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The New International Encyclopædia/Splint (surgery)

SPLINT (Swed. splint, spike, forelock, flat iron peg, Dan. splint, splinter; connected with Eng. split). In surgery, a certain mechanical contrivance for keeping a fractured limb in its proper position, and for preventing any motion of the fractured ends; it may also be employed for securing perfect immobility of the parts to which it is applied in other cases, as in diseased joints, after resection of joints, etc. Many different kinds of splints are used, but wood and plaster of Paris are most common. In using wooden splints we take light strips slightly wider than the limb and long enough to reach beyond the joints that lie to either side of the injury. The fractured ends are brought as nearly as possible into their normal relation, thoroughly padded with absorbent cotton to prevent pressure or friction, and then the splints are applied and firmly bandaged to the limb, so as to prevent all motion. Wire netting, gutta percha, leather, and other materials are also frequently employed, as they can be molded to the shape of the limb. In the same way plaster of Paris can be applied to one side of a limb, carefully molded to it, and held in place by bandages. All movable splints, however, have the disadvantage that they must be readjusted from time to time, and thus the fractured limb is subjected to handling.

The plaster of Paris splint is desirable, therefore, in many cases. The limb is carefully protected with a light layer of non-absorbent cotton, especial care being used to guard bony prominences and to avoid any unevenness. Coarse, wide-meshed bandages well rubbed with dry plaster of Paris are immersed for a moment in water and then applied like ordinary bandages, each layer being rubbed into the one beneath so as to make a firm cohesive splint. The plaster should include the joints to either side of the injury. This splint may be both strengthened and lightened by the introduction of wooden or metal strips between the layers of plaster. Drying takes place rapidly and gives a firm resisting splint. In compound fractures or in operative cases a fenestrum may be left over the wound proper and an opportunity thus given to attend to the required dressings without disturbing the splint.


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Convention on the Service Abroad of Judicial and Extrajudicial Documents in Civil or Commercial Matters

The States signatory to the present Convention,

 * Desiring to create appropriate means to ensure that judicial and extrajudicial documents to be served abroad shall be brought to the notice of the addressee in sufficient time,

 * Desiring to improve the organisation of mutual judicial assistance for that purpose by simplifying and expediting the procedure,

Have resolved to conclude a Convention to this effect and have agreed upon the following provisions:

Article 1
The present Convention shall apply in all cases, in civil or commercial matters, where there is occasion to transmit a judicial or extrajudicial document for service abroad.

This Convention shall not apply where the address of the person to be served with the document is not known.

Article 2
Each Contracting State shall designate a Central Authority which will undertake to receive requests for service coming from other Contracting States and to proceed in conformity with the provisions of Articles 3 to 6.

Each State shall organise the Central Authority in conformity with its own law.

Article 3
The authority or judicial officer competent under the law of the State in which the documents originate shall forward to the Central Authority of the State addressed a request conforming to the model annexed to the present Convention, without any requirement of legalisation or other equivalent formality.

The document to be served or a copy thereof shall be annexed to the request. The request and the document shall both be furnished in duplicate.

Article 4
If the Central Authority considers that the request does not comply with the provisions of the present Convention it shall promptly inform the applicant and specify its objections to the request.

Article 5
The Central Authority of the State addressed shall itself serve the document or shall arrange to have it served by an appropriate agency, either -

 * a) by a method prescribed by its internal law for the service of documents in domestic actions upon persons who are within its territory, or
 * b) by a particular method requested by the applicant, unless such a method is incompatible with the law of the State addressed.

Subject to sub-paragraph (b) of the first paragraph of this Article, the document may always be served by delivery to an addressee who accepts it voluntarily.

If the document is to be served under the first paragraph above, the Central Authority may require the document to be written in, or translated into, the official language or one of the official languages of the State addressed.

That part of the request, in the form attached to the present Convention, which contains a summary of the document to be served, shall be served with the document.

Article 6
The Central Authority of the State addressed or any authority which it may have designated for that purpose, shall complete a certificate in the form of the model annexed to the present Convention.

The certificate shall state that the document has been served and shall include the method, the place and the date of service and the person to whom the document was delivered. If the document has not been served, the certificate shall set out the reasons which have prevented service.

The applicant may require that a certificate not completed by a Central Authority or by a judicial authority shall be countersigned by one of these authorities.

The certificate shall be forwarded directly to the applicant.

Article 7
The standard terms in the model annexed to the present Convention shall in all cases be written either in French or in English. They may also be written in the official language, or in one of the official languages, of the State in which the documents originate.

The corresponding blanks shall be completed either in the language of the State addressed or in French or in English.

Article 8
Each Contracting State shall be free to effect service of judicial documents upon persons abroad, without application of any compulsion, directly through its diplomatic or consular agents.

Any State may declare that it is opposed to such service within its territory, unless the document is to be served upon a national of the State in which the documents originate.

Article 9
Each Contracting State shall be free, in addition, to use consular channels to forward documents, for the purpose of service, to those authorities of another Contracting State which are designated by the latter for this purpose.

Each Contracting State may, if exceptional circumstances so require, use diplomatic channels for the same purpose.

Article 10
Provided the State of destination does not object, the present Convention shall not interfere with -

 * a) the freedom to send judicial documents, by postal channels, directly to persons abroad,
 * b) the freedom of judicial officers, officials or other competent persons of the State of origin to effect service of judicial documents directly through the judicial officers, officials or other competent persons of the State of destination,
 * c) the freedom of any person interested in a judicial proceeding to effect service of judicial documents directly through the judicial officers, officials or other competent persons of the State of destination.

Article 11
The present Convention shall not prevent two or more Contracting States from agreeing to permit, for the purpose of service of judicial documents, channels of transmission other than those provided for in the preceding Articles and, in particular, direct communication between their respective authorities.

Article 12
The service of judicial documents coming from a Contracting State shall not give rise to any payment or reimbursement of taxes or costs for the services rendered by the State addressed.

The applicant shall pay or reimburse the costs occasioned by --

 * a) the employment of a judicial officer or of a person competent under the law of the State of destination,
 * b) the use of a particular method of service.

Article 13
Where a request for service complies with the terms of the present Convention, the State addressed may refuse to comply therewith only if it deems that compliance would infringe its sovereignty or security.

It may not refuse to comply solely on the ground that, under its internal law, it claims exclusive jurisdiction over the subject-matter of the action or that its internal law would not permit the action upon which the application is based.

The Central Authority shall, in case of refusal, promptly inform the applicant and state the reasons for the refusal.

Article 14
Difficulties which may arise in connection with the transmission of judicial documents for service shall be settled through diplomatic channels.

Article 15
Where a writ of summons or an equivalent document had to be transmitted abroad for the purpose of service, under the provisions of the present Convention, and the defendant has not appeared, judgment shall not be given until it is established that -

 * a) the document was served by a method prescribed by the internal law of the State addressed for the service of documents in domestic actions upon persons who are within its territory, or
 * b) the document was actually delivered to the defendant or to his residence by another method provided for by this Convention,

and that in either of these cases the service or the delivery was effected in sufficient time to enable the defendant to defend.

Each Contracting State shall be free to declare that the judge, notwithstanding the provisions of the first paragraph of this Article, may give judgment even if no certificate of service or delivery has been received, if all the following conditions are fulfilled -

 * a) the document was transmitted by one of the methods provided for in this Convention,
 * b) a period of time of not less than six months, considered adequate by the judge in the particular case, has elapsed since the date of the transmission of the document,
 * c) no certificate of any kind has been received, even though every reasonable effort has been made to obtain it through the competent authorities of the State addressed.

Notwithstanding the provisions of the preceding paragraphs the judge may order, in case of urgency, any provisional or protective measures.

Article 16
When a writ of summons or an equivalent document had to be transmitted abroad for the purpose of service, under the provisions of the present Convention, and a judgment has been entered against a defendant who has not appeared, the judge shall have the power to relieve the defendant from the effects of the expiration of the time for appeal from the judgment if the following conditions are fulfilled -

 * a) the defendant, without any fault on his part, did not have knowledge of the document in sufficient time to defend, or knowledge of the judgment in sufficient time to appeal, and
 * b) the defendant has disclosed a prima facie defence to the action on the merits.

An application for relief may be filed only within a reasonable time after the defendant has knowledge of the judgment.

Each Contracting State may declare that the application will not be entertained if it is filed after the expiration of a time to be stated in the declaration, but which shall in no case be less than one year following the date of the judgment.

This Article shall not apply to judgments concerning status or capacity of persons.

Article 17
Extrajudicial documents emanating from authorities and judicial officers of a Contracting State may be transmitted for the purpose of service in another Contracting State by the methods and under the provisions of the present Convention.

Article 18
Each Contracting State may designate other authorities in addition to the Central Authority and shall determine the extent of their competence.

The applicant shall, however, in all cases, have the right to address a request directly to the Central Authority.

Federal States shall be free to designate more than one Central Authority.

