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 to the Government for the passage money, and Riley suggested that it should be repaid in three yearly instalments of £10, deducted from the man's wages. There were not sufficient colonists who recognised the great "indirect" cost of convict labour to press this experiment upon the Government, and no attempt was made to carry it out. Many contented themselves by agreeing with Cox that after all the work of the convicts during thirty-two years had been incredibly great and successful, especially when it was called to mind that "a great many of them never did nor could be made to labour in England".

From the first Macquarie attempted to make the occupation of the land a real thing. All grants issued by him contained three conditional clauses which had not been included before. The chief one was the prohibition of any transfer or alienation within five years of the receipt of the grant. If the condition were violated, the transfer or alienation would be null and void and the land revert to the Crown. The other two directed, under the same penalty of reversion to the crown, the clearing and cultivation of certain proportions of the whole area within five years.

Theoretically the conditions were admirable, in practice no one paid any attention to them. Judge-Advocate Bent himself sold his own grant and a grant made to his twin sons before five years had passed, and his case was not an isolated one. Many emancipists being devoid of inclination and capital, sold their farms immediately at about 5s. an acre. Sometimes a grantee was allowed to occupy his land before it had been measured or the grant made out. In such cases the land was frequently sold and another owner in possession under the "permissive occupation" before the first grantee had completed his title; and instances


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440, and even to me they were so oppressive that I hesitated, half inclined to go back. But, I knew them, and could have found my way on a far darker night, and had no excuse for returning, being there. So, having come there against my inclination, I went on against it.

The direction that I took, was not that in which my old home lay, nor that in which we had pursued the convicts. My back was turned towards the distant Hulks as I walked on, and, though I could see the old lights away on the spits of sand, I saw them over my shoulder. I knew the lime-kiln as well as I knew the old Battery, but they were miles apart; so that if a light had been burning at each point that night, there would have been a long strip of the blank horizon between the two bright specks.

At first, I had to shut some gates after me, and now and then to stand still while the cattle that were lying in the banked-up pathway, arose and blundered down among the grass and reeds. But after a little while, I seemed to have the whole flats to myself.

It was another half-hour before I drew near to the kiln. The lime was burning with a sluggish stifling smell, but the fires were made up and left, and no workmen were visible. Hard by was a small stone-quarry. It lay directly in my way, and had been worked that day, as I saw by the tools and barrows that were lying about.

Coming up again to the marsh level out of this excavation—for the rude path lay through it—I saw a light in the old sluice-house. I quickened my pace, and knocked at the door with my hand. Waiting for some reply, I looked about me, noticing how the sluice was abandoned and broken, and how the house—of wood with a tiled roof—would not be proof against the weather much longer, if it were so even now, and how the mud and ooze were coated with lime, and how the choking vapour of the kiln crept in a ghostly way towards me. Still there was no answer, and I knocked again. No answer still, and I tried the latch.

It rose under my hand, and the door yielded. Looking in, I saw a lighted candle on a table, a bench, and a

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Rh on a truckle bedstead. As there was a loft above, I called, "Is there any one here?" but no voice answered. Then, I looked at my watch, and, finding it was past nine, called again, "Is there any one here?" There being still no answer, I went out at the door, irresolute what to do.

It was beginning to rain fast. Seeing nothing save what I had seen already, I turned back into the house, and stood just within the shelter of the doorway, looking out into the night. While I was considering that some one must have been there lately and must soon be coming back, or the candle would not be burning, it came into my head to look if the wick were long. I turned round to do so, and had taken up the candle in my hand, when it was extinguished by some violent shock, and the next thing I comprehended was, that I had been caught in a strong running noose, thrown over my head from behind.

"Now," said a suppressed voice with an oath, "I've got you!"

"What is this?" I cried, struggling. "Who is it? Help, help, help!"

Not only were my arms pulled close to my sides, but the pressure on my bad arm caused me exquisite pain. Sometimes a strong man's hand, sometimes a strong man's breast, was set against my mouth to deaden my cries, and with a hot breath always close to me, I struggled ineffectually in the dark, while I was fastened tight to the wall. "And now," said the suppressed voice with another oath, "call out again, and I'll make short work of you!"

Faint and sick with the pain of my injured arm, bewildered by the surprise, and yet conscious how easily this threat could be put in execution, I desisted, and tried to ease my arm were it ever so little. But it was bound too tight for that. I felt as if, having been burnt before, it were now being boiled.

The sudden exclusion of the night and the substitution of black darkness in its place, warned me that the man had closed a shutter. After groping about for a little, he found the flint and steel he wanted, and began to strike a light. I strained my sight upon the sparks that fell among the

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442 tinder, and upon which he breathed and breathed, match in hand, but I could only see his lips, and the blue point of the match; even those but fitfully. The tinder was damp—no wonder there—and one after another the sparks died out.

The man was in no hurry, and struck again with the flint and steel. As the sparks fell thick and bright about him, I could see his hands and touches of his face, and could make out that he was seated and bending over the table; but nothing more. Presently I saw his blue lips again, breathing on the tinder, and then a flare of light flashed up, and showed me Orlick.

Whom I had looked for, I don't know. I had not looked for him. Seeing him, I felt that I was in a dangerous strait indeed, and I kept my eyes upon him.

He lighted the candle from the flaring match with great deliberation, and dropped the match, and trod it out. Then, he put the candle away from him on the table, so that he could see me, and sat with his arms folded on the table and looked at me. I made out that I was fastened to a stout perpendicular ladder a few inches from the wall—a fixture there—the means of ascent to the loft above.

"Now," said he, when we had surveyed one another for some time, "I've got you."

"Unbind me. Let me go!"

"Ah!" he returned, "I'll let you go. I'll let you go to the moon, I'll let you go to the stars. All in good time."

"Why have you lured me here?"

"Don't you know?" said he, with a deadly look.

"Why have you set upon me in the dark?"

"Because I mean to do it all myself. One keeps a secret better than two. Oh, you enemy, you enemy!"

His enjoyment of the spectacle I furnished, as he sat with his arms folded on the table, shaking his head at me and hugging himself, had a malignity in it that made me tremble. As I watched him in silence, he put his hand into the corner at his side, and took up a gun with a brass-bound stock.

"Do you know this?" said he, making as if he would

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Rh take aim at me. "Do you know where you saw it afore? Speak, wolf!"

"Yes," I answered.

"You cost me that place. You did. Speak!"

"What else could I do?"

"You did that, and that would be enough, without more. How dared you come betwixt me and a young woman I liked?"

"When did I?"

"When didn't you? It was you as always give Old Orlick a bad name to her."

"You gave it to yourself; you gained it for yourself. I could have done you no harm, if you had done yourself none."

"You're a liar. And you'll take any pains, and spend any money, to drive me out of this country, will you?" said he, repeating my words to Biddy, in the last interview I had with her. "Now, I'll tell you a piece of information. It was never so worth your while to get me out of this country, as it is to-night. Ah! If it was all your money twenty times told, to the last brass farden!" As he shook his heavy hand at me, with his mouth snarling like a tiger's, I felt that it was true.

"What are you going to do to me?"

"I'm a going," said he, bringing his fist down upon the table with a heavy blow, and rising as the blow fell, to give it greater force, "I'm a going to have your life!"

He leaned forward staring at me, slowly unclenched his hand and drew it across his mouth as if his mouth watered for me, and sat down again.

"You was always in Old Orlick's way since ever you was a child. You goes out of his way this present night. He'll have no more on you. You're dead."

I felt that I had come to the brink of my grave. For a moment I looked wildly round my trap for any chance of escape; but there was none.

"More than that," said he, folding his arms on the table again, "I won't have a rag of you, I won't have a bone of you, left on earth. I'll put your body in the kiln—I'd

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444 carry two such to it, on my shoulders—and, let people suppose what they may of you, they shall never know nothing."

My mind, with inconceivable rapidity, followed out all the consequences of such a death. Estella's father would believe I had deserted him, would be taken, would die accusing me; even Herbert would doubt me, when he compared the letter I had left for him, with the fact that I had called at Miss Havisham's gate for only a moment; Joe and Biddy would never know how sorry I had been that night, none would ever know what I had suffered, how true I had meant to be, what an agony I had passed through. The death close before me was terrible, but far more terrible than death was the dread of being misremembered after death. And so quick were my thoughts, that I saw myself despised by unborn generations—Estella's children, and their children—while the wretch's words were yet on his lips.

"Now, wolf," said he, "afore I kill you like any other beast—which is wot I mean to do and wot I have tied you up for—I'll have a good look at you and a good goad at you. Oh, you enemy!"

