text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Schadow

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Schadow


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Scherr, Johannes

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Bülow, Bernhard Heinrich Karl Martin, Prince von

BÜLOW, BERNHARD HEINRICH KARL MARTIN, (see ). — Prince Bülow, after his resignation of the German chancellorship in 1909, lived principally at the villa in Rome which he had purchased with a view to his retirement.

Part of the summer he usually spent at Flottbeck near Hamburg or on the island of Norderney. A large fortune left him by a cousin, a Hamburg merchant, enabled him to live in elegant leisure and to make his house in Rome a centre of literary and political society. He employed his leisure in writing for the centenary celebrations of the Wars of Liberation, a remarkable book on Imperial Germany, extolling its achievements and defending the main lines of his own foreign policy (Engl. translation, M. Lavenz, 1914). In a revised edition (Engl. translation 1916) he omitted or altered many passages which seemed compromising in the light of the World War, e.g. his exposition of his policy of lulling Great Britain into a sense of security, while the great German navy was being constructed. He was understood to be in deep disfavour with William II., who never forgave him his attitude and action with regard to the Daily Telegraph interview in 1908.

On the outbreak of war Bülow found opportunity to identify himself publicly with the German cause, and, from his own point of view, he doubtless felt what, after Germany's collapse, was made a ground of bitter reproach to him, that no one had been more actively identified than he with the main lines of the German policy which led up to the war.

He was once more to be employed in the service of his country, this time on a desperate enterprise. Italy, which had declared her neutrality at the outbreak of the war, did not eventually confine herself to the declaration that the casus foederis had not arisen for her as a member of the Triple Alliance. She had already intimated (July 5 1914) through diplomatic channels that she considered the action of Austria-Hungary against Serbia to be aggressive and provocative. On Dec. 9 1914 Baron Sonnino addressed a note to the Austro-Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Count Berchtold, calling attention to Art. VII. of the treaty by which Italy participated in the Triple Alliance, with particular reference to the words in that clause according to which the Austro-Hungarian Government was bound, in the event of its disturbing the status quo in the Balkans even by a temporary occupation of Serbian territory, to come to an agreement with Italy and to arrange for compensations. By this note the questions of the Trentino and Trieste were formally opened. Austria-Hungary manifested great reluctance to enter upon the question of compensations, but Berlin was more alert and more anxiously concerned. Prince Bülow was, therefore, entrusted with the temporary charge of the German embassy in Rome, the actual ambassador, Herr von Flotow, going on sick-leave (Dec. 19 1914). He at once plunged into active negotiations, and began by expressing his entire sympathy on principle with the Italian demand for compensations. He had, however, to fight the intransigeance of the Hungarian prime minister, Tisza, and Tisza's nominee, who was Berchtold's successor, Baron Burian. Bülow was from the first for the complete cession of the Trentino to Italy, but Austria-Hungary was willing to cede only part of it. Sonnino, for his part, pointed out that Italian feeling would not be satisfied even with the whole of the Trentino, but would also, in accordance with the irredentist programme, demand Trieste. Bülow continued to urge that all he could mediate for was the Trentino but that Austria would fight to keep Trieste. Early in April 1915 Italy put forward in the course of the negotiations, which were secret, her demands for the Trentino, Trieste, the Cuzolari Is., off the Dalmatian coast, the recognition by Austria-Hungary of Italian sovereignty over Vallona, etc. The negotiations dragged on till the middle of May, when Bülow made a grave but characteristic tactical mistake. He is understood to have induced the Italian ex-premier Giolitti to come to Rome from Turin in the hope that Giolitti's following in the Chamber would be powerful enough to prevent a rupture and to bring about the acceptance of the Austro-Hungarian terms. An equally characteristic propaganda was believed to have been instituted by Bülow, in conjunction with the Austro-Hungarian ambassador Macchio, among the partisans of Giolitti behind the back of the Italian Government. The prime minister, Salandra, suddenly resigned. There was a

great outburst of popular indignation, fanned by the impassioned eloquence of d'Annunzio and finding expression in demonstrations in front of the Quirinal (the royal palace) and on the Capitol, the municipal centre of Rome. After a great majority in the Italian Parliament had on May 20 expressed confidence in Salandra, general mobilization was ordered on May 22, and the formal declaration of war against Austria-Hungary followed on May 23 1915. On May 24 Bülow left Rome.

During the war he lived in Berlin, and although since the peace he has again resided in Rome for part of every year, he spends many months in Germany. His name was mentioned in a ministerial crisis of 1921 as a possible chancellor, but he was entirely inacceptable to the vast majority of the German people and of the Reichstag. (G. S.)


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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive :"All men are created equal; they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights; among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.

 * "This immortal statement was made in the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America in 1776. In a broader sense, this means: All the peoples on the earth are equal from birth, all the peoples have a right to live, to be happy and free.

 * "The Declaration of the French Revolution made in 1791 on the Rights of Man and the Citizen also states: 'All men are born free and with equal rights, and must always remain free and have equal rights.'

 * "Those are undeniable truths.

 * "Nevertheless, for more than eighty years, the French imperialists, abusing the standard of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, have violated our Fatherland and oppressed our fellow citizens. They have acted contrary to the ideals of humanity and justice.

 * "In the field of politics, they have deprived our people of every democratic liberty.

 * "They have enforced inhuman laws; they have set up three distinct political regimes in the North, the Center, and the South of Viet-Nam in order to wreck our national unity and prevent our people from being united.

 * "They have built more prisons than schools. They have mercilessly slain our patriots; they have drowned our uprisings in rivers of blood.

 * "They have fettered public opinion; they have practiced obscurantism against our people.

 * "To weaken our race they have forced us to use opium and alcohol.

 * "In the field of economics, they have fleeced us to the backbone, impoverished our people and devastated our land.

 * "They have robbed us of our rice fields, our mines, our forests, and our raw materials. They have monopolized the issuing of bank notes and the export trade.

 * "They have invented numerous unjustifiable taxes and reduced our people, especially our peasantry, to a state of extreme poverty.

Rh

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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Bülow, Karl von

BÜLOW, KARL VON (1846-1921), German field-marshal, was born in Berlin March 24 1846 and joined the 2nd Guards regiment of infantry in 1864. He gained distinction at Königgrätz in the war of 1866, served through the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, winning the Iron Cross (2nd class), and, after holding various staff appointments, became colonel of the 4th Guards regiment in 1894. Three years later he was promoted major-general and was transferred to the War Office. In 1900 he was promoted lieutenant-general and in 1901 was general commanding the Guards division. In 1912 he attained the rank of generaloberst and was entrusted with the III. Army Inspection. He was thus marked out for high command, and on the outbreak of the World War he was placed in charge of the II. Army, which invaded Belgium. He occupied Liége (Aug. 7) and advanced to the Marne. He commanded the I. and VII. Armies during the retreat and at the battles of the Aisne, thus incurring responsibility in the eyes of the public for the failure to take Paris. In Jan. 1915 he was promoted field-marshal and in June 1916 was, by his own wish, placed on the retired list. He died in Berlin Aug. 31 1921.


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Bunting, Sir Percy William

BUNTING, SIR PERCY WILLIAM (1836-1911), British journalist, was born at Manchester Feb. 1 1836 and was educated at Owen's College, Manchester, and Pembroke College, Cambridge. In 1859 he was classed as 21st wrangler, and three years later was called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn. In 1882 he became editor of the Contemporary Review, and henceforth devoted himself to journalism, becoming also editor of the Methodist Times from 1902 to 1907 in succession to Hugh Price Hughes. In 1908 he was knighted. Throughout his life he was an active supporter of Wesleyan Methodism, being the grandson of Jabez Bunting, a distinguished Wesleyan divine (see ). He died in London July 22 1911.


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Rh elevated ridge or border, and a stream of water constantly flowing into it, to provide against the loss by evaporation, and to yield an overplus for the fields around and beneath it. For this purpose water must either be raised by artificial means, such as pumps, levers, wheels, &c., from a lower to a higher region; or conducted with great skill and care from some elevated position, along the sides of hills, and across valleys, to the desired spot; where, introduced into the highest field of the series, it gradually flows down to the lower terraces, until it is lost in the river or the sea. The very ingenious methods which the Chinese employ for raising water have often been illustrated; and shew at once their adroitness, and the necessity which has thus driven them to their wits' ends, to increase the produce of their soil. The water brought over the land brings fertility along with it, and the debris accompanying the fluid, thus conveyed from the surrounding heights, tends alike to moisten and fruetify the soil. The Chinese may be considered adepts in terrace cultivation, notwithstanding the observations of Barrow, that he saw but few instances of it in his route. From all the information that can be gathered from the natives, the contrary is the fact; and though in places where a supply of water cannot be commanded at an elevated spot, the natives necessarily leave the hill uncut into terraces; yet in every instance in which the locality is favourable, they do not fail to adopt a mode of cultivation so essential to the production of rice in southern latitudes. All travellers agree in the opinion that in minute spade husbandry, the Chinese more than equal Europeans; and Lord Macartney denominates them the best husbandmen in the world. Rh


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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive :"They have hampered the prospering of our national bourgeoisie; they have mercilessly exploited our workers.

 * "In the autumn of 1940, when the Japanese fascists violated Indochina's territory to establish new bases in their fight against the Allies, the French imperialists went down on their bended knees and handed over our country to them.

