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Letters of Julian/Letter 16

16. To the High-priest Theodorus
[362, Jan. or end of 361. Constantinople] When I received your letter I was delighted, of course. How could I feel otherwise on learning that my comrade and dearest friend is safe? And when I had removed the fastening from it and perused it many times, I cannot convey to you in words my feelings and state of mind. I was filled with serenity and felicity and welcomed the letter as though I beheld in it an image, so to speak, of your noble disposition. To try to answer it point by point would take too long and perhaps I could not avoid excessive garrulity; but at any rate I shall not hesitate to say what it was that I especially approved. In the first place, the fact that the insolent behaviour to you of the Governor of Greece, if indeed a man of that sort can be called a Governor and not a tyrant, did not provoke your resentment, because you considered that none of these things had to do with you. Then again, that you are willing and eager to aid that city in which you had spent your time is a clear proof of the philosophic mind; so that in my opinion the former course is worthy of Socrates, the latter, I should say, of Musonius. For Socrates declared that heaven would not permit a righteous man to be harmed by anyone inferior to him and worthless, while Musonius concerned himself with the welfare of Gyara when Nero decreed his exile. These two points in your letter I approve, but I am at a loss how to take the third. For you write to urge me to warn you whenever I think that you yourself do or say anything out of tune. For my part I could give you many proofs that I believe myself to be more in need than you are of such advice at the present time, but I will put that off till later. However the request is perhaps not even suitable for you to make; for you have abundant leisure, excellent natural gifts, and you love philosophy as much as any man who ever lived. And these three things combined sufficed to make Amphion known as the inventor of ancient music, namely, leisure, divine inspiration and a love of minstrelsy. For not even the lack of instruments avails to offset these gifts, but one who had these three for his portion could easily invent instruments also. Indeed, have we not received the tradition by hearsay that this very Amphion invented not only harmonies, but besides these the lyre itself, by employing either an almost godlike intelligence or some gift of the gods in a sort of extraordinary co-operation with them? And most of the great ones of old seem to have attained to genuine philosophy by setting their hearts on these three things above all, and not to have needed anything else. Therefore it is you who ought to stand by me and in your letters show your willingness to advise me what I ought to do and what not. For we observe in the case of soldiers that it is not those of them who are at peace who need allies, but, I should say, those who are hard pressed in war, and in the case of pilots those who are not at sea do not call to their aid those who are at sea, but those who are navigating call on those who are at leisure. Thus it has from the very first seemed right that men who are at leisure should help and stand by those who are occupied with tasks, and should suggest the right course of action, that is whenever they represent the same interests. It is well, then, that you should bear this in mind and act towards me as you think I should act towards you, and, if you like, let us make this compact, that I am to point out to you what are my views concerning all your affairs, and you in return are to do the same for me concerning my sayings and doings. Nothing, in my opinion, could be more valuable for us than this reciprocity. May divine Providence keep you in good health for long to come, my well-beloved brother! May I see you soon, as I pray to do!

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 16


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Letters of Julian/Letter 17

==17. To Zeno == [362 early. Constantinople] There is indeed abundant evidence of other kinds that you have attained to the first rank in the art of medicine and that your morals, uprightness and temperate life are in harmony with your professional skill But now has been added the crowning evidence. Though absent, you are winning to your cause the whole city of Alexandria. So keen a sting, like a bee's, have you left in her. This is natural; for I think that Homer was right when he said "One physician is worth many other men." And you are not simply a physician, but also a teacher of that art for those who desire to learn, so that I might almost say that what physicians are as compared with the mass of men, you are, compared with other physicians. This is the reason for putting an end to your exile, and with very great distinction for yourself. For if it was owing to George that you were removed from Alexandria, you were removed unjustly, and it would be most just that you should return from exile. Do you, therefore, return in all honour, and in possession of your former dignity. And let the favour that I bestow be credited to me by both parties in common, since it restores Zeno to the Alexandrians and Alexandria to you.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 17


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Author:Austin Scott

Works

 * Influence of the Proprietors in Founding the State of New Jersey (Baltimore, 1885)

Works about Scott

 * "Scott, Austin," in Catalogue of the Officers and Alumni of Rutgers College (1909)
 * "Scott, Austin," in Catalogue of the Officers and Alumni of Rutgers College (1909)
 * "Scott, Austin," in Catalogue of the Officers and Alumni of Rutgers College (1909)

title: Author:Austin Scott


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Letters of Julian/Letter 18

==18. To an Official == [362, before May 12, Const] . . . is it not right to pay to human beings 362 this respect that we feel for things made of wood? For let us suppose that a man who has obtained the office of priest is perhaps unworthy of it. Ought we not to show forbearance until we have actually decided that he is wicked, and only then by excluding him from his official functions show that it was the overhasty bestowal of the title of "priest" that was subject to punishment by obloquy and chastisement and a fine? If you do not know this you are not likely to have any proper sense at all of what is fitting. What experience can you have of the rights of men in general if you do not know the difference between a priest and a layman? And what sort of self-control can you have when you maltreated one at whose approach you ought to have risen from your seat? For this is the most disgraceful thing of all, and for it in the eyes of gods and men alike you are peculiarly to blame. Perhaps the bishops and elders of the Galilaeans sit with you, though not in public because of me, yet secretly and in the house; and the priest has actually been beaten by your order, for otherwise your high-priest would not, by Zeus, have come to make this appeal. But since what happened in Homer seems to you merely mythical, listen to the oracular words of the Lord of Didymus, that you may see clearly that, even as in bygone days he nobly exhorted the Hellenes in very deed, so too in later times he admonished the intemperate in these words: "Whosoever with reckless mind works wickedness against the priests of the deathless gods and plots against their honours with plans that fear not the gods, never shall he travel life's path to the end, seeing that he has sinned against the blessed gods whose honour and holy service those priests have in charge." Thus, then, the god declares that those who even deprive priests of their honours are detested by the gods, not to mention those who beat and insult them! But a man who strikes a priest has committed sacrilege. Wherefore, since by the laws of our fathers I am supreme pontiff, and moreover have but now received the function of prophecy from the god of Didymus, I forbid you for three revolutions of the moon to meddle in anything that concerns a priest. But if during this period you appear to be worthy, and the high-priest of the city so writes to me, I will thereupon take counsel with the gods whether you may be received by us once more. This is the penalty that I award for your rash conduct. As for curses from the gods, men of old in days of old used to utter them and write them, but I do not think that this was well done; for there is no evidence at all that the gods themselves devised those curses. And besides, we ought to be the ministers of prayers, not curses. Therefore I believe and join my prayers to yours that after earnest supplication to the gods you may obtain pardon for your errors.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 18


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Letters of Julian/Letter 19

==19. To a Priest == [362 or early in 363]

I should never have favoured Pegasius unhesitatingly if I had not had clear proofs that even in former days, when he had the title of Bishop of the Galilaeans, he was wise enough to revere and honour the gods. This I do not report to you on hearsay from men whose words are always adapted to their personal dislikes and friendships, for much current gossip of this sort about him has reached me, and the gods know that I once thought I ought to detest him above all other depraved persons. But when I was summoned to his headquarters by Constantius of blessed memory I was travelling by this route, and after rising at early dawn I came from Troas to Ilios about the middle of the morning. Pegasius came to meet me, as I wished to explore the city, — this was my excuse for visiting the temples, — and he was my guide and showed me all the sights. So now let me tell you what he did and said, and from it one may guess that he was not lacking in right sentiments towards the gods.

