Ngap anangk merildin. I cut myself. So I it did. Luk ap atye ellir. I did so. Enough he has been. Kunyitye ellir. He has died. Up will I to the wurley. Loru el ap mantangk. I will go to the wurley. I when they me will lift up, then will by me drawing to me all men. Ngape ungunuk ar an preppani, wunyel atte yultun anangk ngruwar narrinyeri. I.e..— I, if I be lifted up, will draw all men unto me. The principal characteristics of the language are ellipsis, and the abbreviation of words. A native speaks of going and coming, continually, without using those words, but short expressions equivalent. Instead of saying, I will go, he says, Up will I Loru el ap; and instead of Come, Moru, or Mare el apDown will I. A word is often expressed in the language by a single letter of it being sounded. Hence the word ngum (thee) becomes um, and often merely m, as Yare matye mitye?What is thy name? Here the whole word ngumauwe (of thee) is expressed by the addition of m to the word atye. Narrinyeri can always express themselves in such an elliptical style as to puzzle a foreigner, however well he may know their language. Proper names of places change their terminations according as the going to, coming from, or being at the place is spoken of; as Tipald, to Tip; Tip angk, at Tip; Tip amant, from Tip. Tip is the name for Point Sturt. The languages of the nations of Australian Aborigines differ very much. The language of the Narrinyeri is as different from the language spoken by the Adelaide tribe as English is from German. The words of the various languages of Australia


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 128 LANGUAGE. which, most resemble each other are those for the hand, mouth, tongue, and eye: LANGUAGE HAND MOUTH TONGUE EYE Narrinyeri Mari Tore Tallanggi Pili Adelaide Marra Ta Tadlanya Mena Port Lincoln Marra Narparta Yalri Mena Swan River Marhra Dta Dtallang Mel New South Wales, near Sydney Mutturra - Tullun Ngaikun g Melbourne Munung Myrongatha Warongatha kundernir Tallan Myng Euchuca Peean Warru Saleng Maa Murundi, River Murray Mannuruko Taako munno Ngantudli Korllo Moreton Bay Yamma Tambur Tallaim Millo Wimmera, Victoria Mannanyuk Tyarbuk Tyalli Mirr Blanchewater, South Australia Murra Tiya Yarley Minna Wentworth, Darling Munna mambunya Yelka Tarlina Makie Kamilaroi, Barwon, Liverpool Plains Murra - Tulle Mil Dippil, Queensland, Wide Bay Dwruin Tunka Dunnum Mi As might he expected, the Australian dialects are almost destitute of abstract terms and generic words. I cannot discover in any of the languages which I have examined any traces of figurative expressions. Among the Narrinyeri the poetical kind of speech so much admired by the Maori is not to be found. I do not know -a single phrase worthy to be called a metaphor. The languages of the Aborigines of this continent divide themselves into two classes. These are distinguished from each other principally by their pronouns. One class has monosyllabic or dissyllabic pronouns, while those of the other are pollysyllabic. The following are specimens of the two classes: I THOU HE, SHE IT 1. Narrinyeri ngape nginte kitye 2. Adelaide ngai ninna pa 3. Port Lincoln ngai ninna panna 4. Western Australia (Swan River) ngadjo ninni bal 5. Moorundee (River Murray) ngape ngwiru ninni 6. Moreton Bay (Queensland) atta; ngai (Dippil) inta ningda 7. Kamilaroi (Liverpool Plains) ngaia nginda ngenna 8. Melbourne murrumbeek murrumbinner munniger 9. Wimmera tyurnik tyurmin kinga Here we observe that the root of the first personal pronoun in the first seven languages is nga; but in the eighth and ninth we


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 LANGUAGE. 129 have totally different roots. This indication of their being two races of Aborigines is supported by other facts. A kind of caste distinction has been found to exist among some which does not exist in others. The Kamilaroi and Dippil tribes, on the Upper Darling and its tributaries, were the Aborigines amongst whom this was discovered. The Rev. W. Ridley was the first to make this known. Amongst the nations of Aborigines a system of relationship prevails similar to the Tamilian; but it is not universal, and it appears that it is modified by some tribes having originally had a different system. Again, there is a remarkable difference in colour and cast of features. Sir George Grey noticed this in Western Australia. Some natives have light complexions, straight hair, and a Malay countenance; while others have curly hair, are very black, and have the features of the Papuan or Melanesian. It is therefore probable that there are two races of Aborigines; and, most likely, while some tribes are purely of one race or the other, there are tribes consisting of a mixture of both races. Before closing this chapter on native languages I should like to say that I do not think it would be possible to translate the whole Bible into the Aboriginal tongue without importing into it a great number of foreign words. At the same time, the simple truths of the Gospel can be expressed in it. We can say "Pornir an amb itye, Jesuse ngurn ambe;" that is, "Jesus died instead of us." A few chapters containing the most essential truths of the Biblesuch as Creation, the Decalogue, the New Birth, and the Death and Resurrection of the Lord Jesushave been translated; but the natives are rapidly learning English, and any other means of communicating truth will soon be unnecessary. In translating Scripture into a barbarous language, we find it almost impossible to render those words ending with ation—such as regeneration, sanctification, justification; but we discover that the truths wrapped up in these terms can be translated by means of the figurative expressions through which the Bible sets them


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 130 LANGUAGE. forth. The natives readily grasp the meaning as applied to spiritual and moral truth. A washing of the soul is illustrated by speaking of washing the body. Substitution is set forth by various figures; and we are led to see that the metaphorical style of Holy Scripture renders it the better vehicle for the setting forth of truth in the poorest languages. NARRINYERI NAMES OF PLACES. NATIVE NAME MEANING ENGLISH NAME OF PLACE Ngarrar The place of large sheoaks A point at the entrane of Lake Albert. Ngiakkung The armpit; the bend of the arm The head of Loveday Bay Yauoitpiri The place of where Apoint at the entrance to Lake Albert. The crossing place. Terenberti A place belonging to a bird of that name A place on the Peninsula. Tenaityeri The lagoon of gulls Point MacLeay Lagoon Kurangk The neck The Coorong Millungar Whirling Water A bay at the head of Lake Albert. Rupari Round hills Some Coorong sandhills. Yitanduwar The current The Murray mouth. Gutungald The place of cockles Goolwa. Multungengun Of many sheoak boughs Mundoo Island. Kumarangk The points Hindmarsh Island. Rauukki The ancient way Point Macleay Pulluwewal At the house A spot near Point Macleay, said to be Waiungare’s house Lowanyeri The place of grey geese A spot near Lake Albert River. Ngoingho The going place The crossing-place, entrance of Lake Albert. Tauadjeri The place of red ochre An island near the Coorong. Millangk The place of millin (sorcery) Milang. Tipping The lips The end of Point Sturt. Warrindyi The steep hill Warringer, Lake Albert. Meningie Mud Meningie. Mungkuli, Yarli  Lakes Alexandrina and Albert. Piltangk The place of bull-ants A point in Lake Alexandrina Ngouluwar The claws of crayfish A hill on the shore of Lake Alexandrina.


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 COMPARATIVE TABLE of THE WORDS OF FOUR SOUTH AUSTRALIAN TRIBES of ABORIGINES ENGLISH NARRINYERI TRIBES, LAKE ALEXANDRINA, SOUTH AUSTRALIA ADELAIDE TRIBE, SOUTH AUSTRALIA MOORUNDEE, RIVER MURRAY, SOUTH AUSTRALIA PARNKALLA, PORT LINCOLN, SOUTH AUSTRALIA 1. Sun Nungge Tindo Nangke Yurno 2. Moon Markeri Kakina-Piki Kakur Kagur Pirra 3. Star Tulde Purle Pedli  4. Cloud Tuppathauwe Makko Ngernke Mabingi Malko 5. Heavens Wyirrewarre Karro  Pandari, Ilkari 6. Rain Parnar Kuntoro Bukatarru Wirra 7. Heat Walde Gadlagadlando Woutte Pai alla 8. Cold Murunkun Manya Taako Minyara 9. Hill Ngurle Karnu Tepko Purri 10. Land Ruwe Yerta Ruo Yerta Yurra 11. Sand Tune Worra Pudlpo Walba 12. Stone Marte Pure Parlko Kanya 13. Water Nguk, Barekar Kauwe Ngukko Kapi, Kano 14. Sea Yarluwar Yerlo Terlungo Wortanna 15. Tree Lamatyeri Wirra Perru Idla 16. Canoe Meralte  Manno Karnkurtu 17. Fish Mami Parndo Kuyongo Kuya 18. Dog Wanbi, Keli Kadli Kellu Kurdninni 19. Kangaroo Wangami Nante Purroilko Warru 20. Fire Keni Gadla Kappangko Gadla 21. House Manti Wodli Rap Karnko 22. Spear Yarndi, Kaiki Kaya Kaiyur Kaya 23. Club Kanaki Katta Nakko Katta 24. Wommera Taralye Midla Ngeweangko Midla 25. Boomerang Panketye    26. Day Nunggi Tindo Nort Wallira Marka 27. Night Yonguldyi Ngulti Nimmi Malti 28. Great Grauwi Parto Yernko, Worpippi Manna 29. Small Muralappi Kutyo Poilyongko Perru 30. Good Nunkeri Marni Midlaityo, Mendilpa Marniti 31. Bad Wirrangi, Brupi Wakkina Payu Milla, Nangk 32. Man Korni Mcyu Meru Yura 33. Woman Mimine Tukkupurka, Ngammamitya Ngammaityu Ngammaityu 34. Boy Ngauwire, Tyinyeri Tinyarra, Kurkurra Wityarrong, Pipireyu Mambama Marralye 35. Girl Bami Mankarra Warkarran, Nguilpo Kardni 36. Father Ngaiyeri Yerlimeyir Ngukkuwar, Petuwurra Pappi 37. Mother Ninkowe Ngankimeyir Ngakur, Ngauwar Ngammi 38. Husband Napi Yerlina Pewi Yerdli 39. Wife Napi Karto Loangko Karteti 40. Head Kurli Mukarta Pertpukko Kakka 41. Mouth Tori Ta Munno Taako Narparta 42. Hand Mari Marra Mannuruko Marra 43. Eye Piili Mena Korllo Mena


