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 October 1651 (ib. i. 277). After fighting a duel with Major Nicholas Armorer in Brabant (ib. i. 303), he was sent in June 1652 by Buckingham to London with a sealed letter directed to Cromwell. The council of state refused to listen to him, gave him back the letter, and ordered him to leave the country within a certain time (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1651–2, pp. 299, 302, 315, 317, 324). Elsewhere he is reported to have had a two hours' interview with Cromwell, who ‘used him with more than ordinary courtesy’ (Nicholas Papers, i. 304). After his return to Antwerp he had a bad illness, became temporarily insane, and on his recovery turned Roman catholic (ib. i. 321; Clarendon State Papers, ii. 162). In June 1656 he deserted Buckingham on the pretext that the duke did not ‘rightly submit to the king’ (ib. iii. 137). He subsequently became secretary to the Duke of York, and was knighted at Brussels in April 1659 (, Pedigrees of Knights, Harl. Soc., p. 41). At the Restoration he made his peace with Buckingham, and was indebted to him for much preferment. He persuaded Lord Aubigny to recommend his elder brother, Robert [q. v.], for a bishopric in 1661. On 28 April 1664 he was made one of the secretaries of the prize office (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1663–4, p. 571). Charles also recommended him to the university of Cambridge for the degree of LL.D. on 19 May 1665 (ib. Dom. 1664–5, p. 371). He was appointed one of the king's counsel in the admiralty court on 15 June of that year (ib. Dom. 1664–1665, p. 427), and was admitted a civilian on 3 April 1666 (, English Civilians, p. 91). He made a very indifferent advocate (, Diary, ed. 1848–9, iii. 436–437). When John, lord Berkeley of Stratton [q. v.], went to Ireland in 1670 as lord-lieutenant, he chose Leighton for his secretary. Leighton contrived to turn out of the Dublin corporation the recorder and several of the principal aldermen who were known to be opposed to the Romish party. His ‘Speech at the Tholsell of Dublin’ was printed in 1672; a copy is in the Bodleian Library at Oxford. He then contrived his own appointment as recorder, and received a present of money from the citizens (, Life of William III, pp. 98–9). In 1675 he accompanied Berkeley on his embassy to France, and, while arranging for the restitution of vessels captured by French privateers, took bribes from every quarter. A warrant was issued for his arrest, but he managed to evade it. He died in the parish of St. Andrew, Holborn, on 9 Jan. 1684–5 (Probate Act Book, P. C. C., 1685, f. 30 b), and was buried in the church of Horsted Keynes, Sussex, leaving a daughter Mary (will, P. C. C., 23 Cann;, Life of R. Leighton, p. 46).

North (Examen, p. 480) and Burnet (Own Time, Oxf. edit. i. 232) give Leighton a most unfavourable character. Pepys speaks of him, at second hand, as having been ‘a mad freaking fellow,’ though he found him ‘one of the best companions at a meal in the world’ (Diary, ii. 389, 426, iii. 137). He had a turn for mechanics, and became F.R.S. on 9 Dec. 1663, but was expelled in 1677 (, Hist. of Roy. Soc., Append. iv; Lists of Roy. Soc. in Brit. Mus.). Evelyn went to see his ‘project of a cart with iron axle-trees’ in September 1668 (Diary, ed. 1850–2, ii. 35). He apparently euphonised Elisha into ‘Ellis.’

LEIGHTON, LICHTON, or LYCHTON, HENRY (d. 1440), bishop successively of Moray and Aberdeen, was the son of Henry and Jonet de Lichton, and belonged, it is said, to the Leightons of Usan, Forfarshire. Before 1414 he was parson of Duffus, Elginshire, and canon and chanter (precentor) of Elgin Cathedral. Leighton, now described as ‘legum doctor et baccalaureus in decretis,’ was elected bishop of Moray, and was consecrated 8 March 1414–15 at Valentia by Benedict XIII, being the third bishop of Moray in succession consecrated by the same pope. On the death of his predecessor Bishop John Innes [q. v.] the chapter had resolved that the new bishop should devote a third of his revenues to the restoration of the cathedral, which had been burned in 1390 by Alexander Stewart, the Wolf of Badenoch. While still bishop of Moray Leighton presented to the cathedral of Aberdeen two pairs of episcopal gloves and jewelled images of St. James and St. John. Translated to Aberdeen, probably in 1423, he soon displayed similar munificence there. Besides bestowing on his church many books and costly ornaments, recorded in its inventories, he was the builder of by far the greater part of the existing cathedral. The nave with its south aisle, fine porch, still finer west window (the ‘Seven Sisters’), and western towers, not the spires, were his work; and, plain as the cathedral is, its size and the admirable suitability of its style to the intractable granite of which it is composed fairly entitle him to a place among the great church-builders of Scotland. He made other additions to the episcopal residence, em-


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 maintained its rigid austerity, till in the course of years wealth impaired its discipline, and its members sank into indolence and luxury. The Premonstratensians were brought to England shortly after 1140, and were first settled at Newhouse, in Lincolnshire, near the Humber. The ground-plan of Easby Abbey, owing to its situation on the edge of the steeply sloping banks of a river, is singularly irregular. The cloister is duly placed on the south side of the church, and the chief buildings occupy their usual positions round it. But the cloister garth, as at Chichester, is not rectangular, and all the surrounding buildings are thus made to sprawl in a very awkward fashion. The church follows the plan adopted by the Austin canons in their northern abbeys, and has only one aisle to the nave—that to the north; while the choir is long, narrow and aisleless. Each transept has an aisle to the east, forming three chapels.

The church at Bayham was destitute of aisles either to nave or choir. The latter terminated in a three-sided apse. This church is remarkable for its exceeding narrowness in proportion to its length. Extending in longitudinal dimensions 257 ft., it is not more than 25 ft. broad. Stern Premonstratensian canons wanted no congregations, and cared for no possessions; therefore they built their church like a long room.

The Carthusian order, on its establishment by St Bruno, about 1084, developed a greatly modified form and arrangement of a monastic institution. The principle of this order, which combined the coenobitic with the solitary life, demanded the erection of buildings on a novel plan. This plan, which was first adopted by St Bruno and his twelve companions at the original institution at Chartreux, near Grenoble, was maintained in all the Carthusian establishments throughout Europe, even after the ascetic severity of the order had been to some extent relaxed, and the primitive simplicity of their buildings had been exchanged for the magnificence of decoration which characterizes such foundations as the Certosas of Pavia and Florence. According to the rule of St Bruno, all the members of a Carthusian brotherhood lived in the most absolute solitude and silence. Each occupied a small detached cottage, standing by itself in a small garden surrounded by high walls and connected by a common corridor or cloister. In these cottages or cells a Carthusian monk passed his time in the strictest asceticism, only leaving his solitary dwelling to attend the services of the Church, except on certain days when the brotherhood assembled in the refectory. The peculiarity of the arrangements of a Carthusian monastery, or charter-house, as it was called in England, from a corruption of the French chartreux, is exhibited in the plan of that of Clermont, from Viollet-le-Duc.

The whole establishment is surrounded by a wall, furnished at intervals with watch towers (R). The enclosure is divided into two courts, of which the eastern court, surrounded by a cloister, from which the cottages of the monks (I) open, is much the larger. The two courts are divided by the main buildings of the monastery, including the church, the sanctuary (A), divided from B, the monks’ choir, by a screen with two altars, the smaller cloister to the south (S) surrounded by the chapter-house (E), the refectory (X)—these buildings occupying their normal position—and the chapel of Pontgibaud (K). The kitchen with its offices (V) lies behind the refectory, accessible from the outer court without entering the cloister. To the north of the church, beyond the sacristy (L), and the side chapels (M), we find the cell of the sub-prior (a), with its garden. The lodgings of the prior (G) occupy the centre of the outer court, immediately in front of the west door of the church, and face the gateway of the convent (O). A small raised court with a fountain (C) is before it. This outer court also contains the guest-chambers (P), the stables and lodgings of the lay brothers (N), the barns and granaries (Q), the dovecot (H) and the bakehouse (T). At Z is the prison. (In this outer court, in all the earlier foundations, as at Witham, there was a smaller church in addition to the larger church of the monks.) The outer and inner courts are connected by a long passage (F), wide enough to admit a cart laden with wood to supply the cells of the brethren with fuel. The number of cells surrounding the great cloister is 18. They are all arranged on a uniform plan. Each little dwelling contains three rooms: a sitting-room (C), warmed by a stove in winter; a sleeping-room (D), furnished with a bed, a table, a bench, and a bookcase; and a closet (E). Between the cell and the cloister gallery (A) is a passage or corridor (B), cutting off the inmate of the cell from all sound or movement which might interrupt his meditations. The superior had free access to this corridor, and through open niches was able to inspect the garden without being seen. At I is the hatch or turn-table, in which the daily allowance of food was deposited by a brother appointed for that purpose, affording no view either inwards or outwards. H is the garden, cultivated by the occupant of the cell. At K is the wood-house. F is a covered walk, with the necessary at the end.

The above arrangements are found with scarcely any variation in all the charter-houses of western Europe. The Yorkshire Charter-house of Mount Grace, founded by Thomas Holland, the young duke of Surrey, nephew of Richard II. and marshal of England, during the revival of the popularity of the order, about 1397, is the most perfect and best preserved English example. It is characterized by all the simplicity of the order. The church is a modest building, long, narrow and aisleless. Within the wall of enclosure are two courts. The smaller of the two, the south, presents the usual arrangement of church, refectory, &c., opening out of a cloister. The buildings are plain and solid. The northern court contains the cells, 14 in number. It is surrounded by a double stone wall, the two walls being about 30 ft. or 40 ft. apart. Between these, each in its own

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Rh down the stairs, still in her robe and slippers. The doctor followed and passed her, going through the door into the outside.