Hector has a hero's shrine there and his bronze statue stands in a tiny little temple. Opposite this they have set up a figure of the great Achilles in the unroofed court. If you have seen the spot you will certainly recognise my description of it. You can learn from the guides the story that accounts for the fact that great Achilles was set up opposite to him and takes up the whole of the unroofed court. Now I found that the altars were still alight, I might almost say still blazing, and that the statue of Hector had been anointed till it shone. So I looked at Pegasius and said: "What does this mean? Do the people of Ilios offer sacrifices?" This was to test him cautiously to find out his own views. He replied: "Is it not natural that they should worship a brave man who was their own citizen, just as we worship the martyrs?" Now the analogy was far from sound; but his point of view and intentions were those of a man of culture, if you consider the times in which we then lived. Observe what followed. "Let us go," said he, "to the shrine of Athene of Ilios." Thereupon with the greatest eagerness he led me there and opened the temple, and as though he were producing evidence he showed me all the statues in perfect preservation, nor did he behave at all as those impious men do usually, I mean when they make the sign on their impious foreheads, nor did he hiss to himself as they do. For these two things are the quintessence of their theology, to hiss at demons and make the sign of the cross on their foreheads.

These are the two things that I promised to tell you. But a third occurs to me which I think I must not fail to mention. This same Pegasius went with me to the temple of Achilles as well and showed me the tomb in good repair; yet I had been informed that this also had been pulled to pieces by him. But he approached it with great reverence; I saw this with my own eyes. And I have heard from those who are now his enemies that he also used to offer prayers to Helios and worship him in secret. Would you not have accepted me as a witness even if I had been merely a private citizen? Of each man's attitude towards the gods who could be more trustworthy witnesses than the gods themselves? Should I have appointed Pegasius a priest if I had any evidence of impiety towards the gods on his part? And if in those past days, whether because he was ambitious for power, or, as he has often asserted to me, he clad himself in those rags in order to save the temples of the gods, and only pretended to be irreligious so far as the name of the thing went — indeed it is clear that he never injured any temple anywhere except for what amounted to a few stones, and that was as a blind, that he might be able to save the rest — well then we are taking this into account and are we not ashamed to behave to him as Aphobius did, and as the Galilaeans all pray to see him treated? If you care at all for my wishes you will honour not him only but any others who are converted, in order that they may the more readily heed me when I summon them to good works, and those others may have less cause to rejoice. But if we drive away those who come to us of their own free will, no one will be ready to heed when we summon.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 19


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Letters of Julian/Letter 20

==20. To the High-priest Theodorus == [362, before May 12, Constantinople] I have written you a more familiar sort of letter than to the others, because you, I believe, have more friendly feelings than others towards me. For it means much that we had the same guide, and I am sure you remember him. A long time ago, when I was still living in the west, I learned that he had the highest regard for you, and for that reason I counted you my friend, and yet because of their excessive caution, I have usually thought these words well said, "For I never met or saw him"; and well said is "Before we love we must know, and before we can know we must test by experience." But it seems that after all a certain other saying has most weight with me, namely, "The Master has spoken." That is why I thought even then that I ought to count you among my friends, and now I entrust to you a task that is dear to my heart, while to all men everywhere it is of the greatest benefit. And if, as I have the right to expect, you administer the office well, be assured that you will rejoice me greatly now and give me still greater good hope for the future life. For I certainly am not one of those who believe that the soul perishes before the body or along with it, nor do I believe any human being but only the gods; since it is likely that they alone have the most perfect knowledge of these matters, if indeed we ought to use the word "likely" of what is inevitably true; since it is fitting for men to conjecture about such matters, but the gods must have complete knowledge.

What then is this office which I say I now entrust to you? It is the government of all the temples in Asia, with power to appoint the priests in every city and to assign to each what is fitting. Now the qualities that befit one in this high office are, in the first place, fairness, and next, goodness and benevolence towards those who deserve to be treated thus. For any priest who behaves unjustly to his fellow men and impiously towards the gods, or is overbearing to all, must either be admonished with plain speaking or chastised with great severity. As for the regulations which I must make more complete for the guidance of priests in general, you as well as the others will soon learn them from me, but meanwhile I wish to make a few suggestions to you. You have good reason to obey me in such matters. Indeed in such a case I very seldom act offhand, as all the gods know, and no one could be more circumspect; and I avoid innovations in all things, so to speak, but more peculiarly in what concerns the gods. For I hold that we ought to observe the laws that we have inherited from our forefathers, since it is evident that the gods gave them to us. For they would not be as perfect as they are if they had been derived from mere men. Now since it has come to pass that they have been neglected and corrupted, and wealth and luxury have become supreme, I think that I ought to consider them carefully as though from their cradle. Therefore, when I saw that there is among us great indifference about the gods and that all reverence for the heavenly powers has been driven out by impure and vulgar luxury, I always secretly lamented this state of things. For I saw that those whose minds were turned to the doctrines of the Jewish religion are so ardent in their belief that they would choose to die for it, and to endure utter want and starvation rather than taste pork or any animal that has been strangled or had the life squeezed out of it; whereas we are in such a state of apathy about religious matters that we have forgotten the customs of our forefathers, and therefore we actually do not know whether any such rule has ever been prescribed. But these Jews are in part god-fearing, seeing that they revere a god who is truly most powerful and most good and governs this world of sense, and, as I well know, is worshipped by us also under other names. They act as is right and seemly, in my opinion, if they do not transgress the laws; but in this one thing they err in that, while reserving their deepest devotion for their own god, they do not conciliate the other gods also; but the other gods they think have been allotted to us Gentiles only, to such a pitch of folly have they been brought by their barbaric conceit. But those who belong to the impious sect of the Galilaeans, as if some disease. ..

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 20


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Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 1.djvu/334

292 ''In the First Edition of this Satire, published anonymously, fourteen lines on the subject of Bowles's Pope were written by, and inserted at the request of, an ingenious friend of mine, who has now in the press a volume of Poetry. In the present Edition they are erased, and some of my own substituted in their stead; my only reason for this being that which I conceive would operate with any other person in the same manner,—a determination not to publish with my name any production, which was not entirely and exclusively my own composition.''

''With regard to the real talents of many of the poetical persons whose performances are mentioned or alluded to in the following pages, it is presumed by the Author that there can be little difference of opinion in the Public at large; though, like other sectaries, each has his separate tabernacle of proselytes, by whom his abilities are over-rated, his faults overlooked, and his metrical canons received without scruple and without consideration. But the unquestionable possession of considerable genius by several of the writers here censured renders their mental prostitution more to be regretted. Imbecility may be pitied, or, at worst, laughed at and forgotten; perverted powers demand the most decided reprehension. No one can wish more than the Author that some unknown and able writer had undertaken their exposure; but Mr. Gifford has devoted himself to Massinger, and, in the absence of the regular physician, a country practitioner may, in cases of absolute necessity, be allowed to prescribe his nostrum to prevent the extension of so deplorable an epidemic, provided there be no quackery in his treatment of the malady. A caustic is here offered; as it is to be feared nothing short of actual cautery can recover the numerous patients afflicted with the present prevalent and distressing rabies for rhyming.—As to the Edinburgh Reviewers, it would indeed require an Hercules to crush the Hydra; but if the Author succeeds in merely "bruising one of the heads of the serpent," though his own hand should suffer in the encounter, he will be amply satisfied.''