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 by the applicant of himself and his circumstances. The form will then contain a statement of the names and ages, occupation, and earnings of every member of the applicant's family, his present and his previous address, the parish relief he receives (if any), the name of the club or benefit society to which he belongs (if there be such), the particular help he asks for, and the ground of the application. The form is immediately forwarded to the Charity Organization Society, who thoroughly investigate the information it contains by means of a paid officer. It is returned with its statements either verified or contradicted, and now shows, in addition to what it contained before, the report of the relieving officer, that of the minister of any denomination with which the applicant is connected, and his character as given by his previous landlord and other references. On the day when the application is first made, and the Charity Organization Society apprised of it, a post-card or other message is sent to the visitor of the street or court where the applicant resides. This informs her of the application, and also that she is expected to send in on the ensuing Friday any information regarding the case which she may already have, or may learn from a visit paid during the week. She at the same time gives her advice as to the best way of dealing with the application. The Relief Committee (of the constitution of which we will speak presently) meets every Friday evening. They have before them not only the valuable information of the Charity Organization Society, gathered, sifted, and examined by their paid officer and representative Committee, but also the detailed account of a volunteer, who brings to bear on the case a fresher and more personal sympathy than a paid agent ordinarily possesses, who has much more patience to listen to, and probably more patience to elicit the little facts on which so much may depend. Any one

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 132 LANGUAGE. ENGLISH NARRINYERI TRIBES, LAKE ALEXANDRINA, SOUTH AUSTRALIA ADELAIDE TRIBE, SOUTH AUSTRALIA MOORUNDEE, RIVER MURRAY, SOUTH AUSTRALIA PARNKALLA, PORT LINCOLN, SOUTH AUSTRALIA 44. Tongue Tallangi Tadlanya Ngantudli Yarli 45. Teeth Turar  Ngentka  46. Ear Plombi  Marlo  47. Foot Turni  Tudnai  48. Nose Kopi  Roonko  49. Hair Kuri  Yengku  50. Blood Kruwi Karro Kantur Kartintye 51. Living Tumbewallin Purrutendi Ngengin, Mangunko Warriritti 52. Dying Pornun Madlendi Puintyun Madlenntitti, Makarnitti 53. Hearing Kungun Yurrekeityandai Tammun Yurrukkutu Yarriti 54. Seeing Nakkin Nakkondi Noan Nakkutu 55. Sitting Lewin Tinkandi Woimangko Ikkata 56. Making Winmin Pingyandi Kawun Wappiti, Milliti 57. Giving Pempin Yunggondi Ngun Nungkutu 58. I Ngap Ngai Ngape Ngai 59. Thou Nginte Ninna Ngurrei Ninna 60. He, she, it Kitye Pa Ninni Panna 61. We Ngurn Ngadlu Ngennu Ngarrinyelbo 62. Ye Ngun Na Ngunnu Nuralli 63. They Kar Parna Naua Yardna 64. This Hikkai Inna Tii Inna 65. Who Ngangge Kuma Merke Nganna 66. One Yammalaitye Kuma Metatta Kubmanna, Kuma 67. Two Ninkaiengk Purlaitye Tangkul Kabelli, Kattara 68. Three Neppaldar Marnkutye Tangul meto Kulbarri 69. Four Kuk Kuk Yerra bula Nailko  70. Dual Engk Idla urla Akul Welli 71. Plural Ar Nna A Ari AUTHORITIES FROM WHENCE OBTAINED. George Taplin, Point Macleay, South Australia Vocabulary of Rev. Mr. Teichelmann. Mr. M. Moorhouse, S. Australia Rev. M. Schurman’s Vocabulary.


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 SUPERSTITION. 133 CHAPTER XI. SUPPLEMENTARY. ANECDOTES ILLUSTRATIVE OF CHARACTER, CUSTOMS, &c. &c. THE Narrinyeri are intensely superstitious. They thoroughly believe in the power of evil spirits. The following incidents will illustrate this:  One night, about nine o’clock, a very powerful man who was called Big Jerry came to my back door and begged to see me. I went out and found him armed to the teeth with all sorts of native weapons, but he was suffering from severe toothache. He wanted me to give him something to relieve it. I did so, and after an hour he seemed better. I asked him what he had brought so many weapons for. He replied that he was afraid of wild blackfellows and evil spirits. He then begged me to go back to the wurley with him. It was only about five hundred yards off. At first I refused; but he pitifully urged me to do so more frightened to go out in the dark than any child I ever saw. At last I went. It was very ridiculous. I, the unarmed man, walked by the side of the armed man to protect him from Melape and Karungpe, and I don’t know how many other demons besides. There used to live here an old native named Pelican. He was intensely superstitious. One day he complained that his neck felt bad. He said that the night before a wild blackfellow came and kicked him on the back of his neck, and then flew up to the sky in a flame. I tried to reason him out of the notion, but it was all of no use. His neck then began to swell and be painful, and soon showed that there was real inflammation, whatever might be the cause. I treated the place in the best manner I knew how, and it developed into an enormous boil at the base of


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 134 BELIEF IN SORCERY. the skull. It burst, and Pelican recovered, quite convinced of the dangerous effects of a kick from a supernatural wild Hackfellow. I had another adventure with Pelican, which I will relate. A lad had died at the camp from inflammation of the stomach, aggravated by its happening to come on just after an old heathen had threatened the boy with sorcery for some trifling offence. This boy, as he lay ill, complained of burning in his stomach. Soon after his death, Pelican’s son (Bulpuminne) was taken ill with inflammation of the chest. I attended to him, and put on a mustard poultice. I left him after applying it, telling him that I would return in twenty minutes. When I did so I found him crying with the pain, and his old father sitting by looking rather queer. I stooped down, took the plaster off, and proceeded to dress the place with some simple ointment. As I was busy doing this I felt a sort of flicker above my head. I started round and caught my friend Pelican brandishing a heavy waddy over me as if he would like to crack my skull. "Halloa, Pelican!" I shouted, "what are you up to?" "I was only going to throw at that crow," he replied, with assumed calmness, and pointing to one which sat on a neighbouring fence. I went on and finished my work; but I knew very well that the old fellow had hard work to keep from breaking my head. His reason was that his boy had complained that the mustard burned him, and he concluded that I was going to make him die in like manner as the other lad did, and thus his feeling of revenge was aroused almost to a higher pitch than he could resist. Now, this is all in accordance with native ideas. Their doctors, or kuldukkes, are as much sorcerers as practisers of the art of healing. When the ngaitye of the tribe is killed, if a hostile kuldukke of another tribe gets a piece of itsuch as a bonehe ties it in the corner of a wallaby skin and flicks it at the people whose ngaitye or totem it is, and they are made sick by it. This action is called pernmin. These kuldukkes are made by some old sorcerers taking two heavy black spears; these they tie side by side, and point them at the intended kuldukkes and then strike them with


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Rh the weapons; then they tie an opposum skin on each of them. The men thus operated upon pretend to be mad, rub themselves all over with chalk, and run about as if demented. They are supposed to be able to pernmin with frightful force. One of them told me he once killed a magpie only by the force of sorcery. They pretend to extract disease, but at the same time to be equally able to impart it. They are supposed to be under the influence of the great master sorcerer—the demon Melapi; so evidently Pelican classed me with native doctors, and thought I was a dangerous person.

There can be no doubt but that the natives believe in the reality of the power of sorcery. One old sorcerer told me that he had put it to the test of experiment, and that he was sure of it. He said that he put a certain ngadhungi or charm intended for a particular individual to the fire, and then watched the result. The person whom he intended to affect immediately sickened and became ill; he took the charm away, and the subject of the experiment got well. This he repeated two or three times with unvarying results. But they say that sorcery has no effect upon white people. I believe that the experiments were tried upon me, but without success; the charm would not work.

One day I heard a great cry at the wurleys. I went up and found the women wailing, with their faces blackened and hair shorn off. An old man sat up in the midst with a despairing look on his face. I inquired the reason for all this, and learned that the old man had dreamed that some one at Tipping had put a ngadhungi to the fire to work his death, and he believed it must be the case. Some of the young men assured me that he would die unless some one went to Tipping to stop the sorcery; so I sent off a party in the boat in compliance with their wishes. Next day they returned and said that they could not find any sorcery, and so it was concluded that there must be a mistake somehow, and the old man got well.

