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6 of which produced that indescribably painful feeling which, we fear, many of our readers who have heard the sound in a sick chamber can easily recall. A large tester-bed stood opposite to this table, and the looking-glass partially reflected curtains of a faded stripe, and ever and anon, (as the position of the sufferer followed the restless emotion of a disordered mimd) glimpses of the face of one on whom Death was rapidly hastening. Beside this bed now stood Dummie, a small, thin man, dressed in a tattered plush jerkin, from which the rain-drops slowly dripped, and with a thin, yellow, cunning physiognomy, grotesquely hideous in feature but not positively villainous in expression. On the other side of the bed stood a little boy of about three years old, dressed as if belonging to the better classes, although the garb was somewhat tattered and discoloured. The poor child trembled violently, and evidently looked with a feeling of relief on the entrance of Dummie. And now there slowly, and with many a pthisicalphthisical [sic] sigh, heaved towards the foot of the bed the heavy frame of the woman who had accosted Dummie below, and had followed him,

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Rh haud passibus œquis, to the room of the sufferer; she stood with a bottle of medicine in her hand, shaking its contents up and down, and with a kindly yet timid compassion spread over a countenance crimsoned with habitual libations. This made the scene; save that on a chair by the bedside lay a profusion of long glossy golden ringlets, which had been cut from the head of the sufferer when the fever had begun to mount upwards; but which, with a jealousy that portrayed the darling littleness of a vain heart, she had seized and insisted on retaining near her; and save that, by the fire, perfectly inattentive to the event about to take place within the chamber, and to which we of the biped race attach so awful an importance, lay a large grey cat curled in a ball, and dozing with half-shut eyes, and ears that now and then denoted by a gentle inflection, the jar of a louder or nearer sound than usual upon her lethargic senses. The dying woman did not at first attend to the entrance either of Dummie or the female at the foot of the bed; but she turned herself round towards the child, and grasping his arm fiercely, she drew him towards her, and gazed

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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8 on his terrified features with a look in which exhaustion and an exceeding wanness of complexion were even horribly contrasted by the glare and energy of delirium.

"If you are like him," she muttered, "I will strangle you,—I will!—ay—tremble! you ought to tremble, when your mother touches you, or when he is mentioned. You have his eyes,—you have! Out with them, out!—the Devil sits laughing in them! Oh! you weep, do you, little one! Well now, be still, my love,—be hushed! I would not harm thee! harm—O God, he is my child after all!"—and at these words she clasped the boy passionately to her breast, and burst into tears!

"Coom now, coom!" said Dummie soothingly. "Take the stuff, Judith, and then ve'll talk hover the hurchin!"

The mother relaxed her grasp of the boy, and turning towards the speaker, gazed at him for some moments with a bewildered stare: at length she appeared slowly to remember him, and said, as she raised herself on one hand, and pointed the other towards him with an inquiring gesture—

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Rh "Thou hast brought the book?"

Dummie answered by lifting up the book he had brought from the honest butcher's.

"Clear the room, then!" said the sufferer, with that air of mock command so common to the insane. "We would be alone!"

Dummie winked at the good woman at the foot of the bed; and she (though generally no easy person to order or to persuade) left, without reluctance, the sick chamber.

"If she be a-going to pray!" murmured our landlady, (for that office did the good matron hold,) "I may indeed as well take myself off, for it's not werry comfortable like, to those who be old, to hear all that-'ere!"

With this pious reflection, the hostess of the "Mug," so was the hostelry called, heavily descended the creaking stairs.

"Now, man!" said the sufferer sternly,—"swear that you will never reveal,—swear, I say! and by the great God, whose angels are about this night, if ever you break the oath, I will come back and haunt you to your dying day!"

Dummie's face grew pale, for he was

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 10 affected by the vehemence and the language of the dying woman, and he answered as he kissed the pretended Bible,—that he swore to keep the secret, as much as he knew of it, which, she must be sensible, he said, was very little. As he spoke, the wind swept with a loud and sudden gust down the chimney, and shook the roof above them so violently as to loosen many of the crumbling tiles, which fell one after the other, with a crashing noise, on the pavement below. Dummie started in affright; and perhaps his conscience smote him for the trick he had played with regard to the false Bible. But the woman, whose excited and unstrung nerves led her astray from one subject to another with preternatural celerity, said with an hysterical laugh, "See, Dummie, they come in state for me,—give me the cap—yonder! and bring the looking-glass!"

Dummie obeyed, and the woman, as she in a low tone uttered something about the unbecoming colour of the ribbons, adjusted the cap on her head; and then saying in a regretful and petulant voice, "Why should they have cut off my hair?—such a disfigurement!" bade Dummie

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Rh desire Mrs. Margery once more to ascend to her.