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/New Jersey

NEW JERSEY (see ).—In 1920 the pop. was 3,155,900, as against 2,537,167 in 1910, an increase of 618,733, or 24.4%, as compared with 14.9% for the United States as a whole. The density of pop., exceeded only by that of Rhode Island and Massachusetts, averaged 420 to the sq. mile in 1920. The proportion of people living in places of 2,500 or more inhabitants increased from 75.2% in 1910 to 78.7% in 1920, the urban pop. in 1920 being 2,482,289, the rural, 673,611. The growth of pop. of the ten largest cities during the decade 1910-20 is shown in the following table:—

Political History.—Woodrow Wilson was elected governor in 1910 as candidate of the Democratic party, receiving a plurality of 49,056. His success in the state campaign, and the character of his administration, attracted the attention of the whole country and led to his nomination and election to the presidency in 1912. In each of the seven presidential elections after 1892 the electoral vote of New Jersey was cast for the candidate of the Republican party except that of 1912, when Wilson, owing to the split in the Republican ranks, secured a plurality of 24,873. He lost the state to Hughes in 1916 by 57,707 plurality. In 1920 Harding, Republican, received 611,670 votes; Cox, Democrat, 258,229. In the elections for the state executive the Democratic party was successful in 1910, 1913 and 1919, the Republicans winning in 1916. The Legislature also varied in party affiliation during this period, but from 1914 the Republicans obtained the control of both Houses. In 1921, of the 21 Senators, 15 were Republicans, 6 Democrats; in the Assembly there was but one Democrat, the other 59 were Republicans, of whom two were women. In the sixty-seventh Congress of the United States both New Jersey's Senators were Republican, and of the state's 12 Representatives but one was a Democrat.

New Jersey's governors were: Woodrow Wilson 1911-3; James F. Fielder (acting), 1913; Leon R. Taylor (acting), 1914; James F. Fielder, 1914-7; Walter E. Edge, 1917-9; William H. Runyon (acting), 1919; Edward I. Edwards, 1920-.

 * (A. Sc.)

title: 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/New Jersey


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/New Mexico

NEW MEXICO (see ). The pop. in 1920 was 360,350 as against 327,301 in 1910, an increase of 33,049, or 10.1%, as against 67.6% in the preceding decade. The urban pop. (in places of 2,500 inhabitants or more) in 1920 was 18% of the total, as compared with 14.2% in 1910. The average number of inhabitants per sq.m. in 1920 was 2.9; in 1910 it was 2.7. The following table shows the growth of the principal cities for the decade 1910–20:—

History.—The most important historical fact concerning New Mexico during the decade 1910–20 was its admission into the Union, June 6 1912, as the 47th state. Following the Enabling Act, passed by Congress June 20 1910, the territorial governor ordered an election of delegates to frame a constitution. The election was held Sept. 6 1910; the convention, consisting of 71 Republicans and 29 Democrats, assembled Oct. 3; and the adopted constitution was approved by the people Jan. 21 1911. The vote was 31,742 for, and 13,399 against. The chief opposition came from voters who favoured the inclusion of state prohibition. Certain provisions in the constitution made amendment difficult. These were not approved by President Taft, and Congress passed a resolution that at the election of Nov. 1911 the people should decide whether amendment should be made easier. The Republicans were pledged against such change, but favoured a repeal of the section requiring as a qualification for state office ability to speak and write English without the aid of an interpreter. Although as a territory New Mexico had been Republican, the Democratic candidate for governor, William C. McDonald, was elected, receiving 31,036 votes to 28,019 for H. C. Bursom, the Republican candidate. The governor was inaugurated Jan. 15 1912. The Republicans elected a majority of members of both Houses of the Legislature, the Democrats securing all state offices, excepting those of auditor and attorney-general. Two Republicans were sent to the U.S. Senate; one Republican and one Democrat were elected to the U.S. House of Representatives. An amendment to the constitution making it easier of amendment was carried by an overwhelming vote. One of the first two U.S. Senators to be elected was Albert B. Fall, who served by re-election until 1921, when he entered the Cabinet of President Harding as Secretary of the Interior. The presidential vote in 1912 was 20,437 for Wilson, 17,733 for Taft, and 8,347 for Roosevelt; in 1916 it was 33,524 for Wilson, and 31,152 for Hughes.

In 1916 the Elephant Butte Dam, under active construction since 1910, was completed by the U.S. Reclamation Service at a cost of about $5,000,000. It is situated 12 m. W. of Engle, Sierra county. Built across canyons of the Rio Grande, it governs the entire flow of the river and is the largest storage irrigation reservoir in the world. The average width of the reservoir is 1¼ m., maximum length 45 m.; the area of water surface, when full, 40,080 ac., the shore line 200 m.; the average depth 66 ft., and the maximum depth near the dam 193 ft. When full it holds 115,498,000,000 cub. ft., or 862,200,000,000 gallons. It irrigates 185,000 ac. of land, lying in New Mexico, Texas and Mexico (25,000 ac.).

About 15,000 men were inducted into service during the World War. The final allotments for the Liberty Loans, all heavily over-subscribed, were as follows: First, $1,392,850; Second, $3,860,100; Third, $5,903,300; Fourth, $5,898,100; Victory, $2,915,500.

The last territorial governor was W. J. Mills (Rep.), 1910–2. State governors were W. C. McDonald (Dem.), 1912–7; Ezequiel de Baca (Dem.), Jan. 1–Feb. 18 1917; W. E. Lindsey (Dem.), 1917–9; A. Larrazolo (Rep.), 1919–21; M. C. Mechem (Rep.), 1921–.

title: 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/New Mexico


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 * The  Act,

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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Scott, Austin

SCOTT, skŏt, Austin, American college president: b. Maumee, Ohio, 10 Aug. 1848. He was graduated from Yale in 1869, and later became private secretary to George Bancroft, the historian. After serving as instructor in German at the University of Michigan, and associate professor in history in Johns Hopkins, he assisted Bancroft in collecting and arranging material for his ‘Constitutional History.’ In 1883 he was called to Rutgers College, where he taught in the departments of history and political economy until he became its president in 1890-96, when he again assumed his professorial duties.


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Letters of Julian/Letter 21

==21. The Emperor Julian Caesar, most Mighty Augustus, to the People of Alexandria == [362, Jan. Constantinople] If you do not revere the memory of Alexander, your founder, and yet more than him the great god, the most holy Serapis, how is it that you took no thought at least for the welfare of your community, for humanity, for decency? Furthermore, I will add that you took no thought for me either, though all the gods, and, above all, the great Serapis, judged it right that I should rule over the world. The proper course was for you to reserve for me the decision concerning the offenders. But perhaps your anger and rage led you astray, since it often "turns reason out of doors and then does terrible things"; for after you had restrained your original impulse, you later introduced lawlessness to mar the wise resolutions which you had at the first adopted, and were not ashamed, as a community, to commit the same rash acts as those for which you rightly detested your adversaries. For tell me, in the name of Serapis, what were the crimes for which you were incensed against George? You will doubtless answer: He exasperated against you Constantius of blessed memory; then he brought an army into the holy city, and the general in command of Egypt seized the most sacred shrine of the god and stripped it of its statues and offerings and of all the ornaments in the temples. And when you were justly provoked and tried to succour the god, or rather the treasures of the god, Artemius dared to send his soldiers against you, unjustly, illegally and impiously, perhaps because he was more afraid of George than of Constantius; for the former was keeping a close watch on him to prevent his behaving to you too moderately and constitutionally, but not to prevent his acting far more like a tyrant. Accordingly you will say it was because you were angered for these reasons against George, the enemy of the gods, that you once more desecrated the holy city, when you might have subjected him to the votes of the judges. For in that case the affair would not have resulted in murder and lawlessness but in a lawsuit in due form, which would have kept you wholly free from guilt, while it would have punished that impious man for his inexpiable crimes, and would have checked all others who neglect the gods, and who moreover lightly esteem cities like yours and flourishing communities, since they think that cruel behaviour towards these is a perquisite of their own power.