It had passed through my thoughts to cry out for help again; though few could know better than I, the solitary nature of the spot, and the hopelessness of aid. But as he sat gloating over me, I was supported by a scornful detestation of him that sealed my lips. Above all things, I resolved that I would not entreat him, and that I would die making some last poor resistance to him. Softened as my thoughts of all the rest of men were in that dire extremity; humbly beseeching pardon, as I did, of Heaven; melted at heart, as I was, by the thought that I had taken no farewell, and never now could take farewell, of those who were dear to me, or could explain myself to them, or ask for their compassion on my miserable errors; still, if I could have killed him, even in dying, I would have done it.

He had been drinking, and his eyes were red and bloodshot. Around his neck was slung a tin bottle, as I had often seen his meat and drink slung about him in other

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Rh days. He brought the bottle to his lips, and took a fiery drink from it; and I smelt the strong spirits that I saw flash into his face.

"Wolf!" said he, folding his arms again, "Old Orlick's a going to tell you somethink. It was you as did for your shrew sister."

Again my mind, with its former inconceivable rapidity, had exhausted the whole subject of the attack upon my sister, her illness, and her death, before his slow and hesitating speech had formed those words.

"It was you, villain," said I.

"I tell you it was your doing—I tell you it was done through you," he retorted, catching up the gun, and making a blow with the stock at the vacant air between us. "I come upon her from behind, as I come upon you to-night. I giv' it her! I left her for dead, and if there had been a lime-kiln as nigh her as there is now nigh you, she shouldn't have come to life again. But it warn't Old Orlick as did it; it was you. You was favoured, and he was bullied and beat. Old Orlick bullied and beat, eh? Now you pays for it. You done it; now you pays for it."

He drank again, and became more ferocious. I saw by his tilting of the bottle that there was no great quantity left in it. I distinctly understood that he was working himself up with its contents, to make an end of me. I knew that every drop it held, was a drop of my life. I knew that when I was changed into a part of the vapour that had crept towards me but a little while before, like my own warning ghost, he would do as he had done in my sister's case—make all haste to the town, and be seen slouching about there, drinking at the ale-houses. My rapid mind pursued him to the town, made a picture of the street with him in it, and contrasted its lights and life with the lonely marsh and the white vapour creeping over it, into which I should have dissolved.

It was not only that I could have summed up years and years and years while he said a dozen words, but that what he did say, presented pictures to me, and not mere words. In the excited and exalted state of my brain, I could not

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 had occurred of the Provost-Marshal carrying out execution against the "permissive occupant". Sometimes the land was not sold outright but purchased by instalments, and when the five years were up the "tenant" applied to have the grant made out in his name. In no case within Oxley's knowledge had the Crown resumed or threatened to resume any grant even though the violation of the conditions had been notorious.

The others had been equally disregarded. If the farm was small and the owner continued in possession, he did as a rule clear and cultivate the required area. If it was too small for pastoral purposes he had indeed no other way of making a living. But the restricted and uncertain market, the great varieties of soil and climate, made it impossible to carry them out in all cases—and to enforce the conditions would have been unjust and impolitic. Marsden attributed the delay in getting the land under cultivation to lack of discrimination in making grants to emancipists who did not attempt to cultivate but sold it at once, thus reducing the supply of labour and increasing the amount of land on the market; especially as the land purchased was usually added to the great estates for pasture. This was probably true and much good might have been done by requiring the emancipists to produce at least £20 before making them grants of more than ten acres. Bigge thought that when distillation should be permitted, the conditions might well be enforced.

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446 think of a place without seeing it, or of persons without seeing them. It is impossible to over-state the vividness of these images, and yet I was so intent, all the time, upon him himself—who would not be intent on the tiger crouching to spring!—that I knew of the slightest action of his fingers.

When he had drunk this second time, he rose from the bench on which he sat, and pushed the table aside. Then, he took up the candle, and shading it with his murderous hand so as to throw its light on me, stood before me, looking at me and enjoying the sight.

"Wolf, I'll tell you something more. It was Old Orlick as you tumbled over on your stairs that night."

I saw the staircase with its extinguished lamps. I saw the shadows of the heavy stair-rails, thrown by the watchman's lantern on the wall. I saw the rooms that I was never to see again; here, a door half open; there, a door closed; all the articles of furniture around.

"And why was Old Orlick there? I'll tell you something more, wolf. You and her have pretty well hunted me out of this country, so far as getting an easy living in it goes, and I've took up with new companions and new masters. Some of 'em writes my letters when I wants 'em wrote—do you mind?—writes my letters, wolf! They writes fifty hands; they're not like sneaking you, as writes but one. I've had a firm mind and a firm will to have your life, since you was down here at your sister's burying. I han't seen a way to get you safe, and I've looked arter you to know your ins and outs. For, says Old Orlick to himself, 'Somehow or another I'll have him!' What! When I looks for you, I finds your uncle Provis, eh?"

Mill Pond Bank, and Chinks's Basin, and the Old Green Copper Rope-Walk, all so clear and plain! Provis in his rooms, the signal whose use was over, pretty Clara, the good motherly woman, old Bill Barley on his back, all drifting by, as on the swift stream of my life fast running out to sea!

"You with a uncle too! Why, I knowed you at Gargery's when you was so small a wolf that I could have took your weazen betwixt this finger and thumb and

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 chucked you away dead (as I'd thoughts o' doing, odd times, when I saw you a loitering among the pollards on a Sunday) and you hadn't found no uncles then. No, not you! But when Old Orlick come for to hear that your uncle Provis had mostlike wore the leg-iron wot Old Orlick had picked up, filed asunder, on these meshes ever so many year ago, and wot he kep by him till he dropped your sister with it, like a bullock, as he means to drop you—hey?—when he come for to hear that—hey?"

In his savage taunting, he flared the candle so close at me, that I turned my face aside to save it from the flame.

"Ah!" he cried, laughing, after doing it again, "the burnt child dreads the fire! Old Orlick knowed you was burnt, Old Orlick knowed you was a smuggling your uncle Provis away, Old Orlick's a match for you and knowed you'd come to-night! Now I'll tell you something more, wolf, and this ends it. There's them that's as good a match for your uncle Provis as Old Orlick has been for you. Let him 'ware them when he's lost his nevvy. Let him 'ware them, when no man can't find a rag of his dear relation's clothes, nor yet a bone of his body. There's them that can't and won't have Magwitch—yes, I know the name!—alive in the same land with them, and that's had such sure information of him when he was alive in another land, as that he couldn't and shouldn't leave it unbeknown and put them in danger. P'raps it's them that writes fifty hands, and that's not like sneaking you as writes but one. 'Ware Compeyson, Magwitch, and the gallows!"

He flared the candle at me again, smoking my face and hair, and for an instant blinding me, and turned his powerful back as he replaced the light on the table. I had thought a prayer, and had been with Joe and Biddy and Herbert, before he turned towards me again.

There was a clear space of a few feet between the table and the opposite wall. Within this space, he now slouched backwards and forwards. His great strength seemed to sit stronger upon him than ever before, as he did this with his hands hanging loose and heavy at his sides, and with his eyes scowling at me. I had no grain of hope left. Wild

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 as my inward hurry was, and wonderful the force of the pictures that rushed by me instead of thoughts, I could yet clearly understand that unless he had resolved that I was within a few moments of surely perishing out of all human knowledge, he would never have told me what he had told.

Of a sudden, he stopped, took the cork out of his bottle, and tossed it away. Light as it was, I heard it fall like a plummet. He swallowed slowly, tilting up the bottle by little and little, and now he looked at me no more. The last few drops of liquor he poured into the palm of his hand, and licked up. Then with a sudden hurry of violence and swearing horribly, he threw the bottle from him, and stooped; and I saw in his hand a stone-hammer with a long heavy handle.

The resolution I had made did not desert me, for, without uttering one vain word of appeal to him, I shouted out with all my might, and struggled with all my might. It was only my head and my legs that I could move, but to that extent I struggled with all the force, until then unknown, that was within me. In the same instant I heard responsive shouts, saw figures and a gleam of light dash in at the door, heard voices and tumult, and saw Orlick emerge from a struggle of men, as if it were tumbling water, clear the table at a leap, and fly out into the night!

After a blank, I found that I was lying unbound, on the floor, in the same place, with my head on some one's knee. My eyes were fixed on the ladder against the wall, when I came to myself—had opened on it before my mind saw it—and thus as I recovered consciousness, I knew that I was in the place where I had lost it.

Too indifferent at first, even to look round and ascertain who supported me, I was lying looking at the ladder, when there came between me and it, a face. The face of Trabb's boy!

"I think he's all right!" said Trabb's boy, in a sober voice; "but ain't he just pale though!"