She walked, as though directed by some unseen force, into Mr. DeBrugh's study. She switched on a lamp beside the sofa on which he had always sat; and she noticed that it was moved slightly out of place.

There was something else about the room, some memory of old days. First she saw some sort of legal document on the table and wondered at its being there. The title said: Last Will and Testament of Hector A. DeBrugh. It was brief. She read it through and found that Mr. DeBrugh had spoken truthfully in his promise to her.

Beside the will on the table was another object, and she knew then what the "something else" in the room was.

The meerschaum! It lay there beside the document, and a thin spiral of grayish smoke rose upward from it toward the ceiling.

No longer did Letty wonder about anything.


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 garden, stand the cells; low-built two-storied cottages, of two or three rooms on the ground-floor, lighted by a larger and a smaller window to the side, and provided with a doorway to the court, and one at the back, opposite to one in the outer wall, through which the monk may have conveyed the sweepings of his cell and the refuse of his garden to the “eremus” beyond. By the side of the door to the court is a little hatch through which the daily pittance of food was supplied, so contrived by turning at an angle in the wall that no one could either look in or look out. A very perfect example of this hatch—an arrangement belonging to all Carthusian houses—exists at Miraflores, near Burgos, which remains nearly as it was completed in 1480. There were only nine Carthusian houses in England. The earliest was that at Witham in Somersetshire, founded by Henry II., by whom the order was first brought into England. The wealthiest and most magnificent was that of Sheen or Richmond in Surrey, founded by Henry V. about 1414. The dimensions of the buildings at Sheen are stated to have been remarkably large. The great court measured 300 ft. by 250 ft.; the cloisters were a square of 500 ft.; the hall was 110 ft. in length by 60 ft. in breadth. The most celebrated historically is the Charter-house of London, founded by Sir Walter Manny 1371, the name of which is preserved by the famous public school established on the site by Thomas Sutton  1611, now removed to Godalming. An article on monastic arrangements would be incomplete without some account of the convents of the Mendicant or Preaching Friars, including the Black Friars or Dominicans, the Grey or Franciscans, the White or Carmelites, the Eremite or Austin Friars. These orders arose at the beginning of the 13th century, when the Benedictines, together with their various reformed branches, had terminated their active mission, and Christian Europe was ready for a new religious revival. Planting themselves, as a rule, in large towns, and by preference in the poorest and most densely populated districts, the Preaching Friars were obliged to adapt their buildings to the requirements of the site. Regularity of arrangement, therefore, was not possible, even if they had studied it. Their churches, built for the reception of large congregations of hearers rather than worshippers, form a class by themselves, totally unlike those of the elder orders in ground-plan and character. They were usually long parallelograms unbroken by transepts. The nave very usually consisted of two equal bodies, one containing the stalls of the brotherhood, the other left entirely free for the congregation. The constructional choir is often wanting, the whole church forming one uninterrupted structure, with a continuous range of windows. The east end was usually square, but the Friars Church at Winchelsea had a polygonal apse. We not unfrequently find a single transept, sometimes of great size, rivalling or exceeding the nave. This arrangement is frequent in Ireland, where the numerous small friaries afford admirable exemplifications of these peculiarities of ground-plan. The friars’ churches were at first destitute of towers; but in the 14th and 15th centuries, tall, slender towers were commonly inserted between the nave and the choir. The Grey Friars at Lynn, where the tower is hexagonal, is a good example. The arrangement of the monastic buildings is equally peculiar and characteristic. We miss entirely the regularity of the buildings of the earlier orders. At the Jacobins at Paris, a cloister lay to the north of the long narrow church of two parallel aisles, while the refectory—a room of immense length, quite detached from the cloister—stretched across the area before the west front of the church. At Toulouse the nave also has two parallel aisles, but the choir is apsidal, with radiating chapel. The refectory stretches northwards at right angles to the cloister, which lies to the north of the church, having the chapter-house and sacristy on the east. As examples of English friaries, the Dominican house at Norwich, and those of the Dominicans and Franciscans at Gloucester, may be mentioned. The church of the Black Friars of Norwich departs from the original type in the nave (now St Andrew’s Hall), in having regular aisles. In this it resembles the earlier examples of the Grey Friars at Reading. The choir is long and aisleless; an hexagonal tower between the two, like that existing at Lynn, has perished. The cloister and monastic buildings remain tolerably perfect to the north. The Dominican convent at Gloucester still exhibits the cloister-court, on the north side of which is the desecrated church. The refectory is on the west side and on the south the dormitory of the 13th century. This is a remarkably good example. There were 18 cells or cubicles on each side, divided by partitions, the bases of which remain. On the east side was the prior’s house, a building of later date. At the Grey or Franciscan Friars, the church followed the ordinary type in having two equal bodies, each gabled, with a continuous range of windows. There was a slender tower between the nave and the choir. Of the convents of the Carmelite or White Friars we have a good example in the Abbey of Hulne, near Alnwick, the first of the order in England, founded 1240. The church is a narrow oblong, destitute of aisles, 123 ft. long by only 26 ft. wide. The cloisters are to the south, with the chapter-house, &c., to the east, with the dormitory over. The prior’s lodge is placed to the west of the cloister. The guest-houses adjoin the entrance gateway, to which a chapel was annexed on the south side of the conventual area. The nave of the church of the Austin Friars or Eremites in London is still standing. It is of Decorated date, and has wide centre and side aisles, divided by a very light and graceful arcade. Some fragments of the south walk of the cloister of the Grey Friars remained among the buildings of Christ’s Hospital (the Blue-Coat School), while they were still standing. Of the Black Friars all has perished but the name. Taken as a whole, the remains of the establishments of the friars afford little warrant for the bitter invective of the Benedictine of St Alban’s, Matthew Paris:—“The friars who have been founded hardly 40 years have built residences as the palaces of kings. These are they who, enlarging day by day their sumptuous edifices, encircling them with lofty walls, lay up in them their incalculable treasures, imprudently transgressing the bounds of poverty and violating the very fundamental rules of their profession.” Allowance must here be made for jealousy of a rival order just rising in popularity. Every large monastery had depending upon it one or more smaller establishments known as cells. These cells were monastic colonies, sent forth by the parent house, and planted on some outlying estate. As an example, we may refer to the small religious house of St Mary Magdalene’s, a cell of the great Benedictine house of St Mary’s, York, in the valley of the Witham, to the south-east of the city of Lincoln. This consists of one long narrow range of building, of which the eastern part formed the chapel and the western contained the apartments of the handful of monks of which it was the home. To the east may be traced the site of the abbey mill, with its dam and mill-lead. These cells, when belonging to a Cluniac house, were called Obedientiae. The plan given by

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502 entry in 's diary burst upon me, entry in and I sat shivering as under a sudden deluge of icy water. July 21st. Two weeks more would make it August 5th, and three days more would bring it to—August 8th!

"'Great God!' I cried aloud, 'tonight is the night!'

Yes, tonight is the night!' echoed a sepulchral voice from the cavern's inner darkness.

"In an agony of dread I looked, and the blood within me paled to water at the sight that met my gaze. Something—something with but a single hand and foot—emerged from the shadows of the back of the cavern and began to come forward, leaning heavily upon a rough staff for support.

"'Stay back—stay back! For the love of God!" I shrieked. But the terrible thing came on and on, and the awful eyes fastened themselves upon my person and suddenly recognized me—and it smiled a hideous smile.

"When it drew nearer, I could see that all above the shoulders flamed orange, while around the neck a livid purple cincture seemed actually to be searing its way into the flesh.

This is your revenge,' it spoke. 'And this is mine,' raising the hellish stump of its mutilated left arm and panting heavily at me: 'My suffering is over—but yours is all to come. And to the bodily pains of hell will be added the mental tortures of hopeless remorse—knowing your wife was innocent. With that I curse you.'

"Even as it spoke, the eyes rolled out of sight behind horrible lids, the tongue protruded itself in flaming agony, and the whole head, suddenly severed at the neck, thudded upon the cavern floor.

"I came to my feet with a mad cry, that, shattering the silence beyond the deepest shadows, swelled up in a thousand echoes, from the wail of a soul in torment to the screech of a crucified demon. Then I rushed headlong out.

"For the rest"

last page was illegible, as the first had been, worn and corroded by the slow action of years of decay.

I put the notebook slowly in my pocket and sat there thinking, sickened and awed by the astounding manuscript.

Again I went over to the skeleton there in the fissure. Now I understood why the hand and foot were missing, and why I had found the head many feet from the body.

There it lay, mute evidence that the retribution was complete.


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HE letter from G. M. Wilson, printed below, makes an astonishing accusation against ; astonishing because this magazine has often been blamed for a policy the exact opposite of that attributed to us by Mr. Wilson. He says, in effect, that our stories lack interest because the reader knows in advance that they will all end happily, the villain will be defeated and virtue will triumph no matter what odds are against such an ending. We recall that Weird Tales was once rebuked by one of the magazines for writers because of our publication of The Seeds of Death by David H. Keller (July, 1931). The story was called "immoral" because the hero was given over to a lingering death, and the villainess succeeded in her evil schemes. One of our interplanetary stories was criticized by some of our readers because the red-headed reporter, who had endeared himself to the readers, was killed on Mars and could not return to Earth with the rest of the space-traveling party. A glance at the August issue (which is on the stands as this is written) shows at least four stories that refute Mr. Wilson's accusation against us. In one of these (The Will of the Dead by Loretta Burrough) a scheming mother, who had dominated her son's life, wrought a hideous doom upon her innocent daughter-in-law; all of which makes a fascinating story but does not allow virtue to triumph. In another (The Last Pharaoh by Thomas P. Kelley), the lovable English girl and her brother had their bodies taken from them so that the Pharaoh and his paramour could acquire their healthy bodies on which to transplant their own heads—surely a defeat of all that is good; the evil deed is not undone either, even though destruction overtakes the guilty pair at the last. Most of our stories do end happily because that is the way the authors write them; but our readers can never know in advance whether the ending will be happy or otherwise. Mr. Wilson's letter follows.