Article 19
To the extent that the internal law of a Contracting State permits methods of transmission, other than those provided for in the preceding Articles, of documents coming from abroad, for service within its territory, the present Convention shall not affect such provisions.

Article 20
The present Convention shall not prevent an agreement between any two or more Contracting States to dispense with -

 * a) the necessity for duplicate copies of transmitted documents as required by the second paragraph of Article 3,
 * b) the language requirements of the third paragraph of Article 5 and Article 7,
 * c) the provisions of the fourth paragraph of Article 5,
 * d) the provisions of the second paragraph of Article 12.

Article 21
Each Contracting State shall, at the time of the deposit of its instrument of ratification or accession, or at a later date, inform the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands of the following -

 * a) the designation of authorities, pursuant to Articles 2 and 18,
 * b) the designation of the authority competent to complete the certificate pursuant to Article 6,
 * c) the designation of the authority competent to receive documents transmitted by consular channels, pursuant to Article 9.

Each Contracting State shall similarly inform the Ministry, where appropriate, of -

 * a) opposition to the use of methods of transmission pursuant to Articles 8 and 10,
 * b) declarations pursuant to the second paragraph of Article 15 and the third paragraph of Article 16,
 * c) all modifications of the above designations, oppositions and declarations.

Article 22
Where Parties to the present Convention are also Parties to one or both of the Conventions on civil procedure signed at The Hague on 17th July 1905, and on 1st March 1954, this Convention shall replace as between them Articles 1 to 7 of the earlier Conventions.

Article 23
The present Convention shall not affect the application of Article 23 of the Convention on civil procedure signed at The Hague on 17th July 1905, or of Article 24 of the Convention on civil procedure signed at The Hague on 1st March 1954.

These Articles shall, however, apply only if methods of communication, identical to those provided for in these Conventions, are used.

Article 24
Supplementary agreements between Parties to the Conventions of 1905 and 1954 shall be considered as equally applicable to the present Convention, unless the Parties have otherwise agreed.

Article 25
Without prejudice to the provisions of Articles 22 and 24, the present Convention shall not derogate from Conventions containing provisions on the matters governed by this Convention to which the Contracting States are, or shall become, Parties.

Article 26
The present Convention shall be open for signature by the States represented at the Tenth Session of the Hague Conference on Private International Law.

It shall be ratified, and the instruments of ratification shall be deposited with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands.

Article 27
The present Convention shall enter into force on the sixtieth day after the deposit of the third instrument of ratification referred to in the second paragraph of Article 26.

The Convention shall enter into force for each signatory State which ratifies subsequently on the sixtieth day after the deposit of its instrument of ratification.

Article 28
Any State not represented at the Tenth Session of the Hague Conference on Private International Law may accede to the present Convention after it has entered into force in accordance with the first paragraph of Article 27. The instrument of accession shall be deposited with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands.

The Convention shall enter into force for such a State in the absence of any objection from a State, which has ratified the Convention before such deposit, notified to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands within a period of six months after the date on which the said Ministry has notified it of such accession.

In the absence of any such objection, the Convention shall enter into force for the acceding State on the first day of the month following the expiration of the last of the periods referred to in the preceding paragraph.

Article 29
Any State may, at the time of signature, ratification or accession, declare that the present Convention shall extend to all the territories for the international relations of which it is responsible, or to one or more of them. Such a declaration shall take effect on the date of entry into force of the Convention for the State concerned.

At any time thereafter, such extensions shall be notified to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands.

The Convention shall enter into force for the territories mentioned in such an extension on the sixtieth day after the notification referred to in the preceding paragraph.

Article 30
The present Convention shall remain in force for five years from the date of its entry into force in accordance with the first paragraph of Article 27, even for States which have ratified it or acceded to it subsequently.

If there has been no denunciation, it shall be renewed tacitly every five years.

Any denunciation shall be notified to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands at least six months before the end of the five year period.

It may be limited to certain of the territories to which the Convention applies.

The denunciation shall have effect only as regards the State which has notified it. The Convention shall remain in force for the other Contracting States.

Article 31
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands shall give notice to the States referred to in Article 26, and to the States which have acceded in accordance with Article 28, of the following -

 * a) the signatures and ratifications referred to in Article 26;
 * b) the date on which the present Convention enters into force in accordance with the first paragraph of Article 27;
 * c) the accessions referred to in Article 28 and the dates on which they take effect;
 * d) the extensions referred to in Article 29 and the dates on which they take effect;
 * e) the designations, oppositions and declarations referred to in Article 21;
 * f) the denunciations referred to in the third paragraph of Article 30.

In witness whereof the undersigned, being duly authorised thereto, have signed the present Convention.

Done at The Hague, on the 15th day of November, 1965, in the English and French languages, both texts being equally authentic, in a single copy which shall be deposited in the archives of the Government of the Netherlands, and of which a certified copy shall be sent, through the diplomatic channel, to each of the States represented at the Tenth Session of the Hague Conference on Private International Law.

Verdrag inzake de betekening en de kennisgeving in het buitenland van gerechtelijke en buitengerechtelijke stukken in burgerlijke en in handelszaken

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: Talk:Convention on the Service Abroad of Judicial and Extrajudicial Documents in Civil or Commercial Matters


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70 new routes on the ocean, pointed out by Superintendent Maury of the Observatory on his Wind and Current Charts, and collecting information to enable him to perfect these charts. After the return of the brig 'Dolphin', as already mentioned, she was fitted out and detailed on this service under the command of Lieutenant S. P. Lee, an officer of great experience and intelligence as a surveyor and hydrographer, and interesting and valuable results are expected from this cruise."

And from same Report later on:—

"The Naval Observatory and Hydrographical Office [has? being one] been in active and vigorous operation during the year. A second volume of the Astronomical Observations has been published, and already laid before you. The Wind and Current Charts, planned by Lieutenant Maury, the Superintendent of the Observatory, and prosecuted under his direction with much industry, are being extended to the Pacific and Indian Oceans. This work is viewed with great interest and satisfaction."

"Gratifying evidences of the high estimation in which the labours of the Naval Observatory are held at home and abroad continue to be received. Several new sheets of the Wind and Current Charts, and an enlarged edition of the Sailing Directions which accompany them, have been published during the year. The usefulness of this work expands with its enlargement. Other maritime nations, appreciating the value of this plan of investigation, have united in a common system of observations for its further prosecution. It is earnestly suggested by Lieutenant Maury that this


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The New International Encyclopædia/Splint (horse)

SPLINT. A bony enlargement on the horse's leg between the knee and the fetlock, usually appearing on the inside of the fore leg, frequently situated between the large and small canon bones.

It is usually caused by concussion, and is most common in young horses that have been driven rapidly along hard roads before their bones have become firm.


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 I want to deal with only one aspect of the matter, about which not a great deal has been said. The Under-Secretary referred to it, and I should like the right hon. Gentleman to devote some attention to it. The subject has come before us only today. My hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Brockway) had a point when he said that we should not discuss this on Friday. It was only this morning in Hansard that we got a statement about the financial arrangements. We: ought to have had it earlier. I speak with the disadvantage that I have been trying to analyse this matter while listening to the debate. It is not fair to the: House; we ought to have been given more opportunity.

I believe that Malaysia, if it is to succeed, must be generously aided by us to help it through the very crucial years that lie ahead. I should like to put one or two points to the Secretary of State about the statement of the aid that we purpose to give. I wonder what he feels will be thought about this when it is seen outside and read in South-East Asia having regard to what has been said here about how this matter may be regarded by other peoples in South-East Asia. Does he think that the balance between defence and civil aid is right? Does he not think there is a danger that it may be said—we had better face this now—that we are perhaps more concerned, judging it merely by this statement, about the strategic considerations involved? I do not say that strategic considerations are not important—I should be the last to say that, remembering Malaya in 1950—but I feel that the civil aid should be on a much more generous scale.

It is the hope of all of us that Malaysia will grow into a strong democratic country with representative institutions, modelled on ours and adapted to their needs. South-East Asia is almost the most crucial junction in the world, and if democracy in Malaysia and all those other countries is to be sustained, I would say what I said in the debate the other day in relation to the great wind of change in the world. The best term I know was that used by President Truman: "The revolution of rising expectations of a higher standard of life". There are rich spots in this new nation, and there are also poor spots, and there are still very great problems. I hope, therefore, that, in wishing the new Federation well and in passing this Bill, we shall all realise how important it is that this venture does succeed.

I hope that the Secretary of State will pay attention to what was said about defence by my right hon. Friend the Member for Smethwick. I think that we are all agreed that this is of great importance. In particular, I hope that we shall give adequate civil aid. We are grateful for what is to be provided under the Bill but I believe that the total amount is inadequate and that the balance between military and civil aid is not what it should be.

I join with my right hon. and hon. Friends in wishing this new nation every possible success. We welcome it to the Commonwealth. It will have great opportunities and the challenge of creating a democratic nation in one of the key points in the world. In wishing it well, I hope that we will support our wishes with tangible aid in order to make the new nation a success.

