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Sieges of Brampton and Hopton castles/Correspondence during the siege of Brampton Castle in 1643

Henry Lingen, Sir W. Pye and William Smallman to [Brilliana] Lady Harley, July 26
1643, July 26. — Our relations to your Ladyship make us careful to prevent if we can any further inconvenience to you, and therefore to that end we think lit to acquaint you that [as] Sir William Vavasour by his Majesty's command hath drawn his forces before your castle, with resolution to reduce it before he stirs from thence, your Ladyship may do well to take into your consideration the posture you are in. Bristol is taken by Prince Rupert and [he] is now before Gloucester. His Majesty's forces are successful everywhere, so that your Ladyship cannot hope for any relief, and upon these terms if your Ladyship should be obstinate we cannot promise and expect those conditions for you that are fit for your quality, especially my Lady Aubigney having been so ill-treated by the Parliament, neither any quarter for those that are with you, who further must look for all extremity upon their families and substance forthwith. Madam we wish you would take this seriously into your thoughts, and we expect a speedy answer. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Henry Lingen, High Sheriff, Sir Walter Pye and Mr. Smallman, July 26
1643, July 26. — Your relations to me which you are pleased to make mention of might have invited you to another piece of service than this that you are now come upon, in which if you should have your desire it would never crown you with honour before men, nor blessings from God. For Sir William Vavasour's drawing his forces before my house by the King's command, I dare not, I cannot, I must not, believe it, since it has pleased our most gracious King to make many solemn promises that he would maintain the laws and liberties of this kingdom. I cannot then think he would give a command to take away anything from his loyal subjects, and much less to take away my house. If Sir William Vavasour will do so I must endeavour to keep what is mine as well as I can, in which I have the law of nature, of reason, and of the land on my side, and you none to take it from me. For Bristol and Gloucester it is no precedent to me if they are taken, that I should give away what is mine. I believe I shall have more comfort in keeping my own to the utmost, than ever you will have in the least endeavour to take it away.

Sir William Vavasour to Lady Harley, July 28
[1643,] July 28. Wigmore Grange. — I took notice of your Ladyship's letter and denial upon Wednesday night with much regret, for I thought the demands made to you by those gentlemen who subscribed the letter were so reasonable that they could not have found contradiction from anybody, much less from a person of your wisdom and virtue. How your Ladyship can term yourself one of the King's loyal subjects, when either by your command

or connivance at least, your rebels in your house have committed so many thefts, murders, and taken so many prisoners for no other cause than for being good subjects. Truly, madam, I don't understand those declarations you are pleased to mention of our gracious King are conditional, and comprehend only those who acknowledge his power and obey his commands, which if it please your Ladyship to do, by delivering up those rebels in your house, which you now endeavour to protect — and truly madam I must deal plainly with you — much in vain, for we will never suffer the King's power to be affronted by so small a part of the county, the dispute will end, for if you please not to withstand the right which God and the laws of the land have put into the King's hands. I shall deal fairly with you, madam. I am your servant, and to one so noble and virtuous am desirous to keep off all insolences that the liberty of the soldiers, provoked to it by your obstinacies, may throw you upon; yet if you remain still wilful, what you may suffer is brought upon you by yourself, I having by this timely notice discharged those respects due to your sex and honour. Copy.

Brilliaxa, Lady Harley to Sir William Vavasour, July 28
1643, July 28. — I have considered of your letter you were pleased to send this morning. For my denial to those reasonable demands you wrote of, I am ignorant of any demands they mean to offer to me, for sure I am they made none in their letter. Those gentlemen you write of seemed in their letter so far to befriend me as to let me know you had sent soldiers before my house to reduce it. I know nothing I can be reduced to but to poverty, and it is endeavoured as much as can be, for all my cattle and sheep are taken by your soldiers. I wrote the gentlemen word I would endeavour to keep what was mine as long as I could and I know that does not make me an ill subject, nor give anyone warrant to take it from me. Sir, I have heard such a fair report of you that it possessed me with a belief that so noble a soldier as yourself would rather have put forth your power to have rescued me from injuries, than to have poured them upon me, and I think it exceedingly strange that so ingenious a mind should take up such false reports, as it seems you have of me. Sir, my words shall always be so ruled by the line of truth, that without further protestations you may believe this truth, that none in my house tolerated by me did ever commit murder or theft, things which I abhor as much as any can. Since you have taken up what is fallen, I believe there is so much virtue in you that you will be glad to know the truth, though it may seem too long a story. I guess they ground the report of theft and murder on this accident. Some Welshmen in my house desired leave to go home Whitsuntide last, which they did. When they were in their own country they went to the sheriff's house in Radnorshire and thence or from his son they took two buff coats, some halberts, and a horse, when they returned to my house. Before they came in I heard what they

had done, with which I was so much displeased, that I discharged them presently, paying them what was duo and not suffering them to come into my house. The sheriffs son two days after wrote me a letter to let me know what they had done, and they said they had killed a man. I caused the man to go into the town to search for what he had lost, of which they only found some halberts which were delivered into the constable's hands till Mr. Lloyd sent for them, which Mr. Lloyd did the other day and they will delivered to him. I wish all could say as I can that I never took anything from anybody that I had not good right to, and they as willing to give it as I to receive, neither did I ever favour anyone in my house that would do the least injury. For taking of prisoners I never did take any, but as I was enforced thereby as I thought to rescue myself, but upon the score of being the King's servants I never did. I am so far from that if any unworthy man bear that name I should respect him for that though he had nothing else to challenge it. But when my servants and friends were taken, I took some to regain mine again. For having any rebels in my house, I know none but such as appear to be his Majesty's most faithful and loyal subjects. Surely, Sir, you have discovered that which I cannot perceive in any, and you and all the world are deceived if you think there is any drop of disloyal blood in my heart, and none can less cherish our gracious King's enemies than myself. Therefore let me obtain the common right that you will believe myself and family to be the King's most faithful subjects. I know you have taken up those reports at random, or else I should be in a labyrinth of thoughts who you should suspect in my house for a rebel. Why you are pleased to term me obstinate I know not, my endeavour is to have my will stoop to reason, and not to do anything because I will do it. Sir, I need not tell you your soldiers have taken my beasts and all else they can and shot at my house these two days and nights, but for what cause am ignorant and I hope the Lord will never leave me so far to myself that I should give just cause why I should be so used, and therefore I believe you will by these lines see your mistake in me and those that are with me, and so be sorry for what injuries you have done me, and recall your soldiers that I may not be further wronged by them. Copy.

Sir W. Vavasour to Lady Harley, 29 July
1643, July 29. — I received your Ladyship's answer to my letter, wherein you were pleased to justify yourself and those in your house, and to tax me and my soldiers. I shall not trouble your Ladyship with much or often writing to you, only this time your Ladyship hath professed yourself so faithful a subject, I am confident you will justify it by obeying his Majesty's command, and indeed madam I shall not exceed the commission given me by his sacred Majesty, to which I am sworn to be obedient. For your cattle truly I gave a strict command they should be safely preserved, to the end, if your Ladyship shall

approve yourself loyal, they may be restored and shall, or satisfaction if they shall not be forfeited to the King. I make no pretence myself to them, I have ever abhorred the thing plundering. For my soldiers shooting these two days, it was directly against my order, for indeed I was not in a present condition, my cannon being not then come and I do not love to spend my shot in vain, nor do I believe they had given fire against your house had they not been provoked to it, by your first and often shooting from thence, who have killed a little boy, which truly, madam, if not timely prevented by a treaty must be revenged. Copy.

Beilliana, Lady Harley to Sir W. Vavasour, July 29
1613, July 29. — The letter you were pleased to send me this day I have received. For my justifying myself in avowing my loyalty to our gracious King is that which I must always do, and Sir, for taxing you had not Mr. Lingen and Sir Walter Pye sent me word that you had sent soldiers against me, I should not have believed it, that you of so much wisdom would have concluded one who you did not know to be worthy to be destroyed. Sir, the letter that Sir Walter Pye, Mr. Lingen, and Mr. Smallman wrote to me, assured me that your soldiers came before my house in a hostile manner, and as they said to reduce me; to what that may be extended to I know not, so that I looked upon [them as] a professed enemy, who as soon as they came into the town killed a man, and that night killed my sheep and lambs, and the rest they drove away. I waited patiently resolving to bear as much as with my safety I could. On Thursday morning the soldiers approached nearer my house, and reviled those they saw in my house, both in words and actions; they were desired to keep off, which they would not, and then my men shot; but I cannot say it was to revenge the killing of the man when they came first into the town, or the taking of my sheep, for I will do nothing in way of revenge, but what shot was made was to keep off those that were my enemies from too near an approach; which action, if you did not account me — your servant — as an enemy, you would commend, that I endeavoured to preserve my family. Sir, did you know my heart, you would see I were more ready to show you respect, than give me occasion of revenge. Sir, you are pleased to make mention of a treaty, but in what manner I know not, because you are not pleased to express it, but sure I am, I am ready rather in the way of peace to put an end to this difference, than still to have you as my enemy, for yet I cannot say I am yours; for sure, had I like the power you have and as fair an opportunity to do it, I should not go to your house and do as much as you have done to me. Copy.

Beilliana, Lady Harley to Sir W. Vavasour, July 30
1643, July 30.— My rents have been stopped by the gentlemen of this county for almost these twelve months, and now my cattle and horses taken by your soldiers. When I heard you

were come into this county, I having heard the worth was in you, I promised myself you would be as slow to such an act as others had been, but I know not how the gentlemen of this county have overcome you, for yet I cannot tell how to think, that of yourself you would so injure one that had no way deserved it. I believe my condition cannot he paralleled, that one of my condition, who have my husband from me, and so wanting much comfort, I should be besieged, and so my life and the lives of my little children sought after, with that of my whole family without any cause given on my part or of anyone with me. Sir, you have been pleased to be their instrument to take away that upon which I and my children must live, which was the stock upon my ground and which being gone, and my rents not paid, I must bethink myself of another place to be in, and therefore I desire you will do me the favour to let me have liberty to send to Sir William Pelham, who is with the King, that by his means I may obtain a pass, by which I may go safely to some other place of more safety than my own house. Copy.