G. M. Wilson, whose letter we have answered above, writes from Rosebank, New York: "I realize that this epistle is slated for immediate deposit in the nethermost depths of the wastebasket, but nevertheless I still am having the satisfaction of getting something off my chest that has been bothering me for some time. The point I am bringing up is, I suppose, one of the unmentionables of the 'pulps'. It is, to put it tersely: why must virtue always triumph? I read some years ago that a writer who wished to achieve success with your type of magazine must never let heroism be overcome by villainy. I see that your authors have taken this lesson to heart, or perhaps it is your editorial policy to accept only stories which follow this category. Now there is no doubt that your publication could be one of the best 'escape mechanisms' in the literary field; however, it becomes monotonous to an extreme after the first two issues. The remedy is simple: you need only to vary your menu slightly. Your authors display enough ingenuity and skill; your field, that of the uncanny, is interesting; in fact, you lack only the quality of variety to elevate your magazine far above the pulp class. Why not let the reader have some reasonable doubt as to whether the 'fair-haired boy' will conquer the nasty villain or monstrosity. As it is now, no one is ever in doubt as to the outcome. Our upright young American will win, no matter what the odds. It is similar to the old-time movie serials where the hero falls down a thousand-foot cliff at the end of part nine and comes up as strong as ever in part ten. It is true that 503


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 cannon' (Livingstone to Melville, 4 Aug. 1691, ib., p. 1691), Still, although he declined on any account to settle with the government's intermediary, Breadalbane (ib. p. 649), he took the oath before the expiry of the period of grace on 31 Dec. 1691. On the appointment of the Glencoe commission he displayed great zeal and activity in collecting evidence against those responsible for the massacre of his kinsmen.

Glengarry alone of the Macdonalds did not sign the engagement of 7 May 1707 on behalf of the Chevalier, having resolved to be guided by the conduct of Atholl (, Correspondence, ii. 238). He was one of the highland chiefs who signed the letter to Mar promising loyalty to King George on his accession; and he was also one of the first to join Mar when he raised the standard of rebellion at Braemar, 27 Aug. 1715. At Sheriffmuir his clansmen occupied a position on the right wing. When the fall of the chief of the Clanranalds caused temporary hesitation and dismay, Glengarry, springing forward with the words ‘Revenge! Revenge! Revenge to day! Mourning to morrow!’ inspirited the battalion to a fierce onset which almost immediately put the enemy to rout. In reward for his gallant services at the battle he was created by the Chevalier a peer of parliament 9 Dec. 1716. On the suppression of the rebellion he gave in his submission to General Cadogan at Inverness. He was one of the trustees nominated in 1720 by the Chevalier, on the advice of Lockhart, for managing his affairs in Scotland. He died in 1724.

By his first wife, Anne, daughter of Hugh, lord Lovat, he had one daughter, Anne, married to Robert Mackenzie of Applecross. By his second wife, Mary, daughter of Kenneth Mackenzie, third earl of Seaforth, he had four sons: Donald Gorm, killed at Killiecrankie; John, who succeeded to the chieftaincy; Randolph of Kyles; and Alexander.  MACDONELL, ALEXANDER (1762–1840), first Roman catholic bishop of Upper Canada, was born on 17 July 1762 in Glen Urquhart, on the borders of Loch Ness, Inverness-shire. The Macdonells of Glengarry had remained Roman catholics, and their sons were invariably educated at foreign catholic colleges, especially at Douay (, History of Moray). Alexander was sent first to Paris, and thence to the Scots College at Valladolid, where he was ordained priest on 16 Feb. 1787. On his return to Scotland he was stationed as missionary priest in the Braes of Lochaber, where he remained four or five years. The system of converting small farms into sheep-walks about this time threw many highland peasants out of employment, but Macdonell's efforts secured for the greater part of the Macdonell clan occupation in the factories of Glasgow. A general failure of cotton manufacturers, caused by the war, led to their dismissal, and in 1794, at a meeting convened at Fort Augustus, Macdonell induced them to offer their services as soldiers to the king under the command of young Alexander Ranaldson Macdonell [q. v.], the head of the clan. Their offer was accepted, and they were formed into the 1st Glengarry fencibles, the first catholic regiment since the Reformation. Macdonell was illegally gazetted as chaplain. From 1795 to 1798 the regiment was stationed at Guernsey to guard against French invasion, and in 1798 it was ordered to Ireland, where it distinguished itself by its humanity. In 1801 it was disbanded, but Macdonell succeeded, after some difficulty, in obtaining for its men a grant of 160,000 acres of land in Canada, subsequently called Glengarry County. The government wished the men to settle in Trinidad, not thinking it possible permanently to retain Upper Canada; but Father Macdonell objected to the climate of Trinidad, and after considerable opposition from the Scottish landlords, who wished to discourage emigration, the Glengarries were safely established in Canada under the direction of their chaplain, upon whom fell the whole work of organising the colony. Macdonell devoted himself enthusiastically to missionary work and building churches, forty-eight of which were erected in Upper Canada during his lifetime. When the war with the United States broke out, Macdonell again raised a regiment of Glengarry fencibles, and their services contributed much towards the preservation of Upper Canada. Macdonell was formally thanked by the prince regent, and received an annual pension of 600l.

At the time of Macdonell's arrival there was only one Roman catholic bishop, viz. of Quebec, in the British dominions of North America. In 1817 Upper Canada was erected into an apostolical vicariate, and on 12 Jan. 1819 Macdonell was nominated bishop of Resina, in partibus infidelium, and vicar apostolic; he was consecrated on 31 Dec. 1820 in the church of the Ursuline Convent, Quebec. It was soon found necessary to change the vicariate into a regular see, and


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504 you publish stories of the extraordinary, but, God, it is too extraordinary to stomach having right win continually. It isn't life. You may say that you are not writing about life, that I can get my sordid realism in the contemporary fiction of the Hemingway school, bur I think you can get my point. The point is that you have the makings of an excellent magazine, above the class of the usual pulp, yet you usually and deliberately tie yourself down with this one flaw. I suppose you are a success financially and have a large reading public, but don't you think you could widen your appeal and increase your circulation by adopting the above suggestion? No doubt I am wrong, for it is your business to know the psychology of your reading public; and yet I'm nor so sure I'm wrong. I think there's something in all of us that delights in the exaltation of evil. I am no publicity hound, but I think if you were to publish this letter and ask for comments you would find that many of your readers would agree with me. In any event, if you could answer me personally and state your reasons for the exclusion of all stories in which the hero doesn't triumph, I should be grateful. Frankly, I am curious."

Elaine McIntire, of Maiden, Massachusetts, writes: "Madam Brundage certainly can draw, but she doesn't make her 'femmes' look scared. They are too beautiful. I liked Virgil Finlay's cover last month; hope he does more soon. That reminds me—is Mr. Ball going to give us more of Rald, prince of thieves? I sincerely wish he would. [Yes; you shall have more Rald stories.—.] But! what in tarnation is The Terrible Parchment? Is our friend Wellman trying to put my pet book Necronomicon on the spot? Well, he'd better not try! I'm up in arms! I like to think that there is such a thing. It gives me something to think about coming home alone late at night along dark streets. What about it, readers? Are we going to let that pass? ... For myself, I like nice, gray, werewolf stories. And the more murky, gory, and slinky a story is the better I like it."

Lawrence Miller, of Norfolk, Virginia, writes: "The stories in your magazine are all good. You have no kicks coming. But I have several suggestions that would tend to make the magazine perfect. The first: Why such a strict policy in your reprint department? As matters stand, readers are given only the shorter stories from your back issues. Weren't there some praiseworthy longer ones? Of course there is the old cry against long reprints—Authors must eat!—but you could easily circumvent that. When you plan to reprint a novelette, merely skip a reprint for one month and make up for it the second month. Or use smaller type. After all, the type in the Eyrie has not harmed my eyes. The second idea concerns those two great writers who died recently—Lovecraft and Howard. For a long time they carried the burden of writing  largely between them, and the great majority of your readers has probably never seen either of them. How about pictures? A photograph of each carried inside your cover. Make good likenesses of them (they deserve it) and have no writing on the picture! If necessary, charge extra for that particular issue. Or skip the other illustrations. Or even skip the stories. But give us those photographs. I will close with an appreciation of Henry Kuttner. He is the most versatile artist to ever appear in. The Jest of Droom Avista is every bit as good as The Eater of Souls, which up to last month was the best ever printed. He is one of the two really worthwhile weird poets. The other is—or was—Edgar Allan Poe. Let's have another as good as Ragnarok."

Gertrude Hemken, of Chicago, writes: "Comes my monthly gab-letter to aggervate and p'raps delight you. Fustest of all, I must express my complete and wholly satisfactory pleasure at The Abyss Under the World. Gracious me, I still feel as though I had been awakened from a strange and charming dream—particularly that tour along the spur with the chasm below—soundless and depthless—now I want to go back to sleep and continue that dream, only I know I must wait. Still there is a satisfaction that the story will be completed, whereas a real dream from which one awakens, seldomly is finished if an attempt is made to try that, (Gosh, that sounds garbled—but I trust you know what my object is.) Anyhow, I feel


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 his graphic and detailed Account of Egypt (in two parts), appears to be known in Europe. The manuscript, discovered by Edward Pococke the Orientalist, and preserved in the Bodleian Library, contains a vivid description of a famine caused, during the author’s residence in Egypt, by the Nile failing to overflow its banks. It was translated into Latin by Professor White of Oxford in 1800, and into French, with valuable notes, by De Sacy in 1810. ABD-AR-RAHMAN, the name borne by five princes of the Omayyad dynasty, amirs and caliphs of Cordova, two of them being rulers of great capacity.