 * 2.31 p.m.

Mr. A. G. Bottomley (Middlesbrough, East) My right hon. Friend the Member for Smethwick (Mr. Gordon Walker) referred to the tragic death of our colleague John Strachey. We all regret Mr. Strachey's passing, and it is significant, in discussing this Bill, that his last job as a Member of this House was to meet the delegates from Malaysia. I know that he wished this venture well, which is a hope that we all echo today.

My right hon. Friend has put some questions which I am sure the Secretary of State will answer. I want to put one point immediately which I think is a justifiable criticism from this side. We know that the Bill was delayed because it was not possible to agree on the conditions of federation, but I would have thought that we might have been told today about some of the conditions on which the Federation has been established.

My hon. Friends the Members for Eton and Slough (Mr. Brockway) and Leyton (Mr. Sorensen) have spoken about the recent visit to Malaysia which the three of us paid. To me it was a wonderful experience. I had two most delightful companions, and it was a privilege to have them with me because of their rich experience and knowledge of colonial questions. Indeed, they were talking about colonial matters in this House before—yes, I think this is true—any others


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 of us at present today were Members of this House.

I thus had the benefit of advice on all aspects, with particular emphasis on the views they hold on various problems. But what was particularly pleasing was to see the way in which both of them were received by the peoples of the territories and how not one Minister but several paid tribute to them both for the help they had given in the past.

We are called upon today to decide a matter of great importance to the peoples of the Borneo Territories, Singapore and Malaya. I have given the question of Malaysia very anxious thought and careful consideration. The formation of this Federation has not been hurried. Those concerned have carefully considered every detail and did not agree until the last hour. Indeed, one of the parties—the State of Brunei—has decided not to join.

We are not only having an extension of Malaya. We are, in fact, creating a new State, and I take it for granted that the other Commonwealth Governments have been consulted and that they will cordially welcome the new State into the Commonwealth. I am sure that the Secretary of State will have something to say about that.

I have said that the establishment of Malaysia was not hurried. Indeed, it goes back further than 1961. In 1958, the Governors of North Borneo, Sarawak and Brunei put forward the pros and cons of close association and then, in 1961, Malaysia was initiated by the Governments of Malaya and the United Kingdom.

This move was originally welcomed by all the progressive forces in the five territories concerned. It was felt that such a federation would bring about the earlier ending of British colonial rule in North Borneo and Sarawak. It was also seen as a means of preserving, in independence, the viability of the less developed territories through the creation of a larger unit.

At the outset, even the Communist-inspired parties in the area supported the plan. But when it became clear that federation might become a barrier to Communist expansionist aims in South-East Asia, that support was withdrawn. Since then, the plan for federation has come under attack from Communist sources channelled, in the main through the Indonesian Communist Party. But let us not forget that much of the power and the cunning comes from Peking.

An inquiry into the attitude of the peoples who would be joining the Federation was made by a commission under Lord Cobbold. He went to North Borneo and Sarawak between February and April last year. The Commission, which included the Chief Minister of Penang and the Permanent Secretary of the Malayan Ministry of External Affairs, endorsed the finding that one-third of the population in each territory was strongly in favour of an early realisation of Malaysia without making conditions, another one-third was mainly favourable but asked for conditions and safeguards varying in extent, and the remaining one-third was divided between those who insisted upon independence before federation and those—I was rather glad to note that they were a large number—who still preferred to see British rule continue for many years.

During September, 1962, the legislative assemblies of North Borneo and Sarawak adopted resolutions unanimously welcoming in principle the decision to establish Malaysia by 31st August this year. The terms for the accession of Singapore were worked out by a joint Malaya-Singapore working team whose decisions were set out in a Singapore White Paper.

As has been said, these findings were subsequently endorsed by referendum. There can be no doubt about the majority in favour, although, as my hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough and others have said, the referendum itself was criticised. But, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Smethwick said, before the advent of the referendum a vote was cast in the Legislative Assembly in favour of Malaysia, with none voting against.

Personally, like my hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough, I consider it unfortunate that we have to rush through the legislation as we are doing today. However, we must face the fact that the territories concerned are


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The New International Encyclopædia/Splügen

SPLÜGEN,. An Alpine pass leading between the Tambohorn and the Surettahorn from the Swiss Canton of Grisons into Italy at an altitude of 6946 feet (Map:, D 1). The southern or Italian descent has three great galleries built to protect the road from avalanches, and completed by the Austrian Government in 1834.


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 anxious to start the Federation on the date agreed and it would be wrong for us to try to upset that timetable or go against their wishes. Those who, like myself, think that the House has not had sufficient time to discuss the matter would have been quite happy to have had the Parliamentary Recess put back a little in order to afford more time for the subject. That, of course, would not have been popular with all hon. Members.

But, after all the territories concerned have agreed on federation, it is at this time that a fierce attack has been launched on Malaysia. It comes from a source perhaps not unexpected but, in view of earlier support, it is unfortunate that Dr. Sukarno should be responsible for this attack. He says that the Prime Minister of Malaya said that there was an understanding among the representatives of the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaya that Malaysia would not be formed before some kind of United Nations investigation. The Tunku, the Prime Minister of Malaya, does not share this view. It is rather significant that the third party to the talks has not made similar representations, although it is only right to say that it has expressed concern and has said that it thinks that this misunderstanding can be discussed, and I imagine it is hoped settled, at the forthcoming summit conference. The Tunku himself has said that he would be willing for the United Nations to test local opinion if those concerned were willing. This is encouraging and it can only be hoped that as a result of the leaders of these three territories, Malaya, the Philippines and Indonesia, coming together, we might even yet happily find some solution to the problem.

Before leaving London to visit the Malaysian territories in May of this year, I thought that it would be useful to go to Indonesia, and certainly my colleagues and I wanted to do so. After all, we were anxious to get the Indonesian view of Malaysia first-hand. Unfortunately, we were unable to go because we were going by B.O.A.C. aircraft and there was a strike at the time and that aircraft was not allowed to land in Indonesia. The reason for the strike, as put out by the official Indonesian news agency, was that Indonesians were being expelled from North Borneo and that as they were being expelled a British warship, a patrol craft, shelled the ship in which they were being taken and that two children and a woman were killed. I think that I can speak for my hon. Friends and say that we, looked into this very carefully and satisfied ourselves that there was no truth in this allegation.

However, it was clear that we could not go to Jakarta by B.O.A.C., and so we tried to go by Air-India. We were told that this was not possible because of the association between Air-India and B.O.A.C. I said that we might be able to go with the help of the Royal Air Force, but we were told that in those circumstances not only could the plane's safety not be guaranteed, but even our lives and those of the crew might be in danger. It will be readily understood that we were not anxious to go in such conditions. My hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough is closely connected with and is a personal friend of President Sukarno and I know Dr. Subandrio, and we thought that a personal telegram to them saying that we would like to come might result in their trying to facilitate our visit. Something must have gone wrong, because we did not get a reply.

I feel confident that President Sukarno is prepared to accept Malaysia, but he is under great pressure from a very powerful Communist Party in Indonesia. It is because of this that at times he appears to vacillate and to be unable 988 to make up his mind. I express the hope that he will attend the Manila Conference, to be held shortly, because I think that Malaysia established is something which President Sukarno himself requires and that is a blending together, a confederation, of Indonesia, the Philippines and Malaysia. I am sure that his real fears are not of Malaysia but of Peking.

Chinese expansionist aims might turn the whole area into a virtual satellite of that colossal nation in the north. For myself, and I think that my hon. Friends would share this view, there can be no doubt that the threat in South-East Asia today is from Communist China. I have been to this part of the world before, and many others who have would share with me the view that India has great influence in that part of the world, but that the Chinese have succeeded in weakening it considerably by over-running the Indian frontier last year. This was doubtless one of the objectives of the Chinese strategy in committing aggression against India. Russian and United States influence is about equal. Both countries are respected as the greatest Powers in the world. It is even possible to get benefits from both by playing one


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 off against the other. We British are still liked and respected, but surprise was expressed that we were not able to give more help. I wish that we could do so, but we have to recognise that we do not have the resources to help as much as we would like. I believe that we can help by backing Malaysia and doing as much as possible to make it a success.

As has been said, all federations have weaknesses and it is difficult to see the ultimate result once federation has begun. There is no doubt that the Chinese communities may be drawn towards Peking China, but this would happen anyhow, and in my judgment there is less likelihood of Chauvinism if Malaysia flourishes. The territories forming the federation are more likely to succeed in building up a nation in which all the communities are blended than if they are isolated and weak.

My hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough and my hon. Friend the Member for Leyton made extensive inquiries to find out the attitudes of those concerned towards Federation. I may say, that I played my part, too. In Singapore I met the Government Party, the People's Action Party, and the leaders of the United People's Party, the Singapore People's Alliance and the United Malayan National Organsiation. All of these parties expressed themselves in favour of Malaysia.