Sir W. Vavasour to Lady Harley, July 31
1643, July 31. — If your Ladyship shall please to command your servants and all others within your house to lay down their arms, and suffer me to send in a guard, I will wait on your Ladyship, and upon the word of a gentleman you shall receive nothing of violence to yourself or family, or anything within your house by the said guard, and I shall not exact from your Ladyship beyond my punctual orders from his Majesty, but show your Ladyship all warrantable respects. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir W. Vavasour, July 31
1643, July 31. — For my servants laying down their arms I know of none they bear but for mine and their defence, a thing warranted by the laws of the land, and it is strange to me that my having a few arms in my house is more offensive than [in] Sir John Winter's house. Sir, for me to yield that you should place a garrison in my house, I cannot find out any reason for it, and under what notion you would do it, I know not; but this I conceive, I should become a prisoner in my own house, which I cannot yield to, for so I should speak myself guilty; and thus much more I must say, my dear husband hath entrusted me with his house and children, and therefore I cannot dispose of his house but according to his pleasure, and I do not know it is his pleasure that I should entertain soldiers in his house; and surely Sir, I never will voluntarily betray the trust my husband reposeth in me. I have hitherto believed very well of you, and that I may do so, I will not — if I can help it — try how your soldiers will deal with me; and I trust the Lord my God will deliver me and mine out of all my enemies' hands; but if it hath pleased the Lord to appoint that your cruelties and wrongs to me and mine, and some of the inhabitants of this town, must help to fill up the measure of all

the cruelties now used against those that desire to keep faith in a good conscience, I shall not be displeased; for when the measure of cruelties is full, the day of deliverance will soon appear to the Church of God which is now afflicted. And Sir, let me desire of you not to be displeased if I put you in mind with the rest of the gentlemen of this county, how you make yourselves guilty of innocent blood; for so you will, if you shed the least drop of any one with me. Copy.

Sir W. Vavasour to Lady Harley, July 31
1643, July 31.— This return of your Ladyship's is so contrary to your letter the last day, when you were justly sensible of the great danger yourself and your children were in, as also desirous to send to Sir William Pelham, that by his means you might obtain means to pass from this your house; that I can guess your resolutions are to be disobedient to his Majesty's commands; if so, truly madam, I shall discharge my duty to his Majesty with more pity to your Ladyship than envy, and could heartily wish your Ladyship were where yesterday you did wish yourself; and for your evil counsellors that think themselves so free I shall not doubt but suddenly do such justice upon them — if they continue thus obstinate — as is due to such rebellious dispositions. As for Sir John Winter's fortifying his house, it was for his Majesty's service and with my consent; I could wish your Ladyship had the same intentions or loyalty to his Majesty. For your being a prisoner in your own house, it was never my resolution. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir William Vavasour, July 31
1643, July 31. — I now perceive you received the letter I sent you yesterday. I am in the same mind I was then, that if you will give me liberty to send to Sir William Pelham that so I may procure a pass, I shall take it for a favour, but that I hope did not discover any intentions in me that I would admit of a guard being put upon me. Sir, far be it from me, I should ever believe our gracious King — to whom I am a most loyal subject — should take it for a disobedience in me if I should not admit of soldiers in my house. I am sorry you will not afford me a common charity, to believe me loyal to his Majesty, since you know not to the contrary. Sir, besides the right of a common subject, I am so happy that, my lord my father was in a particular manner his Majesty's servant, and therefore I should be sorry that any heart should outstrip mine in loyalty. Who you mean by evil counsellors I know not, neither is there any in my house guilty of any crime which may make them liable to justice. Truly Sir, you are better acquainted with my family than I am; and if you know any such you will do me a favour if I may know who they are. Sir, I know not whether it is your intentions I should be a prisoner in my house, but I should take myself so to be if I were under a guard. Copy.

King Charles I. to Brilliana, Lady Harley, August 21
1643. August 21. The Court at Matson.— Whereas we understand thai Brampton Bryan Castle in our county of Hereford hath been and is made a receptacle and place of retreat to the rebels now in arms against us, and a great terror to the country thereabouts by killing of divers of our good subjects, firing of houses and many other outrages, and hath been in a rebellious manner maintained and defended against our forces; yet being very desirous to believe that what hath been done in and from your said Castle hath rather proceeded from your being seduced by evil counsel than out of your ill-affection to us and our service, and being willing to avoid effusion of blood, and unwilling that our forced — in respect of your sex and condition — should take such course for forcing or firing of the same as they must otherwise be compelled to take; for these reasons we have sent our trusty and wellbeloved Sir John Scudamore, knight, in our name to demand the said castle to be immediately surrendered to us, and we do hereby advise and require you to admit of our forces into the same under the conduct of Sir William Aavasour, knight, or such as he shall appoint, for the safety and security of that country, assuring you in the word of a King of our grace and free pardon for the offences aforesaid in case the said Castle be immediately delivered according to these our commands; but if you shall refuse to obey this our command and advice in so particular and gracious a manner directed to you, you must thank yourself for that ruin and destruction which contrary to our desire will unavoidably involve you; and so expecting your ready compliance, as well in order to your interest, as to your loyalty, we bid you heartily farewell. Copy.

Sir John Scudamore to Brilliana, Lady Harley, August 23
1643, August 23. Brampton. — The King s most excellent Majesty hath sent me hither with his gracious letters directed to your Ladyship. I desire to know by this drummer how I may be admitted to deliver the same and what else is given in charge to me. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, August 23
1643, August 23. Brampton Castle.— I shall with all readiness receive what your gracious King is pleased to send to me, and I am sorry that my condition is such, that there is not so fair a way for you to come into my house as I desire and I know not how to offer you the way by which others are enforced to pass; but if it please you to assure me of his safety I will send down a gentleman to receive his Majesty's letter, and if it please you either by writing or word of mouth, to deliver to the gentleman what further you will say to me, I know he will be a faithful messenger. Copy.

Sir John Scudamore to [Brilliana, Lady Harley], August 23
1643, August 23. Brampton. — I have received your Ladyship's, and have taken assurance from the Commander in Chief of his Majesty's forces here, that the gentleman, whom your Ladyship shall send forth to meet me and receive his Majesty's letters, shall return in safety; and for my assurance, if that may add to his security, I do hereby promise that as far as may lie in my power, who have no command here, but was very glad to receive the honour of his Majesty's commands, so full of tender compassion to your Ladyship, had your Ladyship been willing I should have gladly expressed by word of mouth how much I desire your peace and happiness, to which, if my endeavours may promote anything, it shall be cheerfully undertaken and faithfully prosecuted by me.

Postscript. — I shall meet the gentleman in any convenient place of your Ladyship's choice. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, August 23
1643, August 23. Brampton Castle. — I will believe the assurance you are pleased to say the chief commander of his Majesty's forces here doth promise for the security and safe return of the gentleman I shall send to wait upon you; and since you are pleased to engage your own promise for his safe return, j shall have a double confidence in the promise you give of his safe return. I should have taken it for an happiness to have had the favour to have seen you myself but since I cannot easily attain to it at this time, I must desire you would do me the favour to meet Mr. Phillips in the Bowling Green which is a little on this side the garden. Sir, if you please to let me know whether I have made a choice agreeable to your mind, and Mr. Phillips will be ready to receive the honour of waiting upon you. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, August 23
1643, August 23. Brampton Castle. — I must earnestly desire the favour, that you will be pleased that I may have liberty to send a petition to his most sacred Majesty, by which our most gracious King may truly understand my condition, which I make no doubt but he will commiserate. I presume Sir William Vavasour will not deny me this favour, for once he promised to give me liberty to send to the Court.

Postscript. — If I may have liberty to send, I will God willing fail not to send one very early tomorrow morning if you will please to procure a pass for him. Copy.

Sir John Scudamore to Brilliana, Lady Harley, August 23
1643, August 23. Brampton. — I have spoken with the Commander in Chief of his Majesty's forces now here concerning the pass your Ladyship desires; his answer is, that he hath no commission to grant such pass, and Madam I take it for a particular misfortune to me that your Ladyship should desire anything of me which is out of my power to perform. I have yet received

nothing in answer to his Majesty's letter, according to the contents whereof and my duty, I do hereby demand in the King's name that your Ladyship do immediately deliver your castle of Brampton Bryan into the hands of Colonel Henry Lingen, High Sheriff of this county, and Commander in Chief of his Majesty's forces under Sir William Vavasour; and I do expect your Ladyship's positive answer hereunto and shall immediately repair therewith to the Court near Gloucester. I hope my fortune may he better hereafter in my endeavours to serve your Ladyship. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, August 23
1643, August 23. Brampton Castle. — Since it cannot be that I may obtain the favour of a pass for a servant of mine to go to the Court, I will, God willing, send you my petition to our most gracious King tomorrow morning in the which will be my full answer, and I hope procure me more peace than yet I have had. Copy.