Left alone with her child, the face of the wretched mother softened as she regarded him, and all the levities and all the vehemences,—if we may use the word,—which, in the turbulent commotion of her delirium, had been stirred upward to the surface of her mind, gradually now sunk, as death increased upon her,—and a mother's anxiety rose to the natural level from which it had been disturbed and abased. She took the child to her bosom, and clasping him in her arms, which grew weaker with every instant, she soothed him with the sort of chant which nurses sing over their untoward infants; but the voice was cracked and hollow, and as she felt it was so, the mother's eyes filled with tears.—Mrs. Margery now re-entered; and, turning towards the hostess with an impressive calmness of manner which astonished and awed the person she addressed, the dying woman pointed to the child, and said—

"You have been kind to me, very kind, and may God bless you for it! I have found that those whom the world calls the worst, are often

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 the most human. But I am not going to thank you as I ought to do, but to ask of you a last and exceeding favour. Protect my child till he grows up,—you have often said you loved him,—you are childless yourself,—and a morsel of bread and a shelter for the night which is all I ask of you to give him, will not impoverish more legitimate claimants!"

Poor Mrs. Margery fairly sobbing, vowed she would be a mother to the child, and that she would endeavour to rear him honestly, though a public house was not, she confessed, the best place for good examples!

"Take him!" cried the mother hoarsely, as her voice, failing her strength, rattled indistinctly, and almost died within her. "Take him,—rear him as you will, as you can!—any example, any roof better than—" Here the words were inaudible.—"And oh! may it be a curse, and a! Give me the medicine, I am dying."

The hostess, alarmed, hastened to comply, but before she returned to the bedside the sufferer was insensible,—nor did she again recover speech

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Rh or motion. A low and rare moan only testified continued life, and within two hours that ceased, and the spirit was gone. At that time our good hostess was herself beyond the things of this outer world, having supported her spirits during the vigils of the night with so many little liquid excitations, that they finally ended in that torpor which generally succeeds excitement. Taking, perhaps, advantage of the opportunity the insensibility of the hostess afforded him, Dummie, by the expiring ray of the candle that burnt in the death chamber, hastily opened a huge box (which was generally concealed under the bed, and contained the wardrobe of the deceased,) and turned with irreverent hand over the linens and the silks, until quite at the bottom of the trunk he discovered some packets of letters;—these he seized, and buried in the conveniences of his dress; he then rising and replacing the box, cast a longing eye towards the watch on the toilet-table, which was of gold; but he withdrew his gaze, and with a long, querulous sigh, observed to himself, "The old blone kens o' that, od rat her! but,

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14, I'll take this; who knows but it may be of sarvice—tannies to-day may be smash to-morrow !" and he laid his coarse hand on the golden and silky tresses we have described,—"'Tis a rum business, and puzzles I; but mum's the word, for my own little colquarren. "

With this brief soliloquy, Dummie descended the stairs, and let himself out of the house.

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text: Paul Clifford

title: Paul Clifford


text: Paul Clifford/Dedicatory Epistle

title: Paul Clifford/Dedicatory Epistle


text: Paul Clifford/Volume 1/Chapter 1

title: Paul Clifford/Volume 1/Chapter 1


text:
Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1977

An Act to promote the reform of the statute law by the repeal, in accordance with recommendations of the Law Commission and the Scottish Law Commission, of certain enactments which (except in so far as their effect is preserved) are no longer of practical utility; and to facilitate the citation of statutes. [16th June 1977]

BE IT ENACTED by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:-

Repeals and associated amendments.

1.-(1) The enactments mentioned in Schedule 1 to this Act are hereby repealed to the extent specified in the third column of that Schedule.

(2) The enactments mentioned in Schedule 2 to this Act are, in consequence of certain of the repeals made by this Act, hereby amended as provided by that Schedule.

Saving as to evidence of marriage.

2. The repeal by this Act of the enactments specified in Part XII of Schedule 1 to this Act does not affect the admissibility of any register of marriage, or copy, as evidence of marriage.

Citation of Acts.

3. The Acts mentioned in Schedule 3 to this Act (none of which has hitherto had a short title) may be cited by the short titles respectively assigned to those Acts in the third column of that Schedule.

Extent.

4.-(1) This Act extends to Northern Ireland.

(2) As respects the repeal of the Chinese Passengers Act 1855 (Part XV of Schedule 1 to this Act), this Act extends to Hong Kong.

(3) Her Majesty may by Order in Council provide that the repeal by this Act of any enactment specified in the Order shall on a date so specified extend to any of the Channel Islands or the Isle of Man; and (so far as material in consequence of any repeal extended by the Order to the Isle of Man) an Order under this subsection may provide that the amendment made by this Act to the Army Reserve Act 1962 shall extend to the Isle of Man.

Short title.