At these words, the face of him who supported me looked over into mine, and I saw my supporter to be

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 reserve 500 acres for the Crown adjacent to every 1,000 acres allotted to settlers. In 1815 Lord Bathurst called his attention to the neglect of these Instructions and directed his compliance therewith. Macquarie consulted Oxley, and they agreed in opposing this policy. It had not been done in other colonies, and the Crown, Oxley said, had not suffered from its neglect, and in New South Wales it had been wisely disregarded from the first. Lord Bathurst admitted the first part of the statement and the second so far as to agree that the Colony's progress had been ameliorated by these means. But he went on to say: "I see no reason why in future the reserves on behalf of the Crown should not be in such situations as to ensure the rapid augmentation of their value from the cultivation of the adjoining allotments. It may, indeed, in some cases expose settlers to temporary inconvenience to have their respective establishments separated by an uncultivated reserve, but it must be recollected that this inconvenience is in general the only price paid for the land they cultivate, and it is not therefore just that the Crown should lose the only benefit which it derives from its liberality to them. I must therefore leave it to your discretion in future to make these reserves in such a manner as may give to the Crown every fair advantage without materially interrupting the comfort and safety of the inhabitants."

Macquarie, relying upon his discretion, therefore made no change in his previous practice, reserving pieces of land here and there for the Crown as he thought fit.

The next omission was in the collection of the quit-rents. In 1814 Lord Bathurst proposed to raise them 1s. an acre on the land of free settlers. Macquarie, with the advice of the Surveyor-General, demurred. Macquarie proposed a rate of 2d. an acre for emancipists and 1s. for fifty acres for free settlers. Oxley suggested that there should be a diminution in the rate for grants of 500 and over, but Macquarie pointed out that the larger the grant was the more easily could the owner pay the


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Rh "Herbert! Great Heaven!"

"Softly," said Herbert. "Gently, Handel. Don't be too eager."

"And our old comrade, Startop!" I cried, as he too bent over me.

"Remember what he is going to assist us in," said Herbert, "and be calm."

The allusion made me spring up; though I dropped again from the pain in my arm. "The time has not gone by, Herbert, has it? What night is to-night? How long have I been here?" For, I had a strange and strong misgiving that I had been lying there a long time—a day and a night—two days and nights—more.

"The time has not gone by. It is still Monday night."

"Thank God!"

"And you have all to-morrow, Tuesday, to rest in," said Herbert. "But you can't help groaning, my dear Handel. What hurt have you got? Can you stand?"

"Yes, yes," said I, "I can walk. I have no hurt but in this throbbing arm."

They laid it bare, and did what they could. It was violently swollen and inflamed, and I could scarcely endure to have it touched. But, they tore up their handkerchiefs to make fresh bandages, and carefully replaced it in the sling, until we could get to the town and obtain some cooling lotion to put upon it. In a little while we had shut the door of the dark and empty sluice-house, and were passing through the quarry on our way back. Trabb's boy—Trabb's overgrown young man now—went before us with a lantern, which was the light I had seen come in at the door. But, the moon was a good two hours higher than when I had last seen the sky, and the night though rainy was much lighter. The white vapour of the kiln was passing from us as we went by, and, as I had thought a prayer before, I thought a thanksgiving now.

Entreating Herbert to tell me how he had come to my rescue—which at first he had flatly refused to do, but had insisted on my remaining quiet—I learnt that I had in my hurry dropped the letter, open, in our chambers, where

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450 he, coming home to bring with him Startop, whom he had met in the street on his way to me, found it, very soon after I was gone. Its tone made him uneasy, and the more so because of the inconsistency between it and the hasty letter I had left for him. His uneasiness increasing instead of subsiding after a quarter of an hour's consideration, he set off for the coach-office, with Startop, who volunteered his company, to make inquiry when the next coach went down. Finding that the afternoon coach was gone, and finding that his uneasiness grew into positive alarm, as obstacles came in his way, he resolved to follow in a post-chaise. So, he and Startop arrived at the Blue Boar, fully expecting there to find me, or tidings of me; but, finding neither, went on to Miss Havisham's, where they lost me. Hereupon they went back to the hotel (doubtless at about the time when I was hearing the popular local version of my own story), to refresh themselves and to get some one to guide them out upon the marshes. Among the loungers under the Boar's archway, happened to be Trabb's boy—true to his ancient habit of happening to be everywhere where he had no business—and Trabb's boy had seen me passing from Miss Havisham's, in the direction of my dining-place. Thus, Trabb's boy became their guide, and with him they went out to the sluice-house: though by the town way to the marshes, which I had avoided. Now, as they went along, Herbert reflected, that I might, after all, have been brought there on some genuine and serviceable errand tending to Provis's safety, and bethinking himself that in that case interruption might be mischievous, left his guide and Startop on the edge of the quarry, and went on by himself, and stole round the house two or three times, endeavouring to ascertain whether all was right within. As he could hear nothing but indistinct sounds of one deep rough voice (this was while my mind was so busy), he even at last began to doubt whether I was there, when suddenly I cried out loudly, and he answered the cries, and rushed in, closely followed by the other two.

When I told Herbert what had passed within the house, he was for our immediately going before a magistrate in

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Rh the town, late at night as it was, and getting out a warrant. But, I had already considered that such a course, by detaining us there, or binding us to come back, might be fatal to Provis. There was no gainsaying this difficulty, and we relinquished all thoughts of pursuing Orlick at that time. For the present, under the circumstances, we deemed it prudent to make rather light of the matter to Trabb's boy; who I am convinced would have been much affected by disappointment, if he had known that his intervention saved me from the lime-kiln. Not that Trabb's boy was of a malignant nature, but that he had too much spare vivacity, and that it was in his constitution to want variety and excitement at anybody's expense. When we parted, I presented him with two guineas (which seemed to meet his views), and told him that I was sorry ever to have had an ill opinion of him (which made no impression on him at all).

Wednesday being so close upon us, we determined to go back to London that night, three in the post-chaise; the rather, as we should then be clear away, before the night's adventure began to be talked of. Herbert got a large bottle of stuff for my arm, and by dint of having this stuff dropped over it all the night through, I was just able to bear its pain on the journey. It was daylight when we reached the Temple, and I went at once to bed, and lay in bed all day.

My terror, as I lay there, of falling ill and being unfitted for to-morrow, was so besetting, that I wonder it did not disable me of itself. It would have done so, pretty surely, in conjunction with the mental wear and tear I had suffered, but for the unnatural strain upon me that to-morrow was. So anxiously looked forward to, charged with such consequences, its results so impenetrably hidden though so near.

No precaution could have been more obvious than our refraining from communication with him that day; yet this again increased my restlessness. I started at every footstep and every sound, believing that he was discovered and taken, and this was the messenger to tell me so. I

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452 myself that I knew he was taken; that there was something more upon my mind than a fear or a presentiment; that the fact had occurred, and I had a mysterious knowledge of it. As the day wore on and no ill news came, as the day closed in and darkness fell, my overshadowing dread of being disabled by illness before tomorrow morning, altogether mastered me. My burning arm throbbed, and my burning head throbbed, and I fancied I was beginning to wander. I counted up to high numbers, to make sure of myself, and repeated passages that I knew in prose and verse. It happened sometimes that in the mere escape of a fatigued mind, I dozed for some moments or forgot; then I would say to myself with a start, "Now it has come, and I am turning delirious!"

They kept me very quiet all day, and kept my arm constantly dressed, and gave me cooling drinks. Whenever I fell asleep, I awoke with the notion I had had in the sluice-house, that a long time had elapsed and the opportunity to save him was gone. About midnight I got out of bed and went to Herbert, with the conviction that I had been asleep for four-and-twenty hours, and that Wednesday was past. It was the last self-exhausting effort of my fretfulness, for after that, I slept soundly.

Wednesday morning was dawning when I looked out of window. The winking lights upon the bridges were already pale, the coming sun was like a marsh of fire on the horizon. The river, still dark and mysterious, was spanned by bridges that were turning coldly grey, with here and there at top a warm touch from the burning in the sky. As I looked along the clustered roofs, with church towers and spires shooting into the unusually clear air, the sun rose up, and a veil seemed to be drawn from the river, and millions of sparkles burst out upon its waters. From me, too, a veil seemed to be drawn, and I felt strong and well.

Herbert lay asleep in his bed, and our old fellow-student lay asleep on the sofa. I could not dress myself without help, but I made up the fire which was still burning, and got some coffee ready for them. In good time they too started up strong and well, and we admitted the sharp

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Rh morning air at the windows, and looked at the tide that was still flowing towards us.