 * "Thus, from that date, our people were subjected to the double yoke of the French and the Japanese. Their sufferings and miseries increased. The result was that, from the end of last year to the beginning of this year, from Quang Tri Province to the North of Viet-Nam, more than two million of our fellow citizens died from starvation. On March 9 [1945], the French troops were disarmed by the Japanese. The French colonialists either fled or surrendered, showing that not only were they incapable of "protecting" us, but that, in the span of five years, they had twice sold our country to the Japanese.

 * "On several occasions before March 9, the Viet Minh League urged the French to ally themselves with it against the Japanese. Instead of agreeing to this proposal, the French colonialists so intensified their terrorist activities against the Viet Minh members that before fleeing they massacred a great number of our political prisoners detained at Yen Bay and Cao Bang.

 * "Notwithstanding all this, our fellow citizens have always manifested toward the French a tolerant and humane attitude. Even after the Japanese of March, 1945, the Viet Minh League helped many Frenchmen to cross the frontier, rescued some of them from Japanese jails, and protected French lives and property.

 * "From the autumn of 1940, our country had in fact ceased to be a French colony and had become a Japanese possession.

 * "After the Japanese had surrendered to the Allies, our whole people rose to regain our national sovereignty and to found the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam.

 * "The truth is that we have wrested our independence from the Japanese and not from the French.

 * "The French have fled, the Japanese have capitulated, Emperor Bao Dai has abdicated. Our people have broken the chains which for nearly a century have fettered them and have won independence for the Fatherland. Our people at the same time have overthrown the monarchic regime that has reigned supreme for dozens of centuries. In its place has been established the present Democratic Republic.

Rh

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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive :"For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government, representing the whole Vietnamese people, declare that from now on we break off all relations of a colonial character with France; we repeal all the international obligation that France has so far subscribed to on behalf of Viet-Nam, and we abolish all the special rights the French have unlawfully acquired in our Fatherland.

 * "The whole Vietnamese people, animated by a common purpose, are determined to fight to the bitter end against any attempt by the French colonialists to reconquer their country.

 * "We are convinced that the Allied nations, which at Teheran and San Francisco have acknowledged the principles of self-determination and equality of nations, will not refuse to acknowledge the independence of Viet-Nam.

 * "A people who have courageously opposed French domination for more than eighty years, a people who have fought side by side with the Allies against the fascists during these last years, such a people must be free and independent.

 * "For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam, solemnly declare to the world that Viet-Nam has the right to be a free and independent country — and in fact it is so already. The entire Vietnamese people are determined to mobilize all their physical and mental strength, to sacrifice their lives and property in order to safeguard their independence and liberty."

 * b.

September 2, 1945, found South Vietnam in profound political disorder. The successive collapse of French, then Japanese power, followed by the dissension among the political factions in Saigon had been accompanied by widespread violence in the countryside. The Cao Dai set up a state at Tay Ninh; the Hoa Hao established a capital in Can Tho; jacquerie flared, and a number of rural officials and landlords were murdered. On September 2, violence in Saigon took the lives of a French priest on the threshold of the Cathedral, several other French, and a number of Vietnamese; French homes were sacked, and an atmosphere of fear-ridden tension descended upon the city.

 * On 12 September 1945, the first British troops arrived in Saigon — a Gurkha battalion; they were accompanied by a company of Free French soldiers. General Douglas D. Gracey, commanding, arrived on 13 September. Prior to his departure from India, Gracey had announced that:

 * "The question of the government of Indochina is exclusively French. Civil and military control by the French is only a matter of weeks."

Rh

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36 The activity and acutèness of the Chinese husbandmen, therefore, tend to shew, that so much energy and mind have been necessarily called into display by an overflowing population.

Not less remarkable, nor less available to our argument, is the economy observed by the Chinese in the use of the necessaries of life, in order that they may make them go as far as possible. This is apparent in their food, their dress, and their dwellings; in all of which they avoid extravagance, and restrict themselves to such kinds as need the smallest quantity of ground to produce and rear them. It is not meant by this, that the Chinese are not fond of good food, and plenty of it, when they can get it; they are, in fact, both epicures and gormands, when good things fall in their way; but they manage to do with little and coarse food, when necessity compels them, which is, alas! but too often. The diet of a Chinese is generally a little rice and salt fish, or salted vegetable; a species of brassica being commonly used for this purpose, which being thoroughly impregnated with salt, helps to flavour the insipid rice, and enables them to relish their food. This mess is sometimes varied by certain preparations of pulse or millet, and more rarely a few ounces of pork are stewed down with the vegetable preparations, in the proportion of one to five. The common food of the poor, however, is sweet potatoes or yams, with occasionally a little rice boiled in a large quantity of water; and once a month, it may be, a pork meal, or on grand festive occasions, a little poultry. Against the eating of beef they have a strong prejudice, not so much on account of religious scruples, as because oxen are used in husbandry, and they think it a shame, after a poor animal has been labouring all


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 his life in their service, to cut him to pieces at last, and then to feed upon his flesh, and make shoes of his hide. Hence in the hortatory tracts, which they sometimes publish, they draw the figure of an ox, composed entirely of words or characters, which set forth the complaint of the cow kind, relative to their hard usage during life, and their still harder fate at death, concluding by assigning the lowest place in Pandemonium to the villanous beef-butchers, who mercilessly cut them up for gain.

Having no inclosed pastures, they cannot breed many sheep or goats, which, wandering over the corn fields and gardens, would destroy more than they are worth. It is only in hilly and barren regions where these animals are allowed to roam, and even there not beyond the shepherd's eye; hence in the more fertile and more populous parts of the country, mutton is scarce and seldom eaten. Instead of beef and mutton, however, the Chinese have recourse to dogs and cats, the flesh of which animals is equal in price to that of swine. In default of these, they have no objection to make a dish of rats and snakes; and cockroaches and other reptiles come in to be used either as food or medicine, by a people who are driven frequently to great straits for want of sustenance; animals that die of disease, and those already far gone in a state of decay, are when discovered eagerly devoured by a hungry peasantry in search of food. In short, the Chinese have the most unscrupulous stomachs imaginable; every thing animal from the hide to the entrails,—and almost every thing vegetable, from the leaves to the roots, is made available to the support of life; and even some parts of the


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Burbidge, Sir Richard

BURBIDGE, SIR RICHARD, (1847-1917), English merchant, was born in Wiltshire March 2 1847. He was educated at Devizes and Melksham and at the age of 13 was apprenticed to a provision merchant in Oxford St., London, afterwards starting in business as a provision merchant at the age of 19. Fourteen years later he became general superintendent of the Army and Navy Auxiliary Stores. In 1882 he was appointed general manager of Whiteley's, Westbourne Grove, and in 1891 entered the service of Harrods, Brompton Road, of which he was afterwards managing director. By 1916 he had increased its profits from £16,000 to over £200,000, and it had become one of the largest of the London stores. He had also done a good deal to ensure shorter working hours for shop assistants. Mr. Burbidge was the “private citizen” who anonymously presented about £30,000 to the fund for acquiring the Crystal Palace for the public in 1913. During the World War he was responsible for the building and fitting up of two hospitals in Belgium and was a member of many Government committees, including the advisory committee of the Ministry of Munitions and the committee of inquiry into the Royal Aircraft workings, of which he was chairman. He was created a baronet in 1916. He died in London May 31 1917, being succeeded as second baronet by his son R. Woodman Burbidge (b. 1872), who in 1921 became chairman of Harrods.


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38 mineral kingdom are laid under requisition for this important purpose.

In their dress, the Chinese are alike anxious to economize the soil. Barrow says, "that an acre of cotton will clothe two or three hundred persons:" and as cotton can be planted between the rice crops, and thus vary the productions, and relieve the soil, the Chinese prefer such clothing as they can raise, at the least expense of ground and labour. Were the hundreds of millions of China to be clothed in woollens, an immense tract of grazing land would be required, which would deduct materially from the area devoted to food, and greatly exceed what the Chinese could afford. In their dwellings, likewise, they are particularly frugal of room: living together in a very small compass, and crowding into closely built cities, as though ground with them were an object of great moment. A room twenty feet square would afford sufficient space for a dozen people to eat, drink, work, trade, and sleep; while the streets of their towns and cities are so narrow, that it is quite possible to touch each side of the way with the hand as you pass along. Now, if we compare this frugality with the extravagance of European nations in regard to room, living on beef and mutton, and wearing woollen clothes, we may easily see that the ground which would sustain one Englishman, would be sufficient for the support of three or four Chinese. Amongst such a selfish and sensual people, so much economy would not be observed, did not stern necessity compel; and what greater necessity can exist


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User:AdamBMorgan/Mywork

All the works I've proofread or validated (ie. all the edits I've made in the Page: namespace) as of the last time I bothered to update this page.

title: User:AdamBMorgan/Mywork


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Burdett, Sir Henry

BURDETT, SIR HENRY (1847-1920), English economist and philanthropist, was born at Gilmorton, Leics., March 18 1847. He began life in a bank at Birmingham, but was elected in 1874 secretary to the Queen's hospital in that city. In 1880 he became secretary to the share and loan department of the Stock Exchange and also a member of the committee of management of the Seamen's Hospital Society. Finance and hospitals, especially in connexion with nursing, were the two main interests of his life. He published Burdett's Official Intelligence of Securities, and also Burdett's Hospitals and Charities, as well as works on the national debt, local taxation, The Hospitals and Asylums of the World (4 vols. with plates), and many other works on economic and hospital problems. It was largely due to him that King Edward VII. established his Hospital Fund for London. He also founded and edited The Hospital newspaper. He was created K.C.B. in 1897 and K.C.V.O. in 1908. He died in London April 29 1920.