Now compare this letter of mine with the one that I wrote to you a short time ago, and mark the difference well. What words of praise for you did I write then! But now, by the gods, though I wish to praise you, I cannot, because you have broken the law. Your citizens dare to tear a human being in pieces as dogs tear a wolf, and then are not ashamed to lift to the gods those hands still dripping with blood! But, you will say, George deserved to be treated in this fashion. Granted, and I might even admit that he deserved even worse and more cruel treatment. Yes, you will say, and on your account. To this I too agree; but if you say by your hands, I no longer agree. For you have laws which ought by all means to be honoured and cherished by you all, individually. Sometimes, no doubt, it happens that certain persons break one or other of these laws; but nevertheless the state as a whole ought to be well governed and you ought to obey the laws and not transgress those that from the beginning were wisely established.

It is a fortunate thing for you, men of Alexandria, that this transgression of yours occurred in my reign, since by reason of my reverence for the god and out of regard for my uncle and namesake, who governed the whole of Egypt and your city also, I preserve for you the affection of a brother. For power that would be respected and a really strict and unswerving government would never overlook an outrageous action of a people, but would rather purge it away by bitter medicine, like a serious disease. But, for the reasons I have just mentioned, I administer to you the very mildest remedy, namely admonition and arguments, by which I am very sure that you will be the more convinced if you really are, as I am told, originally Greeks, and even to this day there remains in your dispositions and habits a notable and honourable impress of that illustrious descent.

Let this be publicly proclaimed to my citizens of Alexandria.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 21


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Letters of Julian/Letter 22

22. To Arsacius, High-priest of Galatia
[362, on his way to Antioch in June?] The Hellenic religion does not yet prosper as I desire, and it is the fault of those who profess it; for the worship of the gods is on a splendid and magnificent scale, surpassing every prayer and every hope. May Adrasteia pardon my words, for indeed no one, a little while ago, would have ventured even to pray for a change of such a sort or so complete within so short a time. Why, then, do we think that this is enough, why do we not observe that it is their benevolence to strangers, their care for the graves of the dead and the pretended holiness of their lives that have done most to increase atheism? I believe that we ought really and truly to practise every one of these virtues. And it is not enough for you alone to practise them, but so must all the priests in Galatia, without exception. Either shame or persuade them into righteousness or else remove them from their priestly office, if they do not, together with their wives, children and servants, attend the worship of the gods but allow their servants or sons or wives to show impiety towards the gods and honour atheism more than piety. In the second place, admonish them that no priest may enter a theatre or drink in a tavern or control any craft or trade that is base and not respectable. Honour those who obey you, but those who disobey, expel from office. In every city establish frequent hostels in order that strangers may profit by our benevolence; I do not mean for our own people only, but for others also who are in need of money. I have but now made a plan by which you may be well provided for this; for I have given directions that 30,000 modii of corn shall be assigned every year for the whole of Galatia, and 60,000 pints of wine. I order that one-fifth of this be used for the poor who serve the priests, and the remainder be distributed by us to strangers and beggars. For it is disgraceful that, when no Jew ever has to beg, and the impious Galilaeans support not only their own poor but ours as well, all men see that our people lack aid from us. Teach those of the Hellenic faith to contribute to public service of this sort, and the Hellenic villages to offer their first fruits to the gods; and accustom those who love the Hellenic religion to these good works by teaching them that this was our practice of old. At any rate Homer makes Eumaeus say: "Stranger, it is not lawful for me, not even though a baser man than you should come, to dishonour a stranger. For from Zeus come all strangers and beggars. And a gift, though small, is precious." Then let us not, by allowing others to outdo us in good works, disgrace by such remissness, or rather, utterly abandon, the reverence due to the gods. If I hear that you are carrying out these orders I shall be filled with joy.

As for the government officials, do not interview them often at their homes, but write to them frequently. And when they enter the city no priest must go to meet them, but only meet them within the vestibule when they visit the temples of the gods. Let no soldier march before them into the temple, but any who will may follow them; for the moment that one of them passes over the threshold of the sacred precinct he becomes a private citizen. For you yourself, as you are aware, have authority over what is within, since this is the bidding of the divine ordinance. Those who obey it are in very truth god-fearing, while those who oppose it with arrogance are vainglorious and empty-headed.

I am ready to assist Pessinus if her people succeed in winning the favour of the Mother of the Gods. But, if they neglect her, they are not only not free from blame, but, not to speak harshly, let them beware of reaping my enmity also. "For it is not lawful for me to cherish or to pity men who are the enemies of the immortal gods." Therefore persuade them, if they claim my patronage, that the whole community must become suppliants of the Mother of the Gods.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 22


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Letters of Julian/Letter 23

23. To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt
[362 end of January, Constantinople] Some men have a passion for horses, others for birds, others, again, for wild beasts; but I, from childhood, have been penetrated by a passionate longing to acquire books. It would therefore be absurd if I should suffer these to be appropriated by men whose inordinate desire for wealth gold alone cannot satiate, and who unscrupulously design to steal these also. Do you therefore grant me this personal favour, that all the books which belonged to George be sought out. For there were in his house many on philosophy, and many on rhetoric; many also on the teachings of the impious Galilaeans. These latter I should wish to be utterly annihilated, but for fear that along with them more useful works may be destroyed by mistake, let all these also be sought for with the greatest care. Let George's secretary take charge of this search for you, and if he hunts for them faithfully let him know that he will obtain his freedom as a reward, but that if he prove in any way whatever dishonest in the business he will be put to the test of torture. And I know what books George had, many of them, at any rate, if not all; for he lent me some of them to copy, when I was in Cappadocia, and these he received back.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 23


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Letters of Julian/Letter 24

24. To the Alexandrians, an Edict
[362, Constantinople] One who had been banished by so many imperial decrees issued by many Emperors ought to have waited for at least one imperial edict, and then on the strength of that returned to his own country, and not displayed rashness and folly, and insulted the laws as though they did not exist. For we have not, even now, granted to the Galilaeans who were exiled by Constantius of blessed memory to return to their churches, but only to their own countries. Yet I learn that the most audacious Athanasius, elated by his accustomed insolence, has again seized what is called among them the episcopal throne, and that this is not a little displeasing to the God-fearing citizens of Alexandria. Wherefore we publicly warn him to depart from the city forthwith, on the very day that he shall receive this letter of our clemency. But if he remain within the city, we publicly warn him that he will receive a much greater and more severe punishment.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 24


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Letters of Julian/Letter 25

25. To Evagrius
[362, Constantinople] A small estate of four fields, in Bithynia, was given to me by my grandmother, and this I give as an offering to your affection for me. It is too small to bring a man any great benefit on the score of wealth or to make him appear opulent, but even so it is a gift that cannot wholly fail to please you, as you will see if I describe its features to you one by one. And there is no reason why I should not write in a light vein to you who are so full of the graces and amenities of culture. It is situated not more than twenty stades from the sea, so that no trader or sailor with his chatter and insolence disturbs the place. Yet it is not wholly deprived of the favours of Nereus, for it has a constant supply of fish, fresh and still gasping; and if you walk up on to a sort of hill away from the house, you will see the sea, the Propontis and the islands, and the city that bears the name of the noble Emperor; nor will you have to stand meanwhile on seaweed and brambles, or be annoyed by the filth that is always thrown out on to seabeaches and sands, which is so very unpleasant and even unmentionable; but you will stand on smilax and thyme and fragrant herbage. Very peaceful it is to lie down there and glance into some book, and then, while resting one's eyes, it is very agreeable to gaze at the ships and the sea. When I was still hardly more than a boy I thought that this was the most delightful summer place, for it has, moreover, excellent springs and a charming bath and garden and trees. When I had grown to manhood I used to long for my old manner of life there and visited it often, and our meetings there did not lack talks about literature. Moreover there is there, as a humble monument of my husbandry, a small vineyard that produces a fragrant, sweet wine, which does not have to wait for time to improve its flavour. You will have a vision of Dionysus and the Graces. The grapes on the vine, and when they are being crushed in the press, smell of roses, and the new-made wine in the jars is a "rill of nectar," if one may trust Homer. Then why is not such a vine as this abundant and growing over very many acres?