I. (756–788) was the founder of the branch of the family which ruled for nearly three centuries in Mahommedan Spain. When the Omayyads were overthrown in the East by the Abbasids he was a young man of about twenty years of age. Together with his brother Yahya, he took refuge with Bedouin tribes in the desert. The Abbasids hunted their enemies down without mercy. Their soldiers overtook the brothers; Yahya was slain, and Abd-ar-rahman saved himself by fleeing first to Syria and thence to northern Africa, the common refuge of all who endeavoured to get beyond the reach of the Abbasids. In the general confusion of the caliphate produced by the change of dynasty, Africa had fallen into the hands of local rulers, formerly amirs or lieutenants of the Omayyad caliphs, but now aiming at independence. After a time Abd-ar-rahman found that his life was threatened, and he fled farther west, taking refuge among the Berber tribes of Mauritania. In the midst of all his perils, which read like stories from the Arabian Nights, Abd-ar-rahman had been encouraged by reliance on a prophecy of his great-uncle Maslama that he would restore the fortune of the family. He was followed in all his wanderings by a few faithful clients of the Omayyads. In 755 he was in hiding near Ceuta, and thence he sent an agent over to Spain to ask for the support of other clients of the family, descendants of the conquerors of Spain, who were numerous in the province of Elvira, the modern Granada. The country was in a state of confusion under the weak rule of the amir Yusef, a mere puppet in the hands of a faction, and was torn by tribal dissensions among the Arabs and by race conflicts between the Arabs and Berbers. It offered Abd-ar-rahman the opportunity he had failed to find in Africa. On the invitation of his partisans he landed at Almuñecar, to the east of Malaga, in September 755. For a time he was compelled to submit to be guided by his supporters, who were aware of the risks of their venture. Yusef opened negotiations, and offered to give Abd-ar-rahman one of his daughters in marriage and a grant of land. This was far less than the prince meant to obtain, but he would probably have been forced to accept the offer for want of a better if the insolence of one of Yusef’s messengers, a Spanish renegade, had not outraged a chief partisan of the Omayyad cause. He taunted this gentleman, Obeidullah by name, with being unable to write good Arabic. Under this provocation Obeidullah drew the sword. In the course of 756 a campaign was fought in the valley of the Guadalquivir, which ended, on the 16th of May, in the defeat of Yusef outside Cordova. Ab-dar-rahman’s army was so ill provided that he mounted almost the only good war-horse in it; he had no banner, and one was improvised by unwinding a green turban and binding it round the head of a spear. The turban and the spear became the banner of the Spanish Omayyads. The long reign of Abd-ar-rahman I. was spent in a struggle to reduce his anarchical Arab and Berber subjects to order. They had never meant to give themselves a master, and they chafed under his hand, which grew continually heavier. The details of these conflicts belong to the general history of Spain. It is, however, part of the personal history of Abd-ar-rahman that when in 763 he was compelled to fight at the very gate of his capital with rebels acting on behalf of the Abbasids, and had won a signal victory, he cut off the heads of the leaders, filled them with salt and camphor and sent them as a defiance to the eastern caliph. His last years were spent amid a succession of palace conspiracies, repressed with cruelty. Abd-ar-rahman grew embittered and ferocious. He was a fine example of an oriental founder of a dynasty, and did his work so well that the Omayyads lasted in Spain for two centuries and a half.

II. (822–852) was one of the weaker of the Spanish Omayyads. He was a prince with a taste for music and literature, whose reign was a time of confusion. It is chiefly memorable for having included the story of the “Martyrs of Cordova,” one of the most remarkable passages in the religious history of the middle ages.

III. (912–961) was the greatest and the most successful of the princes of his dynasty in Spain (for the general history of his reign see, History). He ascended the throne when he was barely twenty-two and reigned for half a century. His life was so completely identified with the government of the state that he offers less material for biography than his ancestor Abd-ar-rahman I. Yet it supplies some passages which show the real character of an oriental dynasty even at its best. Abd-ar-rahman III. was the grandson of his predecessor, Abdallah, one of the weakest and worst of the Spanish Omayyads. His father, Mahommed, was murdered by a brother Motarrif by order of Abdallah. The old sultan was so far influenced by humanity and remorse that he treated his grandson kindly. Abd-ar-rahman III. came to the throne when the country was exhausted by more than a generation of tribal conflict among the Arabs, and of strife between them and the Mahommedans of native Spanish descent. Spaniards who were openly or secretly Christians had acted with the renegades. These elements, which formed the bulk of the population, were not averse from supporting a strong ruler who would protect them against the Arab aristocracy. These restless nobles were the most serious of Abd-ar-rahman’s enemies. Next to them came the Fatimites of Egypt and northern Africa, who claimed the caliphate, and who aimed at extending their rule over the Mahommedan world, at least in the west. Abd-ar-rahman subdued the nobles by means of a mercenary army, which included Christians. He repelled the Fatimites, partly by supporting their enemies in Africa, and partly by claiming the caliphate for himself. His ancestors in Spain had been content with the title of sultan. The caliphate was thought only to belong to the prince who ruled over the sacred cities of Mecca and Medina. But the force of this tradition had been so far weakened that Abd-ar-rahman could proclaim himself caliph on the 16th of January 929, and the assumption of the title gave him increased prestige with his subjects, both in Spain and Africa. His worst enemies were always his fellow Mahommedans. After he was defeated by the Christians at Alhandega in 939 through the treason of the Arab nobles in his army (see, History) he never again took the field. He is accused of having sunk in his later years into the self-indulgent habits of the harem. When the undoubted prosperity of his dominions is quoted as an example of successful Mahommedan rule, it is well to remember that he administered well not by means of but in spite of Mahommedans. The high praise given to his administration may even excite some doubts as to its real excellence. We are told that a third of his revenue sufficed for the ordinary expenses of government, a third was hoarded and a third spent on buildings. A very large proportion of the surplus must have been wasted on the palace-town of Zahra, built three miles to the north of Cordova, and named after a favourite concubine. Ten thousand workmen are said to have been employed for twenty-five years on this wonder, of which no trace now remains. The great monument of early Arabic architecture in Spain, the mosque of Cordova, was built by his predecessors, not by him. It is said that his harem included six thousand women. Abd-ar-rahman was tolerant, but it is highly probable that he was very indifferent in religion, and it is certain that he was a thorough despot. One of the most authentic sayings attributed to him is his criticism of Otto I. of Germany, recorded by Otto’s ambassador, Johann, abbot of Gorze, who has left in his Vita an incomplete account of his embassy (in Pertz, Mon. Germ. Scriptores, iv. 355-377). He blamed the king of Germany for trusting his nobles, which he said

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HE rivet-studded oaken door crashed open, splintering from the assault of pike-butts whose thunderous echoes still rolled around the walls of the tiny stone room revealed beyond the wreck of the shattered door. Jirel, the warrior-maid of Joiry, leaped in through die splintered ruins, dashing the red hair from her eyes,' grinning with effort, gripping her two-edged sword. But in the ruin of the door she paused. The mail-clad men at her heels surged around her in the doorway like a wave of blue-bright steel, and then paused too, staring.

For Franga the warlock was kneeling in his chapel, and to see Franga on his knees was like watching the devil recite a paternoster. But it was no holy altar before which the wizard bent. The black stone of it bulked huge in this tiny, bare room echoing still with the thunder of battle, and in the split-second between the door's fall and Jirel's crashing entry through its ruins Franga had crouched in a last desperate effort at—at what? His bony shoulders beneath their rich black robe heaved with frantic motion as he fingered the small jet bosses that girdled the altar's block. A slab in the side of it fell open abruptly as the wizard, realizing that his enemy was almost within sword's reach, whirled and crouched like a feral thing. Blazing light, cold and unearthly, streamed out from the gap in the altar.

"So that's where you've hidden it!" said Jirel with a savage softness.

Over his shoulder Franga snarled at her, pale lips writhing back from discolored teeth. Physically he was terrified of her, and his terror paralyzed him. She saw him hesitate, evidently torn between his desire to snatch into safety what was hidden in the altar and his panic fear of her sword that dripped blood upon the stones

You will not want to miss tin's utterly strange and thrilling novelette, in which Jirel and Northwest Smith join forces against the mighty evil powers of Franga the warlock. Two of the most popular writers of fantastic fiction have collaborated to make this story gripping and fascinating. It will be printed complete in next month's