Sir John Scudamore to Brilliana, Lady Harley, August 24
1643, August 24. Brampton. — I know of nothing that hath been denied your Ladyship which is in the power of any here to grant, and for my own part I am heartily sorry that your Ladyship is not pleased to make use of such service as I am able to do you, which I am confident might be of far greater advantage than the passing of a servant to the King. My Lords of Clare, Holland, Bedford and many others of the Houses of Lords and Commons are come from the Parliament to Wallingford, and other places in the King's obedience. My Lord of Clare hath sent an humble petition to the King, but on Tuesday when I came from Court he was not yet admitted to come forward to the King's presence. I have not heard that my Lord of Westmorland is yet released out of his imprisonment by the Parliament; and for my worthy good friend Sir William Pelham he is in Lincoln, which is lately reduced to his Majesty's obedience, &c. My Lords of Northumberland and Pembroke are in the case aforesaid; and give me leave to tell your Ladyship, if you knew how the affairs stand at London I am confident I should have the honour of bringing back to his Majesty the notice of your Ladyship's doing yourself right by submitting to his Majesty's just demands. I must be again a suitor to your Ladyship for a positive answer.

Postscript.— Were your Ladyship informed how absolute the King is both in the north and west, and how much his party increaseth in Kent, Surrey and other counties about London, the high differences between the Earl of Essex and Sir William W[aller], with the little appearance of recruiting either of those armies, you would perhaps judge the defending of London itself three months will be a very difficult business. The good intelligence the King hath with the Scots and his Majesty's strength at sea under Sir John Pennington, since the reduction of Bristol; these and many other particulars I should have

acquainted your Ladyship with, had I been admitted to your presence. The suburbs against the city in arms; the women against the House of Commons in multitudes; the train bands of London against the women who cry out for their slain and imprisoned husbands; divers women killed by the soldiers in this tumult, yet unappeased; Mr. Pym beaten by the women and with much difficulty escaped their fury by water. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to the King, August
[1643, August.] — The humble petition of Dame Brilliana Harley. Humbly showeth that your poor and distressed subject perceiveth by a gracious letter dated 21st of August from your sacred Majesty directed to your said subject and brought by Sir John Scudamore, knight, that many unjust informations have been given to your Majesty against your said subject. Be pleased therefore, gracious sovereign, to believe me, that my house is not nor never was, to my knowledge, a receptacle for any disloyal person, nor was my condition such, as to be a terror to any, much less did any by my command or privity either kill any of your Majesty's subjects, or fire any houses, or commit any outrages to bring or cause the forces under the command of Sir William Vavasour against me, but only kept such a number of servants with arms as in these woeful times might defend me against pillaging and plundering, a thing your Majesty hath in several proclamations expressed your dislike of. Yet so it is, most gracious sovereign, that I have had servants imprisoned, some killed, and now by Sir William Vavasour's forces, all my horses, cattle, corn and other things taken away; my house attempted with many soldiers, horse and foot, with five or six cannons battering the walls, and almost every day assaulted by small shot, whereas your poor subject did never offend your Majesty, or ever take up arms against your Majesty, or any man of mine, or any by mine appointment was in actual rebellion against your sacred Majesty; and therefore your poor subject hopeth and prayeth the premises being graciously weighed your Majesty will not require that from me which by the law of the land is mine, and which if I shall give up, I have no subsistence for myself and mine; but that your Majesty will be pleased to command Sir William Vavasour to withdraw his forces and restore to me my goods, but if your Majesty will — notwithstanding the premises — command me out of my house, my humble desire is that you will in your clemency allow unto me some maintenance for me and mine and fit time to remove myself and family by your protection to pass to some other place where we may find subsistence, that we perish not; so shall she who ever hath been and ever will be your loyal and faithful subject pray for your sacred Majesty. Copy.

Three letters, two dated August 24 and one August 25
Three letters, two dated August 24 and one August 25, which passed between Lady Harley and Sir J. Scudamore are printed from other copies at Welbeck on pp. 114, 115 of the first volume of the report on the Harley papers belonging to the Duke of Portland (Fourteenth Report, Appendix. Part II).

Sir John Scudamore to Lady Harley, August 24
1643, August 24. Brampton — I have your petition instead of an answer, which in my opinion is too long by twenty lines and to full of the spirit of contradiction and expostulations, yet since I can procure no better, I must return with this which I shall do, God willing, early in the morning. But, madam, I dare not promise the delivery of it to his Majesty, unless Sir William Vavasor encourage me to put it into your hart to return a clearer and more satisfactory answer this evening, but truly, madam, I have so little expectation of peace to ensue upon this, that I shall desire to be employed hereafter in something else that may be more pleasing to your Ladyship.

I do not find whither your Ladyship doth expect till Sir William Vavasor's pleasure may bee known herein. If you please to express yourself herein I shall accordingly take order with the commanders that no mistake arise hereabouts by the successless negotiation. Copy

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, August 24
1643, August 24. Brampton Castle — I do so firmly believe the goodness and bounty of our gracious King that I am confident if his Majesty were truly informed of my condition he would never command me out of my house, and therefore I must still desire liberty to have my humble desires presented to his Majesty by a hand that I may choose and confide in. Can I think that those who have sought the life of myself and family will so solicit as to gain me that which I humbly desire of his Majesty. Sir, though you have been pleased to call the pleading of my innocence the spirit of contradiction, yet I pray you doe rot judge aright, and then I must tell you that for this twelve months the gentlemen of this country have sought the mine of my poor family, but the Lord of Heaven knows not deserved by my dear husband and myself. Nay, I may truly say that yet there is so much good will in me to all you, that had I power to revenge what has been done to me I should no way do it. Sir, what favours you are pleased to show me I hope you will never repent for they shall always meet with thankfulness and a hart ready to the utmost of my ability to answer it again in all the ways of respects. Copy.

Sir John Scudamore to [Lady Harley], August 25
1643, August 25. Brampton — I had a message that your Ladyship would speak with me this morning, but it seems that resolution is altered. I wish that condition your Ladyship hath put yourself in by this refusal of the King's mercy might be as suddenly changed whilst it is in your own power. I have dealt with the commanders here for the continuance of this cessation until further order from Sir William Vavasour.

Now, Madam, give me leave to tell your Ladyship that I am of opinion that this refusal of the King's mercy hath put yourself and all those your friends and servants with you, in the condition of rebels, and when so ever hereafter — possibly the King's great mercy and your heasty repentance — may reduce you and them into the estate of loyalty, I conceive you and every one of them — to be safe — must obtain pardons under the great scale which will not be without charge and trouble. Madame, I humbly press your Ladyship's hands being ready to take horse after a little breakfast to strengthen me for my journey to Court.

Postscript. — Madame, I am heartily sorry to hear — since I came hither — the pitiful cries of the poor people of this neighbourhood against the ill counsel your Ladyship hath followed to their and your own misery, which obstinacy is like to increase to their utter ruin and destruction. Copy.

Lord Falkland to [Lady Harley], August 30
1643, August 30. At the Court at Matson.— Although his Majesty be in no degree satisfied with the petitioner's excuses of so evident

facts, and yet less with the unjust aspersions cast upon his Majesty's officers and soldiers for what they have done according to their commission towards the necessary reduction of a place manned and fortified without his Majesty's consent and against his Majesty's forces, yet his Majesty is yet once more graciously pleased, so far to reflect with pity upon the sex and condition of the petitioner, and to afford the best interpretation to what hath passed, as hereby once more to offer unto the petitioner and also the persons with her, full pardon and free licence to depart out of the castle whither and with what arms and ammunition — ordnance only excepted — they shall please themselves, and to assure them of a convoy accordingly; and in case his Majesty's forces be immediately received into the castle, his Majesty is yet further contented that the petitioner and her family may if she please remain therein until she have provided herself of another habitation, which gracious offer of his Majesty if it find not a most ready and most grateful acceptance from the petitioner his Majesty must not only then most plainly discover the vanity of the pretences in this petitioner to loyalty and fidelity, but must be enforced to punish with utmost severity of justice so high a contempt of his grace and favour.

Note. — Sir John Scudamore added by word of mouth he had power to grant to her Ladyship what other conditions she could in reason demand, which Mr. Moor told her Ladyship from Sir John. Copy.

Sir John Scudamore to Lady Harley, September 1
1643, September 1. Brampton. — I have outgone my promise; your petition is delivered to the king and I have his Majesty's answer. Your Ladyship is beholding to Sir William Vavasour for his encouragement to me therein, without which I durst not have delivered such a petition to his Majesty. Madam, I desire to be no longer treated with ceremony by admitting me to your presence by an unhandsome way, being ready to undergo far greater difficulties to approve myself, your humble servant. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, September 1
1643, September 1. Brampton Castle. — I acknowledge your favour in that you were better than your promise and so you say you have delivered my petition to his Majesty. What Sir William Vavasour did in giving way to it, I shall be ready to acknowledge as a favour. I will now it is late hold you no longer with these lines, but wish you may have a good night. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, September 2
1643, September 2. — Had I not taken cold which hindered my sleep this night these lines should have waited upon you in a more early hour. Sir, I do abundantly acknowledge your abundant favour that you are pleased to suspend so (sic) with so an unhandsome way that I may have the honour to see you, which I cannot promise myself, for the chamber where you did me favour to speak to me in being a cold place, I dare not obtain the favour of seeing you there without fear of increasing the cold I have now taken. Therefore give me leave to beg the favour of knowing your mind in the way of a letter, with which, to so excellent abilities as yours are, it is as easy as to speak. Copy.

Sir John Scudamore to Lady Harley, September 2
1643, September 2. Brampton. — I am very sorry for your Ladyship's indisposition, I was so far from appointing the room where I should wait upon your Ladyship, that I should have been content with any room or place. But since your Ladyship permits me not to do you the service I desired, and my instructions enable me unto, I can be heartily sorry for it, though I cannot force it upon you. If it please your Ladyship to send one out to meet me I shall deliver a letter to him directed to your Ladyship, and to return to Court, where I shall give this account that I could not be admitted to say that which was commanded me, and having no order to discourse that with my pen which was delivered me by word of mouth. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, September 2
1643, September 2. — Did not my indisposition of health confine me to my chamber I should now be as willing to wait upon you in my own house as I was when you last did me favour to come to me. I will send a gentleman to wait upon you, and I presume — if please you — I may by your pen know further instructions, which I should take as an obligation, and will ever be ready to take up all opportunities by which I may appear, Sir, your servant.