Perhaps I was not a very industrious gardener. But since my mixing bowl of Dionysus is inclined to soberness and calls for a large proportion of the nymphs, I only provided enough for myself and my friends — and they are very few. Well then, I now give this to you as a present, dear heart, and though it be small, as indeed it is, yet it is precious as coming from a friend to a friend, "from home, homeward bound," in the words of the wise poet Pindar. I have written this letter in haste, by lamplight, so that, if I have made any mistakes, do not criticise them severely or as one rhetorician would another.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 25


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Arndt, Ernst Moritz

ARNDT, ärnt, Ernst Moritz, German poet and patriot: b. Schoritz, on the Island of Rügen (then Swedish territory), 26 Dec. 1769; d. Bonn, 29 Jan. 1860. His father was a prosperous peasant and gave his son a good schooling with the object of training him for the ministry. He finished his studies at Greifswald and Jena, after which, deciding that he did not want to enter the clerical profession, he visited many other countries. In 1806 he was appointed professor of history at Greifswald. Here he wrote ‘Der Geist der Zeit’ (1807), in which he attacked Napoleon with such boldness that after the battle of Jena he was obliged to flee to Sweden. Three years later he was able to return to his professorial work. In 1812, however, he was again obliged to leave the country and this time, on the invitation of Baron von Stein, he went to Russia. After the defeat of the French in Russia in that same year he returned to Prussia where he continued to advocate German unity. He was in the midst of the agitation that resulted in the War of Liberation which culminated in the battle of Leipzig. His writings, full of energy and fire, roused the German patriots during this period and several poems which he wrote then were put to music and sung by the soldiers; since then several of them have become national songs. Most notable of these, ‘Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland?,’ is now sung wherever German is spoken. In 1817 he married the sister of Schleiermacher, the great liberal preacher and theologian. The following year he was appointed professor of history in the newly-established University of Bonn, but his liberal views brought him into disfavor with the authorities and two years later he was suspended. The next 20 years of his life was spent in retirement. On the accession of Frederick Wilhelm IV to the throne of Prussia he was, in 1840, restored to his professorship at Bonn. In 1848 he was one of the deputation to offer to the King of Prussia the crown of Imperial Germany. Arndt's fame rests rather on his ability to rouse the fires of enthusiasm in others than on any great talents displayed in his work. He was immensely popular in his time and his popularity was founded on such sincere and true personal qualities that it has never since quite died out. His chief works are ‘Märchen und Jugenderinnerungen’ (1818); ‘Versuch einer Geschichte der Leibeigenschaft in Pommern und Rügen’ (1803); ‘Deutscher Volkskatechismus’ (1812); ‘Was bedeutet Landwehr und Landsturm?’ (1813); ‘Der Rhein, Deutschlands Strom aber nicht Deutschlands Grenze’ (1813); ‘Erinnerungen aus meinem äussern Leben’ (Leipzig 1840). The latter work forms the basis of E. M. Seeley's ‘Life and Adventures of E. M. Arndt’ (1879). Various biographies have been written, the best being by Schenkel (Elberfeld 1869), Langenberg (Bonn 1869) and Bauer (Hamburg 1882).


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Arndt, Johann

ARNDT, or ARND, Johann, German Protestant theologian: b. Ballenstedt, Anhalt,

27 Dec 1555; d. Celle, Hanover, 11 May 1621. After having studied at Wittenberg, Strassburg and Basel, he was made pastor at Badeborn, Anhalt, 1583. This place he filled for seven years, when because of a dispute with Duke John George over procedure in the ritual he was deposed. He was, however, soon able to find another place at Quedlinburg; but here he was so much disliked by the townspeople that in 1599 he left, going then to Brunswick. In 1611 he was appointed general superintendent at Celle, Hanover, where he remained until his death. His chief works are “True Christianity” (1610); “Garden of Paradise” (1612). The best English translation of the first is that edited by Charles F. Schaeffer (1868). Of the latter the best English translation is by A. W. Boehm (1716).


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Arndt, Wilhelm

ARNDT, Wilhelm, German historian: b. Lobsens, Posen, Prussia, 1838; d. 1895. He was graduated from the University of Göttingen and became connected with the University of Leipzig. For many years he was a collaborator on the ‘Monumenta Germaniæ Historica.’ His chief works are ‘Kleine Denkmäler aus der Merowingerzeit’ (1874); ‘Schrifttafeln zur Erlernung der lateinischen Paläographie’ (1874, 3d ed., 1898).


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User:Koavf/Template:Wiki

koavf global (Thanks to Angela) :

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Page:O. F. Owen's Organon of Aristotle Vol. 1 (1853).djvu/346

 are predicated in respect of what a thing is, it is necessary that the medium should be what it is, and a property in respect of properties, wherefore of two essential natures of the same thing, it will demonstrate the one, but not the other.

That this method then is not demonstration, has been shown before, but it is a logical syllogism of what a thing is, still let us show in what method this is possible, discussing it again from the beginning. For as we investigate why a thing is, when we know that it is, but sometimes those become evident at the same time, but it is not possible to know why it is, prior to knowing that it is, it is clear that in like manner the very nature of a thing or what it is, cannot be known, without knowing that it is, since it is impossible to know what a thing is, when ignorant if it is. We sometimes indeed know if it is, accidentally, knowing sometimes something belonging to the thing, as thunder we know, because it is a certain sound of the clouds, and an eclipse, because it is a


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Arndts von Arnesberg, Ludwig

ARNDTS VON ARNESBERG, Ludwig, German jurist: b. Arnsberg, Prussia, 19 Aug. 1803; d. Vienna, 1 March 1878. He was first appointed professor of jurisprudence at Bonn, then held the same position at Breslau, Munich and finally, in 1855, in Vienna, where he remained until his death. In 1848 he was a member of the National Assembly at Frankfurt where he advocated strongly the right of Austria to enter the German Confederacy. In 1871 he was knighted by the Emperor of Austria. His chief works are ‘Lehrbuch der Pandekten’ (14th ed., 1899); ‘Juristische Encyclopädie und Methodologie’ (9th ed., 1895); ‘Die Lehre von den Vermächtnissen’ (3 vols., 1875); ‘Gesammelte zivilistische Schriften’ (3 vols., 1874); ‘Kritische Uberscha n u der deutschen Gesetzgebung und Rechtswissenschaft’ (in collaboration with Bluntschli and Pözl, 8 vols., 1854).