———Also———


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506 (Continued from page 504) that Mr. Suter is just dandy—the sample is fine. Nextest, I orter do something about the finis of The Last Pharaoh—'twam't bad atall atall— somehow I really didn't feel bad that lovely Carol and her dear brother were not restored to their original bodies, but, muh goo'ness sakes, warn't thet princess Atma the hungry gal? She had a bad bad case of the 'gimmies'—wuss then some of our gold diggers. Nope, 'twarn't a bad story at that—I was wholly satisfied with it from the start. After all, the villain was defeated and that should be enough for any reader, sez I. Thank you, Mr. Kelley, for some mighty entertaining reading A very queer tale was this Thing of Darkness—I never heerd tell of quite such a ghost before. He really was a rotter, I must say. I liked the unusual note of the old Mrs. Burden's sacrificing herself that a ghost might be laid. Rather unusual form of exorcism—isn't it? The Mandarin's Ear was rather refreshing in its lightness—almost humorous in that the ear of another could hear all about its former possessor. Quite an idea that! Finlay's illustration is nice, too, although I can't say the beauty looks very Chinese. Eurasian more or less, with a strong inclination to the Russian. Loretta Burrough has something there. The Will of the Dead is a fine example of what some mothers would like to do to their sons' wives. Some mothers are intensely jealous of their sons. Don't say me nay—I know! This mother in the tale was a tyrant, no less And so Henry Kuttner tells us Dis is a city of iron! Sounds like bad pronunciation to me. Tsk tsk—HK. Yes sir, live and learn, live and learn, sez I—the old alchemists never learned to make precious metals of baser products, and those who succeeded—well, look at Droom Avista—as also King Midas. I just wonder if Mr. Wellman believes that his 'Necronomicon story to end all N stories' will really end them. Somehow I wish it would—I could never get myself to pronounce the word correctly and I'd have it wandering in my brain, popping into my thoughts at the most unweird times. Shall we wait and see if it really is the end of all N stories, Mr. W.? Now to the Eyrie—it's high time I start stepping on a few toes, and giving boosts to others. First an orchid to J. Z. Thompson who wrote from Glendale, California—I liked his catchy phrase—'pulse-pepping.' Mrs. H. L. Phillips of Quincy, Illinois, seems so very prosaic in her statement of the magazine being 'in general very interesting.' Mrs. P.—that sounds much too polite—why don't you whack down a real statement and say: 'I think it's just the bestest of all the bestest, and— well, it's just the nuts, no less.' Or don't you understand my language? I agree with Robert J. Hoyer of my own fair and windy city that Doctor Lamontaine is a fine character for a yarn—one of those rip-roaring topers—yet a he-man—and entirely lovable. We will have more of him, won't we? T. O. Mabbott is going to get a toe-trodding—perhaps it would be better for him to reread Clicking Red Heels—the young millionaire did have more than one pair of shoes, and the story ends that 'in every pair of his shoes were found these strange clicking devices'—the question I raised in regard to that was how the dooce anyone could get hold of all his shoes and insert those clickers. As for the question of the hollow appearing on the seat beside the young man in his roadster—well, don't you, my friend, have an imagination? Don't you know that when a person wants to and yet fears to, he will see what is not there? Such was the case with the young millionaire. Or perhaps Mr. Ernst can explain it better than I. That will be all this time—I am happy to see Seabury Quinn again for next month. I am also awaiting the meeting of Jirel and NWSmith quite anxiously."

Clifton Hall, of Los Angeles, writes: "Strangely enough, the thing that has caused me to break the ice and pen my first letter to the Eyrie is the fact that I find that your August issue falls short, in my estimation, of your usual high standard of excellence. The cover itself was the first thing to give me this impression. It seemed rather carelessly done. Then, too, where are all the pretty nudes that once made WT so attractive and readable? All of my WT-fan friends here in Los Angeles agree with me that the WT of two years ago was made far more entertaining by the well-done nudes that featured the cover and stories. There is certainly nothing pornographic about it; all


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 could only increase their pride and leaning to rebellion. His confession that he had known only twenty happy days in his long reign is perhaps a moral tale, to be classed with the “omnia fui, et nil expedit” of Septimius Severus.

In the agony of the Omayyad dynasty in Spain, two princes of the house were proclaimed caliphs for a very short time, Abd-ar-rahman IV. Mortada (1017), and Abd-ar-rahman V. Mostadir (1023–1024). Both were the mere puppets of factions, who deserted them at once. Abd-ar-rahman IV. was murdered in the year in which he was proclaimed, at Guadiz, when fleeing from a battle in which he had been deserted by his supporters. Abd-ar-rahman V. was proclaimed caliph in December 1023 at Cordova, and murdered in January 1024 by a mob of unemployed workmen, headed by one of his own cousins.

ABD-EL-AZIZ IV. (1880–), sultan of Morocco, son of Sultan Mulai el Hasan III. by a Circassian wife. He was fourteen years of age on his father’s death in 1894. By the wise action of Si Ahmad bin Musa, the chamberlain of El Hasan, Abd-el-Aziz’s accession to the sultanate was ensured with but little fighting. Si Ahmad became regent and for six years showed himself a capable ruler. On his death in 1900 the regency ended, and Abd-el-Aziz took the reins of government into his own hands, with an Arab from the south, El Menebhi, for his chief adviser. Urged by his Circassian mother, the sultan sought advice and counsel from Europe and endeavoured to act up to it. But disinterested advice was difficult to obtain, and in spite of the unquestionable desire of the young ruler to do the best for the country, wild extravagance both in action and expenditure resulted, leaving the sultan with depleted exchequer and the confidence of his people impaired. His intimacy with foreigners and his imitation of their ways were sufficient to rouse fanaticism and create dissatisfaction. His attempt to reorganize the finances by the systematic levy of taxes was hailed with delight, but the government was not strong enough to carry the measures through, and the money which should have been used to pay the taxes was employed to purchase firearms. Thus the benign intentions of Mulai Abdel-Aziz were interpreted as weakness, and Europeans were accused of having spoiled the sultan and of being desirous of spoiling the country. When British engineers were employed to survey the route for a railway between Mequinez and Fez, this was reported as indicating an absolute sale of the country. The fanaticism of the people was aroused, and a revolt broke out near the Algerian frontier. Such was the condition of things when the news of the Anglo-French Agreement of 1904 came as a blow to Abd-el-Aziz, who had relied on England for support and protection against the inroads of France. On the advice of Germany he proposed the assembly of an international conference at Algeciras in 1906 to consult upon methods of reform, the sultan’s desire being to ensure a condition of affairs which would leave foreigners with no excuse for interference in the control of the country, and would promote its welfare, which Abd-el-Aziz had earnestly desired from his accession to power. The sultan gave his adherence to the Act of the Algeciras Conference, but the state of anarchy into which Morocco fell during the latter half of 1906 and the beginning of 1907 showed that the young ruler lacked strength sufficient to make his will respected by his turbulent subjects. In May 1907 the southern tribes invited Mulai Hafid, an elder brother of Abd-el-Aziz, and viceroy at Marrakesh, to become sultan, and in the following August Hafid was proclaimed sovereign there with all the usual formalities. In the meantime the murder of Europeans at Casablanca had led to the occupation of that port by France. In September Abd-el-Aziz arrived at Rabat from Fez and endeavoured to secure the support of the European powers against his brother. From France he accepted the grand cordon of the Legion of Honour, and was later enabled to negotiate a loan. His leaning to Christians aroused further opposition to his rule, and in January 1908 he was declared deposed by the ulema of Fez, who offered the throne to Hafid. After months of inactivity Abd-el-Aziz made an effort to restore his authority, and quitting Rabat in July he marched on Marrakesh. His force, largely owing to treachery, was completely overthrown (August 19th) when near that city, and Abd-el-Aziz fled to Settat within the French lines round Casablanca. In November he came to terms with his brother, and thereafter took up his residence in Tangier as a pensioner of the new sultan. He declared himself more than reconciled to the loss of the throne, and as looking forward to a quiet, peaceful life. (See, History.) ABD-EL-KADER (c. 1807–1883), amir of Mascara, the great opponent of the conquest of Algeria by France, was born near Mascara in 1807 or 1808. His family were sherifs or descendants of Mahomet, and his father, Mahi-ed-Din, was celebrated throughout North Africa for his piety and charity. Abd-el-Kader received the best education attainable by a Mussulman of princely rank, especially in theology and philosophy, in horsemanship and in other manly exercises. While still a youth he was taken by his father on the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina and to the tomb of Sidi Abd-el-Kader El Jalili at Bagdad—events which stimulated his natural tendency to religious enthusiasm. While in Egypt in 1827, Abd-el-Kader is stated to have been impressed, by the reforms then being carried out by Mehemet Ali, with the value of European civilization, and the knowledge he then gained affected his career. Mahi-ed-Din and his son returned to Mascara shortly before the French occupation of Algiers (July 1830) destroyed the government of the Dey. Coming forward as the champion of Islam against the infidels, Abd-el-Kader was proclaimed amir at Mascara in 1832. He prosecuted the war against France vigorously and in a short time had rallied to his standard all the tribes of western Algeria. The story of his fifteen years’ struggle against the French is given under. To the beginning of 1842 the contest went in favour of the amir; thereafter he found in Marshal Bugeaud an opponent who proved, in the end, his master. Throughout this period Abd-el-Kader showed himself a born leader of men, a great soldier, a capable administrator, a persuasive orator, a chivalrous opponent. His fervent faith in the doctrines of Islam was unquestioned, and his ultimate failure was due in considerable measure to the refusal of the Kabyles, Berber mountain tribes whose Mahommedanism is somewhat loosely held, to make common cause with the Arabs against the French. On the 21st of December 1847, the amir gave himself up to General Lamoriciére at Sidi Brahim. On the 23rd, his submission was formally made to the duc d’Aumale, then governor of Algeria. In violation of the promise that he would be allowed to go to Alexandria or St Jean d’Acre, on the faith of which he surrendered, Abd-el-Kader and his family were detained in France, first at Toulon, then at Pau, being in November 1848 transferred to the château of Amboise. There Abd-el-Kader remained until October 1852, when he was released by Napoleon III. on taking an oath never again to disturb Algeria. The amir then took up his residence in Brusa, removing in 1855 to Damascus. In July 1860, when the Moslems of that city, taking advantage of disturbances among the Druses of Lebanon, attacked the Christian quarter and killed over 3000 persons, Abd-el-Kader helped to repress the outbreak and saved large numbers of Christians. For this action the French government, which granted the amir a pension of £4000, bestowed on him the grand cross of the Legion of Honour. In 1865, he visited Paris and London, and was again in Paris at the exposition of 1867. In 1871, when the Algerians again rose in revolt, Abd-el-Kader wrote to them counselling submission to France. After his surrender in 1847 he devoted himself anew to theology and philosophy, and composed a philosophical treatise, of which a French translation was published in 1858 under the title of Rappel à l’intelligent. Avis à l’indifférent. He also wrote a book on the Arab horse. He died at Damascus on the 26th of May 1883.