Postscript. — I desire to know when Mr. Phillips shall wait upon you. Copy.

Sir William Vavasour to Lady Harley, August 31
1643, August 31. Langford — I have seen your Ladyship's petition to the King and have been forward to serve your Ladyship with my best endeavours to his Majesty, who hath been graciously pleased to grant you a safe pass and conduct for yourself and servants, your arms being delivered up for his Majesty's use. If I may know wherein I may do your Ladyship further service, I shall be ready to receive notice of it from Sir John Scudamore who hath instructions from me. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, September 2
1643, September 2. — By your favour I have received Sir William Vavasour's letter. Mr. Phillips tells me that if I send an answer to him you will be pleased to take order that it may be sent to him. On Monday if it please God I will send him an answer to his letter. Sir, I must beg the favour to know to who I may direct my letter to Sir William Vavasour that it may have the honour to come to your hand. Mr. Phillips tells me you are ready for your journey to Ludlow, where I wish you a happy arrival. Copy.

Sir John Scudamore to Lady Harley, September 2
1643, September 2. Brampton.— I hope Mr. Phillips did not forget to speak to your Ladyship for your answer concerning the laying down of your arms and delivering up of the castle; if he did, then your Ladyship must give me leave to put you in mind of that hereby. Your Ladyship in your petition did set forth all those grievances which you had, which being known to the king, your Ladyship said that notwithstanding that if the king would command you out of your house, you humbly desired his Majesty's protection and pass to carry you and your family safe to some other place where you might find subsistence, etc. This his Majesty hath graciously granted you, and a convoy also for your more safety if you desire it, or if you desire to remain in the castle till you can be provided in some other place, his Majesty is contented that you and your family shall so remain there, so as you immediately receive in a garrison of his Majesty's soldiers, and to this I must expect your positive answer, that I may return to his Majesty, whether you will immediately deliver up the castle of Brampton Bryan in the hands of Colonel Henry Lingen, which I do now the second time hereby demand in his Majesty's name and your Ladyship's positive answer. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, September 2
1643, September 2. Brampton Castle.— How to give a positive answer to what you require of me, I know not, for, by what Sir William Vavasour and you are pleased to write, I cannot see that his Majesty commands me out of my house, my petition being delivered by such as I presume intend my ruin. I know not how to believe whether his Majesty hath seen it or not, since he is pleased, as you write, to grant me no more than a mere pass for myself and family. Sir, this concerns the livelihood of me and mine and therefore before the delivering up of my house, I must desire my petition may be solicited by some friend of mine at Court who I may confide in. Copy.

Sir John Scudamore to Lady Harley, September 5
1643, September 5. Brampton. — Upon your Ladyship's letter on Saturday evening I sent away to Court, and have been

at Ludlow ever since expecting what I have not received, and now, Madam, I am further enabled to serve your Ladyship than hitherto. If therefore your Ladyship be pleased to permit me to wait upon you, it shall appear to your Ladyship how effectually I solicited your petition, even to the obtaining of more than you prayed, and my actions shall testify than an angry or a little misunderstanding (sic) shall not discourage me from seeking means to declare myself, your, &c. Copy.

Sir John Scudamore to Lady Harley, September 5
1643, September 5. Brampton. — I am suitor to your Ladyship to know how you will please to permit me to convey that to your notice which I have in charge to deliver to your Ladyship in answer to your petition, and the rest of the trust committed to me. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, 5 September
1643, September 5. Brampton [Castle]. — Since it is so that I cannot have the freedom to speak to you myself, if please you to let me know your mind by letter I shall be ready to receive it.

Sir John Scudamore to Lady Harley, September 5
1643, September 5. Brampton. — If your Ladyship have a will to it, I know nothing that can hinder you the freedom of speech with me, who am here purposely to receive that honour from your Ladyship; and truly Madam were the thoughts of my heart known to your Ladyship, all these scruples and ceremonies would be removed, and I should have the same liberty I have formerly found to your presence; but Madam if you deny me that be pleased to send some one to the Bowling Green to receive what is now come to my hands for your Ladyship in writing. Copy.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John, September 5
1643, September 5. — Mr. Moor will do me the favour to wait upon you in the Bowling Green, that by him I may receive what you please to make known unto me, for whose safe return I desire the engagement of your promise.

Sir John Scudamore to Lady Harley, September 5
1643, September 5. — Mr. Moor's safe return is promised by Colonel Lingen and myself who are repairing now to the Green to meet him presently.

Brilliana, Lady Harley to Sir John Scudamore, September 6
1613. September 6. — Since my petition to his Majesty hath gained me no more than the answer you were pleased to send

me last night by Mr. Moor I cannot be satisfied till I have obtained that, by the hand of some, of my own friends, my condition may be presented to his Majesty, who then I am persuaded would grant me liberty to enjoy what is my own. Sir, I will now beg your pardon that these lines waited not on you sooner. If you will excuse that fault and do me the right to believe I am most ready to serve your most noble lady and yourself, you will much oblige me. Copy.


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354 was sunk to the earth. George came down the path, with the brown bull-calf straddling behind him, its neck stuck out, sucking zealously at his middle finger.

The unconscious attitudes of the girls, all bent enraptured over the peonies, touched him with sudden pain. As he came up, with the calf stalking grudgingly behind, he said:

“There’s a fine show of pyeenocks this year, isn’t there?”

“What do you call them?” cried Hilda, turning to him her sweet, charming face full of interest.

“Pyeenocks,” he replied.

Lettie remained crouching with a red flower between her hands, glancing sideways unseen to look at the calf, which with its shiny nose uplifted was mumbling in its sticky gums the seductive finger. It sucked eagerly, but unprofitably, and it appeared to cast a troubled eye inwards to see if it were really receiving any satisfaction,—doubting, but not despairing. Marie, and Hilda, and Leslie laughed, while he, after looking at Lettie as she crouched, wistfully, as he thought, over the flower, led the little brute out of the garden, and sent it running into the yard with a smack on the haunch.

Then he returned, rubbing his sticky finger dry against his breeches. He stood near to Lettie, and she felt rather than saw the extraordinary pale cleanness of the one finger among the others. She rubbed her finger against her dress in painful sympathy.

“But aren’t the flowers lovely!” exclaimed Marie again. “I want to hug them.”

“Oh, yes!” assented Hilda.

“They are like a romance—D’Annunzio—a

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112 The most patriarchal aborigine in the tribe is selected to act as umpire on these occasions, and, in the absence of timepieces, the twenty minutes' ordeal is either lengthened or curtailed by him, according to the amount of interest that he takes in the proceedings. In general the ordeal lasts a good long twenty minutes, to which the culprit could readily testify; as in most cases, he is on the very verge of fainting, by reason of the continued and violent exertion necessary upon those occasions, ere he gets notice that his penalty has been duly paid. When this good news reaches him, he, with much gladness, throws himself prone to the ground, panting and exhausted; thereupon one of the softer sex belonging to him—wife, sister, or ward—goes up to the prostrate and quivering ordealist, and forthwith proceeds to dry the fervid perspiration, with which his weary body is plentifully suffused, speaking such words of comfort to him the while as can only emanate from one of Eve's sympathising daughters.

Meanwhile the spectators have all dispersed by twos and threes to their usual avocations, commenting freely upon the bravery and expertness displayed by him who had successfuly [sic] undergone the supreme trial.

CHAPTER XIV.

OF THE ABORIGINAL DOG. THE GREAT AFFECTION THE NATIVE WOMEN HAVE FOR THESE ANIMALS. HOW UTILISED. OF FLEAS AND OTHER PARASITES.

The only animal the aborigines possess in a state of domesticity is the indigenous dog—Canis familiaris


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Rh in passionate sadness,” said Lettie, in an ironical voice, speaking half out of conventional necessity of saying something, half out of desire to shield herself, and yet in a measure express herself.

“There is a tale about them,” I said.

The girls clamoured for the legend.

“Pray, do tell us,” pleaded Hilda, the irresistible.

“It was Emily told me—she says it’s a legend, but I believe it’s only a tale. She says the peonies were brought from the Hall long since by a fellow of this place—when it was a mill. He was brown and strong, and the daughter of the Hall, who was pale and fragile and young, loved him. When he went up to the Hall gardens to cut the yew hedges, she would hover round him in her white frock, and tell him tales of old days, in little snatches like a wren singing, till he thought she was a fairy who had bewitched him. He would stand and watch her, and one day, when she came near to him telling him a tale that set the tears swimming in her eyes, he took hold of her and kissed her and kept her. They used to tryst in the poplar spinney. She would come with her arms full of flowers, for she always kept to her fairy part. One morning she came early through the mists. He was out shooting. She wanted to take him unawares, like a fairy. Her arms were full of peonies. When she was moving beyond the trees he shot her, not knowing. She stumbled on, and sank down in their tryst place. He found her lying there among the red pyeenocks, white and fallen. He thought she was just lying talking to the red flowers, so he stood waiting. Then he went up, and bent over her, and found the flowers full of


text: The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina/Chapter 12


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113 Australis—and of these quadrupeds they keep perfect packs. The aborigines use them for running down game, and although not by any means particulary [sic] speedy of foot, are found very useful in following wounded animals, not, sufficiently maimed to allow of their being easily overtaken by the hunters; besides, their sense of smell is very keen, thus enabling hunters to get quickly up with the game they are in pursuit of, which in the absence of the dog, would be a work of considerable time, as well as much labour.