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 privation of light, and a man, because it is a certain animal, and soul, because it moves itself. As regards then whatever we know accidentally that they are, it is by no means necessary that we should possess any thing by which to know what they are, for neither do we (really) know that they are, and to inquire what a thing is, when we do not know that it is, is to inquire about nothing. In those things however of which we know something, it is easy (to inquire) what they are; hence as we know that a thing is, so also are we disposed to know what it is, now of those things, of whose essential nature we know something, let this be first an example, an eclipse A, the moon C, the opposition of the earth B. To inquire then whether there is an eclipse or not, is to inquire whether B is or not, but this does not at all differ from the inquiry if there is a reason of it, and if this is, we say that that also is. Or we (inquire) of which contradiction there is a reason, whether of possessing, or of not possessing, two right angles, but when we have discovered, we know at the same time, that it is, and why it is, if it is inferred through media; but if it is not so inferred, we know the that, but not the why. Let C be the moon, A an eclipse, not to be able to produce a shadow when the moon is full and nothing is seen interposed between us, B, if then B, that is, not to be able to produce a shadow when there is nothing between us, be present with C, and A, to be eclipsed, present with this, that there is an eclipse, is indeed evident, but why is not yet so, and that there is an eclipse, we indeed know, but what it is we do not know. Yet as it is clear that A is with C, (to inquire) why it is, is to investigate what B is, whether it is the opposition (of the earth), or the turn of the moon, or the extinction of light, but this is the definition of the other extreme, as in those (examples) of A, since an eclipse is the interposition of the earth. What is thunder? the extinction of fire in a cloud: why does it thunder? because fire is extinguished in a


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 as if it thunders, fire being extinguished, it is necessary that it should crash and rumble, and, as the Pythagoreans say, for the sake of threatening, that those in Tartarus may be terrified. Now there are many things of this kind, especially in those which are constituted and consist from nature, for nature produces one thing for the sake of something, and another from necessity; but necessity is two-fold, one according to nature and impulse, another with violence, contrary to impulse; thus a stone is borne from necessity both upward and downward, yet not from the same necessity. In things however which are from reason, some never subsist from chance, as a house, or a statue, nor from necessity, but for the sake of something, whilst others are also from fortune, as health and safety. Especially in those which are capable of a various subsistence, as when the generation of them is not from fortune, so that there is a good end, on account of which it takes place, and either by nature or by art: from fortune however nothing is produced for the sake of something.

Chapter 12
cause of things which are, is the same also as that of things which are generated, which have been generated, and which will be, for the middle is the cause, except that being is the cause to be, what is generated, to those which are generated, what has been, to those which


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Letters of Julian/Letter 26

26. To Basil
[Early in 362, Constantinople] "Not of war is thy report," says the proverb, but I would add, from comedy, "O thou whose words bring tidings of gold!" Come then, show it by your deeds and hasten to me, for you will come as friend to friend. It is true that continuous attention to public business is thought to be a heavy burden on men who pursue it with all their energy; but those who share the task of administration with me are, I am convinced, honest and reasonable men, intelligent and entirely capable for all they have to do. So they give me leisure and the opportunity of resting without neglecting anything. For our intercourse with one another is free from that hypocrisy of courts of which alone you have hitherto, I think, had experience, that hypocrisy which leads men to praise one another even while they hate with a hatred more deadly than they feel for their worst enemies in war. But we, though we refute and criticise one another with appropriate frankness, whenever it is necessary, love one another as much as the most devoted friends. Hence it is that I am able — if I may say so without odium — to work and yet enjoy relaxation, and when at work to be free from strain and sleep securely. For when I have kept vigil it was less on my own behalf probably than on behalf of all my subjects.

But perhaps I have been wearying you with my chatter and nonsense, displaying stupid conceit, for I have praised myself, like Astydamas. However, I have despatched this letter to you to convince you that your presence, wise man that you are, will be serviceable to me rather than any waste of my time. Make haste then, as I said, and use the state post. And when you have stayed with me as long as you desire you shall go your way whithersoever you please, with an escort furnished by me, as is proper.

title: Letters of Julian/Letter 26


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Page:The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) - Volume 4.djvu/231

I.

Venice! Venice! when thy marble walls

Are level with the waters, there shall be

A cry of nations o'er thy sunken halls,

A loud lament along the sweeping sea!

If I, a northern wanderer, weep for thee,

What should thy sons do?—anything but weep:

And yet they only murmur in their sleep.

In contrast with their fathers—as the slime,

The dull green ooze of the receding deep,

Is with the dashing of the spring-tide foam,

That drives the sailor shipless to his home,

Are they to those that were; and thus they creep,

Crouching and crab-like, through their sapping streets.

Oh! agony—that centuries should reap

No mellower harvest! Thirteen hundred years

Of wealth and glory turned to dust and tears;

And every monument the stranger meets,

Church, palace, pillar, as a mourner greets;

And even the Lion all subdued appears,

Rh


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194 And the harsh sound of the barbarian drum,

With dull and daily dissonance, repeats

The echo of thy Tyrant's voice along

The soft waves, once all musical to song,

That heaved beneath the moonlight with the throng

Of gondolas —and to the busy hum

Of cheerful creatures, whose most sinful deeds

Were but the overbeating of the heart,

And flow of too much happiness, which needs

The aid of age to turn its course apart

From the luxuriant and voluptuous flood

Of sweet sensations, battling with the blood.

But these are better than the gloomy errors,

The weeds of nations in their last decay,

When Vice walks forth with her unsoftened terrors,

And Mirth is madness, and but smiles to slay;

And Hope is nothing but a false delay,

The sick man's lightning half an hour ere Death,

When Faintness, the last mortal birth of Pain,

And apathy of limb, the dull beginning

Of the cold staggering race which Death is winning,

Steals vein by vein and pulse by pulse away;

Yet so relieving the o'er-tortured clay,

To him appears renewal of his breath,

And freedom the mere numbness of his chain;

And then he talks of Life, and how again

He feels his spirit soaring—albeit weak,

And of the fresher air, which he would seek;

And as he whispers knows not that he gasps,

That his thin finger feels not what it clasps,

And so the film comes o'er him—and the dizzy

Chamber swims round and round—and shadows busy,

At which he vainly catches, flit and gleam,

Till the last rattle chokes the strangled scream,

And all is ice and blackness,—and the earth

That which it was the moment ere our birth.


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Rh II.

There is no hope for nations!—Search the page

Of many thousand years—the daily scene,

The flow and ebb of each recurring age,

The everlasting to be which hath been,

Hath taught us nought or little: still we lean

On things that rot beneath our weight, and wear

Our strength away in wrestling with the air;

For 't is our nature strikes us down: the beasts

Slaughtered in hourly hecatombs for feasts

Are of as high an order—they must go

Even where their driver goads them, though to slaughter.

Ye men, who pour your blood for kings as water,

What have they given your children in return?

A heritage of servitude and woes,

A blindfold bondage, where your hire is blows.

What! do not yet the red-hot ploughshares burn,

O'er which you stumble in a false ordeal,

And deem this proof of loyalty the real;

Kissing the hand that guides you to your scars,

And glorying as you tread the glowing bars?

All that your Sires have left you, all that Time

Bequeaths of free, and History of sublime,

Spring from a different theme!—Ye see and read,

Admire and sigh, and then succumb and bleed!

Save the few spirits who, despite of all,

And worse than all, the sudden crimes engendered

By the down-thundering of the prison-wall,

And thirst to swallow the sweet waters tendered,

Gushing from Freedom's fountains—when the crowd,

Maddened with centuries of drought, are loud,


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196 And trample on each other to obtain The cup which brings oblivion of a chain Heavy and sore,—in which long yoked they ploughed The sand,—or if there sprung the yellow grain, 'Twas not for them, their necks were too much bowed, And their dead palates chewed the cud of pain:— Yes! the few spirits—who, despite of deeds Which they abhor, confound not with the cause Those momentary starts from Nature's laws, Which, like the pestilence and earthquake, smite But for a term, then pass, and leave the earth With all her seasons to repair the blight With a few summers, and again put forth Cities and generations—fair, when free— For, Tyranny, there blooms no bud for thee!

III.