One of the principal effects of the practice of sorcery amongst the natives is to develop the desire for revenge. Believing that


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 136 OBEDIENCE TO NATIVE LAWS. enemies secretly tried to compass their deaths, they would, if sorcery failed, try other means to retaliate upon them. Two or three would go prowling about the hush at night in order to surprise some enemy or his relativesacting upon the native principle if you cannot hurt your enemy, hurt his nearest relatives. I have seen the light of such avengers of blood wandering and flickering through the scrub in the darkness; and on one occasion the station was nearly set on fire by such prowlers carelessly leaving embers amongst the dry grass. This constant seeking for revenge produces an atmosphere of suspicion amongst the natives. It is often the case that they will trust none but relatives; all others are regarded as possible enemies. This fear of revenge leads them to burn or destroy every bone and fragment of the game eaten by them, lest an enemy should get it and make sorcery with it. A blackfellow named Ponge had two little children, a boy and a girl. One day, as they were at play together, the latter, with a tomahawk, chopped off her little brother’s finger. Their father no sooner saw it than, in a paroxysm of fear and grief, he seized the amputated finger, popped it into his mouth, and swallowed it. His idea was that it was thus put away safely, and no enemy could get it and compass sorcery by means thereof against his son. The Narrinyeri, in their native state, were a law-abiding people. It is a great mistake to suppose that they herded together like the beasts, having no sort of government. The tribe was under the government of the rupulle, or chief, and the elders. The most intelligent natives assure me that the power of the chief was much greater before the colonists came here than it is now. There are certain customs and laws handed down from generation to generation, and these are strictly observed. One law is that none but native weapons shall be used in battles between natives. I never knew this law infringed. It is also the law that an unfair wound shall be punished by the tribe. I have known the chief men in the tribe yield to this law.


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 CURIOUS SAYINGS. 137 One morning a man called Kilkildaritpiri came to me with his upper lip almost bitten off. There had been a fight the night before, and this fellow had attacked Captain Jack when he was unarmed, and so Jack seized him and in a rage bit him as I have described. I dressed the wound as well as I could. Next morning I was going to the camp, when I met Captain Jack. I began talking to him about hurting Kilkildaritpiri. He replied, "Taplin, don’t you talk; I have just had four blows with a waddy on my head for it." The tribe had assembled and sentenced him to this punishment, and he had yielded, although a man whom none would have liked to have attacked when he had weapons in his hand; but he felt it right to submit to the law. By native law certain kinds of food were prohibited to the young men and boys. Twenty kinds of native game were forbidden to the narumbarthat is, those undergoing initiation to manhoodand thirteen kinds to the boys. These prohibitions were strictly observed. Certain penalties were said to follow disobedience. If the boys ate wallaby they would turn grey; if they ate the fish called tyiri they would have sore legs; if they cooked food with palyi or panpandi wood, all the fish would forsake the shore. Boys were also very careful not to allow their hair to be cut or combed after they were about twelve years of age until they were made narumbar or young men. Indeed, so far from the natives being lawless, they had too many laws, and their whole lives were regulated by them. There are some curious sayings amongst the natives, some of them grotesque and absurd. For instance, the children were told that if a boy should tickle a dog until he made him laugh, the dog would turn into a boy, and the boy into a panpandi (native cherry) tree. Again, there is a large green fly called tenkendeli, and it is supposed that if they kill this fly, and do not at the same time cry out "tenkendeli," they will not be able to swim any more. It is also supposed that if any one spits on certain rocky islands in Lake Albert he will certainly turn grey. I would not write these absurdities, but I think that it may perhaps be interesting to compare them, with similar sayings in other tribes.


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 138 POWERS OF ENDURANCE AND PRESENCE OF MIND. The Narrinyeri are not destitute of powers of endurance and some presence of mind. One day two men were coming in two bark canoes from Point Sturt. The water in the channel is twentyfive feet deep, and consequently the swell is very heavy in a strong wind. They started on a calm day, propelling themselves with fishing spears. Suddenly a heavy squall came up from the north-west. Immediately their frail vessels were swept from beneath them, and they were left struggling in the waves. It was impossible to return; so they bravely set themselves to swim acrossabout four miles. They laboured on, until at last one of them struck down his fishing spear (which they had both retained) and felt the bottom about ten feet below. They swam a little further and then stuck their spears into the ground and rested on the tops of them. When refreshed they again swam on, and after three or four such rests reached the shore of Point Macleay. No doubt as they were swimming they would all the while be in dread lest Multyewanki, the lake demon, should seize them. There is a legend that once upon a time a man’s child was playing on the shore, and he was seized and carried to the bottom of the lake by a Multyewanki. The father tied a line round his waist, got his friends to hold it, and dived in after his boy; but first he performed certain incantations. When he got to the bottom he saw Multyewankis lying asleep in various places, and discovered his child amongst them; so he seized his son, and, giving the signal to his friends, was dragged out, and he and his boy both recovered. One night Peter, the chief of the Point Malcolm tribe, was sleeping in a native hut, with a lot of other people. As he lay dozing he felt a large snake crawl up his naked body under his opossum-rug. Now, he knew that if he jumped up he would most likely get bitten; so he carefully put his hand down and seized the reptile by the back of the neck and held him at arm’s length. And now he felt that it would not do to throw the venomous creature from him, lest it should fall on some of the surrounding sleepers and bite them; and yet he felt that it would soon writhe itself from his grasp, so he brought the snake’s head


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 WAURERI’S STORY. 139 down to his mouth and gave it a crunch with his teeth, and then shouted to his friends, and they jumped up and enabled him to cast it from him. The following story was told me by one of those concerned in the circumstances. I relate it because it brings out various customs of the natives before the white men appeared upon the scene:  WAUKERI’S STORY. I was a big boy, and strong enough to help my father haul the nets when he went fishing. My father’s name was Katyirene. I have a sister about two years younger than I am. Her name is Ngalyalli. The camp of the Lakalinyeri, or tribe to which we belonged, was pitched at Rauukki. We came from Piltangk, where we had been spearing pomeri (a fish). When we got to the camp at Ranukki, the old men who were sitting by the fire bid us welcome, by putting their closed right hands against their stomachs, and then throwing them from them towards us, opening them as they did so. This is called menmendin, and means that their mewe, or bowels, go out to us. It is also the way in which we show we thank any one. We stayed there that night. My mother (Pungari) and my two little brothers were there. But we only stayed one night. My father thought that there might be tinuwarri (bream) at Ngiakkung, and so he said he would take his hooks and lines (piri and nunnggi) and go and try to get some. So I and Ngalyalli said we would go with him. When we started in the morning, our Rupulli and the old men spoke very kindly. "Many bream shall be in your koye (basket), brother," said they. "Kalyan ungune lewin" (which means "here you sitting"), said my father to the old men. And they answered "Nginte ngoppun" ("Thou walking"). This is our way of saying good-bye. Then my father said, "El el our ou" ("Will must go now"); and so we started. We went right across the country. We killed two or three wallabies on the way, for my father was very quick with a waddy, and could kill wallabies as well as a white-fellow with a gun. When he threw his puri, it was sure to hit. But my father would not let us eat the flesh for fear it should make us grey and ugly; he skinned them, and made a thing to carry water, a skin bag, with one of the skins, and he ate a little of one of them himself, but he would not let us touch it. We got to Ngiakkung that night and slept there. We fished all the next day in the channel at the bead of the bay. We ate tinuwarri that day. At night we made our wurley with boughs close under the rocks. In the morning my father said he felt very bad, so he sat in the wurley and I and Ngalyalli fished. After gauwel (noon), my father got worse. We were very much frightened. He got so bad he could not speak, and did not know us. And then he died. The sun set soon after and it came on dark, and we were very much frightened. We heard the wind whispering in the sheaoaks, and we crept close to each other. There by the fire, which we kept up for fear of being in the dark, lay our father, wrapped up in his opossum rug. O, it was terrible. He had been talking kindly to us only last night, and now there he lay dead. We heard the yell of many merkanar kel (wild dogs) over on the flats at the head of the bay. What could we do? It would never do to leave our father there to be eaten by them. We cried all night. Ngalyalli rolled herself up in her rug, and covered her head for fear. I could not do so. I sat and looked around in the dark, and sometimes I thought I saw the


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 140 FATHER AND SON. wandering light of merkani (enemies), and then I thought I saw a blackfellow standing not far off, and the cold sweat ran down my face, I was so frightened. But the moon rose afterwards, and I saw it was only a black stump. But I did not go very near it knowing that Melape, the wood devil, sometimes makes himself look like this, so that he may catch people. At last daylight came. We did not know what to do. We could not leave our father to the wild dogs. Neither of us could leave the other alone with the dead. So, at last, I and Ngalyalli took each a kanake (a pointed waddy) and dug a hole in the sand, and then took our father’s body and lifted it in, and laid it gently down. Then we both cried. And then we buried it with sand. And afterwards we did not know what to do. What would the old men say? Our father was a man, and ought not to have been put under ground like that, but to have been dried in the camp, while the tribe mourned for him. And then we thought somebody must have killed him with ngadhungi (sorcery), and perhaps they might kill us too. We got up and ran away from the place in terror. I took my father’s kanaker (waddies) and spear; Ngalyalli carried the tinuwarri we had caught and the skin full of water; and we went right into the scrub. Then night came on, and we made a fire from a bit of bark we carried with us from last night’s camp. Very little we slept. We felt sick with fear. We cooked a tinuwarri, but we could not eat much. Next day we went again to the lake, as if we would go to Tuldurrug; but it was hot, and so we camped again. Next morning we were too bad to move, so we stayed there all that day and night. In the middle of the day after I was trying to sleep a little, when I heard a man say, "Kai hai! kai hai!"* and I looked up and there stood my father’s brother, and my grandfather, and two other men. They came up and when they saw us they cried, "Yakkai! Yakkai! Yakkaiakat! Poor children!" And I got up and threw myself into the arms of him who was now my only father, and sobbed a long time. Then, they made me and Ngalyalli drink water and eat some meat. After we had done so, we told them our story, and then they cried again. They said they had wondered we did not return, and so they went down to seek us at Ngiakkung. There they tracked us to our camp, and then they lost our father’s tracks and found only ours, so they went on and followed them until they found us. Next morning we started for Rauukki. We went slowly, except one man, who went on quickly, so as to tell our people. Just at pangarinda (the time of shadows, evening) we got to the camp on the hill at Rauukki. When the people saw us coming the whole tribe cried with a loud voice. Everybody wept and mourned greatly, and were very sorry to think that we two poor children must have suffered. For many days after I and Ngalyalli were ill, and it was a long time before we got over the terrible death of our poor father. He lies there in his grave at Ngiakkung where we put him. NGUNAITPONI AND HIS FATHER. There lived amongst the Piltinyerar an old man and his son. The name of the latter was Ngunaitponi. The name of his father, after the native fashion, was lost in that of the child; so he was commonly called Ngunaitpon-arnii e., the father of  InterjectionsO dear! Alas! Poor thing!
 * The native interjection of wonder and surprise.