"When it turns at nine o'clock," said Herbert, cheerfully, "look out for us, and stand ready, you over there at Mill Pond Bank."

was one of those March days when the sun shines hot and the wind blows cold: when it is summer in the light, and winter in the shade. We had our pea-coats with us, and I took a bag. Of all my worldly possessions I took no more than the few necessaries that filled the bag. Where I might go, what I might do, or when I might return, were questions utterly unknown to me; nor did I vex my mind with them, for it was wholly set on Provis's safety. I only wondered for the passing moment, as I stopped at the door and looked back, under what altered circumstances I should next see those rooms, if ever.

We loitered down to the Temple stairs, and stood loitering there, as if we were not quite decided to go upon the water at all. Of course I had taken care that the boat should be ready, and everything in order. After a little show of indecision, which there were none to see but the two or three amphibious creatures belonging to our Temple stairs, we went on board and cast off; Herbert in the bow, I steering. It was then about high-water—half-past eight.

Our plan was this. The tide, beginning to run down at nine, and being with us until three, we intended still to creep on after it had turned, and row against it until dark. We should then be well in those long reaches below Gravesend, between Kent and Essex, where the river is broad and solitary, where the water-side inhabitants are very few, and where lone public-houses are scattered here and there, of which we could choose one for a resting-place. There, we meant to lie by, all night. The steamer for Hamburg, and the steamer for Rotterdam, would start for London at

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Portal:Gospel of Mark

Translations
Versions and translations of the Gospel of Mark are listed at Mark (Bible).

Reference

 * "Gospel according to Mark" in Easton's Bible Dictionary, 1897

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Portal:Gospel of Luke

Translations
Versions and translations of the Gospel of Luke are listed at Luke (Bible).

Reference

 * "Gospel according to Luke" in Easton's Bible Dictionary, 1897

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Portal:Gospel of John

Translations
Versions and translations of the Gospel of John are listed at John (Bible).

Related works

 * "Gospel According to St. John," by Saint Augustine of Hippo (translated by Rev. John Gibb and Rev. James Innes) in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, volume 7
 * "On the Gospel of John," by Saint John Chrysostom in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, volume 14
 * "Origen's Commentary on the Gospel of John," by Origen in Ante-Nicene Fathers, volume 9

Reference

 * "Gospel of John" in Easton's Bible Dictionary, 1897

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Rh of O'Neill's letter to Charles II was given in Gilbert's ‘Contemporary History of Affairs in Ireland, 1641–1652,’ printed in 1880.

O'NEILL, HUGH (1784–1824), architectural draughtsman, son of an architect who designed a portion of Portland Place, was born in Bloomsbury on 20 April 1784. He spent the early part of his life at Oxford, where he taught drawing, and afterwards resided in Bath, Edinburgh, and Bristol. Of Bristol alone he made over five hundred drawings. The originals he usually worked up and retained, disposing only of copies. Six sketches by him of the ruins of the fire at Christ Church, Oxford (3 March 1809), were engraved by W. Crotch, and published, with descriptive letterpress, at Oxford in 1809. Five drawings of Oxford and its vicinity were engraved by Skelton for his ‘Oxonia Antiqua Restaurata’ (vol. ii. plates 109, 110, 116, 117, 119). Drawings of St. Peter's Church and of Balliol, Magdalen, Exeter, and All Souls Colleges (engraved by Basire and Storer) were published in the ‘Oxford Almanacks’ for 1809, 1810, 1812, 1813, and 1828. Several of his drawings were engraved by Skelton for his ‘Antiquities of Bristol’ (Oxford, 1820, 1826). In the print-room of the British Museum are fifteen of O'Neill's drawings in pencil and water-colour, and in the South Kensington Museum there are three. A lithograph by him of a large manor-house, with wings, is in vol. ii. of ‘Polyautography vel Lythography’ in the print-room, British Museum. He was possibly the H. Neill who exhibited drawings in the Royal Academy in 1800, 1802, 1803, and 1804. He made a fair collection of fossils, minerals, and other curiosities.

O'Neill died in poverty, in Princes Street, Bristol, on 7 April 1824.

O'NEILL, JOHN, first in the peerage of Ireland (1740–1798), born at Shane's Castle, co. Antrim, on 16 Jan. 1740, was the eldest son of Charles O'Neill, of Shane's Castle, by Catherine, daughter of the Right Hon. St. John Brodrick. He matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford, on 14 April 1762, and was created M.A. on 15 June in the same year. In the Irish parliaments elected in 1761, 1769, and 1776, he sat for the family borough of Randalstown, co. Antrim. In 1783 and 1790 he was returned for Antrim county as well as the borough, but preferred to sit for the former.

During these years he acted both in and out of parliament with the nationalist party (cf. Irish Parl. Debates, 2nd ed. i. 3–10). On 12 Aug. 1785 he spoke against Pitt's proposal for free trade between Great Britain and Ireland, holding that the government disturbed the settlement of 1782 by legislating for Ireland (ib. v. 347). Haliday, writing to the first Earl of Charlemont on 27 Dec. 1785, said: ‘I spent Saturday at Shane's Castle, and was delighted to hear Mr. O'Neill express himself with such animation against this reprobated bill, and on behalf of the independency and rights of Ireland; he lamented at the same time that opposition was but a rope of sand, and seemed anxious that some means could be found to cement it and bind it together’ (‘Charlemont Papers’ in Hist. MSS. Comm. Rep. ii. 31–2). During the session of 1787 O'Neill was prominent among the opponents of the Riot Bill, which he regarded as unnecessary, and designed to overawe the spirits of the people (ib. vii. 199, 205, 207, 449–52). In the course of these debates O'Neill was consequently singled out for attack by the attorney-general, John Fitzgibbon, afterwards Earl of Clare [q. v.] (Irish Parl. Debates, vii. 471–4; cf. Grattan's Life, iii. 309–12).

O'Neill was one of the four delegates appointed by the Irish House of Commons on 20 Feb. 1789 to present a joint address of the two houses requesting the Prince of Wales to assume the regency in Ireland without stipulating any conditions; and on 20 March he moved that the prince's answer be read from the chair (Irish Parl. Debates, ix. 145, 331). On the question of catholic relief he at first hesitated, but finally, though a protestant and representative of a protestant county, became a warm supporter of emancipation (ib. xii. 82, 84, 123, 124, xiii. 5, 6, 310;, Hist. of England, vi. 567).

O'Neill had been one of the five Ulster delegates to the national convention of 1783. He signed the so-called ‘round robin’ of 22 Feb. 1789, the signatories to which promised not to accept any office which might become vacant by the dismissal of any of them in consequence of their votes on the regency question. He was also one of the original members of the Northern Whig Club formed at Dublin on 26 June of the same year.


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 Q92 lllr. RUDGEJS Descrqotion of Slcmzinum Filamczzta brevissima. /1111/acne longissixnac, lincarcs, post anthesln mox recurvw. » Pislillum. G€7'lilE7lO\'Htlll1], densissime hirsutum. Stylus glaber, sulcatus, pcrsistens. Stigma llemisplmricum. Habitat prope Port Jackson in Novai Hollandié. TAB. XVI. Fig. 2. Planta magnitudine naturali. a. Flos integer magnitudine auctus. b. Petaluru. c. Anthem: dorso et fronts: visas. cl. Pistillum. CONOSPBRMUM 1:B.Icu=oL1UM. Tetrandria lllonogynia. TAB. XVII. Fig. 1. C. fnliis tres ad quatuor lincas longis, linearihus, dense imbri- cutis: pedunculis multibracteatis: antheris suborbicularibus. C. ericifolium. Smith in Rees. Cyclop. Brown in Trans. Linn. Soc. 1. IO. p. 154. ct Prod. 11. 1. SGS. .FI'llf(?.1.` rigidus. Caulis erectus, gracilis, parum ramosus, scriceo-pubeseens. Folia lineuria, dense imbricata, apice acuta. Bractefc ovutzr, acutae. Flores pzmiculis Horesccntifm pergentc spicatim clongatis. Corolla uwnupetala, irrcgularis, quadrifida, lacinih unix cucul- lutix. Stamina. Filamenta tria, fiiuce tubi inserta. Ant/lem unica sub lacini& cucullnti bilocularisz dna: sub laciniis lateralibus im- cumpletae uno luculo dcficieute. Pistillum.


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 Nevertheless, on 25 Oct. 1793, he was raised to the Irish peerage as Baron O'Neill of Shane's Castle, and advanced to the rank of viscount on 3 Oct. 1795.