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 alimentary canal, and a double ventral ganglionated chain, a definite vascular system, an excretory system consisting of nephridia, and paired generative organs formed from the coelomic epithelium. They are divided as follows: (1) (q.v.) or Archiannelida; (2)  (q.v.); (3)  (q.v.), probably degenerate Polychaeta; (4) Hirudinea (see  and ); (5)  (q.v.).

ANNET, PETER (1693–1769), English deist, is said to have been born at Liverpool. A schoolmaster by profession, he became prominent owing to his attacks on orthodox theologians, and his membership of a semi-theological debating society, the Robin Hood Society, which met at the “Robin Hood and Little John” in Butcher Row. To him has been attributed a work called A History of the Man after God’s own Heart (1761), intended to show that George II. was insulted by a current comparison with David. The book is said to have inspired Voltaire’s Saul. It is also attributed to one John Noorthouck (Noorthook). In 1763 he was condemned for blasphemous libel in his paper called the Free Enquirer (nine numbers only). After his release he kept a small school in Lambeth, one of his pupils being James Stephen (1758–1832), who became master in Chancery. Annet died on the 18th of January 1769. He stands between the earlier philosophic deists and the later propagandists of Paine’s school, and “seems to have been the first freethought lecturer” (J. M. Robertson); his essays (A Collection of the Tracts of a certain Free Enquirer, 1739–1745) are forcible but lack refinement. He invented a system of shorthand (2nd ed., with a copy of verses by Joseph Priestley). ANNEXATION (Lat. ad, to, and nexus, joining), in international law, the act by which a state adds territory to its dominions; the term is also used generally as a synonym for acquisition. The assumption of a protectorate over another state, or of a sphere of influence, is not strictly annexation, the latter implying the complete displacement in the annexed territory of the government or state by which it was previously ruled. Annexation may be the consequence of a voluntary cession from one state to another, or of conversion from a protectorate or sphere of influence, or of mere occupation in uncivilized regions, or of conquest. The cession of Alsace-Lorraine to Germany by France, although brought about by the war of 1870, was for the purposes of international law a voluntary cession. Under the treaty of the 17th of December 1885, between the French republic and the queen of Madagascar, a French protectorate was established over this island. In 1896 this protectorate was converted by France into an annexation, and Madagascar then became “French territory.” The formal annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina by Austria (Oct. 5, 1908) was an unauthorized conversion of an “occupation” authorized by the Treaty of Berlin (1878), which had, however, for years operated as a de facto annexation. A recent case of conquest was that effected by the South African War of 1899–1902, in which the Transvaal republic and the Orange Free State were extinguished, first de facto by occupation of the whole of their territory, and then de jure by terms of surrender entered into by the Boer generals acting as a government.

By annexation, as between civilized peoples, the annexing state takes over the whole succession with the rights and obligations attaching to the ceded territory, subject only to any modifying conditions contained in the treaty of cession. These, however, are binding only as between the parties to them. In the case of the annexation of the territories of the Transvaal republic and Orange Free State, a rather complicated situation arose out of the facts, on the one hand, that the ceding states closed their own existence and left no recourse to third parties against the previous ruling authority, and, on the other, that, having no means owing to the de facto British occupation, of raising money by taxation, the dispossessed governments raised money by selling certain securities, more especially a large holding of shares in the South African Railway Company, to neutral purchasers. The British government repudiated these sales as having been made by a government which the British government had already displaced. The question of at what point, in a war of conquest, the state succession becomes operative is one of great delicacy. As early as the 6th of January 1900, the high commissioner at Cape Town issued a proclamation giving notice that H. M. government would “not recognize as valid or effectual” any conveyance, transfer or transmission of any property made by the government of the Transvaal republic or Orange Free State subsequently to the 10th of October 1899, the date of the commencement of the war. A proclamation forbidding transactions with a state which might still be capable of maintaining its independence could obviously bind only those subject to the authority of the state issuing it. Like paper blockades (see ) and fictitious occupations of territory, such premature proclamations are viewed by international jurists as not being jure gentium. The proclamation was succeeded, on the 9th of March 1900, by another of the high commissioner at Cape Town, reiterating the notice, but confining it to “lands, railways, mines or mining rights.” And on the 1st of September 1900 Lord Roberts proclaimed at Pretoria the annexation of the territories of the Transvaal republic to the British dominions. That the war continued for nearly two years after this proclamation shows how fictitious the claim of annexation was. The difficulty which arose out of the transfer of the South African Railway shares held by the Transvaal government was satisfactorily terminated by the purchase by the British government of the total capital of the company from the different groups of shareholders (see on this case, Sir Thomas Barclay, Law Quarterly Review, July 1905; and Professor Westlake, in the same Review, October 1905).

In a judgment of the judicial committee of the privy council in 1899 (Coote v. Sprigg, A.C. 572), Lord Chancellor Halsbury made an important distinction as regards the obligations of state succession. The case in question was a claim of title against the crown, represented by the government of Cape Colony. It was made by persons holding a concession of certain rights in eastern Pondoland from a native chief. Before the grantees had taken up their grant by acts of possession, Pondoland was annexed to Cape Colony. The colonial government refused to recognize the grant on different grounds, the chief of them being that the concession conferred no legal rights before the annexation and therefore could confer none afterwards, a sufficiently good ground in itself. The judicial committee, however, rested its decision chiefly on the allegation that the acquisition of the territory was an act of state and that “no municipal court had authority to enforce such an obligation” as the duty of the new government to respect existing titles. “It is no answer,” said Lord Halsbury, “to say that by the ordinary principles of international law private property is respected by the sovereign which accepts the cession and assumes the duties and legal obligations of the former sovereign with respect to such private property within the ceded territory. All that can be meant by such a proposition is that according to the well-understood rules of international law a change of sovereignty by cession ought not to affect private property, but no municipal tribunal has authority to enforce such an obligation. And if there is either an express or a well-understood bargain between the ceding potentate and the government to which the cession is made that private property shall be respected, that is only a bargain which can be enforced by sovereign against sovereign in the ordinary course of diplomatic pressure.” In an editorial note on this case the Law Quarterly Review of Jan. 1900 (p. 1), dissenting from the view of the judicial committee that “no municipal tribunal has authority to enforce such an obligation,” the writer observes that “we can read this only as meant to lay down that, on the annexation of territory even by peaceable cession, there is a total abeyance of justice until the will of the annexing power is expressly made known; and that, although the will of that power is commonly to respect existing private rights, there is no rule or presumption to that effect of which any court must or indeed can take notice.” So construed the doctrine is not only contrary to international law, but according to so authoritative an exponent of the common law as Sir F. Pollock, there is no warrant for it in English common law.

An interesting point of American constitutional law has arisen out of the cession of the Philippines to the United States, through the fact that the federal constitution does not lend itself to the

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Annet, Peter


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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive It appears that Gracey's instructions from the Allied Command in Southeast Asia explicitly limited his missions to the disarming of the Japanese, and certainly did not require him to undertake revision of the Vietnamese political system. But in fact, General Gracey used his troops and his position to overturn the Committee of the South. Neither communism nor Viet nationalism seems to have concerned the British commander. On 10 September, the Viet Minh had accepted a reorganization of the Committee of the South in which Tran Van Giau was replaced as Chairman by Phan Van Bach, a prominent independent nationalist, and ICP members occupied only four of thirteen Committee seats. Gracey apparently regarded the Vietnamese government with disdain, if not contempt, not because of its political complexion, but because of its lack of authority from the French, over which it presided. The British commander ordered the Japanese to assist in maintaining order, and directed the disarming of Vietnamese; both directives were ignored, but added to mounting tension.

The attitude of the occupation forces reinforced the position of the Trotskyites who had denounced the Viet Minh, the ICP, and Committee of the South as a "bourgeois-democratic government, even though the communists are now in power," and decried any attempts to cooperate with the Allies. The Trotskyite International Communist League called for the arming of the people, and incited the populace against the British. Beginning on 12 September, the Vietnamese police in Saigon launched a violent campaign to suppress the Trotskyites, in which many Trotskyite leaders were killed. In the rural areas, fighting broke out between Viet Minh troops and the forces of the Cao Dai and the Hoa Hao. The spreading intra-Viet violence rendered futile attempts to draw together the Vietnamese factions, and heightened apprehension among Westerners in Saigon.