In the cold nights also, these animals are of infinite service to their owners, as they tend in no inconsiderable degree to keep up the temperature in the loondthals, where they sleep in common with their masters. This kind of bedding is much affected by the old women, who in consequence value the dogs inordinately, and woe betide the man, either white or black, who should by chance or otherwise, destroy a dog the property of a galour (old woman), for she would surely brain him if possible with her yamstick; or at least give him such a filthy slanging as would put to shame the vilest tongued fishwife that ever carried a basket.

We remember on one occassion [sic], in the old bye-gone days of the colony, when a pack of these wretched curs, pertaining to an aboriginal encampment close to an out station hut, played the very mischief amongst a flock of fattening wethers, which were almost in marketable condition; as a matter of course we felt considerably annoyed because of the occurence [sic], and in very palpable terms made the natives aware of the fact. The men of the tribe saw, and acknowledged the harm which the dogs had done to the sheep, and by way of making some kind of amende, empowered us to


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356 blood. It was he set the garden here with these pyeenocks.”

The eyes of the girls were round with the pity of the tale and Hilda turned away to hide her tears.

“It is a beautiful ending,” said Lettie, in a low tone, looking at the floor.

“It’s all a tale,” said Leslie, soothing the girls.

George waited till Lettie looked at him. She lifted her eyes to him at last. Then each turned aside, trembling.

Marie asked for some of the peonies.

“Give me just a few—and I can tell the others the story—it is so sad—I feel so sorry for him, it was so cruel for him——! And Lettie says it ends beautifully——!”

George cut the flowers with his great clasp knife, and Marie took them, carefully, treating their romance with great tenderness. Then all went out of the garden and he turned to the cowshed.

“Good-bye for the present,” said Lettie, afraid to stay near him.

“Good-bye,” he laughed.

“Thank you so much for the flowers—and the story—it was splendid,” said Marie, “—but so sad!”

Then they went, and we did not see them again.

Later, when all had gone to bed at the mill, George and I sat together on opposite sides of the fire, smoking, saying little. He was casting up the total of discrepancies, and now and again he ejaculated one of his thoughts.

“And all day,” he said, “Blench has been ploughing his wheat in, because it was that bitten off by the rabbits it was no manner of use, so he’s ploughed


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114 poison the mangey mongrels, at the same time giving us many cautions about the galours, lest during the distribution of the baits, they should fall upon, and maltreat us, with their potent yamsticks.

Haying the terror of the yamsticks when wielded by irate galours brought thus vividly before us, ere making a start for the camp with the bag of poisoned baits, we provided ourselves with a gun for protection, not that we had any intention of using it on the angry old women, but we were quite aware that such a weapon in the hands of a white man, even if they knew it was unloaded, was more powerful to keep them in check than any other argument which could be adduced.

In due time we reached the camp, with a bag containing forty baits; at a glance the old dames knew that the bag held poison, therefore commenced incontinently to call their wirrangins (dogs) into the loondthals, thinking thereby to prevent us from having a chance to administer the baits, and when we told them, that we had come for the express purpose of killing their dogs because of the havoc made by them amongst the sheep, they actually laughed us to scorn in concert. In arguing the point with them, they did not give us a ghost of a chance; their concerted volubility being greater than any one man could pretend to cope with, even although backed up by the possession of a gun. We were nearly beginning to look upon our errand, as a very profitless undertaking indeed, when old Pinbocoroo crossed the lagoon upon which the camp was situated, and stalked majestically into the middle of the billingsgating galours. His opportune arrival upon the exciting scene, was hailed by us with


text: The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina/Chapter 13


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115 considerable pleasure, and the heated dark skinned dames also seemed to think his presence a fortunate occurrence, as they one and all, immediately began to pour forth their great grievance to him. He however soon brought matters to a very definite conclusion by commanding the oldest galour in the tribe (poor old Nip Nip), to take the baits from us, one at a time, and straightway give them to such dogs as we should point out. When the earnestness of what the old king said became apparent, the noise in the camp changed from angry clatter to direful woe, in the midst of which, not daring to refuse, old Nip Nip came meekly to us for the baits, which she administered as we desired. After concluding this very satisfactory piece of business we left the camp mid a shower of the most opprobrious anathemas that it was ever our fortune to have well hammered on our sorely tired tympanums.

For many weeks after this poisoning episode, the galour portion of the tribe grieved abundantly; mourning at morning and eventide over their canine companions; nothing could give them comfort for their loss, the much coveted tobacco even, failed to bring smiles of the faintest on their grief-worn features; some of them indeed went to the extent of cauterising their wrinkled bodies in the plentitude of their sorrow. For many years afterwards, this canine massacre was vividly remembered by the galour mind; even when wishing old Nip Nip a final good bye, and whilst her rheumy eyes were welling over with genuine tears, because of our departure, she could not help referring to the day of the dog slaughter, by the side of the lagoon.

In rough cold winter weather (which is the Australian


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Rh it in: an’ they say with idylls, eating peaches in our close.”

Then there was silence, while the clock throbbed heavily, and outside a wild bird called, and was still; softly the ashes rustled lower in the grate.

“She said it ended well—but what’s the good of death—what’s the good of that?” He turned his face to the ashes in the grate, and sat brooding.

Outside, among the trees, some wild animal set up a thin, wailing cry.

“Damn that row!” said I, stirring, looking also into the grey fire.

“It’s some stoat or weasel, or something. It’s been going on like that for nearly a week. I’ve shot in the trees ever so many times. There were two—one’s gone.”

Continuously, through the heavy, chilling silence, came the miserable crying from the darkness among the trees.

“You know,” he said, “she hated me this afternoon, and I hated her——”

It was midnight, full of sick thoughts.

“It is no good,” said I. “Go to bed—it will be morning in a few hours.”


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116 aborigines' bete noir), when hunting is out of the question and other sources of food unobtainable, unless by the exercise of much labour and exposure, these dingoes are converted into food, and really when cooked in one of their ovens these dishes of dog are tempting enough to look at, and there is small doubt about their tasting well, that is of course reasoning from the gusto with which the natives consume them; we, however, never had sufficient courage to partake of this dog meat, but we have seen plenty of it taken out of the ovens, which we must say always looked as white and delicate as any chicken.

A puppy dingo when in good condition is esteemed quite a luxury, therefore an aborigine having such a dish for dinner fancies that he is faring most sumptuously. It is not by any means an uncommon thing for a galour to have as many as two dozen dogs, and it is certainly a variety to find one possessing fewer in number than half a dozen. It can thus, from this fact, be easily imagined what enormous dimensions the packs assume when all the members of a tribe are assembled in one camp. On those occasions the numbers are far beyond the belief of people unaccustomed to the habits of the aborigines, and as their owners never by any chance think of providing them with food, as a natural consequence they fall foul of any sheep or weak calves with which they may come in contact, thus entailing endless feuds between the squatter and the galours of the tribe.

When a tribe is encamped close to a station these packs of dogs are an endless plague, for besides the injury which they invariably inflict upon the flocks in the vicinity, they


text:
The Sluggard (Watts)

'Tis the voice of the sluggard; I heard him complain, "You have waked me too soon, I must slumber again." As the door on its hinges, so he on his bed, Turns his sides and his shoulders and his heavy head.

"A little more sleep, and a little more slumber;" Thus he wastes half his days, and his hours without number, And when he gets up, he sits folding his hands, Or walks about sauntering, or trifling he stands.

I pass'd by his garden, and saw the wild brier, The thorn and the thistle grow broader and higher; The clothes that hang on him are turning to rags; And his money still wastes till he starves or he begs.

I made him a visit, still hoping to find That he took better care for improving his mind: He told me his dreams, talked of eating and drinking; But scarce reads his Bible, and never loves thinking.

Said I then to my heart, "Here's a lesson for me," This man's but a picture of what I might be: But thanks to my friends for their care in my breeding, Who taught me betimes to love working and reading.

title: The Sluggard (Watts)


text: Note of a meeting held on 29 July 1980 Welsh Language Broadcasting


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117 infest the shepherds' dogs with mange (that nasty disease being a portion of their normal condition), and as it is a virulent form of the complaint from which they suffer, common remedies fail to combat it with any degree of success. Then the abominable noise at night, when they commence to howl, is surely something to remember when once heard; a feline serinade [sic] is a trifle by comparison, and that is allowed by every one to be sufficiently horrible to rouse the ire of the most patient.

In connection with these dogs, and the habit the aborigines have of making bedfellows of them, there is one feature which we think both striking and peculiar, and that is this fact:—Until the advent of Europeans these people had never seen or heard of fleas, although of the other kinds of parasites common to the filthy portion of civilisation they possess legion. These latter have been a continual source of annoyance to the natives from the remotest period, and although they have waged a continuous war against them, even from one generation to another, still the filthy pests have held their own.

With the exception of the hair on the face and head the natives remove every thing of a capillary nature from the body, even to the covering of the pudenda; this operation is effected by means of a red hot coal, and is therefore both slow and disagreeable; this tedious and unpleasant process, however, is borne without demur, as it is performed with the view of ridding themselves of the parasitic pests, or at least keeping the interesting insects within reasonable bounds. Besides these measures they manipulate each others heads, as, 'tis said, is the habit of


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118 monkeys for a similar purpose; still with all that, the poor natives continue persistently to scratch, which indubitably induces a creepy feeling of disgust to any cleanly inclined beholder. These indigenous parasites could be borne by the aborigines pretty well as ever successive singeing afforded some measure of respite; the fleas, however, are quite beyond their patience, as respite from them there is none, and they cannot lessen their numbers do whatsoever they may towards that end. Their numberless dogs provide the very best of breeding grounds, and their opossum cloaks afford them harbour which cannot be excelled.