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 NGUNAITPONI’S STORY. 141 Ngunaitponi. The old man was a tall, venerable-looking savage. His hair was cut closely on his head from constant mourning for many deceased relatives. He had a long and grizzled beard. His body was covered with a grey, shaggy coat of hair, especially on the back and chest, his legs and thighs having the least. It is remarkable how much hair many of the natives have. Exposure to the atmosphere in a nude state is decidedly favourable to its growth. I have many times seen children of four years old who never wore clothes with quite a respectable coat of fur down their backs. When they wear clothes this seems to wear off; in their nude state it increases and forms a covering for life. I have also seen women of the savage class with beards and whiskers far more abundant than are to be seen on some white men. But to return from this digression. Ngunaitponarni was a tall, hairy, grey, venerable savage. He had a good deal of the natural courtesy of a well-bred barbariancourtesy gained by the necessities of camp life. Ngunaitponi was a man of about forty, tall and well-proportioned. Like many natives, he had in his youth lost an eye by having a spear thrown at him in a fight. The common hunting-ground of these two was the great beds of reeds which grow on the banks of the Lower Murray. These, and the river itself, yielded wildfowl and crayfish in abundance. One day, when I was conversing with Ngunaitponi, he told me the following singular story, which, as it illustrates the superstition of the natives, I will relate as nearly as possible in his own words:  NGUNAITPONI’S STORY. We have always believed that people lived after death. We call the spirit of a man pangari.* The old people often talk about where the spirit of a man has gone to after it has left the body; they say that it goes westward to Nurunderi. Then we believe in other spirits who walk about the earth, and who can make themselves to be seen or unseen as they like. There is Nalkáru, a terrible spirit who seeks to kill people; and there is Melapi, who is always lying in wait for men. Have any of us ever seen these spirits? Yes; I have heard our old men say they have. My father saw Melapi once; the old man says he is sure he did. The way it
 * Pangari means "shadow;" it is equivalent to our term "shade."


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 142 UTTERANCE OF EMOTION BY SOUND. happened was this: My father had gone into the reeds to snare ducks. He took with him the long rod, with a noose at the end. He had patiently sat at the edge of the swamp until the ducks came. At last one got within reach, so he gently and skilfully let the noose fall over its head and then suddenly dragged it out. This frightened the rest of the flock, so he got up and came away. He walked in a path through the high, thick reeds, which were far above his head, and then came to the place where they were lowerabout up to his waist. All on a sudden he heard the whirr of a waddy as it flew by his head, and yet he saw nothing. He started, dropped the duck and his rod, and put up his hand to grasp a kanake out of the basket which hung from his neck down his back. He supposed some enemy had flung at him from the reeds, and was about to make an attack. At that instant he felt something grapple with him, but yet he saw nothing. Strong arms were put round him, and a great invisible being hugged him in his grasp. He had heard that Melapi sometimes thus attacks people, and that it is wisest to resist; so, although he shuddered with fear, he returned grip for grip, and wrestled with the spirit. The reeds crashed and crackled under his feet as he swayed about in the struggle. He felt like a boy in the power of the mighty one, yet he manfully returned strain for strain. He felt faint with horror. To get away was impossible; to yield and be dragged off was awful. He put forth another effort. He fancied the unseen one yielded a little. Encouraged, he put forth all his strength and tried to throw his adversary. As he did so with straining muscles and clenched teeth and staring eyes he began to see a dim outline of a form like a man, and as he strove it became plainer and plainer. He gave a wild cry, and as he did so Melapi burst from his grasp and disappeared. When my father came back to the camp, he was weak and tired. He told us what he had felt and seen, and always afterwards firmly believed that he had wrestled with the great Melapi. Ngunaitpon-arni died some time afterwards. He had listened many times to the Word of God. It is a comfort to know that he died calling upon the name of the Lord. In his last illness he was heard fervently praying to the Lord Jesus to save him. Surely we may hope that he was saved. CRIES AND INTERJECTIONS OF THE NARRINYERI. The Narrinyeri often utter inarticulate sounds in order to express their feelings and wishes. These answer to our interjections, such as, oh! ah! &c.; only it is not easy to express them by letters. Their method of saying yes and no is very difficult to write down. A sort of grunt, which may perhaps answer to the letters ng pronounced in an affirmative tone, means "yes;" the same sort of grunt, which can only be written by the same letters, but uttered in a negative, forbidding tone, means "no." Their expressions of surprise are the following"Kai, hai!" This is a pure interjection, and only means sudden astonishment.


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 UTTERANCE OF EMOTION BY SOUND. 143 "Porluna"—this means "Oh, children!" and is a common expression of wonder and amazement. "Tyin embe!"—this expression is too obscene to be translatable; nevertheless, it is a very common interjection of astonishment amongst the old blacks. The word "koh" is used to attract attention or to call out to a person to come. It is uttered long, and the o very round. The same word "koh" uttered short, is a sort of note of interrogation, and is used in asking a question. The h is strongly aspirated. A sort of cry used to attract attention may be written "ngaaaah"—the h strongly aspirated. It must be understood, however, that in all these cases our letters only give an approximation to the sound; it must be heard in order to be understood. Some of the old women, by way of salutation on meeting a friend, will say, "Kaw, kah, kah, kah." It sounds very much like an old crow. All the natives, old and young, when they are hurt, cry out, "Nanghai, nanghai, nanghai!"" My father, my father, my father!" or else, "Nainkowa, nainkowa, nainkowa!""My mother, my mother, my mother!" Males usually say the former, females the latter, although not invariably so. It is ludicrous to hear an old man or woman with a grey head, whose parents have been dead for years, when they hurt themselves cry like children and say "nanghai" or "nainkowa," as the case may be. The Narrinyeri are skilful in the utterance of emotion by sound. They will admire and practice the corrobery (ringbalin) of another tribe merely for the sounds of it, although they may not understand a word of the meaning. They will learn it with great appreciation if it seems to express some feelings which theirs does not. They may not be able to define the feelings, but yet this is the case. The following extract from my journal will illustrate their aptitude for expressing feeling merely by sound. Of course I am aware that in this they are like most savage tribes:  "7th March, 18. S died the day before yesterday. At the request of the natives I read the burial service at her grave to-day. At the funeral I could


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 144 UTTERANCE OF EMOTION BY SOUND. not help noticing, what I have many times noticed before, the artistic manner in which the wail was raised. After I had finished the burial service, to which they were all very attentive, they proceeded in native fashion to raise a loud lamentation over the grave. First of all old Kartoinyeri and Winkappi uttered a keen wail in a very long, high note, gradually lowering the tone; this was joined in by all the women present. Then the rest of the men uttered a long loud, deep bass groan. As that rolled away the keen wail of Kartoinyeri and Winkappi and the women broke in, and as that began to lower in tone the deep groan of the men was heard. This was continually repeated for about ten minutes. All stood around the grave, tears rolling down the cheeks of many; but I noticed that the chief mourners made the least noise. As an expression of grief by sound it was perfect." Thus far my journal; and at corrobories I have noticed, and have heard it remarked by others, that the sound without the words was adapted to the temper of the singers. If it is an occasion of discord and defiance, a savage shout will be heard; while on occasion of a wedding the sound will be merry and jocular, although always very wild. I have often imagined the feelings of a party of shipwrecked people on a lonely coast hearing the sound of a great corrobery for the first time. I cannot conceive anything more appalling or expressive of utter savagery.


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 EFFECTS OF COLONISATION ON ABORIGINAL RACES. 145 CHAPTER XII. THE FUTURE OF THE ABORIGINAL RACES. IT is common to hear even intelligent people speak of the Aborigines as a race which within a few years is certain to become extinct. They point to the diminished numbers of the red men of America and the Maories of New Zealand, and declare their conviction that it is a law of nature that the uncivilised should die out to make way for the civilisedthat-low-class races should perish in order that high-class races might take their place. Very little is said in opposition to such statements, and it is taken for granted that they are correct. Now, the writer is quite willing to grant that appearances, as far as they are connected with Anglo-Saxon colonisation, are altogether in favour of these opinions; but yet, when a wider view of things is taken, facts may be seen which suggest that these assertions may not be so correct as they appear at first sight. If we look back very far into the history of the world, we see that a process of colonisation has been going on, and that it has not been the invariable rule that the barbarous race should die out in the presence of the civilised. To take a familiar instance, the Ancient Britons did not become extinct after the advent of the Roman invaders. We need not even go so far back as that. Although the Aboriginal races of America were treated with great cruelty by the Spaniards and Portuguese, they did not die out so rapidly as some equally fine races such as the North American Indians and Maories are dying out under the just and benevolent and indulgent treatment of British colonists. I am also informed that Dutch colonisation does not result in the destruction of the Aboriginal races, but, on the contrary, that these races increase and are benefited by