We attended a great demonstration organised by the most powerful Opposition party, the Barrisan Sosialis. At the demonstration were the Workers' Party representatives, the Partai Rikyat, and the United Democratic Party. All these at one time have said that they are in favour of Malaysia in principle but, in the case of Singapore in particular, on the basis of entering on equal terms, which they said were not apparent. They also said that there had to be a general election before a final decision could be taken.

We also had the opportunity while meeting the Barrisan Sosialis to meet the leader of the trade union movement associated with this group of parties. All of these are opposed to Malaysia. My hon. Friend the Member for Leyton read extracts from some of the documents. One which is quite inaccurate and misleading is that in which it is said that the real reason for Malaysia is a British military adventure in that part of the world. This is circulated to all the peoples of Asia and as widely as possible among some organisations in this country. This document stands condemned. Far from wanting to engage upon military adventures, the desire of the British people as a whole is to see peace, in that part of the world.

The secretary-general of the other trade union organisation, which claims, I think justifiably, to have the largest trade union membership, told us that his organisation was in favour of Malaysia. We met the representatives of the Press, Chinese, Malayan and English. While I have no doubt that they were mainly pro-Government, it was interesting to hear their views. They said that they were all in favour of Malaysia and were representative of the majority views of their readers.

We went on to Sarawak and met leaders of the political parties there, the Negara Party of Sarawak, the Alliance Party, and the Sarawak United People's Party. I ask the hon. Member for Woolwich, West (Mr. Turner) not to dismiss the latter party and associates as Communist organisations. This is doing a disservice. Many of these organisations have genuinely progressive men and women in them, and if they were in this House they would join those who sit on these benches. We should do all that we can to strengthen their hold on the party and not let them feel that they are being pushed aside.

I know that there are others in Malaya who share this view and hope to make contact with these progressive-minded people in the hope that in time Malaya might have a form of government similar to the one we hope this country will have in the not too distant future. We also met all kinds of other representatives in the territories, and all were in favour of Malaysia, except the Sarawak United People's Party and the trades unions, who are associated with it, who left us in no doubt; that they were against it.

The interesting thing to date—and I am sure that the Colonial Secretary is much better informed and will be able to


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512 never tire Your covers in recent issues have been especially good. Virgil Finlay is even better on the cover than on inside work, and the competition seems to have aroused Mrs. Brundage to surpass her previous efforts, good though they were. From the above you will gather that you have at least one well satisfied reader. May and yourself always prosper."

C. L. Leighton, of Chicago, writes: "Although I've read through every issue for the last 8 or 9 years, this is my first letter, though I sent a coupon, with remarks of enthusiastic admiration, when you printed The Solitary Hunters. (I still consider this your very finest over all the years.) The Eyrie is always interesting; probably like other readers, I find myself looking each month for Miss Hemken's contribution. The varying and conflicting tastes of your readers (including my own) are amusing; Mr. Hoyer will likely laugh at my considering Return to Earth best for June, but I liked the careless, casual style in which Usru criticized our backward planet, still doping out idiotic wars. Like him I found The Last Pharaoh getting better, but Mr. Kelley copies from Doyle's Brigadier Gerard.... In every issue I find at least one story worth clipping out and saving; so I have accumulated quite a stock over the years. Among the best are Northwest's trip to Jupiter, and his encounter with the beauty filled with evil smoke; yet I can't get a kick out of Jirel of Joiry—how Mr. Moore will hook up 22nd Century Smith and Middle Ages Jirel, is something I rather look forward to. Of course I've preserved every Conan story—everything by the great master Howard. Noting Mr. Sivia's letter, I wonder if Duar the Accursed might sometime succeed Conan in our hearts? (He ought to drop that Irish accent, though.) You will note I like to cover the past in my preferences—I find so much repetition regarding the last issue rather tiring. Mrs. Shover makes just criticism of hackneyed 'horror' words—one reason I admired The Solitary Hunters, written in careless up-to-date slang."

Richard H. Jamison, of Valley Park, Missouri, writes: "With the two huge gaps so recently made in the ranks of authors, it would be fine if a few of the old favorites could be coaxed into writing some more tales. How about writing some more like The Space-Eaters, Mr. Long? And what of the two Wandreis, H. Warner Munn, Mary E. Counselman, etc.? Aren't they writing weird tales any more?"

Ian C. Knox, of London, England, writes: "Congratulations on getting a substitute for Howard. I refer, of course, to Clifford Ball. I only hope he does not either get stereotyped or run short of ideas and dry up. His first two stories were excellent."

Robert Oberon, of Denmark, Maine, writes: "I had to write a line and tell you how well I liked The Mandarin's Ear, that swell story by Frank Owen in the August issue. Let us hear from Owen more often."

D. Rouse, of Elkins Park, Pennsylvania, writes: "I like the story, Duar the Accursed by Clifford Ball, and would like some more stories by the same author. It is certainly weird, but good reading."

Charles Waldman, of Far Rockaway, New York, writes: "I have been reading your unusual magazine for several years now. Needless ro say it has pleased me greatly. The magazine is hruly unusual and out of the ordinary."

Bruce Bryan, of Washington, D. C, writes: "The Statement of Randolph Carter, in the current WT, is swell. I must've missed it when it first appeared. Second, I like The Mandarin's Ear. And The Abyss Under the World starts out well."

Fred John Walsen, of Denver, writes: "Congratulations upon your success in keeping the same high level for the stories, while the other publications sink lower and lower. It is a real treat to be able to read some of the true Poe type of fiction, and I trust that you will continue to publish in the same high standard."

Readers, what is your favorite story in this issue? Write a letter to the Eyrie,, and let us know your preferences. The most popular story in our August issue, as shown by your votes and letters, was the concluding installment of The Last Pharaoh, by Thomas P. Kelley. This was closely pressed for first honors by Frank Owen's charming Chinese fantasy, The Mandarin's Ear.


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Spodumene

SPODUMENE (from Gk. σποδούμενος, spodoumenos, pres. part. mid. of σποδοῦν, spodoun, to burn to ashes, from σποδóς, spodos, ashes). A mineral lithium and aluminum silicate crystallized in the monoclinic system. It has a vitreous lustre and is light green, gray, yellow, or purple in color. It occurs commonly in the coarse granitic veins, and is found in Sweden, the Tyrol, Scotland, Brazil, and in Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut, North Carolina, and South Dakota. The yellow green to emerald green crystalline variety found in Alexander County, N. C., is highly valued as a gem, and is known as hiddenite, from its discoverer, W. E. Hidden, of New York.


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Rh sort of strange paralysis. I just couldn't realize that I would read no more of his faultless masterpieces or receive another letter in his small, unusual hand. Yes, he even found time to write to an ordinary person like myself. No one can ever take his place. Stories as good as his may be written, but no one author can equal his string of A-1 weird tales. The Ocean Ogre was easily the best tale in the issue. I always liked sea horrors especially anyway. Graveyards, vampires and werewolves are fairly familiar, in fact they seem like old friends to me; but the sea, with its slimy slithery beings from the deep dark depths, always frightens me. In man's own element, land, most any fear can be borne, but the alien atmosphere of the water has two strikes on you to start with. The Hounds of Tindalos runs a close second, and is the best story I've yet read by Long. The angles and curves business was something new to me and heightened the interest quite a bit. The Whistling Corpse cops the yellow ribbon. It is reminiscent of Marion Crawford's Upper Berth. The living fog put in an eery touch."

C. R. Forster, of Bardon Mill, Northumberland, writes: "It is almost exactly a year since I discovered my first, in an English book shop. I am a science-fiction fan, and it was with some doubt, and with unpleasant memories of various horror and terror magazines, that I started into it. But I liked that issue and subsequent ones so well that I started to get the magazine regularly from your English agent. WT is now my favorite magazine and I wouldn't miss an issue for anything. I was lucky enough to get hold of a few scattered back numbers for the years 1928-30. Although they contained many excellent stories, I believe that the magazine of today is an improvement over them, both in contents and appearance. This in itself was a pleasant surprize, for my experience with science-fiction magazines has been pretty much the opposite. My favorite authors are (or were) H. P. Lovecraft, Clark Ashton Smith, C. L. Moore, Robert E. Howard and Seabury Quinn. These five stood on a pinnacle above the rest, and the loss of Lovecraft and Howard is indeed a blow to fantasy-lovers. I hope you will reprint many of their best stories. Of Lovecraft, in particular, I could


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 say whether this is in fact the case—is that as a result of the elections the parties in favour of Malaysia have succeeded in getting the greatest number of votes. This is reflected in the Council Negri, which is the kind of Government which will run the territories. The Alliance Party, the powerful party which supports Malaysia, has 19 seats, a majority of two over all the other parties concerned, to there can be no doubt that as a result of the elections—and in this case I am sure my hon. Friends will agree with me that the elections were fought pretty fiercely over whether Malaysia was to be established or not—it can be said that in Sarawak the majority favour Malaysia.