CHAPTER XV.

TREATING OF THEIR GEOGRAPHICAL AND ASTRONOMICAL THEORIES. OF THE SEASONS. THEIR METHOD OF MARKING TIME. THEIR HAZINESS IN COMPUTING NUMBERS. THEIR UTTER WANT OF COMPARISON.

The ideas possessed by the aborigines are both crude and vague in the extreme.

They imagine the earth to be one vast plain without limit, covered with forests in certain localities, whilst others are destitute of timber; mountain ranges here and there, sometimes continuous, and in other places isolated, with solitary hills dotted about, showing former encampments of the Ngoudenout. These, together with occasional rivers, creeks, springs, and lakes, when all summed up together, is about the extent of aboriginal geographical knowledge.


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119 They consider the Murray River the largest flowing volume of water in the world, and that it is without either beginning or end. They further deem the water of the Murray the sweetest, and the fish thereof the best and fattest in the universe. The sea is only considered by them to be an immense lake of cawie kayanie (salt water). They have not the remotest notion how or why it ebbs and flows; nor have they the faintest idea of its vastness, or that Australia is merely one of its countless islands.

Their total ignorance of these matters is most singular, as we would have imagined that their ngallawatows (postmen) would at least (in their continual intercourse with the various tribes with whom their bartering proclivities brought them in contact) have gained some notions on the subject less crude than those which they possess.

In astronomical subjects, however, their annals are less barren, but this fact does not offer much room for astonishment, as their continuous outdoor existence brings them daily, as well as nightly, face to face with the celestial luminaries, and as they are entirely dependent upon the sun for light, whilst foraging for their required sustenance and for guidance during their manifold wanderings, they note his motions and aspects with as much interest and anxiety as mariners do.

As a matter of course they imagine that it is the sun which travels from east to west, and so causes daylight and darkness as well as the changes of the season; they have not the least idea that it is the earth's motions which effect these changes, and when we have endeavoured to explain these phenomina [sic] to them they have gravely shaken their


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120 heads and fancied us more than a little given to stories of a Baron Munchausen character. This sceptical feeling is induced in a great measure, we imagine, by reason of the poetical licence which, as a rule, is generally indulged in by themselves, and they, knowing that they are highly endowed with the romancist furor, imagine that white men lack probity to an equal extent; therefore, it is that they take whatever we tell them of a wonderful nature, or in any way beyond aboriginal ken, with many grains of salt.

After having explained and discussed some such subject to them we have overheard them whilst seated round the fire at night talking the subjects over amongst themselves, and the fashion in which we, together with our elaborate theories were handled, was anything but flattering to our amour propre. Their powers of ridicule and their fine sense thereof are unmistakeably keen, and they use and enjoy them with infinite zest, and upon every favourable occasion which chance throws in their way.

They imagine the sun to be a large fire, kindled in the tyrrily (sky) by Nyoudenout daily, accounting for its origin in the following fashion:—

In the long past and forgotten times the only light which shone upon the world came from the moon and stars only. At that time there were not any aborigines on the earth, it being inhabited by beasts and birds alone.

One day during this semi-dark period an emu and a native companion quarrelled very violently, and the latter, whilst in the very height of his passion, threw one of the simple-minded emu's eggs up to the vast tyrrily, where it broke on a large pile of firewood, which Ngoudenout had seemingly


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121 prepared to that end; the concussion of the egg when it came in contact with the heap of wood produced spontaneous fire, and the whole world was incontinently flooded with light, Ngoudenout immediately saw the great advantage that this light would be to the dwellers upon the earth, and he thereupon vowed that the earth would never more be left in a continual state of darkness as it had been up to that time, for he would light the fire that seemed so good every day, and the vow then made by the good spirit had never been broken, even to the present time, which is sufficient warrant to the whole aboriginal race for its continuing for evermore.

They prove this quaint theory of theirs by pointing out that in the morning, ere the fire is well kindled, the nowie (sun) diffuses but little warmth, as the day advances, however, the heat becomes greater and greater until noon, when its fervency culminates; from that time the warmth gradually lessens as the fire becomes more and more reduced, until evening, when the pile is completely burnt out; then darkness covers the face of the land; but during the darkness Ngoudenout has his attendant spirits employed preparing a fresh pile of wood for next day's consumption. The moon, they imagine to be composed of some shiny substance, such as a large slice of mica, or Muscovy glass, and in order to prove that in this matter they are also correct they hold that there is not the very slightest degree of warmth emanatting from the mitian (moon), that it merely glitters and shines coldly, and that a large piece of calkoo ban, blackfellows bones (which is the aboriginal for mica) would do the same; indeed, they illustrate this theory by holding a piece of mica


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122 in the rays of the sun or within the influence of fire light, and triumphantly ask whether better proof could be. It is only wasted time to make them understand that the mica possesses no light or glitter of its own, but merely has the property of reflecting the light which proceeds from some other body, as the sun or fire light. They sagely shake their heads at what they deem a very clumsy endeavour to shake the belief which has endured, amongst them, for generations beyond number, and wisely ejaculate—"Oh! too much you white fellow. Plenty bumhammn wirrimpoola (stupid ears), you!" According to their computation the moon lasts as many nights as three times the number of their fingers, or thirty days; they compare it to an opossum cloak after this fashion:—

When a native has a rug to make he does not wait until he has acquired a sufficient number of skins to complete it, for as soon as he has two or three skins he sews them together and wears them mantilla fashion across his shoulders' going on day by day adding thereto as he procures the skins, but wearing it all the time, until it becomes a finished cloak. Shortly after the completion (in fact frequently before that achievement) of the cloak, as a matter of course it generally begins to fray at the edges, until by use, like the moon, it is worn completely out, necessitating the commencement of a new one after the same manner.

According to the mythology of these people, panmarootoortie (pleiads) is composed of seven mooroongoors (young virgins), being sisters, who were translated to their proud position in their sky because the whole of them, from the eldest even to the youngest born, retained their virgi


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123 purity until the advent of grey hairs. When Nyoudencout with unqualified pleasure, saw that these virgins had attained the meridian of life and still remained chaste he deemed them far too good to associate longer wiih [sic] their dissolute tribe, therefore he forthwith translated them to the sky, where he fixed them, in order that they might ever after be enabled to see the actions of their heretofore sisterhood, and so be ever ready to guide them straight should temptation induce any of them to swerve from the path of rectitude; besides, they would be to the lyoors, as is a beacon on a rough coast to the hardy mariners who tempt the deep, as they could always see them by looking upwards, and could therefore be scarcely guilty of any gross indiscretion in the very faces of the panmarootoortie, whose lives whilst on earth were without stain or reproach.

Thus it comes that this group of stars is more revered by the aborigines than any other constellation in the heavens.

Boorongcortchal (Venus) is sent in the early morning by Ngoudenout to let the world know that he is about to light up the glowing nowie so that his black people may prepare for their daily avocations before the crimson emanations tinge the eastern horizon with, jinky (red). In the evening this planet is termed worka worka, at which time his forte is the well-being of gestation, whether of man or beast. Therefore, pregnant women when they observe him bright and unclouded, looking calmly down on the earth, like a miniature moon, imagine that their wishes (whatever they may be) with regard to the expected offspring will be granted them. On the other hand, however, should he be


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124 perceived when dimmed and diminished, by reason of the intervention of a hazy or murky atmosphere, the fate of the unborn will be a fitful one; therefore the prospective mothers are elated or depressed accordingly.

They do not possess any ceremony or incantations wherewith to propitiate this birth-governing worka worka, even although they deem his influence all-powerful in the making or marring the fortunes of the unborn.

The aborigines divide the year as Europeans do, viz., into four seasons.

Bakroothakootoo (spring) is defined by the advent of succulent herbage, upon which the Ngarrow (Bustard) loves to graze, by the pairing of birds and consequent egg harvest, and by the emergence of the young kangaroo from forth the parent pouch.

Kurtie (summer) is distinguished by a general display of flowers and by their gradually changing into seed vessels and fruit, and by the brown tints assumed by the ripening grasses, together with the flight of all fledgelings from their parents' nests, and the abandonment for good of the maternal pouch by the young kangaroo.

Weat (autumn) is known by the cottony gossamar [sic] substance which floots [sic] about in the atmosphere during that season in this colony, by the hybernating of snakes and other reptiles which then usually seek out their quarters for their winters repose.

Myangie (winter) begins with the first frosts and continues until the mild lengthening days of spring puts it to flight. There is little chance of this season passing unnoticed, as the cold, wet, dreary days thereof are frequently


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125 borne by the poor aborigines whilst in a state of semi-starvation as regards both food and warmth; therefore the first indication of spring makes them jubilant to a degree, as then the near approach of food in abundance and of all kinds seems tolerably tangible, and no longer mere visions of the brain, induced by taking infrequent as well as insufficient meals of very indigestable food.

They have no single term which includes all the seasons such as our year. Their method of computing time is by nowies (suns or days), mittians (moons), and kurties (summers), but having nothing save oral records their data, as may well be supposed, is oftentimes very far out in point of time, therefore the reliance to be placed on any dates which they may give with regard to occurrences, if even not more than a very few years back, can only be of the smallest.

After getting beyond twenty or, at the most, twenty-five in numbers, they become very hazy, and to get themselves out of the fog they say co co (many), which may mean ten; or five hundred, or, in fact, any other quantity, and theirthere [sic] is no means short of actual investigation whereby it is possible to know whether the greater or lesser number is meant when an aboriginal makes use of the term co co.