When in the spring of 1798 the rebellion broke out in the north of Ireland, O'Neill was governor of Antrim. Having received intelligence of the intended outbreak while in Dublin, he summoned by public notice the county magistrates to meet him at Antrim on 7 June. Thereupon the rebel leaders resolved to attack the town of Antrim on the same day, and to seize O'Neill and the magistrates. O'Neill slept at Hillsborough on the night of 6 June, while on his way from Dublin, and, having passed through Lisburn unrecognised early next morning, arrived at Antrim soon after noon. His servants, who followed him, were robbed of their arms.

The rebels attacked the town before the greater part of the reinforcements promised by General Nugent had arrived. During the engagement O'Neill was in the main street with a party of dragoons. After the enemy had gained a temporary advantage, Colonel Lumley ordered a retreat of the troops within the town towards the Lisburn road, along which reinforcements were advancing. O'Neill's horse was disabled, and he was left behind in the town. Here he was knocked down by one of the rebel pikemen (according to one account, his own park-keeper), and, after shooting one of his assailants, was mortally wounded. He died on 18 June at Lord Massereene's castle in the neighbourhood (cf. a full account in Charlemont Papers, ii. 325–6, 328–9).

Sir Jonah Barrington speaks of O'Neill's ‘portly and graceful mien,’ and adds that he was ‘high-minded, well-educated, his abilities moderate, but his understanding sound; incapable of deception; one of the most perfect models of an aristocratic patriot.’ Musgrave bears testimony to other amiable qualities, and to the fact that he was charitable in all senses of the word. Grattan's son calls O'Neill ‘a high-spirited and independent member;’ but Lord Charlemont, in a letter to Richard Jephson, dated 4 Dec. 1793, while admitting that ‘it is impossible not to love O'Neill,’ speaks of the great fault in his character—‘his too great pliancy’—the cause of which was his ‘milkiness of disposition’ (, Life of Charlemont, ii. 322; Charlemont Papers, ii. 225). O'Neill married on 18 Oct. 1777 Henrietta, only child of Charles Boyle, lord Dungarvan, son of John Boyle, fifth earl of Cork and Orrery. She died on 3 Sept. 1793, leaving two sons, both of whom were successively Viscounts O'Neill.

A portrait was painted by Peters, and engraved by Reynolds. Another, engraved by Maguire, is in ‘Walker's Hibernian Magazine’ for August 1798, where also are printed some highly eulogistic memorial verses by Amyas Griffith, esq., ‘who for a series of years (since his Misfortunes in the year 1785) has existed by his unsolicited bounties.’

, second and first  (1779–1841), elder son of the first viscount, was born 22 Jan. 1779. He was educated at Eton and Oxford, matriculating at Christ Church 23 Nov. 1795. Lord Cornwallis, in a letter to the Duke of Portland of 3 June 1800, recommended that he and Lord Bandon should have precedence in the creation of Irish earls then contemplated. On 7 Aug. O'Neill accordingly became Viscount Raymond and Earl O'Neill. His borough of Randalstown was disfranchised at the union (Cornwallis Corr. 2nd ed. iii. 245, 319, 323). In September he was elected one of the first Irish representative peers in the imperial parliament. In 1807 he was appointed joint postmaster-general of Ireland. On 13 Feb. 1809 he was created a knight of the order of St. Patrick. In 1831 he became lord-lieutenant of Antrim. He was also grand master of the orangemen of Ireland until the union of the English and Irish bodies under the Duke of Cumberland. He died unmarried at the Bilton Hotel, Sackville Street, Dublin, on 25 March 1841. The earldom then became extinct, the viscounty devolving on his younger brother.

, third (1780–1855), was born on 30 Dec. 1780. He entered the army as an ensign in the Coldstream guards on 10 Oct. 1799, saw much active service, and attained the rank of major-general 27 May 1825, lieutenant-general 28 June 1838, and general 20 June 1854. He also represented the county of Antrim from 19 July 1802 till his succession to the peerage on the death of his brother in 1841. He supported the Reform Bill, but took little part in public affairs. He was re-elected on 15 May 1811, after his appointment as constable of Dublin Castle, and also on 9 May 1812, ‘he having vacated his seat by sitting and voting without having taken the oaths’ (Official Returns Memb. Parl.) In February 1842 he was elected a representative peer of Ireland. Besides being constable of Dublin Castle, he was vice-admiral of the coast of Ulster. He died of a complication of gout and influenza at Shane's Castle on 12 Feb. 1855.

The name of O'Neill was assumed by the inheritor of the estates, the Rev. William


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 Chichester (1813–1883) [q. v.], who is separately noticed.

O'NEILL, JOHN (1777?–1860?), temperance poet, was born in the city of Waterford on 8 Jan. 1777 or 1778, and was the son of a poor shoemaker. He left school when nine years of age, and was apprenticed to the shoemaking business under his uncle. In 1798 he was living in Carrick-on-Suir, and in 1799 went to Dublin in search of employment. He returned to Carrick in the following year, and there married, though in extremely poor circumstances. At this time he began to write verse, some of which became popular, and he produced a satire against master-tailors called ‘The Clothier's Looking-Glass.’ His poverty was great, but he prided himself on his sobriety. After his removal to London early in the century he tried many callings, but was unsuccessful in all. Meanwhile he wrote poetry, eight dramas, and a novel in three volumes, entitled ‘Mary of Avonmore; or the Foundling of the Beach.’ None of these works seem now accessible. Hampered by a very large family, he managed to subsist by working as a shoemaker.

Connecting himself with temperance organisations, he prominently identified himself with their principles, and attracted the notice of Mrs. S. C. Hall and George Cruikshank. In 1840 he published a poem called ‘The Drunkard,’ and dedicated it to Father Mathew [q. v.] For a new edition of 1842 Cruikshank designed his remarkable etchings of the effects of the ‘Bottle.’ O'Neill died about 1860.

His published works are: 1. ‘Irish Melodies.’ 2. ‘The Sorows of Memory,’ a poem. 3. ‘Alva,’ a drama, 1821. 4. ‘The Drunkard,’ a poem, 12mo, London, 1840; ditto, with a portrait and etchings by George Cruikshank, 8vo, 1842; another edition, under the title of ‘The Blessings of Temperance,’ and containing the author's life and portrait, 12mo, London, 1851. 6. ‘The Triumph of Temperance; or the Destruction of the British Upas Tree,’ a poem in three cantos, 12mo, London, 1852. 7. ‘Handerahan the Irish Fairy-Man, and Legends of Carrick’ (edited by Mrs. S. C. Hall), 12mo, London, 1854.

Another John O'Neill published a poem entitled ‘Hugh O'Neill, the Prince of Ulster,’ in Dublin, 1859.

O'NEILL, NEILL or NIALL (1658?–1690), soldier, born late in December 1657 or early in January 1658, was the eldest son of Sir Henry O'Neill of Shane's Castle, co. Antrim, who was created baronet of Killelagh on 23 Feb. 1666, and his wife, Eleanor Talbot, sister of Richard Talbot, earl of Tyrconnel [q. v.] He must be distinguished from Niall Og O'Neill, a well-known Ulster tory (cf., Ireland from the Restoration to the Revolution, pp. 101–2). In 1687 O'Neill raised a regiment of dragoons for the service of James II; on 10 May 1689 he was sent with his dragoons into Down and Antrim, where he signalised himself by his bravery. He was also present at the siege of Derry early in 1689, and was afterwards despatched to oppose a detachment of Schomberg's army in Sligo. On 25 March 1690 he had a skirmish with an English force at Hacketstown, co. Meath, when he was wounded in the thigh, but quickly recovered (An Exact Journal of the Victorious Progress of their Majesties' Forces in Ireland, 1690, p. 4). About the same time he was appointed lord lieutenant of Armagh. At the battle of the Boyne he was placed with his dragoons at the ford of Rosnaree, a little below the bridge of Slane, which had been previously broken down; the object was to prevent Schomberg crossing and attacking the flank of James II's army. For some time O'Neill defended the ford with conspicuous bravery, more than once charging through the river and beating back Schomberg's troops. At length he was wounded and his troops gave way. He was carried from the battlefield to Dublin, and thence to Waterford, where, owing to the carelessness of his surgeons, he died of his wound on 8 July, aged thirty-two years and six months. He was buried in the church of the Franciscan abbey at Waterford, where his tomb is still extant. He was attainted in 1691, and his estates confiscated.

O'Neill married Frances, daughter of Caryll, third viscount Maryborough [see under ]. By her he had four or five daugh-


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 ters, but no sons, and he was succeeded by his brother, Sir Daniel O'Neill. His widow, who survived until 1732, succeeded in recovering his estates in 1700.