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 146 EVIL RESULTS TO THE ABORIGINES FROM COLONISATION. the treatment which they receive from the colonists. Now, these facts suggest that it is at least possible that those persons are mistaken who regard the extinction of the Aborigines as a painful certainty; also that there may be some faults in our method of treatment which are the causes of such lamentable consequences. The British are, as we all know, peculiarly disposed to selfgovernment. It is this which makes them such successful colonists. A small community is no sooner planted in any country than they exhibit the results of their national training in a capacity for regulating and organising their own affairs. Colonial governments proceed on the presumption that their people possess ability of this sort, and let them manage for themselves; hence district and shire councils are instituted, and all that sort of thing. It is very different with other European nations. When a number of Frenchmen or Dutchmen or Spaniards colonise, they proceed in quite a different way. They have always been accustomed to regard government as a something by which they were managed and regulated, and not so much as an organisation in which they took part themselves; consequently when an offshoot breaks from the body of the nation they are careful that a portion of the governing power shall go with it, so that these people may be regulated and formed into a community by the authorities to which they are accustomed. The weak are supported, the poor are provided for, the irregular are compelled to yield to the laws of order, and the roads and police and revenues are all under the control of the central power. Supposing, then, that there are Aborigines in the country to which these colonists go, they are all brought under the central government. What they must do and what they must not do is prescribed to them; officers are appointed with power to rule them; they are forbidden to pursue any practices which would be injurious to them; they are required to conform to the regulations which are made for their benefit. If necessary, even force is used to compel them, as refractory children, to do that which is for their good; and they do not become extinct under


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 A LAW PRESCRIBING THE TREATMENT OF ABORIGINES. 147 this treatment. But in a British colony all this is reversed. Just as the colonists are, as far as possible, allowed to manage their own affairs, so the Aborigines are left to themselves to do as they like so long as they do not interfere with the colonists. Instead of a ruler being appointed for them, and the strong arm of authority thrown round them, a protector is appointed whose duty it is to see that the European residents do not injure them. If an effort is made by the government to benefit them by trying to induce them to adopt a civilised life, it is left entirely at their option whether they permit themselves to come under the provision made for their benefit or not. It is probable that this system of leaving the Aborigines to themselves is the cause of all the mischief to them. When the Aborigines are brought into contact with European civilisation in the shape of a British colony, they are exposed to influences of which they have no experience, and the evil results of which they cannot guard against. The very food and drink of the white people is strange to them, and they are likely to injure themselves by the use of it. So much has this been felt to be the case that some colonial governments have forbidden the giving of intoxicating drinks to the natives. Now, this inexperience of the natives leads to all sorts of injurious and fatal consequences. In their native state these people are able enough and careful enough to make laws and regulations for their own benefit. They readily take advantage of the lessons of experience in devising their own customs. In proof of this their marriage laws may be adduced. Now it is evident that in common justice we are bound to see that the Aborigines do not suffer from our occupation of the soil. We are under moral obligation to see that they are no worse off than they were before through our taking possession of the country. This will be granted by every one. Then it is certainly our duty to make such laws and regulations as will prevent them from suffering through their inexperience of the new state of things which is set up around them. It will be only a proof of our kindness if, in the capacity of our brothers’ keeper,


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 148 EFFORT TO SAVE THE ABORIGINES FROM EXTINCTION. we kindly enforce by all humane means such beneficial ordinances. This would necessitate special legislation for the Aborigines. There should be an Act of the colonial or Imperial Parliament prescribing the sort of treatment which they should receive. This should declare wherein they are to be excepted from the operation of the laws affecting Europeansmake special laws suited to their condition, forbidding any barbarous practices which were injurious to them, such as drying the dead, or sorcery, or poison revenge, or compelling young men to go through the narumbe ceremony, and, finally, set apart reserves and provide for their benefit, comfort, subsistence, and employment. The benefits conferred should be material and large,  such a law should be enforced, except in cases of crime, not so much by positive punishment as by sternly withholding benefits from the refractory and disobedient, and prohibiting their being imparted even by their own people. Nothing hits an Aboriginal so hard as to withhold from him benefits which he sees his fellows enjoying. It would be also necessary that clauses should be introduced regulating the employment of the natives by Europeans; and it would be a good plan to only permit the employment of the obedient and well conducted,such to be supplied with some token of their character. And it would be a severe punishment to prevent the employment of the insubordinate. The natives would have to be treated as children in some respects, but not in all. In order to carry out such a law, not only a Protector of Aborigines would have to be appointed, but a ruleran officer charged with their welfare, having absolute authority over them, and responsible to the Colonial Government. It would be the duty of such an officer to have intelligent Aborigines taught the English language, and through them to make their people understand the law. They are inclined to be a law-abiding people, and although there might perhaps be some resistance, they would soon submit to it. It would also be the duty of such an official to see that proper medical attendance was provided for them.


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 EFFORT TO SAVE THE ABORIGINES FROM EXTINCTION. 149 It is not wise to attempt to civilise these people too fast. Judgment has to be exercised, and the treatment to be adapted to their condition. We are not to suppose that they are capable of taking upon them the duties of a state of society which we have been trained for by ages of civilisation. Is it too much to expect that one more organised effort will be made to save this race from extinction? There are yet many thousands of Aborigines in the province governed by the colony of South Australia. It is indispensable, if any good is to be done, that the present policy should be reversed, and that the Government should come forward with paternal legislation for their benefit. At present the Aborigines are being injured, not by cruelty, but by ill-judged kindness. They are treated by many of the settlers as almost unreasoning beings; they are foolishly humoured and spoiled; and it is no wonder if they become like spoiled children, and ruin their health and condition by self-indulgence. The restraints of native law, which were to a great degree beneficial, have been removed by the presence of Europeans and the consequent inability of their chiefs and elders to enforce it; thus, lawless and unregulatedsometimes unwisely indulged, at others half-starvedsometimes clothed, at other times naked, the prey of his lusts and passionswhat wonder if the Aborigine goes rapidly to destruction and death! The writer has often said that such treatment as he has seen natives pursue among themselves was of a character which would kill a horse, much more a man. But supposing that such a system was to he instituted by the Government, it must not be expected that it would do everything which needs to be done for the Aborigines. There would still be necessary the unwearied efforts of the missionary of the Cross. The writer firmly believes that nothing but the gospel of Jesus Christ can save these natives from extinction. They are not an irreligious race. The term applied by Paul to the civilised and refined Athenians might be applied to them they are "very religious" (Acts xvii. 22)that is, so far as, the rites and observances of their system of belief are con


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 150 DUTY OF THE CHRISTIAN MISSIONARY. cerrned. Those of the natives who have taken hold of the gospel have done so heartily, with faith and devotion. The greatest caution must always he observed in the peculiar circumstances in which the natives are placed not to give them reason to suppose that the mere profession of religion will cause them to receive greater consideration from the authorities than the merely moral and industrious who make no profession. Their attendance upon the preaching of the gospel and the ordinances of religion must be free and unrestrained, or it will be of no moral use whatever. We can no more make Aborigines into disciples of Christ by laws and regulations than we can any other people. At the same time, the Christian missionary has to always show himself to be on the side of law and order and government. He teaches that "whoso resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God, and they that resist must receive to themselves condemnation." His duty is to enjoin the learning to read as a religious duty which is upon the very face of the Holy Word of God; and then he is to preach the gospel lovingly, forbearingly, and perseveringly to all, endeavouring to seek and to save that which was lost, even as the Master did Himself.


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following particulars of the wreck of the Maria have been compiled by the writer from the South Australian Register, to which he was allowed access through the kind courtesy of the proprietors of that old-established newspaper—the first in South Australia.

In the end of July, 1840, a report was sent to the authorities by Police-Sergeant W. Macfarlane, enclosing a letter from H. Nixon, of Encounter Bay, which stated that the natives said that a number of white people who had escaped from a wreck had been killed by the blacks up the sea-coast in the direction of Rivoli Bay. Ten men, five women, and some children were said to have thus been murdered. A letter from Dr. Penny confirmed this account, which was substantiated by the result of the inquiries of Sergeant Macfarlane himself. At that time the country on the coast between Encounter Bay and Rivoli Bay was a terra incognita to the colonists. An active whale fishery was at that time being carried on at Encounter Bay. The Government, in consequence of this report, despatched Mr. Pullen, who was at that time at the Elbow (now Goolwa), to learn particulars by proceeding as far as he could up the Coorong in a whaleboat

Mr. Pullen hastily got together a party, consisting of himself, Dr. Penny, five boatmen, one police-trooper, and three natives of Encounter Bay. They started from Encounter Bay on the 28th of July, so no time was lost, and on the 29th proceeded down the river, on the south side of Hindmarsh Island, to the entrance


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 152 DISCOVERY OF THE MURDERED PEOPLE. of the Coorong. On the 30th they continued their voyage up the Coorong, and at last came to a spot which was pointed out by one of the Encounter Bay natives named Peter, as that on which some of the murders took place. This, he had no doubt ascertained from the blacks who were implicated, as they have a name for every nook and corner of the shores of the lakes; so the party landed on the shore of the Coorong which is towards the sea, and a sickening spectacle presented itself. There, partially covered with sand, lay legs, arms, and portions of several human bodies. Upon gathering these remains together, they, by the aid of the doctor who was with them probably, made out that there were the bodies of two men, three women, and a female child of ten (one woman’s body was almost denuded of flesh, except on the hands and feet), two male childrenone apparently about fifteen years of age and the other ten; and at a little distance lay the body of a female infant. All were dreadfully bruised about the face and head, and they were stripped of every rag of clothing. They removed the weddingrings which they found on the fingers of the women, and then reverently buried the remains of the poor murdered people. This occupied the party till evening, and it is easy to imagine with what indignation they left the vicinity of the scene of such an atrocity. It should be stated that, the Coorong is a long, narrow sheet of salt water, running out of the lower part of Lake Alexandrina towards the south-east, and separated from the ocean by a peninsula of sandhills about two miles wide. Some of these sandhills are of white sand, without any vegetation, while others are covered with shrubs and creeping plants. Between them there are small flats of pasture-ground. The scenery on the Coorong is very wild and peculiar. There is the solitary-looking sheet of water, stretching for sixty miles, and presenting, as its waves dance in the breeze, beautiful tints of blue and green. On the right are the white and sombre hills of sand, and on the left green plains dotted with clumps of the dark sheoak. The waters abound with fish and game; consequently the shores were in