The entire absence of the organ of comparison in the native character tends very much to the creation of this difficulty, as, for example, ask a blackfellow which one of the two flocks of parrots is the largest, and his reply will be—"Two-fellow co co." This same reply will be given in every other matter of comparison which may come under observation, whether of numbers or quality, only in the latter talko (good) will be substituted for co co.


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Sieges of Brampton and Hopton castles/An account of the siege of Brampton Castle

1643, July 26. — A true relation of the siege of Brampton Castle in the county of Hereford begun on Wednesday July 26th 1643, being the public fast day.

Upon Wednesday the 26th of July about two of the clock there appeared two or three troops of horse which divided themselves after they had faced our castle about an hour, from a little hill on the south side thereof called Pinners, and presently stopped all our passengers. Not long after there appeared about two or three hundred foot upon the east part of our castle which likewise dispersed themselves. The number of the enemy, as we understand since, were about seven hundred of horse and foot.

This evening a trumpeter was sent to summon our castle from Henry Lingen, esquire, High Sheriff of the county of Hereford, Sir Walter Pye, knight, and William Smallman, esquire, which was answered by the honourable and valiant the Lady Harley. The evening upon their first approach and before their summons [they] murdered one John Powntney a man born blind, because upon demand he said he was for the King and Parliament.

Thursday the 27th many of the foot possessed the town and church, and we played all that day and night with small shot upon each other. Some of the enemy were slain, but none of us. This day they plundered many of our sheep and cattle.

Friday the 28th we continued with small shot till about the evening, when another trumpet and letter was sent from

Sir William Vavasour, knight, Colonel and Governor of Hereford, which was likewise answered by the Lady Harley. This day the parley being ended they plundered our horses which we endeavoured to suspend, they being housed, but could not, and in the night the Cavaliers plundered all our fat cattle and cows.

Saturday the 29th of July a troop or two of Horse appeared and dispersed themselves about us, and about evening a drum was sent with another letter, so we ceased from shooting that evening and night.

Sunday the 30th of July we expected their ordnance and were compelled to pluck up our portcullis, and about the evening the honourable Lady sent a letter to the Governor, so we ceased till a warning piece should be on their side given.

Monday the 31st was spent in letters and answers, here annexed, with a cessation of arms.

Tuesday August 1st 1643 the enemy approached into our quarters and began to raise breastworks, but being commanded out by a gentleman, one Captain Scudamore, refused. Immediately the Cavaliers fired a house in town whereupon we gave fire roundly upon them [for] about an hour, but then we espied all our out-houses, containing very many bays of building, on a light fire. This evening a trumpet was sent from the governor afore- said with a letter, which was answered, etc.

Also another letter from the Lady with a promise of answer at twelve of the clock the next day, yet unperformed.

Wednesday August the 2nd an answer was expected to the aforementioned, but instead thereof we had peals of ordnance.

Thursday August the 3rd very early in the morning the Cavaliers fired our mills, and about ten of the clock the fire began in the town which within a very few hours consumed the greatest part thereof, then about three that afternoon the enemy planted a saker against our castle in the stable window. This evening they made ten shots against us with bullets of betwixt six or seven pound weight which only pierced our battlements but slew none of us, wherein the great power of God may be observed, that in these nine days not a hair fell from our heads by any of these enemies; as for our loss by fire and plunder which hath already been very great to the value of three thousand pounds and upwards, yet it was observed that all of us took joyfully the spoiling of our goods. The malignants of the country stood upon hills about us, and when the ordnance played, gave great shouts, which no whit daunted us. This night they cast up a work at the parsonage on the east side of our castle which we could not prevent in the dark, and the enemy fired a bomb on the west side, which did no whit annoy us, although they had the wind.

Friday August 4th the parsonage house and barns were burnt down, which was an advantage to us for there the enemy quartered their men and began to raise batterings and breastworks. All this day they played with their great gun; they made twenty six shots against us which only struck down one chimney and a battlement of our castle, shattering the tilestones, and

although most of the bullets came in the house there was not one of us hurt, whereby we may see an Almighty power and Providence in our protection and preservation.

Saturday August 5th the enemy made twenty one shots more against our castle, and at last down came the top of another chimney, at which the Cavaliers gave a great shout — and cause they had so to do — that with five great shots at eighty yards distance they prevailed against one stack of chimneys and a battlement. This was the execution done this week, God being still pleased to preserve all our lives and support our spirits. We omitted nothing that might strengthen our walls, laboured day and night in a cheerful expectation of a happy deliverance. This afternoon the enemy beat up their drums and a part of them marched out of town; many country people came into their room and made that night many fires and a great noise, the cause of this alarm is not yet known to us. This night they made a great shot at us which did no execution as we were taking down tile and timber.

Sunday August 6th the enemy saluted us very early with their loud music eight times before morning sermon and then left off, perhaps ashamed of some barbarism on this day, or rather because God did blow upon some of their instruments of cruelty which broke. About one of the clock we heard many muskets go off and at last discerned them shooting as if some part had been in skirmish with them a mile off; the particular of this we are yet ignorant of. Let me add this one thing remarkable, that of men women and children never used to such hardships, about one hundred all immured up in a close house and the dog-days, there was not one sick or feeble person among us.

Monday the 7th of August, we had secret intelligence that the enemy had no great hopes of taking the castle, that some of them were hurt, some slain, that their scouts had taken a little girl of ours and murdered it, that the Parliament forces were on their march, etc. This day they made ten shots with a demiculverin which did no execution; hi the afternoon they planted a very great gun on the west side [of] the castle and made three shots against us, the third bullet came in at the window and shattered the wall by the clock, broke the bell and hurt in the lobby at the parlour door the Lady Colebourn, struck out one of her eyes. Mrs. Wright, Dr. Wright's wife, was also hurt, but thanks be to God, neither of them mortally. This was the saddest day that we have yet had since the beginning of the siege.

Tuesday August the 8th the enemy planted two great guns against the west side of our castle; this day they made twenty nine shots against us, some of their bullets weighed nine pounds ten ounces, all which did no execution, neither on the walls nor persons, such was the mercy of God to us. This evening came in two colonels of the enemy's foot, which vapoured at their first approach and gave a shout, called us Roundheads; these made neither our walls shake or our hearts fail.

Wednesday August 9th the enemy planted five great guns

against our castle as if they had meant this day to have beaten it to dust, two on the east part, two on the west part and one on the south. They made forty three great shots against us, which through God's great mercy did us little hurt. This night we had secret intelligence that Sir William Bruerton had given the Lord Capell a great overthrow, that Gloucester was not besieged four days since, that Sir William Vavasour was shortly expected westward, that this county was summoned into Ross upon pain of death.

Thursday August 10th the enemy was so quiet till evening that we could scarce discern they were here, they gave us three shots out of the steeple which broke some Venice glasses in a high tower which formerly entertained some of those capon-faced cowards who have unmanned themselves in offering violence to so noble a lady, an action which will render them odious to man, as their 'perjurious' act at Hereford perfidious to God. This night we had secret intelligence that their greatest gun was yesterday broken, that the cannoneer was killed and that twenty five of their men were slain by us.

Friday August 11th the enemy began very early with their great guns which in the night they had planted near us. They made this day thirty six shots against us, which through God's mercy hurt none of us, nor our walls but very little, besides continually shooting with muskets and hammer-guns ever since the siege began and yet not a man of ours slain or wounded, which is a wonderful thing. This night they made two shots with their great gun, which likewise did no execution, thanks be to God.

Saturday August 12th, the enemy continued shooting with their great guns, sometimes battering at chimneys, sometimes at the walls below, anon at the windows and tiles, now three or four shots in the west, then to the south and east, then cursing the Roundheads, calling us Essex bastards, Waller's bastards, Harley's bastards, besides rogues and thieves. This was their language and these were their actions to reduce us to obedience to the King. This day they made twenty shots against our castle and so concluded three weeks work, all which through the wonderful mercy of our good God, did us very little hurt, yet not a man slain or wounded although so many thousand shots have been shot against us. I dare say there hath been no such preservation in these three kingdoms since the beginning of these unnatural wars. The praise we ascribe only to the God of our preservation.

Sunday August 13th we were necessitated to work in the morning, for we found that our wall in the west was sore battered almost to a breach and that very near the ground; it was a round tower that contained a staircase, which might be fortified with more ease than any part of the castle, there we bestowed much pains in lining the walls. This day we had secret intelligence that two more of their guns were broken, that another cannoneer was sore hurt, that Prince Rupert had sent the enemy word to leave our castle, and to run away, that an army was upon their

march from London for our relief. This day they played not with their cannons at all, but lay still, as if they had enough.

Monday August 14th the enemy was very quiet till the afternoon, then they began out of the steeple to batter. They made five shots against us this day, which did us no hurt. This night we had secret intelligence that the enemy was preparing fire balls to destroy us.

Tuesday August 15th the enemy continued battering with their great gun out of the steeple our worst friend. They made this day nine shots more at our south battlements which did no execution there; and from day to day hath the Lord hitherto preserved us and made their own guns their executioners.

Wednesday August 16th the enemy lay still almost the whole day; at evening they made two shots against us from the stable, which did no execution. This day we had secret intelligence that the Parliament forces were at Wolverhampton, that Gloucester was besieged, that the King lay before it, that Bristol was delivered up upon composition, that Sir William Waller was coming to raise the siege of Gloucester, that Brampton Castle was given to Sheriff Lingen if he could get it.

Thursday August 17th the weather being very foul the enemy lay still about us and we had a pretty intermission from them; but the Lord was pleased this day to sadden us with the breaking of an iron gun, which was our greatest, whereby an honest and active gentleman of our garrison was sore hurt and it was God's great mercy we (sic) had not been slain, which we acknowledge with much thankfulness. The enemy played not with their great gun this day.