In Brunei, the Partai Rikyat, which contested the elections last year, won all the seats except one, and ultimately the holder of that seat thought that it was better to join the majority and he came over. The fact that the Partai Rikyat won so many seats would seem to indicate that most politically alert people in Brunei were against Malaysia. We may be wrong in our judgment on this, but my hon. Friends and I feel that the revolt which took place after the elections was connived at by the Sultan. It is said that the Sultan of Brunei encouraged Azahari to form a party which won the Election. He thought that as a result of the revolt it would set in motion a movement for Sarawak, North Borneo, and Brunei to be joined together once more and for him to be the Sultan of the territories, but when he saw the dangers of the revolt and that he might be deposed instructions were given that it must be suppressed. Having talked to people out there it is interesting to realise that once those who were in the rebellion found that they had not the support of the Sultan and were challenged by the police, they laid down their arms. This, of course, did not apply to the hard core, who carried on, with the result that the Sultan became so alarmed that he asked Her Majesty's Government for troops to help quell the rebellion. Three of us formed this opinion, and I think it would be very unfortunate if we enabled the Sultan to carry on in a situation in which a political party, the Partai Rikyat, is banned.

We met the leaders of the four new political parties. They were in favour of Malaysia, but we could not accept their judgment as a true guide to the opinions of the people in Brunei. We hope that the Sultan of Brunei will not expect us to go on forever holding up his position as an autocratic ruler. It is encouraging to know that the Sultan is coming to this country, I think very shortly, and I ask the Colonial Secretary to impress on him the need for elections to be held in the territory as soon as possible. I hope to tell the Sultan that, in his own interests, it would be much better to go into Malaysia and accept his position as a constitutional monarch and not stand out for this right of autocracy.

We then went on to Malaya and met the Prime Minister and members of his Cabinet. They gave us their views as to why they thought Malaysia was absolutely necessary. They said that it was necessary for the peace and security of their part of the world. They felt that it would bring independence to a number of countries—North Borneo, Sarawak, Brunei and Singapore—which were at present under Colonial rule. They said that their discussions with people in the territories concerned had shown clearly that they were desirous of federating with Malaya. We also met leaders and representatives of all the Opposition parties. They were opposed to Malaysia, although not altogether in principle, because they thought that the coming together of the territories was logical, and might be essential. But they said that as at present conceived it was neo-Colonialism, and they did not believe that they would get their full freedom from British control and domination.

As was said by one hon. Gentleman opposite, our visit followed that of a member of the United Nations Secretariat, Mr. Narasimhan who went on a fact-finding mission, following which he said that in his opinion the majority of people whom he met favoured Malaysia.

During the debate today some hon. Members have, quite rightly, said that federations do not always succeed, and they quoted the Central African Federation which we have been in the process of dissolving this week. But I ask them to take note of the successful federations. We commence with the United States in 1787, then Canada in 1867, Switzerland in 1874, Australia in 1901, and then of course we have the Federal Republic of Germany, the Federal States of the Soviet Union, and the more recent examples of India, Pakistan and Nigeria As my hon. Friends have said, the Federation of Central Africa was imposed on the majority by a minority group, and it was obvious that it was doomed from the outset. I was pleased to hear the Parliamentary Secretary this morning acknowledging the


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 Government's mistake in this respect, but the facts have proved themselves by the way in which we dissolved that Federation.

This is not the case with Malaysia, but I should like to strike one note of warning. The People's Action Party in Singapore is a very progressive one. It provides excellent social services for the country, and it is making great social and economic advances. It is making large inroads into school and housing shortages. A flat is built every 45 minutes; a feat which we might try to emulate in this country. They have given great thought to the expansion of Singapore's industrial output. They have introduced equal pay for men and women in the civil services, and they have made many other progressive moves.

The Malayian Government are an alliance of traditionalist Malays and capitalist Chinese. They are a little alarmed at the developments in Singapore. We can only express the hope that Malaya will not prove to be a brake upon this drive by the Singapore Government towards improving the standards of the peoples in the area. Malaysia is being created to contain Communism. We sincerely hope that it will not be the means of frustrating or driving out a Socialist Government. Since British forces will be stationed in this new Federation for a longtime, and will continue to support the powers of Malaysia in relation to Singapore, it is extremely important that Britain's remaining influences should be used to restrain any unwise use by Kuala Lumpur of its federal powers.

Britain has now to take another decision of great importance to millions of people who have been under her rule and protection. We hope that they will be better able to accept independence if they are standing together, strengthening each other politically and economically in the hard world of the twentieth century. The difficulties engendered by a multi-racial society are only too apparent, but we must look forward to the emergence of a Malaysian identity from the Malay, Chinese and Indian communities, who mainly people the territories. A common administration and a common language, corporate action, joint officials, and representatives will help to amalgamate the various races. It is for this reason that we shall watch with anxiety and hope the birth of the Federation.

I, too, join myhon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Brock-way) in saying how grateful we are to all those officials and peoples in Malaysia who made us so welcome and provided us with every opportunity of examining on the spot all those things which have helped us to make up our minds. I express my thanks to our own Colonial and Commonwealth civil servants, working here in London, who, whenever I asked for assistance and help of any kind, only too readily gave it to me. We all hope that Malaysia will succeed.

Mr. Harold Davies (Leek) In view of the fact that this is one of the most important pieces of social and economic strategy and political engineering to South-East Asia, I should like to know whether the debate will be completely finished when the Minister has spoken. I know that he wants to get the Bill, and I want him to get it, but on a day like this, when we are discussing a question which is vital to the whole of Asia, I must put my protest on the record. I want the Minister to get the Bill, but I should like to know if there is any way of extending the debate.

 * 3.2 p.m.

The Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Duncan Sandys) I join with the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Bottomley) and the right hon. Member for Llanelly (Mr. J.Griffiths) in expressing my sorrow at the death of John Strachey. He took a very active part in all Commonwealth affairs in this House, and in many other matters. We all admired his very clear and original mind, and his fearless and honest expression of opinion. As I got to know him more closely and personally I developed a real friendship with him. I therefore mourn his death not only on public but also on personal grounds.

Several hon. Members—including the hon. Member for Leek (Mr. Harold Davies)a few moments ago—have referred to the somewhat hurried nature of these proceedings. I also regret it, but I want to explain the reason. First, there was a delay in the signing of the agreement. We had hoped to get it signed considerably earlier, but there were difficulties in


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Rh system of meteorological research, if extended to the land, would afford for the agricultural interests of the country, and for science too, results quite as important as those which commerce and navigation have already received from it."

It was while analyzing and tabulating these millions of observations that Maury wrote his popular work, The 'Physical Geography of the Sea and its Meteorology.' "One of the most charming and instructive books in the English language," in the opinions of Humboldt and Quetelet. The Edinburgh Review, in noticing Maury's work, says:—"The extent of scientific information which this work conveys, or its easy unaffected style, cannot be at all gathered from the mere enumeration of the subjects of which it treats. The book must be read to be appreciated. It would be speaking of it in a very general way to say that it treats of the sea, its nature, currents, actinometry, and climates; the bed and bottom of the Atlantic; the influence of the Gulf Stream upon climates and commerce. It treats also of the atmosphere, winds, and their geological agency, storm and monsoons, calm belts and sea breezes, rains and rivers, the Arctic regions and the open Polar Sea, the Antarctic regions and their climatology, &c., &c." In the introductory remarks to this volume Maury says:—"I wish to announce a rule of conduct by which I have been guided from the commencement of this work, and by which I mean to be guided to the end; for not only has experience proved it wise, but it is in principle so good, that to it I attribute much of the success which has attended these labours. This rule has been to keep the mind unbiased by theories and speculations; never to have any wish that an investigation should result in favour of this view in preference to that; and never to attempt by premature speculation to anticipate the results of investigations, but always to trust


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 the negotiations which held us up.

There is also the need to get the Bill through before the Recess, because the date for the creation of Malaysia is 31st August. The right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East said that he would be quite prepared to have the Recess delayed, and to put back his holiday, liven if that had been the general wish of the House—and there is no evidence that it is—there is another factor to be taken into account. We are not the only people who will be required to pass legislation. We are passing this modest Bill, but if hon. Members will read the Blue Book they will appreciate what a long and complicated Malaysia Bill the Malayan Parliament will have to pass, and they cannot do that until we have pronounced upon the future sovereignty of these three territories.

I think everyone will agree that we have had an interesting debate. First, I should like to pay my compliments to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Middlesbrough, East for an extremely thoughtful speech in which he roamed into the wider fields of the future, with regard to the possibility of extending this Federation to embrace other territories in the area, a speech to which I am sure we all listened with great interest. Altogether, I think that it has been a very valuable debate in which we have had the benefit of contributions from hon. Members on both sides of the House, who all, in one way or another—some as Ministers, others as residents in these parts of the world and others as travellers—have been able to bring to the debate personal knowledge and experience.