 * On 17 September 1945, the Committee of the South called a general strike to protest the Allied lack of cooperation, and arrested some sixteen French. The French then importuned Gracey to permit them to step in to restore order. On 19 September, the French "Commissioner" for Cochinchina, Cedile, announced that there would be no negotiations with Vietnamese nationalists until civil order was restored. On 20 September, General Gracey suspended all Vietnamese newspapers, and took over the Vietnamese police force. On 21 September, martial law was declared, outlawing all demonstrations, and the bearing by Vietnamese of any weapon whatsoever, including bamboo rods. On 22 September, the British freed some 1400 French parachutists that had been incarcerated outside Saigon by the Japanese, and these promptly descended on the city to beat Vietnamese wherever they could lay their hands on them. On the morning of 23 September, French troops occupied the police stations, the post office, and other public buildings, and began to arrest Vietnamese politicians and public officials, although members of the Committee account noted that:

 * "It was indeed unfortunate that the manner in which this coup d'etat was executed together with the behavior of the

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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Burian von Rajecz, Stephen, Baron

BURIAN VON RAJECZ, STEPHEN (1851-), Austro-Hungarian statesman, a scion of an ancient Hungarian noble family, was born Jan. 16 1851, and early in life entered the consular service, being stationed successively at Alexandria, Bucharest and Belgrade. Then his rapid diplomatic career began. From 1882-6 he was consul-general at Moscow, and his reports describing the then little understood danger of Panslavism attracted attention in influential circles in Vienna. He was sent as envoy extraordinary to Sofia, where he remained for several years, and successfully represented the interests of the Vienna Government during the disturbed period following the election of Ferdinand of Coburg as Prince of Bulgaria. In the second half of the 'nineties he was minister at Stuttgart and at Athens, and in March 1903 he succeeded Benjamin Kallay (1839-1903) as common Finance Minister and supreme head of the administration of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this latter capacity he rendered important services. Burian strongly advocated annexation of the provinces, which he regarded as the essential condition precedent to the introduction of constitutional arrangements. After the annexation he did in fact set to work with the greatest zeal on the elaboration of the provincial constitution, which was proclaimed in Feb. 1910. The extremely important Kmet question (Kmet, Slav for peasant) was settled under his ministry on general lines in the sense of the optional emancipation of the Kmets. In Feb. 1912 he was relieved of his office as common Finance Minister, and in June 1913 he was appointed Hungarian minister attached to the court of Vienna. On Jan. 13 1915 he succeeded Count Berchtold at the Foreign Office. His friendly relations with Count Stephen Tisza, whose influence may well have determined Burian's selection as Foreign Minister, facilitated his intercourse with those Hungarian politicians whose opinion carried weight.

The monarchy was at that time in the midst of negotiations with Italy. Burian took part in them, but at first with reserve, since he would not hear of any cession of territory long forming part of Austria. It was not till March 1915 that, under pressure of the military situation and the influence of the German Government, he expressed his willingness in principle to negotiate on this basis. The negotiations, however, in spite of further concessions made by Burian in April and May, had no success, and served only to postpone, but not to prevent, the secession of Italy into the ranks of the Entente. Burian did great service to Austria-Hungary in the matter of the alliance with Bulgaria, and also in arranging the Austro-Turkish alliance. To the Rumanian demands he opposed a negative attitude, especially to those which involved a cession of Hungarian territory and a fundamental change in the political and social position of the Rumanians in Hungary. In this question, as in others, Burian represented the particular interests of Austria-Hungary, as opposed to Germany, and for this reason became involved in severe conflicts with the leading statesmen and army commanders of the German Empire.

In the Polish question he aimed at the Austro-Polish solution, though he realized the difficulties in its way. For he thought

that the elastic structure of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and the proved stability, in the case of Galicia, of a Polish province provided with wide powers of national self-government, made this appear relatively the best solution. He absolutely refused to consent to the far-reaching demands made by Germany in return for her acquiescence in this solution. In general, he maintained the view that in military, political and economic matters Austria-Hungary must be treated as an equal partner, and opposed a determined refusal to every German demand in which he saw danger to the independence, or a limitation of the territorial power, of Austria-Hungary. He thought, incidentally, that German policy was permeated with realism, and that Germany had a very high estimate of her own achievements, and of the rewards due to them, without feeling any obligation to measure the achievements of their ally by the same standard and give full satisfaction to her partner.

On the question of peace, too, there was a sharp antithesis between the views of Burian and those of German statesmen. With Burian, regard for the special interests of Austria-Hungary stood in the foreground. He refused to contemplate the loss of Austro-Hungarian territory in the south. On the other hand, he proposed as early as Nov. 1915 that Germany should smooth the way to peace by a public declaration of her willingness to guarantee the national independence of Belgium, and in the course of the year 1916 repeatedly urged that the way should be paved for negotiation with the enemy on the basis of the renouncing of conquests in the west. The decisive refusal of German statesmen to declare such a renunciation and to define precisely the demands and concessions to be made by the Quadruple Alliance in the peace proposals, as proposed by Burian, led to severe conflict between the two Cabinets. The peace note of Dec. 12 1916, which put an end to this quarrel, was the last important official act of Burian as Foreign Minister.

A few days later he laid down his office, but was recalled by the Emperor Charles after the resignation of his successor, Count Czernin, on April 14 1918. Burian now worked energetically for the conclusion of an agreed peace, and on that account came into conflict, as he had done two years before, with the German higher command. It was only in Aug. 1918, after the breakdown of the German offensive, that the German Government declared itself ready in principle to prepare the way for an agreed peace. But in the course of the negotiations insuperable differences appeared as to the time and the form of the peace offer. Bitter exasperation was aroused in the most influential German circles when Burian, holding to his design, ignored the German veto, and on Sept. 14 1918 addressed to all the belligerent nations an invitation to end the war by diplomatic negotiations. Burian's invitation had no success; it merely heightened the confidence in victory of the enemy Powers, who, by an offensive, definitely broke the resistance of their enfeebled opponents, compelled them to accept a humiliating armistice, and forced them to prepare the way for negotiations which were intended to lead to the conclusion of separate treaties of peace. When the Vienna Government decided to follow this path Burian was no longer Foreign Minister. He had resigned in the midst of a confusion which gave reason to fear the approaching end of the state and the dynasty. (Author:Alfred Francis Pribram)


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188

TO CONFEDERATE VETERANS.

This Will Interest You Personally.

Get a Benefit While You Live.

The National Co-operative Guarantee Company, organized in this city last November, and recently admitted by the Insurance Commissioner as a Mutual Life Insurance Company, is attracting considerable attention just now.

Figuring on the experience of all forms of life insurance, and catching the trend of the co-operative spirit of the times, its projectors have presented a plan that seems to be not only plausible, but in every way practicable. Fur a number of years the Mutual Reserve, Knights of Honor. United Workingmen, and other kindred institutions, have matured their policies and met their obligations with an average assessment of less than $12 per year on the $1,000, while the older forms of life insurance have not only met their obligations, but after paying enormous running expenses have accumulated "reserve" and "surplus" funds that are startling.

The projectors of this new candidate for public favor assume that aside from its actual legitimate running expenses a life insurance company has no need for a sum of money beyond what is needed to pay its death claims, and they declare that all "reserve" and "surplus" should go hack into the hands of the persons from whom it originally came.

This plan opens up possibilities in life insurance not heretofore supposed to exist, and not only gives protection in the case of death, but actually furnishes insurance that may mature in the lifetime of the insured. By its plan the company does not assume enormous speculative risks on the life of any one, but limits its death risk to $1,000 on each life, figured on the basis of 33 years. A person may however, hold as many $1,000 policies as he choses, but in doing so he waives all death claims against the company beyond $1,000, and accepts in lieu his pro rata of the profits that accrue to the company after meeting its death losses. This plan gives the poor man with one policy the same insurance and the same prospect to receive his money while living, that it furnishes the rich man who holds 850,000 by an equitable distribution of the profits that occur from investment. A more equitable and just plan it seems could hardly be conceived, and its workings cannot fail to result well. Though but seven months old, the company has written more than 1,700 policies, paid two death claims and two live men, and its business outlook seems to be unparalleled. No one familiar with the plan will fail to be pleasantly surprised if he gives the matter a little serious thought.

— Schools and summer resorts are advised that the Veteran for July will be a superior medium for advertising — 10,000 copies.

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MENTION THIS PAPER


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Burleson, Albert Sidney

BURLESON, ALBERT SIDNEY (1863-), American lawyer and politician, was born at San Marcos, Tex., June 7 1863. He graduated from the university of Texas in 1884 and was admitted to the bar in 1885. For five years he was assistant city attorney in Austin, and from 1891 to 1898 was attorney of the 26th judicial district of Texas. From 1899 to 1913 he was a member of Congress and was Postmaster-General in President Wilson's Cabinet from 1913 to 1921. Soon after taking office in 1913 he aroused a storm of protest, especially on the part of the large daily newspapers, by declaring that he would enforce the law (requiring publications to print, among other things, a sworn statement of paid circulation), which had been held in abeyance by his predecessor until its constitutionality might be confirmed. The Supreme Court enjoined him from carrying out his purpose. During the World War he issued,

in 1915, an order barring unneutral envelopes and cards from the mails, and after America became a belligerent he instituted a censorship designed to suppress treasonable and seditious newspapers. The purpose was reasonable, but it was impossible to draw an ideal line and the result was a general alienation of the press. Later he introduced the “zone system,” whereby postage on second-class mail was charged according to distance. In Aug. 1918 the telephone and telegraph systems were taken over temporarily by the Government and their control vested in the postmaster-general. He was an avowed advocate of permanent Government ownership of the telegraph and telephone, and in Dec. 1918 urged legislation to that end. In Nov. 1918, five days after the Armistice was signed, he took over the cables. He aroused the hostility of labour by his opposition to organization and strikes among postal employees. As early as 1913 he had urged repeal of the law allowing them to organize. He was interested in extending the parcel post, and worked for the promotion of aerial mail service.