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 The Malay Communist Party is now not allowed to exist. But I am certain that, apart from those who were killed or left the country, there are still some of its supporters in that area who have found other parties through which they can work. It stands to reason that active militants of this kind would not sit still. They would find some vent for their own political convictions, which seems to me to indicate that they must have found other political avenues for the expression of political convictions of the same nature as were expressed during that time of Communist insurgence a few years ago.

I believe that federation is desirable in order to secure a closer association of the four territories and, if possible, with Brunei. I recognise that there is an element of military strategy in this. But is that unreasonable? I remember that when I toured these areas eight years ago I discussed this concept of Malaysia. I am certain that the discussions which then took place were not bound up with the idea of military strategy but with the simple idea that if there were these four or five territories each living their separate lives, it would be desirable for political and economic reasons to bring them into closer association.

I do not deny the military element But what of it? It does not necessarily follow that because these overseas territories wish to secure military protection, they are therefore imperialistic. If they wish, for military protection, to be associated with British protection and the resources we possess, what then? After all, India, which pursues a policy of non-alignment—quite rightly in my opinion—was profoundly grateful for the swift rushing of supplies by us to that country within 48 hours in India's hour" of need when Chinese aggression was threatening to over-run Assam on the one side and did over-run Ladakh on the other. I do not see anything necessarily malign about the fact that, just as this country wishes to find what associations it can in other parts of the world in order to secure better defence, these territories may desire to do exactly the same thing and find that the best way to do so would be by an arrangement with this country.

I agree with my right hon. Friend the Member for Smethwick (Mr. Gordon Walker) that it is highly desirable that such an arrangement should be on the basis of free assent by both parties rather than by some kind of imperialist insistence. I again emphasise that there is in this part of the world a very real fear of pressure, or even worse, from the Chinese People's Republic and even from the Indonesian Republic, although that fear may be unfounded. Let us not forget India in this respect. For years India never expected the kind of successful military expedition into her territory, which took place. That in itself has alarmed many people in the Far East and in South-East Asia. Therefore, in this part of South-East Asia there is a very real fear about the tension and conflict between the two concepts of life there.

On the one hand, India has stood in the past for a concept of free democracy, while beyond the Himalayas the Chinese People's Republic is treading a totalitarian pathway. The repercussions of that are affecting the whole of South-East Asia. There is Indonesia, with 100,000,000 inhabitants and its Communist Party of 2 million we are told, and on the other hand the Federation of perhaps 12 million at the outside, trying to tread that democratic pathway. We have here yet again an arena in which this great basic historical battle of ideas and principles is being fought.

There is not only this fear, but there is also a fear of racial tension and conflict, which is very real—although, happily, there are many heartening signs of interracial friendship transcending comunal homogeneity. Nevertheless, although there are political parties which stress their non-racial or inter-racial policies, there are others in Malaya, such as the Pan-Islamic Party—which is very powerful—whose objective seems to be to secure comprehensive territorial unity in Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaya and Borneo under Islamic domination.

So significant is this party that at the last election in Malaya eleven out of the 104 seats in the Malayan Assembly were secured and, more important, it secured 322,000 votes compared with 861,000 cast for the Inter-Communal Alliance, the total over-all voting being 1,600,000. That is a considerable proportion of the total and it represents a purely communal party which, if it had its way, would secure territorial unity of all Malays under Islamic domination and thereby a kind of theocratic State possibly hostile to other communities. Although it is fortunate that there is the


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 alliance in Malaya of the three communal parties, nevertheless it contains three parties, not one. There is the Malayan Chinese Association, the Malayan Indian Congress party and the United Malay National Organisation. I am glad that they have come together in what seems prolonged association and that they have some kind of common policy, but underneath there is still this communal division.

Let us realise that in all the other parties we find the predominance of one or other of these various racial communities. Take, for instance, Sarawak. It is interesting, but rather unfortunate, to find that the parties at the recent elections in Malaya turned out to be very largely racial parties. One party largely represents the Dayaks, another predominantly represents the Malays and another predominantly represents the Chinese. I scrutinised the figures very carefully down to the little local levels. Everywhere I found this very unfortunate fact that the Chinese, the Malays and the Indians respectively on the whole support parties which express their racial character and aspirations.

We must not blind our eyes to the fact that there are these dangers as well as these heartening facts. I extend this observation also to considering for a moment why we have in the Bariasan Sosialis in Singapore and elsewhere such a large number of Chinese who, if not Communist, are affected by Communist propaganda. It is significant that in all the literature and speeches which one has heard, or seen reported, attacking the idea of federation on the ground that it is an imposition, we never have it suggested that there is fear of imposition of Communism on the whole area. I have not seen a particular reference to that. There is a complete absence of criticism of Communism, although there is very much criticism of the concept of federation.

I think the reason for this is that Chinese everywhere are justifiably proud of their ancient civilisation, which goes back longer in history than that of any other country, even of India. They are proud, not only of great cultural achievements of the past, but also of the present social achievements in a revolutionary régime which, although we may criticise it in many ways, has certain great achievements to its credit. Because of that the Chinese in many places, with a deep respect for and affinity with their ancient homeland, are prepared to accept whatever dominates China as being identified with China itself. This is not so in all cases by any means, but it arises because of the influence of China as China. In that way there is very suitable soil in which Communist propaganda can sow seeds.

Mr. Graham Page (Crosby) Surely the hon. Member recognises that there is a very loyal Malayan-Chinese community on which much of the commerce and finance of Malaya depend and that one cannot classify every Chinese person as a Communist?

Mr. Sorensen I thought that, at least implicitly, I made that clear. Of course, the alliance, with a Chinese part in it, is uniting with the Malays and Indians, and one has only to think of the Lee Kwan Yew and the People's Action Party in Singapore, which is largely Chinese, to realise that most Chinese are not Communist. There are 1,700,000 people in Singapore, of whom over 80 per cent, are Chinese, but who are mostly hostile to Communism. We have to balance these things. On the one hand there is the tendency among some Chinese to adopt whatever is Chinese for the time being. If Chiang Kai-shek had been dominating China, perhaps they would have accepted him. There is the tendency to accept Chinese Communism because it is Chinese, but with other Chinese there are different considerations.

It seems that this Federation offers a suitable opportunity for bringing together these various racial elements. That is a very difficult job because we must not underestimate the distinctiveness of these races—the Chinese with their Buddhist and Confucian culture, the Indians and Pakistanis with their respective Muslim or Hindu culture, and the Malays who are very conscious of their Islamic faith and culture. They are quite different in background and history.

I have always held that a good many sociologists and politicians underestimate the importance of these cultural, racial, ethnic and psychological factors. I recognise that economic factors are often formative and conditional, but these other factors are very powerful. There is a case in point that in this part of the world where we find three distinctive communities, who might easily come into conflict and collision, but which fortunately, have shown many signs of


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 friendship and toleration. I hope they will be encouraged to do so still more once the Federation comes into existence.

Here again, may I briefly hold the attention of hon. Members by indicating why there is hostility on the part not only of Malayans in Malaya but also many Chinese to the idea of a complete merger between Singapore and Malaya? When I was out there with my colleagues I found that some parties, although opposed to Federation, nevertheless insisted that what should be done was to effect complete amalgamation between Singapore and Malaya. They said, as my hon. Friend the Member for Eton and Slough said, "Why should just a mile or so divide this small part of a peninsula from the rest?" We know that this was not always so. This separation came about only a few years ago. But one can understand why there was this resistance on the part of the Malays to the possibility of a complete merger or amalgamation between the two, for the following reason.

In Malaya at the time of the last census in 1960 there were 3,460,000 Malayans, 2,552,000 Chinese, 772,000 Indians and Pakistanis and 122,000 others. In Singapore in 1960 there were 1,253,000 Chinese, 232,000 Malayans, 140,000 Indians and Pakistanis and 29,000 others. Put those figures together and what do we then find? If there were an amalgamation of the two areas we should have Malayans numbering 3,600,000 against 3,800,000 Chinese. Of course, the Indians and Pakistanis would also then total 913,000. Once one looks at those figures one can understand the apprehensions of the Malayans. They say, "This is our land. It is called Malaya. Yet we have the possibility of our land being swamped by those who are not of Malayan stock. We have the Chinese who came many centuries ago, the Indians who came later, as well as the British who came later." There is, of course, some weakness in the argument because even the Malayans are not the aboriginal inhabitants. Just as the Indians are not the aborigines of India, nor indeed are the English the aborigines of this country, so it can be said that Malaya was not originally inhabited by the Malayans but by people some of whom still live in the jungle.

Be that as it may, all countries are more or less composite, and Malaya is a composite country. That is why I repeat that there is encouragement to be found in the fact that the Chinese in the alliance and the Peoples Action Party have agreed, for reasons of prudence, wisdom and foresight, that there shall be not a complete merger but Federation—and a Federation not merely of the two territories but of these other territories as well.

I see nothing sinister about that at all—in fact, quite the reverse. I see only evidence of wisdom and statesmanship, a recognition on the part of a large section of the Chinese themselves that there should be this arrangement by which the natural fears of the Malayans might be in large measure assuaged. That is why the Chinese, the Malayans and the Indians are working together inside the alliance.

I would go further and say that I am very glad there are some parties like the Socialist Front that contend that they rest their organisation not upon any racial or ethnic principle but upon a political principle transcending race. I wish them well. My sympathies are obviously ideologically with them, even though I believe their judgment in this respect is wrong. Further than that, let me say that communalism, though frequently racial, is not always so. Sometimes it can be religious or cultural. But when the three are combined it can be particularly dangerous.