I join with the right hon. Member for Smethwick (Mr. Gordon Walker) in congratulating all those leading representatives of the various Governments who have taken part in the negotiations. Although, as he said, there was hard bargaining and difficulty in arriving at agreement, none the less we must recognise that, in the end, all made concessions and accepted compromises in order to achieve an objective which is common to them all.

I should also like to take this opportunity to express my thanks to my colleague the Minister of State, Lord Lansdowne, for the very important part which he played as Chairman of the Inter-Governmental Committee. He went backwards and forwards to North Borneo and Sarawak, and he, together with Tun Abdul Razak bin Hussein, the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaya, played a very important part in explaining to the representatives of the peoples of North Borneo and Sarawak just what was involved, in allaying their fears and anxieties and in ensuring that those safegards which they felt were necessary were incorporated in the new Constitutions of those two territories.

The right hon. Member for Smethwick said that he regretted the decision to create sovereign military bases in the territory of an independent country. I think that if he looks carefully at the Agreement he will find that that is not the case. We are not creating sovereign military bases. What we are doing—it is Article VI of the Agreement—is something quite different from the bases in Cyprus. What we are doing is to extend the defence agreement which we have with Malaya to embrace the whole of the territories of the new Malaysia Federation. We are, of course, providing that we shall continue to be able to use the defence facilities in Singapore, without which we could not carry out this enlarged responsibility.

My hon. Friend the hon. Lady the Member for Plymouth, Devonport (Miss Vickers) said that Indonesia thought that Britain, even after the creation of the new Federation, would be pulling strings behind the scenes, and she asked me to give some assurance on that point. Obviously, to those in this House such an assurance is not needed, but to those outside it is, perhaps, worth emphasising that once a country is independent it is indeed independent and that we do not try to interfere in its internal affairs, politically or in any other way.

We believe that the success and future prospects and strength of the new Federation will depend essentially upon the two territories of North Borneo and Sarawak looking to the Federation for their future, and not looking to the former colonial Power. That does not mean to say of course, that we shall not wish to maintain, as has been urged by the right hon. Gentleman opposite, the closest relations of friendship with those territories and with the whole of Malaysia and to continue to give them such support and assistance as we can.


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510 was really thinking of I don't know; probably Scotland. Now supposing an English author, in a story, were to describe Rocky Mountain scenery in Florida or Louisiana bayous in Maine, would you be pleased? Our islands may be small, but their different regions have characters of their own."

Max Armstrong, of Spokane, Washington, writes: "The Carnal God, written by John R. Speer and Carlisle Schnitzer, was truly a magnificent story, well written, and my choice for the best in the June issue. Second is the one written by Paul Ernst, Clicking Red Heels, a fascinating story, one that holds your interest to the end. The cover design by M. Brundage is a knockout!"

"An acrostic sonnet, written in a sequestered Providence churchyard where Poe once walked." Thus was Adolphe de Castro's poem Edgar Allan Poe blurbed in the May issue of. But what was not announced was that seated beside de Castro as he composed the acrostic verse were H. P. Lovecraft and R. H. Barlow HPL, incidentally, was a sixth cousin of Barlow Jack Williamson, of Kansas, spent the month of June with his old friend Edmond Hamilton in Pennsylvania Robert Bloch left his beloved Milwaukee for a few weeks' stay with Henry Kuttner in Beverly Hills. C. L. Moore dropped in on them from Indianapolis, and Kuttner "had the pleasure of taking C. L. Moore for a ride on the roller coaster, and giving Jirel a new experience." Kuttner's Hydra, soon to appear in WT, tells of the fate of Robert Ludwig (Bloch), who is imprisoned and mutilated in another dimension. In the original version, H. P. Lovecraft was another main character in the tale, hiding under the name Howard Phillips; but after his demise a revision obviously was necessary. Kuttner himself is in the story, presenting credentials under his brother's name Virgil Finlay, who has had an appreciable amount of work exhibited at the famed art center in Rochester, may illustrate the Derleth-Wandrei volume of Lovecraft's works I wish to retract a statement made last time to the effect that Earl Peirce, Jr.'s The Surgery Master had been rejected by Editor Wright and handed over to Bruce Bryan for a collaborative revision. The tale was not even submitted to WT until it had been reworked by the two young writers of Washington. It will appear under the title, The While Rat A convertible coupe overturned on Peirce recently in the Adirondacks, and he came out of it with his due of lacerations and bruises. If the windshield on the car had struck Peirce four inches lower he would have been beheaded The Scarab, proposed official organ of the Washington Weird Tales Club, will not see publication after all Clifford Ball's next Rald story is The Goddess Awakes, a 14,000-worder. WT has also accepted Ball's The Swine of Aeaea, 13,000 words, built around the legend of Circe the Enchantress. This 29-year-old newest sensation of has led a life as adventurous as that of either of his two barbarian heroes. He went through high school in Millerstown, Pennsylvania, experiencing great difficulty with his mathematics and with a young and attractive school-teacher of whom he became enamored. After he had been graduated, he took a job in the license bureau of the State Highway Department. A few months later he began to hate the place, and left. The Miami catastrophe of 1927 occurred, and he and a friend trekked south to Florida, expecting to find heavy salaries waiting for eager workers. The state was "broke;" and tourists, alarmed by the tidal wave, were frightened away. Ball has slung hash, worked on dynamite crews as a capper, fry-cooked, run a dice table in a gambling-house, dug ditches, leveled auto springs, spread cloth in a shirt factory, and served beer in a Virginia tavern. This will always remain in Ball's memory, he says, as the best moments of his life.

Arthur L. Widner, Jr., writes from Waterbury, Vermont: "The July issue is one of the best to date. The cover is the most realistic-looking painting I have ever seen. Clifford Ball seems to have stepped into Robert E. Howard's shoes, but whether he will fill them is another question. So far he has not done too bad, but his feet will have to grow some before he can equal The Devil in Iron, Black Canaan, and other creepy tales. When I heard of Lovecraft's death it seemed as if I had been hit with some


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 I should like to join with my hon. Friend in her tribute to the expatriate public servants. She referred particularly to Sarawak and to the period of Rajah Brook. More than one hon. Member urged that the present officials should not leave too soon. This is absolutely right, and I can assure the House that it is the wish of all parties and races in the Borneo territory that expatriate officials should stay on as long as necessary in order to train local people to take their places.

My hon. Friend the Member for Middleton and Prestwich (Sir J. Barlow) thought there was some danger that the safeguards in the Borneo territories might be abolished by the federal authorities. There are, of course, a variety of safeguards, some more important than others, and I assume that my right hon. Friend was referring to the more important ones. The abolition of the principal safeguards—the ones to which he referred particularly relate to religion and language—would require a two-thirds majority in the Federal Parliament and, in addition, the consent of the State Parliament. That is a pretty good safeguard. My hon. Friend regretted that the safeguards for language in Singapore have not been provided for North Borneo and Sarawak. I know that this Blue Book is a long document, but if my hon. Friend will look at it again, he will see that the safeguards are the same. The language cannot be changed without the consent of the State Parliament.

My hon. Friend the Member for Devonport asked when North Borneo would become Sabah. The answer is when the Federation comes into being on 31st August.

The hon. Member for Leyton (Mr. Sorensen) and other hon. Members asked about the right of Christian missionaries to proselytise and make converts. It is true that in some States of Malaya there are certain restrictions by regulations under laws made by those States and not by the Federal Parliament. But because we were aware of this and because anxiety had been expressed about it, special precautions have been taken to ensure that this kind of thing cannot happen in the Borneo territories except with the general consent of the people. Article 11 (4) of the Constitution of the Federation of Malaya provides that State and not federal law may restrict the propagation of other faiths than Islam among Muslims. On the other hand, the Constitution of the Federation of Malaysia will provide that such State law may be introduced in North Borneo and Sarawak only by a two-thirds majority of the total membership of the State legislature. Since Muslims in North Borneo represent only 38 per cent. of the population and in Sarawak only 23 per cent., there is little risk that there would be a two-third majority in favour of introducing restrictions of that kind.

The right hon. Member for Wakefield (Mr. Creech Jones) urged that technical, financial and military assistance should continue. That of course is our desire and intention. The right hon. Member for Smethwick thought that the financial arrangements appeared generous. I regret that the House has not had longer to study these provisions. But it has been a bit of a rush and I do not pretend that it has not. Some of these matters have had to be cleared with the Governments concerned after the signature of the agreement; so it has not been altogether easy to get everything ready in time for this debate.

On the military side we are extending the Malaya defence agreement to embrace all Malaysia, and have offered to finance the new battalions needed in Singapore and the Borneo territories. We want the Malaysian forces to take over from us as quickly as possible responsibility for internal security. We do not want to have this for longer than necessary inside an independent State.