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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive  : French citizens during the morning of Sunday, 23 September, absolutely ensured that countermeasures would be taken by the Annamites [Vietnamese]. The more emotional of the French citizens, who, after all, had suffered considerably at the hands of the Annamites during the past few months, unfortunately took this opportunity of taking what reprisals they could. Annamites were arrested for no other reason than that they were Annamites; their treatment after arrest, though not actively brutal, was unnecessarily violent."

The following day, the Vietnamese struck back: the economic life of Saigon was paralyzed by strikes, and that night groups of Vietnamese – principally a gangster sect called the Binh Xuyen – began a series of attacks on municipal utilities. On 25 September, in an assault through a French residential district, over one hundred Westerners were killed, and others carried off as hostages; on 26 September, the U.S. commander of the O.S.S. in Cochinchina was killed. Thus, the Indochina war began in Cochinchina in late September, 1945, and American blood was shed in its opening hours.

The Committee of the South issued a statement deploring the British actions:

 * "Suppression of the press, which was unanimously defending the independence of Vietnam, prevented us...from controlling and directing public opinion at a time when the mob was already exasperated by provocations of the French...The British Army, to accomplish its mission of disarming the Japanese forces, had no need to disarm our police force and suppress our government as it did. Yet we have demonstrated by our actions that our government is most cordial in its desire to lend every possible assistance to the British Army in the accomplishment of its task."

At that juncture, the ICP in Cochinchina was in a particularly vulnerable position. The ICP — the core of the Viet Minh — had permitted the Independence League to pose as the arm of the Allies, and had supported cooperation with the British and amnesty for the French. The Party had even undertaken, through the Committee of the South, to repress the Trotskyites. It was apparent that advocacy of political moderation, public order, and negotiations with the French — by the ICP, by the Viet Minh, or by the Committee of the South — was quite futile. Further, the ICP was apparently assured by French communists that they would receivedreceive [sic] no assistance from Party brethren abroad. An American correspondent in Saigon was shown a document dated 25 September 1945, which:

 * "...advised the Annamite [Vietnamese] Communists to be sure, before they acted too rashly, that their struggle 'meets the requirements of Soviet policy.' It warned that any 'premature adventures' in Annamite independence might 'not be in line with

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 exercise by the federal congress of unlimited powers, such as are vested in the British parliament. The sole authority for the powers of the federal congress is a written constitution with defined powers. Anything done in excess of those powers is null and void. The Supreme Court of the United States, on the other hand, has declared that, by the constitution, a government is ordained and established “for the United States of America” and not for countries outside their limits (Ross’s Case, 140 U.S. 453, 464), and that no such power to legislate for annexed territories as that vested in the British crown in council is enjoyed by the president of the United States (Field v. Clark, 143 U.S. 649, 692). Every detail connected with the administration of the territories acquired from Spain under the treaty of Paris (December 10, 1898) has given rise to minute discussion.

ANNICERIS, a Greek philosopher of the Cyrenaic school. There is no certain information as to his date, but from the statement that he was a disciple of Paraebates it seems likely that he was a contemporary of Alexander the Great. A follower of Aristippus, he denied that pleasure is the general end of human life. To each separate action there is a particular end, namely the pleasure which actually results from it. Secondly, pleasure is not merely the negation of pain, inasmuch as death ends all pain and yet cannot be regarded as pleasure. There is, however, an absolute pleasure in certain virtues such as belong to the love of country, parents and friends. In these relations a man will have pleasure, even though it may result in painful and even fatal consequences. Friendship is not merely for the satisfaction of our needs, but is in itself a source of pleasure. He maintains further, in opposition to most of the Cyrenaic school, that wisdom or prudence alone is an insufficient guarantee against error. The wise man is he who has acquired a habit of wise action; human wisdom is liable to lapses at any moment. Diogenes Laertius says that Anniceris ransomed Plato from Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, for twenty minas. If we are right in placing Anniceris in the latter half of the 4th century, it is clear that the reference here is to an earlier Anniceris, who, according to Aelian, was a celebrated charioteer. ANNING, MARY (1799–1847), English fossil-collector, the daughter of Richard Anning, a cabinet-maker, was born at Lyme Regis in May 1799. Her father was one of the earliest collectors and dealers in fossils, obtained chiefly from the Lower Lias in that famous locality. When but a child in 1811 she discovered the first specimen of Ichthyosaurus which was brought into scientific notice; in 1821 she found remains of a new saurian, the Plesiosaurus and in 1828 she procured, for the first time in England, remains of a pterodactyl (Dimorphodon). She died on the 9th of March 1847. ANNISTON, a city and the county seat of Calhoun county, Alabama, U.S.A., in the north-eastern part of the state, about 63 m. E. by N. of Birmingham. Pop. (1890) 9998; (1900), 9695, of whom 3669 were of negro descent; (1910 census) 12,794. Anniston is served by the Southern, the Seaboard Air Line, and the Louisville & Nashville railways. The city is situated on the slope of Blue Mountain, a chain of the Blue Ridge, and is a health resort. It is the seat of the Noble Institute (for girls), established in 1886 by Samuel Noble (1834–1888), a wealthy iron-founder, and of the Alabama Presbyterian College for Men (1905). There are vast quantities of iron ore in the vicinity of the city, the Coosa coal-fields being only 25 m. distant. Anniston is an important manufacturing city, the principal industries being the manufacture of iron, steel and cotton. In 1905 the city’s factory products were valued at $2,525,455. An iron furnace was established on the site of Anniston during the Civil War, but it was destroyed by the federal troops in 1865; and in 1872 it was rebuilt on a much larger scale. The city was founded in 1872 as a private enterprise, by the Woodstock Iron Company, organized by Samuel Noble and Gen. Daniel Tyler (1799–1882); but it was not opened for general settlement until twelve years later. It was chartered as a city in 1879. ANNO, or, SAINT (c. 1010–1075), archbishop of Cologne, belonged to a Swabian family, and was educated at Bamberg. He became confessor to the emperor Henry III., who appointed him archbishop of Cologne in 1056. He took a prominent part in the government of Germany during the minority of King Henry IV., and was the leader of the party which in 1062 seized the person of Henry, and deprived his mother, the empress Agnes, of power. For a short time Anno exercised the chief authority in the kingdom, but he was soon obliged to share this with Adalbert, archbishop of Bremen, retaining for himself the supervision of Henry’s education and the title of magister. The office of chancellor of the kingdom of Italy was at this period regarded as an appanage of the archbishopric of Cologne, and this was probably the reason why Anno had a considerable share in settling the papal dispute in 1064. He declared Alexander II. to be the rightful pope at a synod held at Mantua in May 1064, and took other steps to secure his recognition. Returning to Germany, he found the chief power in the hands of Adalbert, and as he was disliked by the young king, he left the court but returned and regained some of his former influence when Adalbert fell from power in 1066. He succeeded in putting down a rising against his authority in Cologne in 1074, and it was reported he had allied himself with William the Conqueror, king of England, against the emperor. Having cleared himself of this charge, Anno took no further part in public business, and died at Cologne on the 4th of December 1075. He was buried in the monastery of Siegburg and was canonized in 1183 by Pope Lucius III. He was a founder of monasteries and a builder of churches, advocated clerical celibacy and was a strict disciplinarian. He was a man of great energy and ability, whose action in recognizing Alexander II. was of the utmost consequence for Henry IV. and for Germany.

ANNOBON, or, an island in the Gulf of Guinea, in 1° 24′ S. and 5° 35′ E., belonging to Spain. It is 110 m. S.W. of St Thomas. Its length is about 4 m., its breadth 2, and its area 6 sq. m. Rising in some parts nearly 3000 ft. above the sea, it presents a succession of beautiful valleys and steep mountains, covered with rich woods and luxuriant vegetation. The inhabitants, some 3000 in number, are negroes and profess belief in the Roman Catholic faith. The chief town and residence of the governor is called St Antony (San Antonio de Praia). The roadstead is tolerably safe, and passing vessels take advantage of it in order to obtain water and fresh provisions, of which Annobon contains an abundant supply. The island was discovered by the Portuguese on the 1st of January 1473, from which circumstance it received its name (= New Year). Annobon, together with Fernando Po, was ceded to Spain by the Portuguese in 1778. The islanders revolted against their new masters and a state of anarchy ensued, leading, it is averred, to an arrangement by which the island was administered by a body of five natives, each of whom held the office of governor during the period that elapsed till ten ships touched at the island. In the latter part of the 19th century the authority of Spain was re-established. ANNONA (from Lat. annus, year), in Roman mythology, the personification of the produce of the year. She is represented in works of art, often together with Ceres, with a cornucopia (horn of plenty) in her arm, and a ship’s prow in the background, indicating the transport of grain over the sea. She frequently occurs on coins of the empire, standing between a modius (corn-measure) and the prow of a galley, with ears of corn in one hand and a cornucopia in the other; sometimes she holds a rudder or an anchor. The Latin word itself has various meanings: (1) the produce of the year’s harvest; (2) all means of

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Annexation

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Annexation


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Anniceris

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Anniceris


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Anniston

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Anniston


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Anno, Saint


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Annobon

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Annobon


text:
1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Schafarik, Pavel Josef