Here I would say in passing that I was glad the Under-Secretary of State dealt with this rather difficult religious question as it affects Christian missions and churches. I quite agree that in the past too many Christians have assumed that Christianity and British Imperialism were synonymous, but it is unfortunate that in Malaya at present, whilst Christian missionaries and Christian ministers can advocate Christianity and can worship freely—there is no doubt about that—it is an offence to convert an Islamic Malay and, indeed, the man concerned and the missionary can be punished. One hopes earnestly, although we have no power in this matter, that the same will not pertain in the other territories, and that 964 even in Malaya itself the Tunku, who is a splendid man in many respects, will allow perfect freedom to all religions, not only to advocate their faith but to convert and proselytise.

Undoubtedly, Federation has been endorsed—perhaps rather imperfectly but nevertheless endorsed—by the several


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 facts which have been mentioned today: the fact that in Malaya the alliance is by far the largest party; the fact that in Singapore 33 out of 51 Assembly men supported Federation when it was debated in the Assembly and the rest only abstrained; the fact that on the question of the referendum, despite very hard propaganda by the Barisan Sosialis and others that those who disagreed with federation should cast blank votes, they secured only 26 per cent. of the total votes; and also the fact that in Sarawak—I forecast this for myself when I was there—there is a substantial majority in favour of federation.

I am not ignoring the contention that even one of the Sarawak pro-Malaysian parties apparently desires a referendum. I am not at all clear, incidentally, as to when this referendum was supposed to be held. I should like some enlightenment on that point. There was this meeting between the Tunku and President Sukarno and the meeting of the Foreign Ministers, and apparently there was some agreement that there should be a referendum, but information on this is obscure.

However, let me make these two points. First, by what right even the Tunku to say what the other territories inside the prospective Federation shall do? Secondly, I ask whether the referendum was supposed to be held this side of 31st August or at some future date? Those two factors are very important and I should like some enlightenment on them. Meanwhile I can only go by these figures, that according to the party votes the alliance, which was strongly pro-federation, received 56,808 votes, or 30 per cent.; the pro-Federation Panas received 28,242 votes or 15 per cent.; and the Independents, who I understand are mostly in favour of Federation, received 55,000 votes or 29.7 per cent.; whilst the Sarawak United People's Party received 45,493 votes representing 24 per cent. This is fairly conclusive evidence that the people of Sarawak, voting in their district councils—the first tier in the three-tier system—returned by a substantial majority those candidates who support federation.

Enough has been said to indicate that there is practically no dissent in North Borneo. As to Brunei, I content myself by saying that it is a pity that the Sultan should withdraw from his previous agreement to enter the Federation, and apparently on a question of precedence. I will accept it, but at the same time I do not forget that Brunei is an extremely wealthy country. It has a per capita income greater than that of this country. I wonder whether, apart from the criticism of the Sultan on the part of many of the 85,000 inhabitants of Brunei, there is not also this consideration that federation may mean to some extent a modification of the wealth which is at present available to him and his subjects?

I hope most earnestly that federation will go forward. I recognise that it is not absolutely certain it will succeed. There is no parallel between this and other Federations such as the West Indies and Central African Federations. We must be rather hesitant about making too close a parallel and analogy. This Federation has arisen, I believe, because it is really felt that the association of these territories—four, and if possible five—is desirable in itself for political and economic reasons. I admit that there has been a strategic factor, but it is only one factor. I believe that another factor is that it is a way by which these different racial communities can at last learn to work together in co-operation.

I therefore plead that we should give it a chance. Do not let us damn it with faint praise or praise it with faint damns. Let us not be too eager to rush into those areas to tell them what to do, for one of the great mistakes which so many people make is to assume that what is familiar and appropriate in our own country is also applicable elsewhere. Every country has differences in context, history and background. Although there are some points of similarity, there are very great differences indeed which should cause us to hesitate before we rush too quickly into interfering or advising other communities.

I am content to say that the people themselves must work out their own salvation. Whether they have a referendum is not for us to decide but for them. How they work out or modify their Federation is a matter for them. All we can do is to say to them, "We set you free: to stand on your own feet and to work out your own salvation. We want to work with you in friendship so that this part of the world can become one more example of how the different races can live


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 togother in amity and concord. But it is for you to decide how you wish to work between yourselves. Because we believe in freedom, democracy and responsibility, we wish you well, and God speed you in the future".

 * 1.33 p.m.

Mr. Colin Turner (Woolwich, West) It is a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Leyton (Mr. Sorensen), because it is clear that in the visits which he has paid to that part of the world, particularly his last visit, he has very well understood the basic problems which concern the States and perhaps the Federation of Malaysia. I feel that he has absorbed many more of the lessons and understood many more of the problems, and because of that has reached far different and far more right conclusions, than has the hon. Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Brockway).

As I think many hon. Members already know, in my capacity as the business, as distinct from the editorial, representative of almost all the newspapers covering the Malaysia Federation, I have had a unique opportunity of representing these papers of all races, languages and political views since 1946 and meeting and discussing with them the problems which we have been debating today. When I had the opportunity of visiting the Borneo territories three years ago, I went around North Borneo with a group of councillors from the Council Negri in Sarawak. They were finding out for the first time what their counterparts in North Borneo felt about the possibilities of Federation.

Everything which we have heard today about the speed of events is very true, but I do not agree with my hon. Friend who suggested that events have gone too fast. In these developing Governments, with the emergence of new nations, events always go far faster than some of us would like, but when the hon. Member for Eton and Slough suggested that it was only for strategic reasons that these countries were coming together, I thought that he was only partly right. Many of these territories have realised in recent months the necessity of coming together for self preservation.

We have heard talk today about Indonesia and the Philippines. Hon. Members who take an interest in South-East Asia will have realised my own interest in the area by the Questions which I have put down from time to time about piracy and similar events. From where did these modern pirates emanate? They emanated from Indonesia and he Philippines. We have had a great defence responsibility in the area of North Borneo for the last two or three years. A tremendous effort has been made by the local Government and Her Majesty's Government to assure the people of North Borneo of adequate protection, and this is a vital issue in the area.

As the hon. Member for Leyton said, the Chinese as a whole, whatever their private political views, thoughts or business, tend to admire the emergent Communist State in China and therefore it does not surprise me in the slightest that the Sarawak United People's Party apparently over the last year has had tremendous support from the people and yet when the ballot was held support was not nearly as great as had appeared to be the case. When the ballot is secret the Chinese are apt to vote another way from the support which they are apparently giving in public.

This is not just a one-sided alliance. I believe that North Borneo has a great deal to teach to the other members of this new Federation. Those hon. Members who have the honour and pleasure of going to North Borneo know only too well what a friendly territory it is. In my view it is the most friendly territory of many which I have visited throughout the Commonwealth. Here there is true racial harmony, despite the advent of party politics. I am assured by many of my friends in that territory that this friendship still exists despite the introduction of party politics, which is always a dangerous thing in any emerging territory.

But why is it that in North Borneo racial harmony has been so good? If hon. Members look back it will be clear to them that this is due to the very careful immigration policy which has been carried out by the North Borneo Government since the war. They have been very particular indeed about the people they allowed into the Colony. Those Chinese who entered the territory did so because they had an essential part to play in the development of the economy.


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 expectation is taking place. Stability of prices for raw materials is a problem which must be solved. It can only be solved by the actions and studies of the kind the United Nations is undertaking. It is no good just using words. We live in a world where words are controlling man and not man controlling words. When a politic an gets up on the platform and says that the problem of Malaysia has to do with the Chinese or Communism, it is easy for the public to say "Hear, hear", but that is not the problem at all. It is only a small aspect of it. The problem has to do with the buying and selling of goods that these people are trying to produce and the prices that they get for them. That is why the Freedom from Hunger Campaign is so magnificent in its conception. The people in these under-privileged parts of the world must first learn to produce their own foods, rather than have doles pushed out to them, because those come to an end.

I do not know whether hon. Members will like this, but it is my duty to say it. I shall not contribute to the general statement that the enemy there is China. I am hoping that the trade talks will be a success, and I shall be delighted if the Government succeed. All we want on earth is peace, and it does not matter whether a Tory gets it or a Labour man gets it at the Moscow talks. But inside these talks we must realise that it is no use pretending that a nation of 700 million people does not exist. This might seem a far cry, but if we want stability in South-East Asia and the Malaysia area we must appeal to the United States, the Soviet Union and ourselves to see that China takes its rightful place in the comity of nations for the proper discussion of all these technical problems which have to do with the tens of millions of Chinese who are in this archipelago.

I apologise to the Minister for coming in late, but there were reasons, because some of us have a little other work to do.

I hope that some time, even if it is next Session, the Government will find time for the House to have a half-day constructively to discuss the technical problems of Malaysia, including, possibly, a White Paper, to show these people that we wish them well and that we will try to ensure that they get the stability of prices that is needed. As has been shown by all those who understand the problem of economic aid, without stability of prices economic aid is useless, whether in Malaysia or anywhere else. If we let the people have food and stable prices for their commodities, the problems of Communism and hunger will begin to disappear. We wish the Bill well, but some of us have to make these protests.

 * Question put and agreed to.

 * Bill accordingly read a Second time.

 * Bill committed to a Committee of the whole House.—[Mr. J. E. B. Hill.]

 * Bill immediately considered in Committee.

 * [Sir ROBERT GRIMSTON in the Chair]

 * Clause 1.—(MALAYSIA.)
 * Clause 2.—(CONSEQUENTIAL MODIFICA TIONS OF BRITISH NATIONALITY ACTS.)
 * Clause 4.—(POWER TO MAKE CONSEQUENTIAL PROVISIONS.)