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 IDENTIFICATION OF THE MURDERED PEOPLE. 153 habited by a fierce and vigorous tribe of the natives belonging to the nation called Narrinyeri. But we must proceed. On the 31st Mr. Pullen and his party continued their voyage up the Coorong in search of the wreck from which the murdered people had come. They saw several natives, but at first they all kept at a distance and appeared to be frightened. At last they managed to communicate with them, and learned that other white people had been killedsome on one side of the Coorong, and some on the otherand that two men and one woman had crossed to the islands (probably Mundoo and Towadjeri), and had been killed there. On the 1st of August the party saw many natives with European clothing, and the next day came upon the tracks of people on the mud of the shore which were evidently not natives’. There were the marks of the children’s footsteps; and in places these disappeared, as if the men had carried the weary little ones. On the 9th of August the party got back to the Goolwa (or Elbow, as it was then called). The impression on their minds at that time was that some of the shipwrecked people had escaped. The particulars brought by Mr. Pullen’s party, and especially the rings found on the fingers of two of the bodies of the women, led to the identification of the persons who had been murdered. They were found to be the passengers and crew of the brigantine Maria, 36 tons, of Hobart Town. She had arrived in Port Adelaide on the 7th of June, 1840, and had sailed again on the 21st June following, under the command of Capt. Smith, for Hobart Town, in ballast. According to the South Australian Register of August 15th, 1840, the passengers and crew were as follows:  There were Captain Smith and his wife and the mate, and eight men and boys before the mast. The passengers were Mr. and Mrs. Denham and family, consisting of three boys and two girls, George Young Green and wife, Thomas Daniel and wife, Mrs. York and infant, James Strutt (a servant of Mr. Denham’s), and Mr. Murray. Mr. Denham and Mrs. York were, it appears, brother and sister. The total number on board, then, was twenty-six.


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 154 CAPTURE OF NATIVES. The Government resolved, after receiving Mr. Pullen’s report, that a strong body of police-troopers under Major O’Halloran should be sent to make further investigations. This force was rapidly gathered at the Elbow, and, with Major O’Halloran in command and Inspector Tolmer as his second, started on Friday, the 21st August, 1840, for the Coorong. That day they got fourteen miles beyond the mouth of the River Murray. By the 23rd they arrived on the scene of the murders; and on that day, after much galloping about the scrub, captured thirteen native men and two lads and fifty women and children. They found articles of European clothing on almost all these people, and sometimes the garments were stained with blood. They also found in possession of the natives a silver watch and some silver spoons. The tribes to which they had now come were noted amongst the Aborigines for their ferocity and warlike character. The whites had frequently heard of them from sealers and others as the great Murray tribe. They consisted of all the Narrinyeri on the southern sides of Lakes Alexandrina and Albert. These had rapidly gathered at the news of the wreck, and were now in force on the Coorong; but, although at this time they could muster easily eight hundred warriors,* the sight of the strange armed troopers dashing through the scrub completely daunted them. On the 24th, the expedition saw large numbers of ferociouslooking men, who hung about the skirts of the scrub. Almost all had some article of European clothing. At last they came to some native huts, and found male and female garments which had been drenched with blood. Aided by the Encounter Bay natives who had been brought with the expedition, they made inquiries as to the actual perpetrators of the murders, and there were pointed out by some of the captives four very truculentlooking savages. Two of these were pursued and shot down, and two more were captured. In the native huts were found newspapers, mail letters opened and torn, the leaves of a Bible and part of the log of the Maria.
 * An eye-witness soon after counted eight hundred fighting men at a corrobery.


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 EXECUTION OF NATIVESDISCOVERY OF WRECK. 155 The chiefs of the expedition now came to the conclusion that something must be done to satisfy the demands of justice on the murderers, and to strike terror into the minds of the natives and deter them from similar atrocities in the future; so a court of justice was extemporised on the spot, and such evidence as was obtainable adduced in support of the charge against the two prisoners. There appears to have been plenty of proof that these two men were leaders in the massacre; so a verdict of guilty was pronounced against them with the universal assent of the party. By virtue of the commission from His Excellency the Governor held by Major O’Halloran, he then passed sentence of death upon them. The next day (the 25th of August) the natives were driven to a spot near the place where the bodies of some of the murdered people were found, and in the presence of their countrymen hanged in sheaoak trees over the graves of their victims. They evinced great courage at the place of execution, and died immediately. The bodies were left hanging in the trees, and the other blacks warned not to touch them. This they carefully abstained from doing, and the carcases of the culprits were suspended there until the weather caused them to fall to pieces. The rest of the natives were allowed to depart, and they at once precipitately fled from the vicinity of the expedition. It appeared, upon inquiry, that a man named Roach and his mate, who had gone up the Coorong for some purpose, had also been killed by these people. The expedition now pressed on in order to find the wreck, and on the 4th of September obtained another watch from the natives, the dial stained with blood. In the huts of these people much European clothing was found, so the party set fire to the huts and consumed them. They now communicated with a party which had been sent up the coast in a whaleboat from Encounter Bay under the command of Mr. Thomson. They found that these had first discovered the longboat and then the remains of the wreck of the Maria in Lacepede Bay. The expedition now returned down the Coorong, and discovered other bodies of the murdered people, which they reverently interred. In the vicinity of these bodies several books


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 156 NO SURVIVORS DISCOVERED. were found. The native women, when questioned, said that the white people had parted into two companies, one of which crossed the Coorong. They said that some of the natives rushed upon them and held them while others beat them on the head with clubs until they were dead. The expedition having arrived at the head of the Lake Albert peninsula, scoured the whole of it, so that if any survivors of the wrecked party remained they might he discovered; but the only result was to terrify the blacks and drive them to take refuge in the great beds of reeds by Lake Albert. No further traces being discoverable, the members of the expedition turned their faces towards Encounter Bay, and arrived at the Elbow, whence the men of the force were dispersed to their homes. This account of the wreck of the Maria perfectly agrees in the main particulars with that which the natives themselves give. Not one person is known to have escaped from the natives. The discrepancies between the natives’ account and that given above only refer to the number of natives executed, which the report says was fourtwo shot and two hanged; the natives say it was six. The report states that twenty-six persons were massacred; the natives say twenty-five, as one woman got across the Murray mouth and escaped. Of this we have no other evidence. The natives’ account states that the shipwrecked party was guided down the Coorong until they reached the part opposite Lake Albert, where they were induced to separate, and then murdered. The place of burial and persons found exactly agree with the account given to the writer by a woman who helped to bury them. A great deal of discussion took place in the papers at the time as to the wisdom and legality of the execution of the natives, and His Excellency Governor Gawler issued a solemn Minute of Council vindicating the expedition. Time, however, has proved that a wiser course could not have been adopted than the prompt punishment of such an atrocious massacre.


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80 in his Maker’s mercy put his trust for comfort and help: so he conquered the foe, felled the fiend, who fled abject, reft of joy, to the realms of death, mankind’s foe. And his mother now, gloomy and grim, would go that quest of sorrow, the death of her son to avenge. To Heorot came she, where helmeted Danes slept in the hall. Too soon came back old ills of the earls, when in she burst, the mother of Grendel. Less grim, though, that terror, e’en as terror of woman in war is less, might of maid, than of men in arms when, hammer-forgéd, the falchion hard, sword gore-stained, through swine of the helm, crested, with keen blade carves amain. Then was in hall the hard-edge drawn, the swords on the settles, and shields a-many firm held in hand: nor helmet minded nor harness of mail, whom that horror seized. Haste was hers; she would hie afar and save her life when the liegemen saw her. Yet a single atheling up she seized fast and firm, as she fled to the moor. He was for Hrothgar of heroes the dearest, of trusty vassals betwixt the seas, whom she killed on his couch, a clansman famous, in battle brave.—Nor was Beowulf there; another house had been held apart, after giving of gold, for the Geat renowned.—


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Rh

Je la trouve chez les Iberiens, ou les premiers peuples d'Espagne; je la trouve chez les anciens habitans de l'Isle de Corse; elle étoit chez les Tibareniens en Asie; elle est aujourd'hui dans quelques-unes de nos provinces voisines d'Espagne, ou celas 'appele faire couvade; elle est encore vers le Japon, et dans l'Amemque chez les Caraibes et les Galibis.—Lafitau, Mœurs des Sauvages, t. i. p. 50.

Strabo says, this strange custom existed in Cantabria, (L. iii. p. 174. ed. 1571.) so that its Gascon extraction has been direct. Diodorus Siculus is the authority for its existence in Corsica. (Book iii. ch. 1. English translation, 1814. vol. 1. p. 305.) Apollonius Rhodius describes it among the Tibareni (L. ii. 1012) ὠς ἰστορεῖ Νυμφόδωρος ἔν τιτιν νίμοις, says the scholiast.