SCHAFARIK (Czech, Šafařík), PAVEL JOSEF (1795-1861), Slavonic philologist, was born of Slovak parents at Kobeljarova, a village of northern Hungary, where his father was a Protestant clergyman. His first production was a volume of poems in Czech entitled The Muse of Tatra with a Slavonic Lyre (Levocza, 1814). In 1815 he began a course of study at the university of Jena, and while there translated into Czech the Clouds of Aristophanes and the Maria Stuart of Schiller. In 1817 he removed to Prague and joined the literary circle of which Dobrovsky, Jungmann and Hanka were members. From 1819 to 1833 he was head master of the high school at Neusatz in the south of Hungary. There he studied Servian literature and antiquities, acquired many rare books and manuscripts, and published a collection of Slovak folk-songs in collaboration with Kollar and others (1823-1827). In 1826 his Geschichte der slawischen Sprache und Literatur nach allen Mundarten appeared at Budapest (2nd ed., 1869). This book was the first attempt to give anything like a systematic account of the Slavonic languages as a whole. In 1833 he returned to Prague, where he spent the remainder of his life. There he published his Serbische Lesekörner oder historisch-kritische Beleuchtung der Serbischen Mundart, and in 1837 his great work Slovanské Starožitnosti (“Slavonic Antiquities”). The “Antiquities” have been translated into Polish, Russian and German; a second edition (1863) was edited by J. Jireček. In 1840 he published in conjunction with Palacký Die ältesten Denkmäler der böhmischen Sprache. In 1837 poverty compelled him to accept the uncongenial office of censor of Czech publications, which he abandoned in 1847 on becoming custodian of the Prague public library. In 1842 he published his Slovanský Národopis, in which he sought to give a complete account of Slavonic ethnology. He was also for some time conductor of the “Journal” of the Bohemian Museum, and edited the first volume of the Vybor, or selections from old Czech writers, which appeared under the auspices of the Prague literary society in 1845. To this he prefixed a grammar of the Old Czech language, Počátková staročeské mluvnice. In 1848 he was made professor of Slavonic philology in the university of Prague, but resigned in 1849. He was then made keeper of the university library. In 1857 he published Glagotitische Fragmente in collaboration with Höfler; but in the same year, as a result of overwork, ill health and family anxieties, he became insane. He was nevertheless continued in his appointment until his death in 1861.

Schafarik's collected works, Sebrané Spisy, were published at Prague, 1862-1865; his Geschichte der südslaivischen Literatur was edited by Jireček in 3 vols. (1864-1865).


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50

service for disseminating information, education and entertainment; and

(b) to ensure that the programmes provided by them maintain a high general standard in all respects, and in particular in respect of their content and quality, and that the programmes in Welsh so provided maintain a proper balance and wide range in their subject matter, having regard both to the programmes as a whole and also to the days of the week on which, and the times of the day at which, the programmes are broadcast.

(6) The Welsh Authority shall, subject to the provisions of this Act so far as they apply in relation to the Fourth Channel in Wales, have power to do all such things as are in their opinion necessary for, or conducive to, the proper discharge of their function under subsection (1).

Sources of programmes (other than advertisements) in Welsh.

48.—(1) It shall be the duty of the BBC to supply to the Welsh Authority a proportion of the television programmes in Welsh which that Authority need for compliance with section 47(3), and to do so in a way which meets the reasonable requirements of that Authority.

(2) The aggregate duration of the television programmes in Welsh supplied by the BBC under subsection (1) for inclusion in the Welsh Authority's programme schedules for any period shall be not less than the aggregate duration of the television programmes in Welsh which, if this Part were not in force, would have been broadcast by the BBC in that period for reception in Wales.

(3) The contract between the IBA and the TV programme contractor whose duty it is to provide programmes for broadcasting on ITV for reception in Wales shall contain all such provisions as the IBA think necessary or expedient to ensure that, while the IBA are providing both ITV and the Fourth Channel in Wales, the programme contractor is under a duty to supply to the Welsh Authority (on commercial terms) a reasonable proportion of the television programmes in Welsh which the Welsh Authority need for compliance with section 47(3), and to do so in a way which meets the reasonable requirements of the Welsh Authority.

(4) Nothing in this section shall be taken to preclude the Welsh Authority from obtaining television programmes in Welsh from sources other than the BBC and the TV programme contractor referred to in subsection (3).


text:
1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Scherer, Edmond Henri Adolphe

SCHERER, EDMOND HENRI ADOLPHE (1815-1889), French theologian, critic and politician, was born in Paris on the 8th of April 1815. After a course of legal studies he spent several years in theological study at Strassburg, where he graduated doctor in theology in 1843, and was ordained. In 1843 he was appointed to a professorship in the École Évangélique at Geneva, but the development of his opinions in favour of the Liberal movement in Protestant theology led to his resigning the post six years later. He founded the Anti-Jésuite, afterwards the Réformation au XIX$e$ siècle, in which he advocated the separation of the Church from the State; but he gradually abandoned Protestant doctrine. In thought he became a pronounced Hegelian. Eventually he settled in Paris, where he at once attracted attention by brilliant literary criticisms, at first chiefly on great foreign writers, contributed to the Revue des deux mondes. He was elected municipal councillor at Versailles in 1870, deputy to the National Assembly for the department of Seine-et-Oise in 1871 and senator in 1875. He supported the Republican party. Towards the end of his life he devoted himself mainly to literary and general criticism, and was for many years one of the ablest contributors to Le Temps. He was a frequent visitor to England, and took a lively interest in English politics and literature. He died at Versailles on the 16th of March 1889.


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Rh Advertisements on the Fourth Channel in Wales.

49.—(1) The programme schedules provided by the Welsh Authority under section 47(1)(b) shall include periods available for the broadcasting of advertisements; and it shall be the duty of the Welsh Authority to provide those programme schedules far enough in advance to enable the IBA to operate the arrangements required by section 13(3)(a).

(2) In any programme schedule so provided, no period available for the broadcasting of advertisements shall be located in any break in or, without the consent of the BBC, at the beginning or end of any programme supplied or to be supplied to the Welsh Authority by the BBC.

Modification of certain provisions relating to the IBA.

50.—(1) The provisions mentioned in subsection (2) shall, in their operation in relation to the Fourth Channel in Wales, have effect subject to the modifications specified in Schedule 6 (being modifications for substituting the Welsh Authority for the IBA in those provisions and for other purposes arising out of the special arrangements for that Channel); but nothing in this section or that Schedule affects those provisions in their operation in relation to the Fourth Channel so far as it consists of advertisements broadcast for reception in Wales.

(2) Those provisions are—

(a) section (1) and (2) (function and duties of IBA)

(b) section 4 (general provisions as to content of programmes);

(c) section 5 (code for programmes other than advertisements);

(d) section 7 (programme prizes);

(e) section 45 (audience research).

(3) So long as the Fourth Channel is being provided in Wales, so much of section 4(1)(d) as relates to cases where another language as well as English is in common use among persons served by the station or stations in question, shall, in the case of programmes broadcast on ITV for reception in Wales, apply only to languages other than Welsh.

Advisory bodies

51.—(1) The Welsh Authority may appoint, or arrange for the assistance of, advisory bodies to give advice to that Authority on such matters as that Authority may determine; and a general advisory council may be appointed under this section.

(2) Without prejudice to the generality of subsection (1), the Welsh Authority shall in particular appoint, or arrange for the assistance of committees of the kinds mentioned in paragraphs (a) and (c) of section 16(2) respectively (committees to advise in the fields of religion and education).


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corry, Isaac


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corry, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cort, Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Corvus, Joannes


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cory, Isaac Preston


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Coryate, George


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Coryate, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cosby, Francis


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cosby, Henry Augustus Montagu


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cosby, Phillips


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cosin, Edmund


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cosin, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cosin, Richard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Costa, Emanuel Mendes da


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Costa, Michael


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Costard, George


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Coste, Pierre


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Costeley, Guillaume


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Costello, Dudley


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Costello, Louisa Stuart


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Costello, William Birmingham


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cosway, Maria Cecilia Louisa


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cosway, Richard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cosworth, Michael


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cotes, Francis


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cotes, Roger


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cotes, Samuel


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cotgrave, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cotgrave, Randle


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cotman, John Sell


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Schenkel, Daniel


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Page:Broadcasting Act 19810068 en.pdf/1

 {|class="_valign"

CHAPTER 68

 * The Authority
 * Section
 * 1.
 * The Independent Broadcasting Authority.
 * 2.
 * Function and duties of Authority.
 * 3.
 * Powers of Authority.
 * General provisions as to programmes
 * 4.
 * General provisions as to programmes.
 * Programmes other than advertisements
 * 5.
 * Code for programmes other than advertisements.
 * 6.
 * Submission of programme schedules for Authority's approval.
 * 7.
 * Programme prizes.
 * Advertisements
 * 8.
 * Advertisements.
 * 9.
 * Code for advertisements.
 * Special provisions relating to the Fourth Channel
 * 10.
 * Provision by Authority of second television service.
 * 11.
 * Nature of the Fourth Channel, and it's relation to ITV.
 * 12.
 * Provision of programmes (other than advertisements) for the Fourth Channel.
 * 13.
 * Advertisements on the Fourth Channel.
 * Teletext services
 * 14.
 * Provision of teletext services by Authority.
 * 15.
 * Code for teletext transmissions.
 * }
 * 9.
 * Code for advertisements.
 * Special provisions relating to the Fourth Channel
 * 10.
 * Provision by Authority of second television service.
 * 11.
 * Nature of the Fourth Channel, and it's relation to ITV.
 * 12.
 * Provision of programmes (other than advertisements) for the Fourth Channel.
 * 13.
 * Advertisements on the Fourth Channel.
 * Teletext services
 * 14.
 * Provision of teletext services by Authority.
 * 15.
 * Code for teletext transmissions.
 * }
 * Teletext services
 * 14.
 * Provision of teletext services by Authority.
 * 15.
 * Code for teletext transmissions.
 * }
 * 15.
 * Code for teletext transmissions.
 * }

A

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Page:Pentagon-Papers-Part I.djvu/125

Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive  : Soviet perspectives.' These perspectives might well include France as a firm ally of the USSR in Europe, in which case the Annamite independence movement would be an embarrassment. Therefore, it urged upon the Annamite comrades a policy of 'patience.' It advised them in particular to wait upon the results of the French elections, coming up the following month, in October, when additional Communist strength might assure the Annamites a better settlement. In the meantime, it baldly proposed that an emissary be sent not only to contact the French Communist Party but also the Russians 'in order to acquaint yourselves with the perspectives of coming event.'"