Friday August 18th being the [twenty-fourth] we were besieged, our honest cook received a shot through his left arm, which was the first bullet [with which] the enemy touched any of us. This night we had secret intelligence that the Scots were come into England, that the whole kingdom resolved to rise as one man, that Sir William Waller was made General of a great army in London and was coming westward, that the cause in the [         ] was successful through the kingdom, but for us in particular, without hopes of any relief as yet.

Saturday August 19th the enemy lay very quiet all the day, there was nothing remarkable save only the conclusion of another week and not one of us slain, but one hurt; on the contrary we were informed that of the enemy there were three- score hurt and slain.

Sunday August the 20th we spent in fasting and prayer that we might be delivered out of the hands of these bloody enemies, who were, by the power of God, this day restrained from disturbing of us.

Monday August 21 the enemy made four shots with their great gun which did no harm. This day a small party of our men sallied out upon the enemy and slew some of them, fired a house where they kept their wild fire, very much to our advantage, some that lay prisoners have since confessed that these ten men of ours that sallied out made four hundred of theirs ready to fly; there was not one of our men touched in this service. The praise of our preservation we ascribe only to God.

Tuesday August 22nd the enemy made eight shots more which did no execution. This day they cast up breastworks in our gardens and walks; and Lay so near us that their rotten language infected the air; they were so completely inhuman that out of their own mouths, and the mouths of their guns, came nothing else but poisoned words and poisoned bullets.

Wednesday the 23rd of August a drum was sent with a parley whereby we understood that Sir John Scudamore, knight, had a gracious letter from his Majesty to the Lady Harley; she presently prepared an humble petition to his Majesty then lying before Gloucester. This night we had secret intelligence from London of an insurrection there by the malignant rabble, of great division between both Houses and other very sad news.

Thursday the 24th of August the parley continued. Sir John Scudamore came up into the castle by a ladder and a rope, had conference with the noble lady, demanded her castle, etc. This day our cook died, being shot into the arm formerly with a poisoned bullet.

Friday the 25th of August, the treaty continued with a cessation of arms. This night we had secret intelligence that things were not so bad in the public as formerly we heard, that Sir William Bruerton waited for an opportunity for our relief, that London was quieted, that Gloucester resolved to fight it out, that such cruelty was exercised at Bristol, notwithstanding fair promises, that it will be a precedent to all the kingdom never to believe the Cavaliers.

Saturday the 26th of August, the treaty continued.

Sunday the 27th of August, the treaty continued. This day Mr. Lake, vicar of Aymestrey, preached to the Cavaliers.

Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, the treaty continued with a cessation of arms.

Friday, the 1st of September 1643, Sir John Scudamore returned again, sent a letter to the noble Lady, and gave her to understand that her petition to his Majesty had received a gracious answer, etc. This night we had secret intelligence from Sir William [Waller] that we should speedily be relieved, that Gloucester stood out valiantly, many of the Cavaliers were slain before it, that the Earl of Newcastle had received a great overthrow, that the Lord Capell's powder house at Salop was blown up.

Saturday the 2nd of September we expected his Majesty's answer afore mentioned, which proved only a letter from Sir William Vavasour wherein he offered a pass and convoy for the Lady and her servants to march away. In the evening there came a very sharp letter from Sir John Scudamore requiring our castle and arms, to admit a garrison, or a positive answer which was to this effect, etc.

Sunday the 3rd of September there was a cessation of arms.

Monday the 4th of September, we expected the 'Hoggs' out of Lingams Park, wherewith they meant to undermine us. This

night we had secret intelligence that Eccleston Castle was taken, that Sir William [Waller] was bound for Salop county, that this week he would send a party to raise the siege here, that Gloucester stood out valiantly, that the Scots were in England.

Tuesday the 5th of September, Sir John Scudamore came again, sent a close letter to the noble Lady, desired admittance to speak with her, which was not granted, for experience had taught us, their former words and actions wanted nothing but truth. This evening Sir John Scudamore sent in the King's answer as he pretended subsigned by secretary Fauckland here annexed, etc. This night we had secret intelligence that the Parliament forces were at Wem, within seven miles of Salop.

Wednesday the 6th of September the noble lady sent early a letter to Sir John Scudamore here annexed. This morning the enemy began to remove their carriages, which is contrary to the law of arms in time of treaty, whereupon we gave them a warning piece and presently after they began with their great guns afresh; they made two shots and no more which did no execution.

Thursday the 7th of September the Cavaliers made two great shots more with their great guns which did no execution. We were of opinion that they had enough, and were taking their leave, at last removing their great guns. This night we had secret intelligence that Sir William [Waller] was ready to come to raise the siege here, that the Lord General and Sir William Waller were upon their march for Gloucester to raise the siege there, that now Bristol began to revolt from the Cavaliers' heavy yoke.

Friday the 8th of September 1643, the Cavaliers stole away our bells and as they were carrying them out of town, we sent some of his Majesty's good subjects to old Nick for their sacrilege; some of their great guns, we heard they were now gone.

Saturday the 9th of September we continued with small shot most of the day and through God's mercy concluded another week and none of us slain or wounded. This evening the enemy fired a 'baracado' upon the west part of our castle, which made us confident they were taking their leave of us. This night we had secret intelligence that the Lord General was with a very great army near Gloucester, that the Cavaliers had raised their siege to give him battle, and that all the King's forces were called together for that purpose from Exeter, from Shrewsbury, &c.; that Sir William Waller came out of London upon Monday last and that the Cavaliers about us would be gone. This, indeed, was the day of our deliverance, a day to be remembered and never to be forgotten throughout our generations.

The Lord was this day pleased to take away these bloody villains, and to return them with shame, which had vexed us almost these seven weeks, for which we desire to be humbly thankful to our good God, that delivered our poor family out of the hands of fifteen malignant counties set against us even to our extirpation and ruin.

These are the several passages of our siege truly related from our shutting up even to the day of our deliverance. Copy.


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Sieges of Brampton and Hopton castles/An account of the siege of Hopton Castle by Captain Priamus Davies

[1644, February.] — We were informed that Hopton Castle within two miles of us was designed for a garrison of the enemy, and immediately one hundred men to be put into it, which was of so great concernment to us that by the advice of all our commanders ''nem. con.'' we should attempt the taking of it, which was done with a party of about twenty men, without the loss of a man. The manner observable. In the beginning of the night our men came to the gate, one knocked, a soldier within demanded who was there? one of ours replied 'here is one, what do not you know me'? 'who, John Lane' quoth he? 'yes, the very same'; whereupon he immediately opened the gate, and our men

possessed themselves of the castle. Here Captain Samuel Moore commanded in chief, with about thirty men, having authority from Mr. Wallop of Hampshire, the true owner thereof, to keep it for King and Parliament, the castle being before given to Sir Vincent Corbet for the disservice done to the Commonwealth. Captain Moore presently fortified and victualled it, but in a short time received a summons to deliver it, which he refused; whereup[on] a party of horse and foot of Prince Rupert's army under the command of Sir Michael Woodhouse sat down before it, made several storms against it, but were beaten off with great loss, considering the small number of the besieged. At last two great guns were sent against it, which played with great fury but still resistance was made. Several proposals offered, but all refused by the besieged. Sir Michael Woodhouse being enraged, vowed their ruin; as [          ]

Major of the Prince's foot assured me. Our men did daily execution on the enemy, that themselves confessed, there were above two hundred slain, and many wounded. The enemy possessed themselves of a brick building very near the castle, from whence they mined in a secret vault under the castle. Our men perceiving this, desired a parley, and Captain Moore had permit to go and return safely; made his demands, that his men should have quarter for their lives, which was refused; but Sir Michael Woodhouse required that they should unblock their gate and lay their arms on a heap and turn out and submit to mercy. This message Captain Moore delivered to his men, who were contented to submit to mercy and give it under their hands that they would so submit. They unblocked their port, put their arms on a heap and came out expecting mercy.

Command was given that they should be bound two and three, then they were stripped naked as ever they were born, it being about the beginning of March very cold and many of them sore wounded in defending their own works, there they remained about an hour until the word was given that they should be left to the mercy of the common soldiers, who presently fell upon them, wounding them grievously, and drove them into a cellar unfinished, wherein was stinking water, the house being on fire over them, when they were every man of them presently massacred; amongst whom Major Phillips, a young gentleman of sweet and comely person and admirable parts, suffered. This inhuman and barbarous act, wherein the laws of God, of man, of nature, of nations and of arms are violated, cries to the great Justice of heaven to revenge; and we hope that the justice of England will in due time require an account of it.


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126 CHAPTER XVI.

THEIR IGNORANCE OF INTOXICATING FLUIDS. OF A SWEET BEVERAGE WHICH THEY MANUFACTURE FROM taarp. Taarp AND HOW PROCURED. OF THEIR SONGS AND CORROBERIES.

Unlike most savage races these aborigines do not compound intoxicating drinks of any kind wherewith to muddle their unsophisticated brains or to induce false spirits; they, however, make a sweet and luscious beverage by mixing taarp with water, and this taarp is so highly esteemed by them they will go almost any distance, and put up with endless privations to procure it.

As an instance of the extreme fondness evinced by the aborigines for this sweet, we may say that even those employed on stations who can command abundance of sugar, will throw up their various occupations upon the least hint being promulgated that taarp has made its appearance, and walk themselves off with their belonings [sic] to the taarp grounds. Nothing in the shape of a bribe will tempt them to forego a chance of obtaining taarp, and no


text: The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina/Chapter 14


text: Index:Letter from Anne Warren Weston to Caroline Weston; Monday, August 7, 1837.djvu


text: The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina/Chapter 15