''Voicy la brutalité de nos sauvages dans leur réjouissance pour l'acroissement de leur famille. C'est qu'au même tems que la femme est deliverée le mary se met au lit, pour s'y plaindre et y faire l'accouchée; coutume, quibien que sauvage et ridicule se trouve neantmoins à ce que l'on dit, parmy les paysans d'une certaine province de France; et ils appellent cela'' faire la couvade. Mais ce qui est de fàcheuse pour le pauvre Caraibe qui s'est mis au lit au lieu de l'accouchée, c-est qu'on luy


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Rh Uproar filled Heorot; the hand all had viewed, blood-flecked, she bore with her; bale was returned, dole in the dwellings: ’twas dire exchange where Dane and Geat were doomed to give the lives of loved ones. Long-tried king, the hoary hero, at heart was sad when he knew his noble no more lived, and dead indeed was his dearest thane. To his bower was Beowulf brought in haste, dauntless victor. As daylight broke, along with his earls the atheling lord, with his clansmen, came, where the king abode waiting to see if the Wielder-of-All would turn this tale of trouble and woe. Strode o’er floor the famed-in-strife, with his hand-companions,—the hall resounded,— wishing to greet the wise old king, Ingwines’ lord; he asked if the night had passed in peace to the prince’s mind.

Hrothgar spake, helmet-of-Scyldings:— “Ask not of pleasure! Pain is renewed to Danish folk. Dead is Æschere, of Yrmenlaf the elder brother, my sage adviser and stay in council, shoulder-comrade in stress of fight when warriors clashed and we warded our heads,


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 пришью See пришить.

приятель (M) friend. Мы — большие приятели. We are good friends.

приятельница (girl) friend. Мой приятельница пригласила нас сегодня к чаю. My (girl) friend invited us over for tea today.

приятный pleasant. Какая приятная неожиданность! Wbat a pleasant surprise! • nice. Он очень приятный человек. He's a very nice person. □ приятно pleasant. Мы очень приятно провели вечер. We've had a very pleasant evening. • pleasantly. Я был приятно поражён этим известием. I was pleasantly surprised by this news. □ Очень приятно познакомиться! Pleased to meet you!

про (/with a/) about. Я про вас много слышал. I heard a lot about you.

пробегать (pct) to run around. Я пробегал весь день понапрасну. I ran around all day for nothing.

пробегать (dur of пробежать) to run by. Носильщики только пробегали мимо нас, но никто не хотел нами заняться. The porters just ran by us, but nobody wanted to take care of us.

пробегу See пробежать.

пробежать (-бегу, -бежит, §27; pct of пробегать) to run. Он пробежал это расстояние в рекордный срок. He ran that distance in record time. — Кто это пробежал по коридору? Who ran down the hall? • to run up and down. У меня мороз по коже пробежал. Cold shivers ran up and down my spine. • to glance at. Я успел только пробежать заголовки в газете. I only had time to glance at the headlines.

проберусь See пробраться.

пробирать (dur of пробрать) to scold. Он уже меня не раз за это пробирал. He's already scolded me more than once about it. □ Ух, страсти какие! Прямо мороз по коже пробирает. Oh, how terrible! I just shiver at the thought of it.

-ся to work one's way toward. Давайте пробираться к выходу. Let's work our way toward the exit.

пробка cork. Помогите мне вытащить пробку. Help me get the cork out of the bottle. • tie-up. Из-за заносов, на станции образовалась пробка. Snowdrifts caused a tie-up at the station. □ *Он глуп, как пробка. He's a dumbbell.

проблема problem.

пробный trial. Когда будет пробный пробег новых машин? Wben will the new automobiles have their trial run? □ пробная работа test. Вам придётся сделать пробную работу. You'll have to take a test.

пробовать to try. Вы пробовали его уговорить? Did you try to persuade him?

пробор part (in hair). У вас пробор кривой. The part in your hair is crooked. □ Причесать вас на прямой пробор или на косой? Do you want your hair parted in the middle or on the side?

пробочник corkscrew. Вот пробочник, откупорьте бутылку. Here's a corkscrew; open the bottle.

пробрать (-беру, -рёт; p -брала; -брался, -бралась, -алось, -лись; ppp пробранный, sh F -брана; pct of пробирать).

-ся to get through. Я еле пробрался сквозь толпу. I was just barely able to get through the crowd. • to get in. Как бы нам пробраться в дом? How can we get into the house?

пробуду See пробыть.

пробыть (-буду, -дет; p пробыл, пробыла, пробыло, -и; pct) to stay. Сколько вы собираетесь здесь пробыть? How long do you intend to stay here?

проваливать (dur of провалить) to ruin. Вы, по-моему, проваливаете всё дело. In my opinion you're ruining the whole business. □ (no pct) Ну, теперь проваливайте! Beat it now!

-ся to fail. Он два раза проваливался на экзамене по геометрии. He failed the geometry' exam twice.

провалить (-валю, -валит; pct of проваливать) to defeat. Ваше предложение было провалено. Your motion was defeated. • to flop. Она провалила эту роль. She flopped in this role. • to flunk. Профессор наверняка провалит её на экзамене. The professor will surely flunk her in the exam.

-ся to fall into. Я вчера в темноте провалился в яму. Yesterday in the dark I fell into a hole. • to fall in. Тут крыша провалилась. The roof fell in here. • to fail Я боюсь, что провалюсь на экзамене. I'm afraid I'll fail the examination. • to fall through. Все наши планы провалились. All our plans fell through. • to disappear. Куда он опять провалился? Where did he disappear to again? — Bce мой карандаши как сквозь землю провалились. All my pencils disappeared into thin air. □ Я от стыда готов был сквозь землю провалиться. I was so embarrassed I could have gone through the floor. • *Ах, чтоб ему провалиться с его инструкциями! Damn him and his instructions!

проведу See провести.

провёл See провести.

проверить (pct of проверять) to verify. Это сообщение надо проверить. This report has to be verified. • to check. Кассир проверил кассу. The cashier checked the register. — Не мешало бы проверить машину. It would be a good idea to check the car. — Эти таблицы были тщательно проверены. These tables were checked carefully.

проверка check. Комиссия производит проверку личного состава учреждения. The commission is making a check of the office personnel. — Сейчас будет проверка паспортов. Passports will be checked now. • examination, check. Проверка кассы показала, что нехватает шестисот рублей. An examination of the cash register showed a shortage of six hundred rubles. □ проверка инвентаря inventory. У нас раз в год бывает проверка инвентаря. We take inventory once a year.

проверять (dur of проверить) to check. Кто будет проверять билеты? Who's going to check the tickets?

провести (-веду, -дёт; p -вёл, -вела, -о, -и; pap -ведший; pct of проводить) to lead. Он нас провёл прямой тропинкой через лес. He led us through the forest along a straight path. • to put over. Мы очень успешно провели подписку на заём. We put over our loan drive very successfully. • to put into operation. План был проведён в жизнь. The plan was put into operation. • to pass. Я надеюсь, что нам удастся провести эту резолюцию. I hope we'll be able to pass this resolution. — Она провела два-три раза тряпкой по мебели — вот и вся уборка! All the housecleaning she did was to pass a rag over the furniture two or three times. • to install. У нас уже


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 will appreciate the value of this who has had experience of the difficulty of obtaining the evidence of uneducated people, women more especially; they are nervously confused, they cannot understand what are the real points of the case, nor state them clearly; often the most important fact of all comes out apparently quite by accident in the middle of a long sentence after the terror of being questioned has worn off. Thus the reports sent in, even by young or inexperienced visitors, bring forward facts which might never have come to the knowledge of the committee, while the reports of more practiced visitors are of still greater value, and not unfrequently suggest far more efficient ways of helping poor families than could have been otherwise devised.

The applicant himself comes before the committee. He can thus explain his prospects, clear up any apparent discrepancy of statement, talk over any new plan proposed by visitor or committee, and receive, without delay, the answer to his application.

Whatever grant is sanctioned, however, or whatever plan of action is suggested, the visitor is entrusted with the management of it, so that where money is given it reaches those helped through a kind friend; and where some plan is recommended, it is tried under the friendly and watchful eyes of one who, owing to the advantages of education, should be wiser in many ways than the applicant. Her power, at any rate, is of a different kind, and may fill in his deficiencies.

The province of the Charity Organization Society is that of investigation only; while the province of the Relief

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 than by giving them alms. It has, accordingly, originated inquiry into the causes of distress and poverty, and has issued reports upon night refuges, soup-kitchens, crêches or public day nurseries, dispensaries, district visiting, systematic inquiry into the cases of applicants for relief and employment, and kindred subjects. The affairs of the society are managed by a central council, holding periodical meetings, and which consists of some of the most influential citizens of London. The chairman and Hon. secretary of each district committee are ex-officio members of the council. There are at present thirty-five of these district committees, or branches, covering nearly the whole area of the metropolis, with its population of quite three millions. Each district committee has its permanent office. In some districts there are two such offices, with a small staff of paid officials; but nearly all the work is done by volunteers. The expenses of the central society are covered by special subscriptions. This fund is entirely distinct from the maintenance funds of the different district committees. The districts are divided into smaller sub-districts or sub-divisions, usually following the existing legal boundaries; and the co-operation of the resident clergy, of all denominations, is always invited, as well as that of all existing charitable relief agencies. The sub-district in which Miss Octavia Hill has done such a remarkable work is that of St. Mary's, Bryanston Square, a portion of the very large parish and Poor Law district of St. Marylebone, London. Co-operation has here been secured between four agencies engaged in the administration of charitable relief. These are the Board of Guardians of the Poor, answering to our City Commissioners of Charities or County Superintendents of the Poor; the St. Marylebone District Committee of the Charity Organization Society; the Relief Committee, and the District Visitors. Miss Hill acts as Referee for all. She is the medium of communication through which each agency knows what the other is doing, thus enabling it to deal intelligently with each case of distress which comes before it. The visitors also obtain information for the School Board.—. , before whom all the collected information is placed, and before whom the applicant appears, is that of final decision or relief. It dispenses the funds of the district, receiving money from people of all denominations, and administering help to all denominations without distinction. It is composed of two clergymen, one doctor, one schoolmaster, three tradesmen. In order to secure the attendance of men occupied during the day, this committee meets in the evening. One lady, the referee of the Charity Organization, always attends as a medium of communication

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 the visitors, committee, and Charity Organization Society. Any visitors can attend who wish, but in general they find it more convenient to report by letter. Unless the referee has much time, one paid worker is needed to carry out the work well. In the district just described the former almoner is employed, who has great knowledge of the people. She attends the committee, and her information is found to be most valuable. It is a great advantage to have some one always on the spot. She receives applications, and at once sends notice of them to the visitors and Charity Organization Society. She communicates to the visitors the decision of the committee, pays them money which is voted for applicants living in their districts, and keeps the accounts. In cases of emergency she visits, but her main object ought always to be to bring the visitors in well to their work.