Whether the circumstances were propitious or not, conflict had been thrust upon the Vietnamese of Cochinchina. The question before the communists there was how to respond, and apparently the PartlyParty [sic] leadership determined that violence was the sole recourse, and that to regain leadership of the nationalist movement they had to make the Viet Minh the foremost proponent of war, the most unbending foe of compromise with the French General Gracey, on the urgings of Admiral Lord Mountbatten's Allied Command, made a determined effort to effect a compromise with the Viet Minh, and succeeded in obtaining a truce on 2 October. But this broke down quickly in the face of truculence on both sides. French reinforcements under General Leclerc began pouring into Saigon, bolstering French resolve. A representative from Ho's Hanoi government arrived to buttress the Viet NUnh's position with tales of Viet Minh ascendancy in Annam and Tonkin. The French sought to negotiate on the premise that they would rule, and allow some Viet participation; the Viet Minh demanded return to the prior to 22 September, and eventual French evacuation. On October 9, 1945, France and the U.K. concluded an agreement in London in which the British formally recognized the French civil administration in Indochina as the sole legitimate authority south of the sixteenth parallel. Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin described to the House of Commons of Vietnamese disorder and looting, and of the difficulties presented by clashes between French troops under Gracey's command and Vietnamese forces. Britain, he announced, would assist in transporting to Vietnam enough French troops to permit them to take over from Gracey, and that in the interim British policy would support "close and friendly cooperation between the British and French commanders." On 11 October, the truce broke down, and fighting resumed. On 25 October, the French under General Leclerc thrust southward from Saigon to My Tho, the temporary capital of the Committee of the South, and, victorious there, to the northwest into Tay Ninh, where they subdued the Cao Dai. The Viet Minh opened a guerrilla campaign which greatly slowed the French, and demonstrated almost at once that neither French air power nor armor would suffice for pacification against that determined foe. The eminent French journalist, Philippe Devillers, who accompanied Leclerc's initial forays, wrote that:

 * "From this time on the work of pacifying the country revealed an aspect it would never lose again: to be forever put in question. The Viet Minh would suddenly start shooting at night at a village protected by one of our posts...to pull

Rh

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Page:Pentagon-Papers-Part I.djvu/126

Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive  : defenders to one side while on the other set fire to the houses and killed all suspicious persons. If we departed, believing a region pacified, they would arrive on our heels and the terror would start again. There was only one possible defense: to multiply the posts, to fortify them, to arm the villagers, and to train them for a coordinated and enlightened self-defense through a thorough job of information and policing.

 * "But this required men and weapons. what was needed was not 35,000 men (of which Leclerc was then disposed) but 100,000, and Cochinchina was not the only problem."

 * c.

 * (1)

The salient problem other than Cochinchina facing the French in the fall of 1945 was the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The Hanoi government of Ho Chi Minh claimed dominion over all of Vietnam, but as far as French challenge to its authority was concerned, ruled in fact only in Annam and Tonkin. The DRV was neither wholly Viet Minh nor communist composition. Despite the vigor and initiative of the Viet Minh, the salient political fact of life in North Vietnam was Chinese Nationalist army of occupation, and the Chinese presence had forced Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Minh to accommodate Chinese-backed Viet Nationalists, and defer to Chinese policy in other respects.

The numbers of Chinese who entered North Vietnam is not known precisely, the totals having been obscured not only by inadequate reports, but by the Nationalists' use of Tonkin for passage of troops from Yunnan and Kwangsi en route to other parts of China. French estimates ran as high as 180,000, but the Chinese occupation forces probably numbered about 50,000. Even fewer foreign troops would have gravely overburdened North Vietnam, where because of a bad crop year, and war-disturbed commerce, famine was rampant. Most of the Chinese troops were ill-disciplined and poorly-equipped, living, perforce, off the land. Their exactions of the peasantry stirred the traditional animosities of the Vietnamese for the Chinese — resentments untempered by gratitude to the Chinese as liberators, since the Vietnamese believed they had already been liberated by the Viet Minh. And the transgressions of the Chinese troops were matched by the Chinese high command; the warlords promptly began to plunder North Vietnam. The Chinese dollar was made legal tender at an exorbitant rate of exchange with the Vietnamese piastre, which exacerbated an already serious inflation, and opened new vistas for the black market. Chinese profiteers began large scale buying of French and Vietnamese enterprises and real estate.

As the Chinese forces marched into North Vietnam, they ousted local Viet Minh governments, and replaced them with VNQDD, and Dong Minh Hoi groups; Phuc-Quoc (Restoration League) groups seized power elsewhere. Rh

title: Page:Pentagon-Papers-Part I.djvu/126


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Page:Pentagon-Papers-Part I.djvu/127

Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011

title: Page:Pentagon-Papers-Part I.djvu/127


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Page:Pentagon-Papers-Part I.djvu/128

Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive Backed by Chinese troops, and drawing on Chinese funds, the VNQDD and the Dong Minh Hoi opened newspapers, and launched a political campaign against the Viet Minh and the DRV government. The resultant situation in North Vietnam in autumn, 1945, is depicted in Figure 4.

FIGURE 4 Rh

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Page:Pentagon-Papers-Part I.djvu/129

Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive The realities of the Chinese presence alone required Ho Chi Minh to use circumspection in dealing with rival nationalist groups. Why the Chinese did not follow through, and simply oust Ho's government in favor of a VNQDD/Dong Minh Hoi coalition is not known. It appears that venality played a part – Chiang Fa Kuei and other warlords were direct beneficiaries of an official DRV "gold week" in September, 1945, in which the state appealed to the citizenry for scraps of gold as "a contribution to the finance of national defense." Allegedly this campaign produced some 500 pounds of gold and 20 million piastres, and for it the DRV received from the warloardswarlords [sic], besides toleration, weapons the Japanese had in their possession — a reported 40,000 arms, including mortars, artillery pieces, and 18 tanks.

But Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Minh were constrained to go well beyond bribery. In setting up the government of 2 September 1945, they had been carefulycareful [sic] to include non-Viet Minh politicians, and to hold ICP representation to 6 to 16 cabinet seats. On 23 October, the Viet Minh signed a pact with a dissident faction of the Dong Minh Hoi, purportedly in the interest of the "common struggle against the aggressive attempts of the colonial French, in order to defend the liberty and independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam." But other elements of the Dong Minh Hoi and the VNQDD persisted in their attack on the Viet Minh, making a particular point of communist domination.

Ho Chi Minh and the ICP then decided on a drastic move. Following a three day ICP conclave of 9 to 11 November, 1945, the ICP leadership issued the following declaration:

 * "1. Whereas, in consideration of the given historical situation, both internationally and internally, the present moment is precisely an exceptional occasion for Viet Nam to reconquer her unitary independence;

 * "2. Whereas, in order to complete the Party's task in this immense movement of the Vietnamese people's emanicipationemancipation [sic], a national union conceived without distinction of class and parties is an indispensable factor;

 * "3. Wishing to prove that the communists, in so far as they are advance guard militants of the Vietnamese people, are always ready to make the greatest sacrifices for national liberation, are always disposed to put the interest of the country above that of classes, and to give up the interests of the Party to serve those of the Vietnamese people;

 * "4. In order to destroy all misunderstandings, domestic and foreign, which can hinder the liberation of our country, the Central Executive Committee of the Indochina Communist Party in meeting assembled on November 11, 1945, has decided to voluntarily dissolve the Indochina Communist Party.

Rh

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text: Index:From Anne Warren Weston to Deborah Weston; Monday, July 30, 1838.pdf


text:
Page:From Anne Warren Weston to Deborah Weston; Monday, July 30, 1838.pdf/2

 This morning I have been to Henrietta's, hot as it is. There I was treated with soda, & milk biscuits. Then I called at the Dillas(?) to see the Neales. - Thank the fates that call is over. I shall try to go to the first this afternoon though it is a doze.

I am pretty well ''this weather indeed very well. My chest is much better ''this weather & I feel fine & strong.

Will you send in by Linfield on Wed(nesday) my white petticoat as other wise I will not wear the white gown on the 2$nd$ which I wish to do. I only have one with me so I could not have those washed. I should also like to have a chemise sent in, as mine is so mended I did not like to wash it here.