The right hon. Member for Llanelly said that he thought the amount we were giving was too little and the balance was wrong. We were giving too much for defence and not enough on the' civil side. I can quite understand his reaction to that, but I would point out that Malaysia is a stable and prosperous country and is able to raise money outside for economic development, from sources such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and other such organisations. That money, however, is available only for economic development, not military needs. That is why, knowing that they have to depend for help on the military side from their friends and allies, we thought it right to put rather more emphasis on the military aspect of our aid than otherwise would have been done.


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72 to the investigations themselves." Well would it be for the world and for truth if all scientific men could be persuaded to adopt the same admirable rule. Of this book, upwards of twenty editions were sold in England alone, to say nothing of America and the Continent, where it also found large and ready sale, having been translated into the French, Dutch, Swedish, Spanish, and Italian languages.

The interest thus excited in the practical application of meteorology, enabled the distinguished author to assemble at Brussels, under the auspices of King Leopold, in the year 1853, a Congress of the chief nations interested in commerce, viz., England, Russia, Belgium, France, Holland, Sweden and Norway, Denmark, Portugal, and the United States, which Lt. Matthew Fontaine Maury represented. The object of this Congress was the still further development of meteorological research. It resulted in recommending the establishment of investigating boards throughout Europe, and a uniform system of observations—the principle Maury insisted on being as applicable to the land as to the sea.

Prussia, Spain, Sardinia, the free cities of Hamburg and Bremen, the Republic of Chili, and the Empires of Austria and Brazil, afterwards offered their co-operation in the same plan. The Pope established distinguishing flags to be worn at the mast heads of all vessels from the States of the Church, whose masters would co operate at sea in the new system of research.

In peace and in war the observations were to be carried on, and in case any of the vessels on board of which they were conducted should be captured, the abstract log was to be held sacred.

"Rarely," said Maury, in his account of this Congress, "has there been such a sublime spectacle presented to the scientific world before: all nations agreeing to unite and co-operate in carrying out according to the same plan one


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The New International Encyclopædia/Spofford, Ainsworth Rand

SPOF'FORD, (1825—). An American librarian, born at Gilmanton, N. H. He was privately educated, became a bookseller, then associate editor of the Cincinnati Daily Commercial (1859), and in 1861 assistant librarian of Congress. From 1864 to 1899 he was librarian in chief of the Congressional Library, and became widely known for exceptional knowledge of books. He wrote much for periodicals on literature, economics, and history, and edited with others a Library of Choice Literature (10 vols., 1881-88), a Library of Wit and Humor (5 vols., 1884), and a Practical Manual of Parliamentary Rules (1884). He published annually The American Almanack and Treasury of Facts, Statistical, Financial, and Political (1878-91), and A Book for All Readers (1900), on the collection and preservation of books and the founding of libraries.


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Mr. J. Griffiths I quite appreciate that point. What I am concerned about is that it sounds all right in this House but steps should be taken to see that that kind of balance is not given another interpretation elsewhere.

Mr. Sandys The financial authorities of the Federation, in the end, have to look at the whole of their expenditure together. Therefore, the fact that we are relieving them of certain expenditure which otherwise they would have to incur on defence, will enable them to devote greater resources to the development of these territories. The money we are providing for development is linked to the Borneo territories. It is not for the Federation of Malaysia as a whole. In addition—this was one of the things we sat up so late about—we secured agreement by Singapore to make a substantial loan to the Federation for the purpose of development in the Borneo territories.

The hon. Member for Leyton produced some powerful arguments against those who cast doubts on the popular support which exists for Malaysia, and who questioned whether it was wise to go ahead with this plan without further investigation of opinion. However, the hon. Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Brockway) took a rather different view. I know he favours the idea of Malaysia, but he expressed doubts about the timing and questioned whether more effort should not be made to make sure that the people of these territories really wanted Malaysia and were ready for it.

He asked for some delay in bringing in the Federation, first because of his doubts about the existence of adequate popular support and, secondly, on the ground that it would be damaging to the relations with Indonesia, and possibly also the Philippines. I cannot accept that there are serious doubts about what he majority of the people want, nor do I believe that relations with Indonesia would be improved by appearing to hesitate and draw back at this last moment.

The hon. Member for Eton and Slough questioned whether there was adequate popular support, particularly in Sarawak. I think he recognised that there was a reasonable majority in favour in North Borneo, but he questioned whether in Sarawak this support existed. This new association is coming into being after very prolonged thought and discussion within the territories themselves, and between their Governments, and, as the right hon. Member for Wakefield pointed out, we have been thinking about this ourselves for quite a long time. It is, of course, a local initiative. On the other hand, as the right hon. Gentleman pointed out, we have thought for many years that this was a good solution. The fact that neither the Labour Government nor the present Government have publicly advocated this course was because we felt that it would stand a better chance if it grew out of a natural desire from the people on the spot, and was not given the appearance of an initiative taken here in London.

However, that does not mean that this is all just a last-minute conception. A great deal of thought has been going on. There has been a great deal of discussion between us and the Government in Malaya before this all came into the public Press. Nobody can reasonably suggest that this is an ill-considered plan.

I am convinced that the Federation has the backing of a majority of the peoples of all four territories. Since doubts have been expressed about the attitude of the peoples of North Borneo and Sarawak, and particularly Sarawak, I should remind the House of the extent of the consultations which took place. First, there was the Cobbold Commission which expressed the unanimous opinion that two-thirds of the population of both territories were in favour of Malaysia subject to proper safeguards, which I believe we have secured, and they seem to recognise that they are adequate. A little later, the Legislatures of both territories passed resolutions without a dissentient vote in favour of Malaysia. Both these Legislatures were subsequently dissolved and general elections were held. In both territories these elections have resulted in majorities for parties which support Malaysia. I think that is pretty conclusive.

The hon. Member for Eton and Slough said that he thought that whilst there might be a majority in Sarawak in favour of Malaysia, nonetheless there was probably a majority which favoured a plebiscite; or, at any rate, a part of the majority for Malaysia was not in favour of going straight into the Federation without holding a plebiscite beforehand. I do not think that is correct. I should like to explain what the position is. As the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East said, (he Alliance Party, which is in favour of Malaysia without a plebiscite, obtained 19 votes out of the 36


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 members of the Legislature. Then there is the Panas Party which—and this is where the confusion arose—for some time has been in favour of Malaysia, but then after the recent election, or in the course of this complicated election in different stages, joined in a declaration with another party in favour of a plebiscite before Malaysia was created. It has now changed its mind, and, as evidence of that, the leader of that party, A bang Haji Mustapha signed the agreement without reservations, which is pretty conclusive evidence that it is prepared to go forward with Malaysia without insisting upon a plebiscite.

There are seven independents. Four of them are in favour of Malaysia and three are against. There is only one party which is against Malaysia, and even that has some qualifications. That is the S.U.P.P. which has five members. Hon. Members can analyse that as they think best, but even if they count only the 19 members of the Alliance Party, there is a clear majority in favour of going ahead without a plebiscite.

Mr. Brockway I appreciate that the figures must be uncertain. I am basing my statement on the Government's official bulletin which is issued from Sarawak. In the issue of last week it stated that a coalition has been formed between the Sarawak United People's Party and the Negara section of the Alliance Party, and that the coalition favours a plebiscite before Malaysia is introduced. If it is true that the Negara section has withdrawn from the Alliance on that issue, then the figure of 19 Alliance members is very substantially reduced. I am only expressing a question mark about this, because I think that the facts and figures are still very uncertain.

Mr. Sandys I have no confirmation that there has been any change in the attitude of the Alliance Party which all along has been the party which has been campaigning for Federation.

Mr. Brockway Only a section of it.

Mr. Sandys I do not think that there is any question of there not being an overall majority for federation. There are also the other elements. There are four independents in favour of Malaysia and five members of P.A.N.A.S. I do not think that we need worry that if it were put to another vote—I do not know whether they will think it worth while doing so in their own Parliament—there would be much doubt about there being a majority to support the Federation. I do not think there is much doubt about that.

Mr. Sorensen Does it not follow that if they wish to have a referendum they can always have one? It is for them to decide.

Mr. Sandys I think that we have gone through all the processes which could reasonably have been expected to ascertain their views, and I have explained them to the House.

I would like to say a word about the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Crosby (Mr. Graham Page) who rightly stressed the value of the appeal procedure to the Privy Council. He said that this was an active practical Commonwealth link, and I entirely share his view. He made the interesting suggestion that the judicial committee should go on circuit to other parts of the Commonwealth. I like the idea very much, although I have no doubt that there may be some practical difficulties, but I will certainly bring it to the attention of the Lord Chancellor.

We welcome Malaysia for its internal and also for its external implications. Malaysia will open up wider prospects for economic development and industrial expansion, and benefits will accrue to the less-developed territories of North Borneo and Sarawak as well as to the more industrialised States of Malaya and the great commercial centre of Singapore. Malaysia will also bring added security to all its members against the dangers of external attack.

In the wide context there can be no doubt that the Federation of Malaysia will provide a new element of stability in what the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East rightly said is a none too stable area. It will constitute a new bulwark of freedom and democracy in the Far East.