Such is an outline of the plan adopted as regards its main features. Dry and formal as it may appear in print, I think that any one who reflects will see how the most intimate, loving, friendly way of reaching the poor through the efforts of kind visitors (each of whom visits chiefly amongst those she knows best) has been secured, whilst any danger of confusion has been avoided, and the chance of overlapping has been reduced to a minimum.

A few specimens of the kind of cases which may come before the Parish Committee, and of the mode in which they would be dealt with, are here subjoined.

An old woman enters the room. She gives an anxious, nervous glance at the members of the committee who are sitting round the table. She is asked to take a seat and to answer the questions, which are as kindly put to her as possible. Soon, however, she becomes hopelessly confused, and in her long, rambling tale contradicts herself over and over again. It seems to be impossible to discover any reason for her actions—why she lives in so dear a room, why she persistently hides some facts. But reference is made to a note sent by the lady-visitor to the committee.

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 having, he afterwards has not? for he who has lost one die will not have ten dice, or may we not say that he has lost what he has not (now), but which he had before; but that it is not necessary that he who had not so much, or so many things, should have lost so many. Asking then, what he has, in the conclusion he introduces so many, for ten things are so many; if then, it had been asked at first, has he who has not so many things as he formerly had, lost so many, no one would admit it, but either that he had lost so many, or some one of these. Also (the deception is similar), that some one may give what he has not, for he has not one die only, or does he not give that which he has not, but as to the manner in which he had it not, viz. one, for the word "only," does not signify this particular thing, nor such a quality, nor quantity, but how it subsists with relation to something, (i. e.) that it is not with another. It is therefore as if some one asked, can any one give what he has not, and if a person denied it, should ask whether any one can give rapidly, when he does not possess rapidly, and this being agreed to, should conclude that a man may give what he has not. It is also manifest that it is not syllogistically considered, (for to give) rapidly is not to give this thing, but in this way, and a person may give in a manner different from that in which he possesses, for possessing it gladly, he may give it painfully.

Similar also are all the following: Can any one strike with that hand which he has not? or see with the eye which he has not, for he has not one alone.


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 Some indeed solve this by saying, that he has one alone, whether it be an eye or any thing else, who has more than one, but others that he has received what he has, for he gave one die alone, and this man has, they say, one die alone from this man. Others, again, immediately subverting the question, (say) that it is possible to have what he has not received, as if having received sweet wine, when it is corrupted in the receiving of it, a man should have sour wine; still, as we have observed before, all these solve, not with reference to the argument, but to the man. For if this were the solution, he who gave the opposite would not be able to solve it, as in other cases; thus, if the solution is, that it partly is, but partly is not, if it be simply granted, there is a conclusion, but if there is not a conclusion, there cannot be a solution; but in the before-named, all things being granted, we do not admit that there is a syllogism.

Further, of such arguments are the following: Has some one written what is written? But it is written that you now sit, which is a false statement, yet it was true when it was written, wherefore at one and the same time, there was written a false and a true assertion. To declare, however, an assertion or opinion false or true, signifies, not this particular thing, but this quality, for the reasoning also is the same in opinion. Again, as to what a learner learns, is it that which he learns? but some one learns quickly what is slow, therefore he does not say what some one learns, but how he learns. Again, what a person walks through does he tread on? But he walks through the whole day, it is not said that which he walks upon, but when he walks; nor when (we say) he drinks a cup (do we show) what, but from what, he drinks. Also with regard to what a person knows, does he know it by learning or discovery? but of those, one of which he discovers and the other he learns, (with these,) when both are (assumed), neither (accords): or is it that here "every thing"


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Rh not Mr. White. Willie, as Philadelphians said it, was a title of honour, like the Cœur de Lion or the Petit Caporal bestowed upon other great men—the measure of the estimate in which social Philadelphia held him. Beau Nash in the Pump Room at Bath was no mightier power than Willie White in the Dancing Class at the Natatorium. He ruled it, and ruled it magnificently: an autocrat, a tyrant, under whose yoke social Philadelphia was eager to thrust its neck. What he said was law, whom he approved could enter, whom he objected to was without redress, his recognition of the Philadelphian's claims to admission was a social passport. He saw to everything, he led the German, and I do not suppose there was a girl who, at her first Dancing Class her first winter, did not, at her first chance, take him out in the German as her solemn initiation. That is how I came to enjoy my triumph, and I do not remember repeating it for he never condescended to take me out in return. But still, I can say that once I danced with Willie White at the Dancing Class—And did I once see Shelley plain?

IV

There were other powers, as I was made quickly to understand—not only the powers that all Biddles, Cadwalladers, Rushes, Ingersolls, Whartons, in a word all members of approved Philadelphia families were by Philadelphia right, but a few who had risen even higher than that splendid throng and were accepted as their leaders.


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52

syþðan hē for wlencowēan āhsode, fǣhðe tō Frȳsum.Hē þā frætwe wæg, eorclan-stānas,ofer ȳða ful, rīce þēoden;hē under rande gecranc. Gehwearf þā in Francna fæþmfeorh cyninges, brēost-gewǣduond se bēah somod; wyrsan wīg-frecanwæl rēafedon æfter gūð-sceare;Gēata lēode hrēa-wīc hēoldon.Heal swēge onfēng. Wealhðēo maþelode,hēo fore þǣm. werede spræc: “Brūc ðisses bēages,Bēowulf lēofa, hyse, mid hǣle,*ond þisses hrægles nēot, þēo[d]-gestrēona, ond geþēoh tela; cen þec mid cræfte,ond þyssum cnyhtum wes lāra līðe;ic þē þǣs lēan geman. Hafast þū gefēred,þæt ðē feor ond nēah ealne wīde-ferhþweras ehtigað, efne swā sīdeswā sǣ bebūgeð windge [e]ard-weallas. Wes, þenden þū lifige, æþeling ēadig; ic þē an tela sinc-gestrēona.Bēo þū suna mīnum dǣdum gedēfe,drēam healdende. Hēr is ǣghwylc eorlōþrum getrȳwe, mōdes milde,man-drihtne hol[d]; þegnas syndon geþwǣre,þēod eal gearo.

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146 It was not one of the most brilliant periods in the social history of Philadelphia. Mrs. Rush had had no successor, no woman presided over what could have been given the name of Salon as she had. Even the Wistar parties, exclusively for men, discontinued during the upheaval of the Civil War, had not yet been revived. But, notwithstanding the comparative quiet and depression, there were a few shining social lights.

Had I been asked in the year of my coming out who was the greatest woman in the world, I should have answered, without hesitation, Mrs. Bowie. She, too, may be mentioned by name without indiscretion for she, too, has become historical. She was far from beautiful at the date to which I refer, she was no longer in her first youth, was inclined to stoutness and I fear had not learned how to fight it as women who would be in the fashion must learn today. She was not rich and the fact is worth recording, so characteristic is it of Philadelphia. The names of leaders of society in near New York usually had millions attached to them, those there allowed to lead paid a solid price for it in their entertaining. But Mrs. Bowie's power depended upon her personal fascination—with family of course to back it—which was said to be irresistible. And yet not to know her was to be unknown. Intimacy with her was to have arrived. At least a bowing acquaintance, an occasional invitation to her house, was essential to success or its dawning. She entertained modestly as far as I could gather from my experience,—as far as I can now depend


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 She, in a quiet, friendly talk has found out all the old woman's tale. The committee are thus able to understand why she clings to the room she has lived in for so long, though the rent is high; why she works to keep a lodger, when she might live as cheaply alone; why she refuses to tell the names of those who help her. All is cleared up; and since her relations seem to be doing their duty, and the parish making the largest allowance which the guardians think it right to give outside the workhouse, a pension of two shillings a week is granted her for three months. The visitor will pay this pension, and in her weekly visit the friendship will grow. She, unconsciously, perhaps, will supervise the home, and at the end of three months, when the old woman will appear again to have her pension renewed, she will be able to tell of a life which has become quieter and happier.

Or perhaps a younger woman applies. She will tell how illness and misfortune have reduced herself and her husband to poverty. He has at length gone into the workhouse infirmary, where, possibly, he may linger on for months or years, and she has come to ask for help for herself. The committee see that the only result of a gift would be to destroy her power of self-help and tempt her to lean on the uncertain aid of others, while if they helped her adequately the tax on their own funds would be large, and she would be kept in idleness and prevented from fitting herself for future work. She pleads for a little temporary employment, but they tell her that as she has no children to need her care, she had better at once take a place as domestic servant. She says she is not strong enough for hard work. They elicit, however, that she is a good needlewoman, and therefore advise her to seek a place as young lady's maid, or wardrobe-keeper in a school. Her reply is, "Thank you, but I'd rather muddle on." The committee is no doubt right: its decision will help her to face her future, and to see that it is best now, while she is not old, to find an occupation by which

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