O'NEILL, OWEN or EOGHAN (1380?–1456), Irish chieftain, probably born about 1380, was the eldest son of Niall Og O'Neill, chief of Cinel Eoghain, less correctly known as king of Tir-Eoghain or Tyrone, who was styled one of the four kings of Ireland, was knighted by Richard II in 1395, and died in 1402. In 1398 Owen slew Rory Maguire, and perhaps for this offence was next year a prisoner in Dublin Castle, when his father raised a large force, and threatened to ravage the Pale unless he were released. In 1410 Owen was engaged in war with his kinsman, Aedh Hugh O'Neill; in 1414 his brothers attacked Owen, and took him prisoner as a hostage for Donnell Boy O'Neill, ‘the O'Neill,’ and Owen's kinsman. He was soon afterwards released. In 1417 Owen O'Neill repulsed Talbot's attack on Eastern Ulster; but in 1419 war broke out between O'Neill and Donnell O'Neill; Owen sought alliance with his neighbours, the O'Donnells; a league was formed, and the allies marched into Tyrone, ‘the O'Neill's’ country, where, being joined by Brian MacMahon, ‘lord of Oriel’ (i.e. a portion of co. Louth), and Thomas Maguire, lord of Fermanagh, they ravaged the country, and expelled the O'Neill, who sought refuge with the English across the Bann. Peace was concluded the same year, but in 1420 Owen again drove the O'Neill into Sligo. In 1421 Owen was taken prisoner by Mac-i-Neill Boy, but was ransomed next year by his wife and sons; then, uniting with other chiefs, Owen plundered Carbery, and, marching against Mac-ui-Neill Boy, recovered more than the equivalent of his ransom. Next year he co-operated with the English in an attack upon Connaught, but in 1423 he turned against his new allies, and ravaged Louth in alliance with Magennis and MacMahon.

In 1425 O'Neill was captured by Sir John Talbot [q. v.] at Trim, and after imprisonment in Dublin Castle was ransomed. In order to protect settlers and the tenants of Richard, duke of York, on whom the earldom of Ulster had devolved, Ormonde in the same year entered into a compact with O'Neill. In an elaborate indenture, drawn up in Latin, and printed in the ‘Reports on the Records of Ireland, 1810–1815,’ pp. 54–56, Owen acknowledged the suzerainty of the king of England, and declared himself a tenant of the Duke of York; he covenanted that neither he nor his people would molest the English settlers or invade the lands of the earldom of Ulster, but would aid King Henry and the Duke of York in war and peace. But in 1430 he was again in open war, levying contributions on the Pale, plundering the settlements in the plains, and burning fortresses. Descending from Ulster on Longford and West Meath with other chiefs, he made war on the English settlers until they came to terms. In 1431 he attacked the MacQuillins, and maintained his army in their country for six weeks. In 1432, on the death of Donnell Boy O'Neill, Owen was inaugurated ‘O'Neill’ and chief of Cinel Eoghain. In 1435 he won the victory of Sliabh-truim (now the mountain Bessy Bell) over Brian Oge O'Neill and the Conallachs, and in 1443 he slew Emher MacMathghamhna (MacMahon). In the following year he again levied blackmail on the English settlers of the Pale and in Ulster, and John Mey [q. v.], archbishop of Armagh, was compelled to recognise his regal authority. In 1455, after further wars, he was deposed from the kingship of Tyrone, and banished by his eldest son, Henry, who was inaugurated the O'Neill in his stead. Owen died in the following year.

He married Catherine or Caitriona (d. 1427), daughter of Ardghal MacMahon, by whom he had numerous offspring, of whom Niall was killed in 1435. Henry [q. v.], the eldest, who became the O'Neill in 1455, is separately noticed.

O'NEILL, OWEN ROE (1590?–1649), Irish patriot and general, born about 1590, was the son of Art O'Neill, the younger brother of Hugh O'Neill, earl of Tyrone, whose flight in


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O'Neill 1607 was the immediate cause of the plantation of Ulster. Owen Roe, or the Ruddy, as he was called, entered the Spanish military service about 1610 (‘Aphorismical Discovery’ in Contemporary History of Affairs in Ireland, i. 6). After a distinguished service of about thirty years, he conducted the defence of Arras in 1640, surrendering it to the French after a notable resistance (ib. i. 350). According to Irish ideas the chieftainship did not necessarily follow hereditary right, and after the deaths of Tyrone and his sons, Owen was looked up to as the representative of the pretensions of the O'Neills, though his own elder brother, Art Og O'Neill, and a son of his father's elder brother, Con MacCormac O'Neill, were still living. His position was also strengthened by his marriage with Rose, daughter of Sir Cahir O'Dogherty [q. v.] of Inishowen, who had led an abortive insurrection against the English in 1608, and widow of Rory O'Donnell, earl of Tyrconnel [q. v.], who had fled with Tyrone in 1607. As Owen's aunt had been married to Sir Randal MacDonnell, first earl of Antrim [q. v.], he was connected by blood or alliance with the leading families in every part of Celtic Ulster. His nephews, Daniel O'Neill [q. v.] and Hugh O'Neill (fl. 1642–1660) [q. v.], are separately noticed.

Absence from Ireland, however, prevented Owen from taking part in the Ulster insurrection of 1641, and, as far as the O'Neills were concerned, the leadership fell into the hands of Sir Phelim O'Neill [q. v.]

As the Ulster insurrection widened into a general resistance to English domination, Owen resolved to carry his sword to the defence of his country (O'Neill to Wadding, 28 May–7 June 1642, in, u.s., i. 476). He arrived in Lough Swilly at the end of July 1642, when he was at once chosen general by the Ulstermen. For some time he carried on a partisan warfare with the Scottish army under the command of Robert Monro (d. 1680?) [q. v.] He always consistently maintained that he fought as a loyal subject of the king against the parliamentary rebels, but Charles's authority in Ireland was so slight that it was of little importance whether an Irish commander nominally adhered to him or not. Of more immediate interest were the relations between O'Neill and the supreme council of the confederate catholics, which had been established at Kilkenny in October 1642. Between Owen and the supreme council there were personal misunderstandings, as it had appointed as its general in Leinster Thomas Preston [see, first ], whose daughter was married to Phelim O'Neill, Owen's rival in the north. The differences, however, between Owen and the council were also political. Owen and the Ulstermen represented the purely Celtic element in Ireland, while the supreme council in great part represented the Anglo-Norman element. The former aimed at making Ireland practically independent, in its political and social life, of England, and relied on the organisation of the Roman catholic clergy; while the latter aimed at establishing under the authority of the English crown a parliamentary system in which the Irish nobility and gentry should be preponderant, and liberty of religion should be conceded to Roman catholics.

In November 1642 Owen visited Kilkenny, where he received supplies for his troops and swore the oath of confederacy (GILBERT, u.s. i. 53). The campaign of 1643 was a desultory one. None of the parties had sufficient supplies in money or in warlike stores to enable it to strike a decisive blow, and when on 15 Sept. a cessation was agreed to between the supreme council and Ormonde, the king's lord deputy, it was loyally accepted by O'Neill. In one way O'Neill had shown himself a successful general. In spite of enormous difficulties he had succeeded in attaching to himself the force which he commanded, and at no time was he deserted by his men as Montrose was deserted after Kilsyth. To feed them without resort to plunder was beyond his power; and whether the Ulster army operated in the centre or south of Ireland, its presence caused alarm among the population, from which it was compelled to draw its support.

When Rinuccini landed in Ireland as papal nuncio in October 1645, he found in O'Neill a warm supporter in his policy of pushing the claims of the Roman catholic church to the uttermost. When on 28 March 1646 a treaty was signed between Ormonde and the confederate catholics, O'Neill took advantage of it, and of the supplies with which he was furnished by Rinuccini, to attack the Scottish army under Monro. Over this army he gained a complete victory at Benburb, on the Blackwater, on 5 June [see or, d. 1680?]. During the next three months O'Neill, though protesting his devotion to Ormonde, did little to follow up his victory, and on 1 Sept. Daniel O'Neill [q. v.], who had been sent by Ormonde to his uncle Owen to discover the cause of his lingering, gave his opinion that Owen was not to be trusted. Two days later Daniel forwarded a statement of the grievances of the Ulstermen, from which it appeared that they expected a restoration of at least a con-


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 siderable part of the lands which had been confiscated at the time of the plantation (Daniel O'Neill to Roscommon, 1 Sept., Grievances of the Ulster Party, 3 Sept., in, i. 701, 702). The revolution, in short, was religious and political at Kilkenny, but religious and agrarian in Ulster.