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Rh system of philosophical research with regard to the sea. Though they may be enemies in all else, here they are friends.

Every ship that navigates the high seas with these charts and blank abstract logs on board may henceforth be regarded as a floating observatory—a temple of science."

At the close of the Congress, Lt. Maury returned to his old post at Washington laden with honors and rich in fame. Many of the learned societies in Europe elected him an honorary member of their bodies. Orders of knighthood were offered him, and medals were struck in his honor. Baron von Humboldt declared that Maury had founded a new science.


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The New International Encyclopædia/Spofford, Harriet Elizabeth (Prescott)

SPOFFORD, (1835—). An American novelist, born at Calais, Me. Educated at Newburyport, Mass., and Derry, N. H., she adopted literature as a profession and first attracted attention in 1859 by a story of Parisian life, In a Cellar, printed in the Atlantic Monthly. In the same year she published Sir Rohan's Ghost, followed by The Amber Gods and Other Stories (1863), and Azarian, an Episode (1864). In 1865 she married Richard S. Spofford, a Boston lawyer. The more noteworthy of her later books were: New England Legends (1871), The Thief in the Night (1872), Art Decoration Applied to Furniture (1881), Marquis of Carabas (1882), Poems (1882), Hester Stanley at Saint Marks (1883), The Servant Girl Question (1884), Ballads About Authors (1888), Scarlet Poppy and Other Stories (1894), A Master Spirit (1896), and In Titian's Garden and Other Poems (1897).


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 We are convinced that the peoples of these territories want Malaysia. We are convinced that Malaysia is in their best interests. We are convinced that it will contribute to economic development, political progress, security and peace in these territories and in South-East Asia generally. I am sure, therefore, that we can give this new union our unqualified blessing; and this debate has shown that the whole House sends its warm good wishes to Malaysia and all its peoples.

 * 3.30 p.m.

Mr. Harold Davies (Leek) We are today discussing such an important part of the world and such a tremendously important Bill that the implications involved in the establishment of the Federation will, within the next 20 years, bring a change in the social, political and economic history of South-East Asia. The word "Malaysia" will be heard more in the next 6 to 12 months than ever before.

The British Government are performing a constructive task in relinquishing Her Majesty's sovereignty and jurisdiction over this area. Without meticulously going over the details of the Bill, I will concentrate on the implications it has for South-East Asia. These are particularly important for those of us who have tried over the years to understand the dynamic force Oriental man has possessed throughout history. I will deal with the strategic implications of the Bill later.

Whatever hon. Members on either side of the House may say, irrespective of their constituencies or parties, it is clear that we no longer look upon these territories in the old-fashioned, imperial way of the 19th century. For many years I had the job of composing a weekly article on events in the Far East. For this reason I realise, perhaps more than some hon. Members, how important it is when asking supplementary questions or making remarks in the House not to say things that might be interpreted in other parts of the world in the wrong light, especially since the hon. Member making such remarks may not be aware at the time of the inferences that may be drawn from them. It behoves us today to make constructive suggestions and to show that we wish to be constructive and progressive towards Malaysia.

Hon. Members who know the Far East and who have studied its history will be aware that there was a flourishing civilisation there long before King John signed the Magna Carta in 1215. That civilisation had its own politics, architecture and other advancements, which were spread to the furthermost parts of New Guinea. In other words, there has been through the centuries a magnetic force in Oriental man giving him a desire to progress and unite. This helps to show that, by the Bill, we are not forcing something on him but are assisting him in his desire for progress and unity.

Time does not permit me to delve more deeply into this interesting subject. It is essential to realise the progress that has been made in this area in recent years. One does not need to be a student to know that the reports produced by the United Nations Far Eastern section have revealed that in Malaya the production of food per head of the population is not much greater than it was in 1938.

It is easy to say that the only problem facing Malaysia is that of Communism. That is not so. Malaysia's fundamental difficulties—and this applies to Indo-China and other areas—concern the hungry peoples of the territory. If Britain wishes to help Malaysia succeed in this venture it is in that direction that aid is most vital.

Malaysia can succeed only with the help of Indonesia and the Philippines. I was talking with some of the Philippinos who were over here not long ago and discussed the strategic implications of the whole area. I should like to see them join Malaysia ultimately, and I hope that we shall find the answer in a greater Malaysia. The Philippines have not yet completely solved their own problems. Unless this part of the world which sells to Western technological man tropical oils, greases and fats gets a fair price for them from Western Europe, the United States of America and Britain, they will not get the economic stability they want.

Therefore, whatever party is in power, stability of prices is essential for these areas where a revolution of awakening


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Author:Gertrude Hemken

Other letters

 * "Or What Have You?", letter to Astounding Stories (March 1931)
 * "Gr-r-r—She's Mad!", letter to Astounding Stories (March 1931)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Oct 1931)
 * Letter Weird Tales (May 1932)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Sep 1934)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Feb 1935)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Feb 1936)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Apr 1936)
 * Letter Weird Tales (May 1936)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Jun 1936)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Jul 1936)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Dec 1936)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Mar 1937)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Apr 1937)
 * Letter Weird Tales (May 1937)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Jun 1937)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Sep 1937)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Nov 1937)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Jan 1938)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Apr 1938)
 * Letter Weird Tales (May 1938)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Jun 1938)
 * Letter Weird Tales (Jul 1938)
 * Letter Golden Fleece (Mar 1939)
 * Potato Chowder recipe printed in The Milwaukee Sentinel (January 22, 1939)

title: Author:Gertrude Hemken


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The New International Encyclopædia/Spohr, Louis

SPOHR, spōr, (1784-1859). A German composer and violinist, born at Brunswick. He studied there under Kunisch and Maucourt and in 1802 became a pupil of the celebrated Franz Eck. In 1805 he accepted the appointment of concertmeister at Gotha and in 1812 went to Vienna as leader at the Theater an der Wien,

where he remained until 1815. From 1817 to 1819 he filled a similar position at Frankfort and in 1821 received a life appointment as Court conductor at Cassel. It was in connection with this last position that he won his greatest successes as a violinist, composer, and conductor; besides which he succeeded in bringing his orchestra to a pitch of perfection that earned it a world-wide reputation. In 1831 he completed his work, The Violin School, which has remained one of the standard works of instruction for that instrument. His oratorio Calvary received its first presentation on Good Friday, 1835. He was a prolific composer and wrote in all nearly 200 works. Most of his operas were little known outside of Germany, but his oratorios have been very popular in England and America, particularly Die letzten Dinge (The Last Judgment). As a composer of distinct individuality he ranks but little below the greatest representatives of German music. He died at Cassel. Consult: Autobiography (Cassel, 1860; Eng. trans., London, 1865); Schletterer, Louis Spohr, in Waldersee's Sammlung (Leipzig, 1881).


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Author talk:Gertrude Hemken

Biographical data
- AdamBMorgan (talk) 18:20, 14 June 2012 (UTC)
 * These Ancestry.com search results suggest Hemken was born in Chicago (Cook County, Illinois) in either 1913 or 1918, possibly married a Robert Schumann and, if so, may be the Gertrude (Hemken) Schumann who died in California in 1981. Her middle name may have been Carolina.
 * The letter in Astounding Stories (March 1931) says she is 18 years old, so the 1913 date of birth would be correct (and a 1981 death is plausible).
 * The blog Tellers of Weird Tales states that she was the third most prolific letter writer printed in Weird Tales.

title: Author talk:Gertrude Hemken


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The New International Encyclopædia/Spoils System

SPOILS SYSTEM. See .


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The New International Encyclopædia/Spokan

SPOKAN, spṓ-kān'. An Indian tribe of Salishan stock (q.v. ) formerly occupying the whole basin of Spokane River in Washington and Idaho, and now chiefly gathered upon reservations in the same States. They were visited in 1806 by Lewis and Clark, who call them Liartielo. In language, customs, and alliance they were closely connected with the ../Sanpoil/ (q.v.). All are now civilized and Christianized, about equally divided between Catholic and Protestant. The majority are reported to be thrifty and industrious, promising soon to become self-supporting and good citizens. They numbered about 700 in 1903.


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74

return from his labors at the 1853 Brussels Conference was accompanied by many acknowledgments of the great value of his services. But probably the most gratifying of those acknowledgments was the following letter from the great Prussian traveler, written at the age of ninety years:—

2em It is with the most lively acknowledgment that I offer to my illustrious friend and associate, the Superintendent of the United States Observatory and Hydrographical Office at Washington, the tribute of my respectful admiration. The Maritime Conference at Brussels, and the happy influence which your visit to Europe has fortunately exercised upon the course of meteorology, both by sea and land, especially where your presence has been enjoyed, have contributed to spread your views. You are now enjoying the fruits of immense labours. It belongs to me more than to any other traveler of the age, to congratulate my illustrious friend upon the course which he has so gloriously opened.

Scarcely in a state of convalescence, I must limit myself at