Glory and Empire! once upon these towers With Freedom—godlike Triad! how you sate! The league of mightiest nations, in those hours When Venice was an envy, might abate, But did not quench, her spirit—in her fate All were enwrapped: the feasted monarchs knew And loved their hostess, nor could learn to hate, Although they humbled—with the kingly few The many felt, for from all days and climes She was the voyager's worship;—even her crimes Were of the softer order, born of Love— She drank no blood, nor fattened on the dead, But gladdened where her harmless conquests spread; For these restored the Cross, that from above Hallowed her sheltering banners, which incessant Flew between earth and the unholy Crescent, Which, if it waned and dwindled, Earth may thank The city it has clothed in chains, which clank Now, creaking in the ears of those who owe


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Rh The name of Freedom to her glorious struggles;

Yet she but shares with them a common woe,

And called the "kingdom" of a conquering foe,—

But knows what all—and, most of all, we know—

With what set gilded terms a tyrant juggles!

IV.

The name of Commonwealth is past and gone

O'er the three fractions of the groaning globe;

Venice is crushed, and Holland deigns to own

A sceptre, and endures the purple robe;

If the free Switzer yet bestrides alone

His chainless mountains, 't is but for a time,

For Tyrranny of late is cunning grown,

And in its own good season tramples down

The sparkles of our ashes. One great clime,

Whose vigorous offspring by dividing ocean

Are kept apart and nursed in the devotion

Of Freedom, which their fathers fought for, and

Bequeathed—a heritage of heart and hand,

And proud distinction from each other land,

Whose sons must bow them at a Monarch's motion,

As if his senseless sceptre were a wand

Full of the magic of exploded science—

Still one great clime, in full and free defiance,

Yet rears her crest, unconquered and sublime,

Above the far Atlantic!—She has taught

Her Esau-brethren that the haughty flag,

The floating fence of Albion's feebler crag,


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198 May strike to those whose red right hands have bought

Rights cheaply earned with blood.—Still, still, for ever

Better, though each man's life-blood were a river,

That it should flow, and overflow, than creep

Through thousand lazy channels in our veins,

Dammed like the dull canal with locks and chains,

And moving, as a sick man in his sleep,

Three paces, and then faltering:—better be

Where the extinguished Spartans still are free,

In their proud charnel of Thermopylæ,

Than stagnate in our marsh,—or o'er the deep

Fly, and one current to the ocean add,

One spirit to the souls our fathers had,

One freeman more, America, to thee!


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text: The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero)/Poetry/Volume 4/Ode on Venice


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Author:Anaxagoras

Works

 * Fragments of Anaxagoras

Works about Anaxagoras

 * "Anaxagoras" in Lives of the Eminent Philosophers, by Diogenes Laërtius

title: Author:Anaxagoras


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Ode on Venice

 * Ode in Mazeppa, a Poem (1819)
 * Ode on Venice in The Works of Lord Byron (ed. Coleridge, Prothero) Poetry, Volume 4 (1905)

title: Ode on Venice


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Author:Xenophanes

Works

 * Fragments of Xenophanes

Works about Xenophanes

 * "Xenophanes" in Lives of the Eminent Philosophers by Diogenes Laërtius

title: Author:Xenophanes


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Author:Parmenides

Works

 * Fragments of Parmenides

Works about Parmenides

 * "Parmenides" in Lives of the Eminent Philosophers, by Diogenes Laërtius

title: Author:Parmenides


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Page:O. F. Owen's Organon of Aristotle Vol. 1 (1853).djvu/350

 finition. Moreover the definition of thunder is, a sound in the clouds, but this is the conclusion of the demonstration of what it is; now the definition of things immediate is, the indemonstrable thesis of essence.

One definition then is, an indemonstrable sentence (significative) of essence, but another is a syllogism of essence, differing from demonstration in case, and a third is the conclusion of the demonstration of what a thing is. Wherefore, from what we have said, it is evident how there is, and how there is not, a demonstration of what a thing is, also of what things there is, and of what there is not; moreover in how many ways definition is enunciated, and how it demonstrates the essence of a thing, and how it does not; also of what things there is, and of what there is not, definition; yet more, how it subsists with respect to demonstration, and how it may, and how it may not be, of the same thing.

Chapter 11
we think that we scientifically know, when we are cognizant of the cause, but causes are four, one indeed as to the essence of a


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 and assertion simply, but by palpable experiential results. Here, in the very heyday of science's authority, it carries on an aggressive warfare against the scientific philosophy, and succeeds by using science's own peculiar methods and weapons. Believing that a higher power will take care of us in certain ways better than we can take care of ourselves, if we only genuinely throw ourselves upon it and consent to use it, it finds the belief, not only not impugned, but corroborated by its observation.

How conversions are thus made, and converts confirmed, is evident enough from the narratives which I have quoted. I will quote yet another couple of shorter ones to give the matter a perfectly concrete turn. Here is one:—

The next case not only illustrates experiment and verification, but also the element of passivity and surrender of which awhile ago I made such account.

"I went into town to do some shopping one morning, and I had not been gone long before I began to feel ill. The ill feeling increased rapidly, until I had pains in all my bones, nausea and faintness, headache, all the symptoms in short that precede an attack of influenza. I thought that I was going to have the grippe, epidemic then in Boston, or something worse. The mind-cure teachings that I had been listening to all the winter


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 thereupon came into my mind, and I thought that here was an opportunity to test myself. On my way home I met a friend, and I refrained with some effort from telling her how I felt. That was the first step gained. I went to bed immediately, and my husband wished to send for the doctor. But I told him that I would rather wait until morning and see how I felt. Then followed one of the most beautiful experiences of my life.

"I cannot express it in any other way than to say that I did ' lie down in the stream of life and let it flow over me.' I gave up all fear of any impending disease; I was perfectly willing and obedient. There was no intellectual effort, or train of thought. My dominant idea was: ' Behold the handmaid of the Lord: be it unto me even as thou wilt,' and a perfect confidence that all would be well, that all was well. The creative life was flowing into me every instant, and I felt myself allied with the Infinite, in harmony, and full of the peace that passeth understanding. There was no place in my mind for a jarring body. I had no consciousness of time or space or persons; but only of love and happiness and faith.}}

"I do not know how long this state lasted, nor when I fell asleep; but when I woke up in the morning, I was well.''

These are exceedingly trivial instances, but in them, if we have anything at all, we have the method of experiment and verification. For the point I am driving at now, it makes no difference whether you consider the patients to be deluded victims of their imagination or not. That they seemed to themselves to have been cured by the experiments tried was enough to make them converts to the system. And although it is evident that one must be of a certain mental mould to get such results (for not every one can get thus cured to his own satisfaction any more than every one can be cured by the first regular practitioner whom he calls in), yet it would surely be pedantic and over-scrupulous for those who can get their savage and primitive philosophy of mental healing


text: Fragments of Parmenides

title: Fragments of Parmenides


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Talk:The Albigensian Heresy

Some of the passages in the text appear disconnected or disembodied, but the information included is noteworthy.

title: Talk:The Albigensian Heresy


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Rh Syria, of Mehemet Ali, the insurgent Khedive of Egypt. Therefore Britain and France dealt with Mehemet themselves, by attacking him in Syria in 1840.

In 1854 Britain and France were again involved in action against Russia. France had assumed the protectorate of the Christians in the Near East, and her prestige in that respect was being damaged by Russian intrigue in regard to the Holy Places at Jerusalem. So France and Britain found themselves involved in support of the Turks when the Russian armies came against them on the Danube. Lord Salisbury, shortly before his death, declared that in supporting Turkey we had backed the wrong horse. Is that so certain in regard to the middle of last century? Time is of the essence of International Policy; there is an opportunism which is the tact of politics. In regard to things which are not fundamental, is it not recognised that in ordinary social intercourse it is possible to say the right thing at the wrong time? In 1854 it was Russian power, and not yet German power, which was the centre of organisation in East Europe, and Russia was pressing through the Heartland against the Indies, and by the Straits of Constantinople was seeking to issue from the Heartland


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176 into the west, and Prussia was supporting Russia.