Also if you have a vandyke you could lend me I should like it but this last is not particularly consequential. I will write every (?) as do you. Fanny's chemise I have not finished(?) but if you will send them in Boston I will do them [...]


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Page:Pentagon-Papers-Part I.djvu/130

Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive :"Those followers of communism desirous of continuing their theoretical studies will affiliate with the Indochina Association of Marxist Studies.

The dissolution of the ICP was opposed by Tran Van Giau and others from Cochinchina, where the ICP rather than the Viet Minh, as such, had constituted the primary political organization among the people, but Ho's views prevailed.

Evidently Ho was also compelled by the opposition's constant demands for representation in the government to schedule national elections for January, 1946. However, fearful of Viet Minh control of the polls, and respectful of its popular strength, the VNQDD and the Dong Minh Hoi on 23 December, 1945, negotiated with the Viet Minh an agreement to seat, irrespective of the vote, 50 VNQDD and 20 Dong Minh Hoi delegates among some 300–360 members of the National Assembly. The elections were held as scheduled, openly in Tonkin and Annam, and clandestinely in Cochinchina.

The chief of the American O.S.S. group in Hanoi from 22 August to 12 December, 1945, in a debriefing in the Department of State on 30 January 1946, described the political situation in North Vietnam as follows:

 * "General Gallagher pointed out that little love was lost between the Chinese and the French; that the presence of the American group in Hanoi restrained anti-French Chinese action; and that he himself had influenced General Lu Han (Commanding General of Chinese armed forces in Indochina) to bring Sainteny and Ho Chi Minh together and confront both with a strong directive that order must be maintained. The existence of a vacuum in the north with neither French nor Chinese troops present would be extremely dangerous, for the Annamese would react strongly against all French in the area, who would be helpless in protecting themselves. To take over successfully, the French would need a sufficient force to cover the whole north. One or two modern French divisions could, in General Gallagher's opinion, defeat the Annamese.

 * "In response to the question whether the French could do more than take key cities, he admitted that the Annamese would take to the hills and continue guerrilla warfare. Even in Saigon, he pointed out, things are far from peaceful despite British and French claims to the contrary. Establishment of French control could be speeded up if they were able to make large-scale air drops throughout the north. The Annamese, however, are well organized and, so far as small arms go, are quite well armed, although they have no navy, shore batteries and probably little artillery.

Rh

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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive  : "The question was raised whether the French mission in Hanoi was in fact negotiating with Ho Chi Minh. General Gallagher replied that the Viet Minh Provisional Government was at first willing to negotiate; then in October, after de Gaulle's pronouncements on colonial policy, the Annamese refused to negotiate with the French and reacted vigorously against all French nationals in Hanoi. The Chinese may succeed in putting in a less anti-French Annamese government so that negotiation might go forward. All French efforts to stimulate a palace revolution against Ho were of no avail. Ho himself will not deal with the French. The Viet Minh is strong and, regardless of possible superficial changes in the Provisional Government, Ho will be behind any continuing Annamese movement. General Gallagher said that Sainteny had told him he expected peaceful agreement between the French an  the Annamese would be reached by negotiation.

 * "General Gallagher was asked how effective the Viet Minh administration would be with neither French nor Chinese forces present. He replied that on the whole he was impressed by the remarkably effective Annamese administration. There was an able personnel; they were all enthusiastic and young, but there were too few of them. Whatever their technical skill, they perhaps lack executive ability and experience since the technical services in Hanoi were at first very well run but gradually deteriorated. Trained people for the government and at the municipal level are lacking. In General Gallagher's opinion the Annamese are not yet ready for self-government and in full-fledged competition with other nations they would 'lost their shirts.' However, the demand for independence is widespread and even in the villages the peasants refer to the example of the Philippines.

 * "Ho is willing to cooperate with Great Britain, USSR, or the United States and would perhaps even settle for French tutelage if that were subordinated to control by the other nations. French control alone, however, will be strongly resisted. The deep-seated hatred for the French has been fanned by exceedingly clever Viet Minh propaganda.

 * "General Gallagher was asked whether the Annamese were realistic regarding their ability to stand up against French military force. While they are too enthusiastic and too naive, he said, they probably know that they will be licked. They are strong on parades and reiterate their willingness 'to fight to the last man,' but they would be slaughtered and they have been told that and probably know it. The Annamese would be no match for forces with modern arms even if they themselves have some, which they may have since the Chinese found no Japanese rolling artillery and numerous Japanese anti-aircraft guns seem to have completely disappeared. United States Army representatives never did learn the extent of arms controlled by the Viet Minh. Certainly the Chinese are not turning Japanese arms over to them. Before V-J Day the Japanese undoubtedly had

Rh

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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive  : armed and trained many Annamese. A Japanese general claimed they had taken over on March 9 simnply because the French could no longer control the Annamese, but this statement General Gallagher characterized as a lie. He had heard that under the pretext of arming Annamese gendarmes for police duty in Hanoi, the Japanese had actually armed three distinct contingents, dismissing each group when armed and bringing in a new one to be armed and trained. Furthermore, the Annamese had acquired Japanese arms from arsenals which had been opened. General Gallagher did not know whether or not Tai Li (Deputy Director, Bureau of Investigation and Statistics, Chinese National Commission of Military Affairs) was sending arms to the Viet Minh.

 * "General Gallagher was asked whether the presence of French hostages in the north would restrain French forces when they enter the region. He pointed out that only a few French civilians had been removed by air. All the rest, besides some five thousand disarmed French troops, were still to be removed. The Chinese cannot take them out nor would Lu Han even permit their evacuation to the Do Son Peninsula. Their presence had been a constant restraining influence on Sainteny. Asked whether the Annamese would let these French be evacuated, General Gallagher replied that they would have to if the Chinese were still there, but that these French nationals would be a real problem if the Chinese were moved out. The American Army group had to exert considerable pressure on the Chinese to get them to give any freedom at all to French civilians in Haiphong, Hue and other centers besides Hanoi. However, the Chinese and French alone had arranged for shipments of food from the south. The American group, incidentally, had to intervene to prevent the monopoly by the French of such food or of food distributed by the U.S. Army. The French nationals could be evacuated from Hongai and Tourane by the United States when the Japanese were removed if the Chinese would concentrate them at those ports. However, General Gallagher noted, that would place us in a position of working against the Annamese.

 * "Originally, General Gallagher explained, the French expected the United States to play the same role in the north that the British were playing in the south. When they found us neutral they became more and more antagonistic and did everything possible to persuade United States personnel to favor the French position. They had no appreciation of the actual help which the American group gave to the prisoners of war and some of the civilian French in the form of food, medical aid, and so on. The Annamese, too, expected American help originally, having been thoroughly indoctrinated with the Atlantic Charter and other ideological pronouncements. In our neutral role we were thus a disappointment to both sides....

 * "At the present time the Hanoi radio is controlled by the Chinese so that there is communication between Hanoi and Saigon. A British

Rh

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Declassified per Executive Order 13526, Section 3.3 NND Project Number: NND 63316. By: NWD Date: 2011 TOP SECRET – Sensitive  : military and civilian liaison team was sent to Hanoi and a Chinese counterpart to Saigon. The British in Hanoi at first made little progress with the Chinese but General Gallagher understands they have since made more headway.

 * "The Chinese 60th Army in the south of the Chinese zone and the 93rd Army around Hanoi, both totallingtotaling [sic] some 50 thousand men, have been told to concentrate for removal to Manchuria, but whether they have actually moved out or not General Gallagher does not know. By December, however, the Chinese 53rd Army had begun to come in from Yunnan and would probably provide replacements for the other two Armies.

 * "General Gallagher noted that magnetic mines have not been entirely cleared at least from the northern ports and that the threat provided by these mines has helped and would continue to help keep the French from undertaking large-scale landing operations in that area. He felt that regular rail communications between Saigon and Hanoi might not be opened for another year."

In early 1946, Ho Chi Minh attempted to bring Ngo Dinh Diem into his government, but Diem, whose brother, Ngo Dinh Khoi, had been killed by the Viet Minh, refused. In February, attacks on Ho from both the communist left and the non-Viet Minh nationalists reached such intensity that Ho reportedly proposed his own resignation, and the forming of a state under Bao Dai. The Bao Dai substitution, Ho felt, would not only mollify his internal foes, but improve the DRV's position with the Americans and French: to the U.S. Ho had sent a series of unanswered appeals for internationalizing Vietnam; and with the French, Ho had opened talks trending toward a French-protected, French-recognized, independent DRV.

 * (2)

The National Assembly "elected in January met, on 2 March 1946, and approved the new DRV government at its opening session. Its top echelon of 12 contained only 2 ICP members, but 3 VNQDD and 1 Dong Minh Hoi; Ho remained President, but his Vice President was the leader of the Dong Minh Hoi, and the key portfolios of Interior and Defense went to neutrals.

The new government faced at the outset a crisis in relations with France. Though General Leclerc's "pacification" operations in South Vietnam had fallen short of expectations, French troops and shipping had arrived in Indochina in sufficient quantity for them to contemplate operations in North Vietnam. Simultaneously, the French undertook negotiations with the Chinese, seeking to have them relinquish their occupation of North Vietnam, and with the DRV, seeking to have it accept the reintroduction Rh

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