By this time the situation was complicated by the rejection of the peace by Rinuccini and by most of the towns in the south of Ireland. Before the end of September the supreme council had been replaced by one entirely at Rinuccini's devotion. In the campaign of 1647 an attempt was made to combine the whole Irish force against Ormonde in Dublin, but there was rivalry between O'Neill and Preston, and the former withdrew to Connaught. In August, Preston having been defeated by Jones [see JONES, MICHAEL], who had been appointed governor of Dublin by the English parliament when Ormonde left Ireland, at Dungan Hill, the supreme council summoned O'Neill to its aid. He soon established himself in Leinster, and skilfully kept Jones in check, but his plunderings roused the southern Irish against him, and Jones and Inchiquin, who were now in arms for the English parliament, proved too strong to be resisted. By May 1648 the supreme council had revolted against the ascendency of Rinuccini, and on 20 May a cessation of arms was signed between it and Inchiquin [see, first ], with the object of forming a combination against Jones and the parliamentarians (Vindiciarum Catholicorum Hiberniæ libri duo, p. 88). This proceeding having been violently condemned by Rinuccini, O'Neill sided with the latter, and the disputes which arose prevented the Irish enemies of the parliament from taking the opportunity afforded by the absorption of the parliamentary army in England in the second civil war. On 17 June O'Neill and his commanders issued a declaration that they were still loyal to the king and to the Irish confederacy, but that they abhorred the authors of the cessation as virtually subordinating themselves to Ormonde, who had been guilty of surrendering Dublin and other garrisons in his power to the English parliament (Declaration in, i. 741). On 30 Sept. the general assembly of the confederates replied by declaring O'Neill an enemy and a traitor (ib. p. 749). Yet on 13 Oct. O'Neill, hearing that Ormonde had returned to Ireland as the king's lord-lieutenant, sent him a congratulatory letter (ib.)

It is unlikely that there was any genuine feeling behind these congratulations. O'Neill's real thoughts were expressed in a letter to Ormonde of 6 Dec. ‘The distance,’ he wrote, ‘your Excellency finds me at with the rest of the confederates is occasioned by my obligation to defend his Holyness's Nuncio and the rest of the clergy that adhered to him, and myself too, from the violence and indiscretion of some of the council that were at Kilkenny. … As for the treaty which your Excellency hath begun with the Assembly, if it end with the satisfaction of the clergy in point of religion, and of the rest of the Assembly in what concerns the common interest of the nation and the safety and advantage of the poor provinces which entrusted me with their army, I shall with much joy and gladness submit to the conclusion of it, for these are the ends which made me quit the good condition I was in abroad, and with a great deal of trouble to myself and expense of my fortune, stay here’ (O'Neill to Ormonde, 6 Dec., ib. p. 754).

Everything was against the realisation of O'Neill's ideal of an Ireland strongly organised under the Roman catholic clergy, and practically independent with the English king as a figure-head. Rinuccini, vanquished by the alliance between Ormonde, Inchiquin, and the supreme council, left Ireland in February 1649, and the English Commonwealth was by that time preparing an attack in force on both Irish parties. All that O'Neill could do was to keep aloof as much as possible from the parliamentarians and from the supreme council. In a letter written to the Cardinal de la Cueva on 18 May 1649, he denounced vigorously the members of the latter body who ‘iniquâ collegatione se conjunxerint hæreticis et ecclesiæ inimicis, imo ejusdem perfidiæ caput et gubernatorem instituerint regni Marchionem Ormoniæ’ (, ii. 435). Isolated as he was, it was difficult for him to make his weight felt, and his weakness was the greater because he was in great want of ammunition and provisions. During the spring of 1649 he negotiated with one or other of the parties which he detested, merely, it would seem, with the object of keeping his army on foot till he received the supplies which Rinuccini had promised to send him from the continent. He had for some time been in communication with Jones, but, finding nothing was to be gained in that quarter, he asked Ormonde in February to send commissioners to treat for an alliance. We have but little information on the course of this negotiation, but in the beginning of April it had practically broken down. O'Neill then turned to Monck, who commanded the parliamentary forces in the neighbourhood of Dundalk and Belfast, and was being attacked by the Scots for his refusal to renew the


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Rh covenant. As O'Neill wanted supplies, and Monck wanted his hands free to cope with the Scots, a bargain was easily struck. On 8 May a cessation of hostilities for three months was signed between them. Monck was to forward to parliament O'Neill's demands for religious and other concessions in Ireland, and to give him a fixed quantity of supplies [see, first ]. O'Neill was to assist Monck against Ormonde and Inchiquin, who were now closely combined. In July Monck, fearing an attack by Inchiquin, summoned O'Neill to his aid, and on 23 July O'Neill sent a party of men to Dundalk to receive the promised ammunition. Unluckily they got drunk, and as they staggered out of the town with their loads were routed by Inchiquin, into whose hands the ammunition passed.

On 31 July the three months of the cessation expired, without any concession arriving from England, and early in August O'Neill made fresh overtures to Ormonde (Ormonde to Clanricarde, 8 Aug., Carte MSS. xxv. fol. 193). Before an answer had been received he had supplied himself with ammunition and provisions by an agreement with Sir Charles Coote, afterwards first Earl of Mountrath [q. v.], who was besieged in Londonderry by the Scots. On 9 Aug. the Scots broke up the siege, and Coote, according to promise, gave O'Neill the supplies which he needed. The news of Ormonde's defeat by Jones at Rathmines on 2 Aug. soon altered the conditions of the Irish war, and this was still more the case after Cromwell's landing at Dublin on the 15th. The danger from the English forces was now far greater than any danger from Ormonde and the confederate catholics, and O'Neill now offered heartily to co-operate with the latter. Yet Ormonde complained bitterly of the tardiness of O'Neill's movements. Of that tardiness there can be no question, the only difference of opinion being as to its cause. O'Neill's health was breaking down and his end approaching, but, though no evidence exists on the point, it seems unlikely that he would not have made greater efforts than he did to hasten forward his army if he had not wished Ormonde to be still further weakened before his own troops appeared on the scene. However that may have been, he advanced with extreme slowness. He suffered much, and even when carried in a litter he could only travel by easy stages. On 6 Nov. he died. No credit need be given to the assertion that he had been poisoned. A long Irish elegy on him is in Egerton MS. 171, f. 53.

O'Neill's position in Irish history is clearly marked. He is not, like his uncle, Hugh O'Neill, the Irish chieftain of a sept; he is the trained soldier who fights for the independence of his country. Whether he was a great commander there is not sufficient evidence to show. To keep an army together under the circumstances in which he fought was in itself a marvel of skill, and he succeeded in winning with it the one victory obtained by the Irish in the course of the war in which he fought. His material resources were, however, too small to enable him to conduct a successful campaign, and even if this had not been the case, the divisions between the purely Celtic population of Ireland and the Anglo-Norman landowners made resistance to an English reconquest in the long run impossible. It must, however, be remembered to his credit that the force which he had organised was the nucleus of the long and stubborn resistance offered by Celtic Ireland, which began when his nephew, Hugh O'Neill, drove back Cromwell himself from the walls of Clonmel.

A lithographed copy of a portrait of O'Neill from an original Dutch painting is in Mr. J. T. Gilbert's ‘Contemporary History of Affairs in Ireland’ (i. 1).

O'NEILL, PHELIM (1604?–1653), Irish rebel, called in Irish Feidlimidh O'Neill and Feidlimidh Ruadh, born about 1604, the eldest son of Turlough O'Neill, inherited considerable property in Armagh and Tyrone from his grandfather, Sir Henry O'Neill, who was killed in action against Sir Cahir O'Dogherty [q. v.] on 20 June 1608. Sir Phelim at that time was four and a half years old, and the lord-deputy, Sir Arthur Chichester [q. v.], in pursuance of his policy of weakening the native aristocracy by diminishing their resources, suggested that, notwithstanding Sir Henry's letters patent, his property should be divided among his heirs ‘legitimate and illegitimate,’ with special provision for Sir Phelim and his mother, Catherine ny Neill, subsequently Catherine Hovenden. Sir Phelim was said (Cal. State Papers, Irel. Jas. I, iv. 260) to have given his consent to this arrangement, which was sanctioned by the king on 31 March 1612; but the consent of a mere infant cannot have carried much weight, and it is doubtful if the arrangement was ever executed, for on 6 Aug. 1629 Sir Phelim obtained an order for a new


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 patent, vesting in him all the lands mentioned in his grandfather's grant. He was entered a student of Lincoln's Inn, but is said to have contracted extravagant habits; and it is certain that his estate was greatly encumbered by him with mortgages of one sort and another long before the outbreak of the rebellion (Repertory of Inquisitions, Tyrone, Charles II, p. 3). In 1641 he was elected member of the Irish House of Commons for Dungannon, but he was expelled with others for his share in the rebellion on 17 Nov. 1641.