In 1876 Turkey was again in trouble and was again backed by Britain, though necessarily without the support of France. The result was to head off Russian power from Constantinople, but at the cost of giving to the Germans their first step towards the Balkan Corridor by handing over to Austrian keeping the Slav Provinces, hitherto Turkish, of Bosnia and Herzegovina. On that occasion the British Fleet, by Turkish sufferance, steamed through the Dardanelles to within sight of the minarets of Constantinople. The great change in the orientation of Russian policy had not yet occurred, and neither Russia nor Britain yet foresaw the economic methods of amassing man-power to which Berlin was about to resort.

When we look back on the course of events during the hundred years after the French Revolution, and consider East Europe as the basis of what was on the whole a single force in the world's affairs, do we not realise that separate as people of the Victorian Age often thought the politics of Europe from those of the Not-Europe outside, there was, in fact, no such separation. East Europe was in command of the Heartland, and was opposed


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Parts II. and III.
 * 50 & 51 Vict. c. 40.
 * 50 & 51 Vict. c. 40.
 * Parts II. and III. of the

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Author:Melissus of Samos

Works

 * Fragments of Melissus

Works about Melissus

 * "Melissus" in Lives of the Eminent Philosophers by Diogenes Laërtius

title: Author:Melissus of Samos


text:
Author:John Murray

 * Sir John Murray (1841–1914), British oceanographer
 * John Murray (1741–1815), Universalistic minister
 * John Clark Murray (1836–1917), British philosopher

title: Author:John Murray


text: Fragments of Melissus

title: Fragments of Melissus


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Rh by the sea-power of Britain round more than three quarters of the margin of the Heartland, from China through India to Constantinople. France and Britain were commonly allied in action in regard to Constantinople. When, in 1840, there was danger of war in Europe because of the quarrel between the Khedive and the Sultan, instinctively all eyes were turned to the Rhine, where Prussia had established her outpost provinces. Then it was that the German song, the "Wacht am Rhein," was written! But the war threatened against France was not in respect of Alsace and Lorraine, but in support of Russia; in other words, the quarrel was between East and West Europe.

In 1870 Britain did not support France against Prussia. With the after wisdom of events should we not, perhaps, be justified in asking whether we did not in this instance fail to back the right horse? But the eyes of the islanders were still blinded by the victory of Trafalgar. They knew what it was to enjoy sea-power, the freedom of the ocean, but they forgot that sea-power is, in large measure, dependent on the productivity of the bases on which it rests, and that East Europe and the Heartland would make a mighty sea-base. In the Bismarckian period,


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178 moreover, when the centre of gravity in East Europe was being shifted from Petrograd to Berlin, it was perhaps not unatural that contemporaries should fail to realise the subordinate character of the quarrels between the three autocracies, and the fundamental character of the war between Prussia and France.

The recent Great War arose in Europe from the revolt of the Slavs against the Germans. The events which led up to it began with the Austrian occupation of the Slav provinces of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878, and the alliance of Russia with France in 1895. The Entente of 1904 between Britain and France was not an event of the same significance; our two countries had cooperated more often than not in the nineteenth century, but France had been the quicker to perceive that Berlin had supplanted Petrograd as the centre of danger in East Europe, and our two policies had, in consequence, been shaped from different angles for a few years. West Europe, both insular and peninsular, must necessarily be opposed to whatever Power attempts to organise the resources of East Europe and the Heartland. Viewed in the light of that conception, both British and French policy for a hundred years past takes on a large


text:
Author:James Gordon Parker

Works

 * Leather for Libraries
 * Principles of Tanning

title: Author:James Gordon Parker


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1896.

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 OF THE

AND THE

BY THE

REV. CARUS VALE COLLIER, M.A., F.S.A

RECTOR OF LANGTON, YORKSHIRE (FORMERLY CURATE OF BURTON AGNES)

MIDDLEBROUGH

WILLIAM APPLEYARD & SONS, LD. PRINTERS, 14 ALBERT ROAD

1914


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This '' is the result of a suggestion of Mr. Wickham-Boynton, who in 1909 asked me to help him to write an account of the Boynton family, and later asked me to undertake the whole work. Though conscious of my own feebleness and ignorance, I consented, and Mrs. Wickham-Boynton most willingly gave me free access to all the old documents stored away in the long gallery at Burton Agnes Hall, and both Mr. and Mrs. Wickham-Boynton gave me all the help in their power, coupled with untold kindness. To them I offer my heartiest thanks. I heartily thank Mr. William Brown, F.S.A., for his invaluable help in deciphering and translating very many ancient deeds and documents; Mr. John Bilson, F.S.A., for allowing me to use his notes on the early owners of Burton Agnes, and on the Church there; the Rev. Henry Lawrance, M.A., for much useful help on many genealogical and heraldic points; and all who have helped me in any way.''


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To write an account of a family like that of Boynton is by no means easy, from the fact that the members have lived for the most part the lives of quiet country gentlemen, thoroughly interested in, and enjoying country pursuits, leaving politics and other affairs that draw men into the light of public knowledge, more or less alone. With the exception of Henry Boynton who was opposed to King Henry IV, and Sir Matthew Boynton, the first Baronet, with his son Matthew, both of whom gained notoriety during the Civil War of the 17th century, we cannot call any of the family historic characters. All this makes it hard to identify the various members and their relationship one to another in the earlier generations.

Of Bartholomew de Boynton, who is claimed as the founder of the family, I find no contemporary evidence whatever; nor am I able to identify any members of the family before 1182, when I find Walter de Bovington buying land of Riches de Arnallia, in Arnallia

Adam de Bovington I find witnessing documents in the Chartulary of Guisbrough Priory, and also in that of Bridlington Priory, but I have been unable to say what relation he bears to his contemporaries, Walter the buyer of land in Arnold and Walter's brother William.


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Rh The name of this family, I believe, is derived from the village of Boynton, in the East Riding of the County of York, but how it came to be derived from this place I am unable to say. The name appears under various forms thus—Bouington, Bouincton, Bouinctona, Bouicton, Boington, Bovington, Bovinton, Bovingtona, Bovintona, Boyngton, Boynton. Until the beginning of the 14th century, Bovinton, Bovington, or Bouyngton were the forms generally used, but as early as 1307, I find the name spelt Boynton, though the older forms occur until the 15th century.

There are several MS. pedigrees and accounts of the family preserved at Burton Agnes, namely:—

(1) An heraldically blazoned pedigree on three skins of parchment sewed together. This pedigree begins with Bartholomew de Boynton followed by fifteen generations to Francis Boynton who married Dorothy Place about 1585. The reference to Bartholomew de Boynton in this pedigree is the oldest reference to him that I have found. The pedigree itself probably drawn up towards the end of the reign of Elizabeth, or early in that of James I, is not suggestive of accuracy, and written on the back of it, in faded ink, are the words "This is fale."

(2) An account of the family by Dade (?) (referred to in the following pages as MS. Acc. at B.A.) beginning with Bartholomew de Boynton and giving thirty-one


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{{Statute table/collective/entry|y=50 & 51 Vict.|c=33. (except Part II.}|s=Land Law (Ireland)|Year=1887}}

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Rh generations to Sir Griffith Boynton, 6th Baronet (1743-1778).

(3) Notes on the Boynton family written by Mrs. Wickham-Boynton, 1908.

(4) Also an account of the family written by the Rev. William Eaton Mousley.

All these documents have been placed at my service, but unfortunately some of the facts do not coincide with contemporary evidence, though other facts do. It appears that some important papers quoted in Dade's (?) version were at Burton Agnes in his time, but so far I have not been able to find them.

I trust that what follows may be found quite accurate and trustworthy, though some statements rest on slight evidence.


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