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Rh

"The Committee on Naval affairs, to whom was referred the resolution of the Senate to inquire into the value to commerce and navigation of the Wind and Current Charts and Sailing Directions of Lieutenant Maury, and to report on the justice and expediency of making a suitable remuneration therefor, have had the same under consideration, and thereupon report.

"Some ten or twelve years ago, Lieutenant Maury of the United States Navy, on duty at the Naval Observatory, conceived the idea of ascertaining and defining the courses of ocean winds and currents, a knowledge of which he believed would shorten all ocean voyages, and link distant countries more closely together, and he obtained the permission and the aid of the Navy Department to collect the observations of mariners upon every sea. His plan was announced; the Navy was required to cooperate; an appeal was made to American ship-masters, who in all that pertains to their profession are unsurpassed; and in a brief time reports and extracts from ships' logs from every sea whitened by American sails began to accumulate at the Washington Observatory, and the abstracts of these reports—reports which, if made by one observer only, would have occupied more than two millions of days, a longer period than man has been upon the earth—already fill nearly four hundred large manuscript volumes. From the Arctic Seas, and the sunny waters of the Pacific; the tracks of thousands upon thousands of voyages between American ports and those of Europe, Asia, and Africa; from the east and the west, the north and the south, came the daily observations of ocean's wayfarers; and these, in the hands of Mr. Maury, constituted the raw material from which the charts and sailing directions were to be constructed. Thus, without any expense beyond


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60 a copy of the work sent to every recording shipmaster, has been organized upon the sea a corps of systematic observers more extensive than has ever been engaged upon the investigation of any scientific subject. Every shipmaster engaging in the observations, receives from the Government a copy of Mr. Maury's work, and thus all are interested in it. The observations of each tend to the benefit of all; and each, wherever may have been the locality of his observations, has the benefit of the experience of thousands who have been there, and elsewhere, before him.

"Thus, when the charts shall have been completed, the mariner, whatever may be his position upon the ocean, will be able to inform himself as to what winds and weather the united experience of thousands may teach him to expect; from what quarters he may hope for favourable or apprehend adverse wind and weather.

"The immediate result of Mr. Maury's labours is, that ocean voyages under sail are shortened from ten to twenty per cent; and if this result be followed out to its legitimate consequences, who can undertake to prescribe a limit to the benefits they confer? Who will undertake to estimate the mere pecuniary saving, to the navigating interests, in the decreased expenditure for outfits, provisioning and manning ships, the decrease in ocean risks, not only to ships and cargoes, but to lives of seamen and passengers, and the enhanced value of merchandise by a more speedy delivery?

"Before the publication of these charts, a voyage from our eastern ports to San Francisco, under canvas, occupied, on an average, one hundred and eighty days; but now the average voyage of vessels using these charts is one hundred and thirty six days; and in several instances it has been performed in half the time formerly occupied. The vessels course through the sea has been precisely that which is traced for her upon the chart. The Melbourne Argus


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Rh (Australia) publishes a list of all the arrivals at that port from Europe and America from December 31st, 1853, to July 7th, 1854, by which it appears that the average passage of all vessels without the charts was one hundred and twenty four days, while the average of those (from the same ports) using the charts was ninety seven days.

"The migratory habits of whales, pursuing from season to season their food through the ocean, have long been known; and the logs of Mr. Maury's corps of observers have enabled him to show, at a glance, upon his Whaling Charts those parts of the ocean where, at any season of the year, whales (sperm or right) may be found. The observations of one whaleman must, necessarily, be limited by a few voyages and localities; but this arrangement of Mr. Maury's enables him to benefit by the experience of others.

"The most gratifying evidence as to the value and importance of these charts to the practical navigator continues daily to be received from all parts of the world. They lessen the dangers of navigation, and, by showing at a glance the prevailing winds and currents for each part of the ocean and for every month of the year, they enable the navigator to come and go with dispatch; and thus, by shortening passages from port to port, they have brought remote parts of the world, particularly the markets of the northern hemisphere, India, China, and the Pacific shores of America, nearer together by many days' sail.

"The Government of the United States having invited the cooperation of the maritime nations in this great work, a plan of mutual assistance has been adopted, embracing not less than nine-tenths of the shipping of the world; and we may reasonably anticipate the speedy solution of some of the most mysterious problems in the economy of nature from thus reticulating the entire surface of the great deep by systematic and multitudinous observations.


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 Clause 1.—(MALAYSIA.)

HC Deb 19 July 1963 vol 681 cc1006-7

I wish to raise on the Clause a point to which I drew attention in my speech on Second Reading but to which the Minister made no answer. The Clause, refers to the appointed day when the Bill will come into operation, although the Bill contains no statement of the date of that appointed day. The only reference to it is in the Explanatory Memorandum, which does not have the effect of law. The appointed day is described as the day when federation is introduced. It might be 31st August, 1st December or 1st January. The Bill contains no statement of the date.

I will not repeat the grounds which I urged in my speech for further consideration before Malaysia is inaugurated. The fact is that Indonesia is a little upset because there has not been United Nations' inspection of opinion as was proposed at the Manila foreign affairs conference. Although U Thant and the United Nations have been sounded, the opportunity has not yet been given. I strongly urge that the date should not definitely be decided until the Ministers representing Malaya, Indonesia and the Philippines have met at the "summit" conference which has been announced.

I should like an assurance that the omission from the Clause of a date for the inauguration of independence permits flexibility concerning the date in order to give an opportunity for the further consideration which I have urged.

There is no reason why the date should not be in the Bill, but it is not necessary to include it because it is included in Article II of the Agreement, the text of which was contained in Cmnd. 2094. The intention at least is perfectly clear. Indeed, 31st August is already referred to as "Malaysia Day". The intention is clear and remains clear and this is the way we will proceed.

On the substance of the matter, which has been dealt with before in this debate, there are many good reasons for not deferring the date of federation. It would disappoint very many people in that part of the world. I believe it would disappoint the overwhelming majority. Possibly delay would cause a loss of confidence in the new nation, and that would be a pity. It would certainly prolong the colonial status of the Borneo territories.

3.45 p.m.

Really, I see no reason at all in this case why we should defer, or these territories should defer, to the views of Indonesia, to whom Malaysia cannot be a threat in any possible way. As the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Bottomley) rightly said, the threat to the peace of South-East Asia, if there is one, comes from Communist China. It certainly does not come from Malaysia, and I do not believe that the wishes of the great majority of the people of these territories are really in any serious doubt at all. I see no point, therefore, in delaying the federation date. It is also the independence date, let us bear in mind, of the hitherto dependent territories of this Federation.


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62 "The following letter from the Secretary of the Navy, and extracts from our own States Papers, will serve to show the light in which Mr. Maury's labours have been, and are, regarded by our own Government:—

Your communication of the 20th inst., requesting information as to the benefits which commerce and navigation have derived from Lieutenant Maury's Wind and Current Charts, has been received.

The information contained in the accompanying extracts from the files of the department upon the subject appears to leave no doubt that they are of very great value, and, in referring to the opinion expressed in the last annual report of the department, I avail myself of the occasion to repeat expressions of my decided conviction that this officer, by his ability and enthusiasm in the cause in which he has been engaged, has not only added to the honour of his country, but saved millions of dollars for his country-men.

"The operations at the National Observatory and Hydrographical Office continue to be conducted in a manner highly satisfactory, and are adding much to the stores of knowledge and the facilities of ocean navigation. By virtue of the authority contained in the Act of Congress, approved March 3rd, 1849, I have recently appointed an agent in the City of London to make sale of the copies of the charts prepared at the Hydrographical Office for the cost of printing them, with the charges of transportation and a reasonable commission, so as to diffuse the information afforded by them to nautical persons generally.' (Annual Report of the Secretary of the Navy, November 30th, 1850.)

"'The advantages of science in nautical affairs have rarely


text: Hansard of Parliament of the United Kingdom (1963) - Malaysia Bill/Clause 1


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 Clause 2.—(CONSEQUENTIAL MODIFICATIONS OF BRITISH NATIONALITY ACTS.)

HC Deb 19 July 1963 vol 681 c1007

May I just ask whether the House will have any opportunity of making a decision on these Orders in Council? There is a reference to Orders in Council in Clause 1(2).

We have passed Clause 1. I have put the Question, That Clause 2 stand part of the Bill.


text: Hansard of Parliament of the United Kingdom (1963) - Malaysia Bill/Clause 2


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 Clause 4.—(POWER TO MAKE CONSEQUENTIAL PROVISIONS.)

HC Deb 19 July 1963 vol 681 c1008

 * Question proposed, That the Clause stand part of the Bill.

Mr. Brockway On this Clause I will raise the question of the Orders in Council. As I understand it, the Secretary of State, prior to our consideration of the Bill, indicated that Her Majesty had placed in the hands of the House, as in the terms of this Bill, the endorsement of an Order in Council. What I am really asking is whether the House will have an opportunity of discussing the Orders in Council prior to their taking effect, or even subsequently to their taking effect.

Mr. Fisher I do not think, to be frank with the hon. Gentleman, that there will be further opportunity to discuss this matter. The object of getting through this Bill, which I hope we shall do with his co-operation today, is to make it possible for Malaysia to federate and come into being as a new nation of the Commonwealth on 31st August. I do not know of any possibility of discussing the Orders in Council before the Recess, and after that it will be too late. I do not think it would be normal to discuss Orders in Council in this category.

Mr. Brockway It is frequently done.

 * Question put and agreed to.

 * Clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.

 * Clauses 5 and 6 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

 * Schedules 1 to 3 agreed to.

 * Bill reported, without Amendment; read the Third time, and passed.