Whether it was from a desire to mend his own broken fortunes or from a patriotic interest in the civil and religious liberties of his countrymen, he entered heartily into a proposal, suggested apparently to him by the Earl of Antrim some time in 1641, to create a diversion in Ireland in favour of Charles I. The affair is involved in considerable obscurity; but it would appear that in the summer of that year Charles, being hard pressed by the parliament, suggested or countenanced a conspiracy to wrest the government of Ireland out of the hands of the parliament, and to use his advantage there as a means to recover his authority in England. The design was imparted by Antrim to Lords Gormanston and Slane, and to others in Ulster. ‘But the fools,’ as Antrim called the northern chiefs, ‘well liking the business, would not expect our time and manner for ordering the work; but fell upon it without us, and sooner and otherwise than we should have done, taking to themselves, and in their own way, the management of the work, and so spoiled it’ (, Hib. Angl. App. p. xlix). It is likely that Antrim's account of the origin of the rebellion is correct. It is certain that during the autumn frequent communications passed between O'Neill and his immediate associates and the nobility of the Pale, and that Kinard, Sir Phelim's residence in Tyrone, was a principal meeting-place of the northern conspirators. In accordance with the final arrangements for the rebellion, Sir Phelim on the evening of 22 Oct. surprised Charlemont Castle, a place of considerable strategic importance, commanding the passage of the Blackwater, on the great northern road.

The circumstances attending the outbreak of the rebellion have been, and still are, the subject of fierce recrimination. Sir Phelim himself, besides being held responsible for the outrages that took place in his neighbourhood, was directly charged with the murder of Lord Caulfeild. But of this crime he was acquitted by the high court of justice sitting in Dublin in March 1653; and it depends mainly on the degree of credibility to be attached to the depositions relating to the massacres, preserved in Trinity College, Dublin, whether he was the monster of iniquity he is described to have been by Carte and more recent historians, or a much-maligned man. In any case, his success in capturing Charlemont Castle and other northern fortresses alone prevented the rebellion from proving a miserable failure. On 24 Oct. he published a proclamation declaring that in taking up arms he and his associates had done so ‘only for the defence and liberty of ourselves and the Irish natives of this kingdom;’ and that it was in no way directed to the harm either of the king or any of his subjects, English and Scottish. His success and energy inspired confidence in him, and at a meeting of the Ulster leaders at Monaghan he was chosen commander-in-chief of the northern forces. At Newry on 4 Nov. he and Rory Maguire published a commission, purporting to come from the king, expressly authorising the Irish to rise in defence of their liberties against the parliament. The commission was a manifest forgery, but it created an immense sensation, and repeated efforts were made by the parliament at the time of Sir Phelim's trial to induce him to admit its genuineness. This, however, Sir Phelim declined to do, declaring that he had forged it himself, in the belief that he was justified in using any means ‘to promote that cause he had so far engaged in.’

The hope of meeting with support from the Scottish settlers proving before long delusive, Sir Phelim prepared to reduce them by force. On 15 Nov. he captured Lurgan, but was repulsed from Lisburn, with considerable loss, by Sir Arthur Terringham and Major Rawdon on Sunday, 28 Nov. Turning on his heel, he marched into the north-west, captured and plundered the town of Strabane, and, with the connivance of Lady Strabane, widow of Claude Hamilton, lord Strabane, whom he subsequently married, succeeded in getting possession of the castle. He remained in the neighbourhood for several weeks, but the Lagan forces under Sir William Stewart, though unable to prevent him burning and plundering at his pleasure, frustrated his efforts to capture Castlederg and Augher. Meanwhile the siege of Drogheda had not been progressing as favourably as had been expected, and the gentry of the Pale, ‘being no longer able to conceal their engagement with those of the north,’ and perceiving the besiegers ‘to decrease daily, by reason that the soldiers, as soon as they were become masters of any considerable booty, stole from the camp with it, resolved at length to call upon Sir Phelim O'Neill, whose power they thought unresistible.’ Sir Phelim


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Rh at once obeyed the summons, reaching the camp before Drogheda apparently about 10 Jan. 1642; ‘and the lords,’ says Bellings, ‘to endear Sir Phelim O'Neill by the highest marks of their confidence in him, not only offered to receive him as general of all the forces which were designed for the siege, but by an instrument in form of a commission entrusted him with the government of the county of Meath during that service.’

Finding after a brief experience that the resources at his command were inadequate to the reduction of the place, Sir Phelim determined to renew his attempt to subjugate the Scots in Down and Antrim; but not succeeding in this, he returned to Drogheda about 10 Feb. Two days previously (8 Feb.) he had been proclaimed a traitor, and a reward of 1,000l. placed on his head by the government at Dublin. About the same time there appeared in London ‘The Petition of Sir Phelomy Oneale, Knight … Presented to the Right Honourable the Lords and Commons now assembled in the High Court of Parliament in England.’ The thing was a hoax; but Ormonde's name having been appended as a petitioner, it was ordered, on 8 March, that some speedy course be taken to repair his honour, and ‘for the corporal punishment of the printer and contriver.’ Several such pamphlets were in circulation calculated to inflame the public mind against Sir Phelim. A more specious but equally spurious one was that entitled ‘The True Demands of the Rebells in Ireland. Declaring the Cause of their taking up Armes. Sent into England by Sir Phelom O'Neale … Vlster. February 10, 1641. Published for preventing false copies already extant or that may be hereafter printed.’

After several months had been spent in a fruitless attempt to reduce Drogheda, Sir Phelim was compelled in April, by the approach of Ormonde, to raise the siege. In one of the numerous sallies made by the garrison at this time, he narrowly escaped capture by creeping into a fir bush. Retiring to Armagh, he was about the beginning of May forced by Monro to set fire to the place, and to beat a hasty retreat to Charlemont, while the greater part of his troops betook themselves to the fastnesses of the bogs and mountains of Tyrone. About this time, according to the author of the ‘Aphorismical Discovery,’ Sir Phelim, ‘inflated with some odd conceits of his own actions,’ assumed the title of Earl of Tyrone, but was immediately prevailed upon by Daniel O'Cahan to drop it. Sir Phelim himself denied that he ever subscribed himself as such in any official document. He was greatly crippled in his operations by want of powder, and though he made every effort to improve his position in the north-west, he was unable to prevent the recapture of Strabane by Sir William Stewart. He was joined by Alexander MacDonald (d. 1674) [q. v.], but on 16 June the allies were defeated at Glenmaquin, near Raphoe, after the sharpest encounter that had taken place in Ulster. Returning to Charlemont, he was confronted with a new danger. On 20 June Lord Montgomery, with a small force, having managed to capture Kinard, including Sir Phelim's own house, was preparing to attack Charlemont itself. Somewhere near the place made famous by Tyrone's victory over Sir Henry Bagenal, Sir Phelim contested the passage of the Blackwater with him, but was defeated, and narrowly escaped being captured. The same day Dungannon was surprised by Sir William Brownlow; but after a vain attempt to terrify the garrison of Charlemont into surrender, Lord Montgomery was compelled, by lack of ammunition, to raise the siege. Hitherto the possession of Fort Mountjoy had enabled Sir Phelim to command Lough Neagh, but on 26 June the fort was captured without a blow by Colonel James Clotworthy. Sir Phelim was obliged to retire into Charlemont Castle; his resources were exhausted; his followers, having lost all confidence in him, obeyed or disobeyed him as they liked; ‘one day he had two or three thousand, the next day but five hundred.’

Such was the situation when the news that Owen Roe O'Neill (d. 1649) [q. v.] had arrived with supplies at Doe Castle revived the drooping spirits of the Irish. Hastening to meet Owen Roe, Sir Phelim escorted him in safety by way of Ballyshannon to Charlemont. He at once yielded to the superior claims of Owen O'Neill to command the northern forces; but though it was endeavoured to render his resignation as palatable as possible by making him general of the horse, it was almost inevitable that jealousies should arise between the two kinsmen. Feeling himself eclipsed, Sir Phelim gradually drew to the side of the confederation. The exertions of Scarampi, and subsequently of Rinuccini, produced a temporary reconciliation; but, according to Bellings, ‘their differences were never entirely appeased, and each of them endeavoured upon all occasions to strengthen his faction … wherein Sir Phelim O'Neill thought he had outstripped the other by the alliance he had contracted with General Preston, whose daughter he took to wife.’ He was elected a representative of Ulster on the supreme council of the confederation, and on 1 Nov. 1642 was appointed one of the