5. This Act may be cited as the Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1977.

SCHEDULE 2

AMENDMENTS

Reserve and Auxilliary Forces (Protection of Civil Interests) Act 1951

In section 64(1) of the Reserve and Auxilliary Forces (Protection of Civil Interests) Act 1951, in the definition of "short period of training", for "paragraph 7 thereof" substitute "paragraph 7 of the First Schedule to this Act".

City of London (Guild Churches) Act 1952

In proviso (c) to section 12(8) of the City of London (Guild Churches) Act 1952, for the words "any emoluments paid to him pursuant to section 12 of the Welsh Cathedrals Act 1843" substitute "the annuity, now charged on certain property of the University of Wales, paid to him".

Highways Act 1959

In the Highways Act 1959 -
 * (a) in section 222(9), for the words "any such right", in the second place where they occur, substitute "any right pursuant to the said subsection (3) (whether by the owners of a bridge or by a highway authority)"; and
 * (b) in section 223(1), for the words "nor shall anything in the said Part III" substitute "nothing in Part III of the First Schedule to that Act shall".

Army Reserve Act 1962

In section 4 of the Army Reserve Act 1962 -
 * (a) in subsection (2), after "1955, shall" insert "subject to subsection (2A) below" and omit the words from "but, in the case of" onwards;
 * (b) after subsection (2) insert:-
 * "(2A) In the case of a person who does not for the time being hold a commission-
 * (a) the provisions of the Army Act 1955 applied by subsection (2) above shall not include section 13, 15, 17 or 18(2), or the proviso to section 3(3); and
 * (b) section 9(1) of that Act (circumstances in which discharge or transfer to reserve is to be postponed) shall have effect, as so applied, with the omission of the words 'or he is serving outside the United kingdom'.".

Criminal Justice (Scotland) Act 1963

In section 26(2) of the Criminal Justice (Scotland) Act 1963, for "that Schedule" substitute "Schedule 3 to this Act".

SCHEDULE 3

SHORT TITLES

title: Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1977


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v. 17- 15. A white, black-eared [horse] does not make a show (mahīy), harnessed to his [chariot-] pole, in whose etc. etc.

16. Not in his field [is] a lotus-pond, the bulb (? bísa) of the bulb-bearing lotus is not produced (jan), in whose etc. etc.

17. Not for him do they who attend to (upa-ās) her milking milk out the spotted [cow], in whose etc. etc.

18. Not his [is] a beautiful milch-cow, [his] draft-ox endures not the pole, where a Brahman stays a night miserably (pāpáyā) without a wife (-jāni).

1. Her the gods did not give thee for thee to eat, O lord of men (nṛpáti); do not thou, O noble, desire to devour (ghas) the cow of the Brahman, that is not to be eaten.

2. A noble hated of the dice, evil, self-ruined (-párājita)—he may eat the cow of the Brahman: "let me live today, not tomorrow."

3. Like an ill-poisonous adder enveloped with [cow-] hide, this cow of the Brahman, O noble, is harsh, not to be eaten.

4. Verily it conducts away his authority, smites his splendor; like fire taken hold of it burns up all; he who thinks the Brahman to be food, he drinks of Timātan poison.

Or 'she' (the cow), or 'he' (the Brahman), instead of 'it,' in a, b. Ppp. reads in b ālabdhaḥ pṛtannota rāṣṭaṁ, and has a wholly different second half-verse, nearly agreeing with our 13 c, d: yo brāhmaṇaṁ devabandhuṁ hinasti tasya pitṝṇām apy etu

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251 lokam. The Anukr. reckons the verse unnecessarily as bhurij, since iva in b is to be shortened to ’va.

5. Whatever insulter of the gods, desirous of riches, not from knowledge, slays him, thinking him gentle, in his heart Indra kindles a fire; both the firmaments (nábhas) hate him as he goes about.

6. The Brahman is not to be injured, like fire, by one who holds himself dear; for Soma is his heir, Indra his protector against imprecation.

7. He swallows down what (f.) has a hundred barbs; he is not able to tear it out—the fool who thinks of the food of Brahmans "I am eating what is sweet."

8. His tongue becomes a bow-string, his voice an [arrow-] neck, his teeth [become] shafts (nāḍīkā́) smeared with penance; with these the Brahman (brahmán) pierces the insulters of the gods, with bows having force from the heart [and] speeded by the gods.

9. The Brahmans have sharp arrows, have missiles; what volley (çaravyā̀) they hurl, it is not in vain; pursuing (anu-hā) with fervor and with fury, they split him down even from afar.

10. They that ruled, a thousand, and were ten hundreds, those Vāitahavyas, having devoured the cow of the Brahman, perished (parā-bhū).

11. The cow herself, being slain, pulled down those Vāitahavyas, who cooked the last she-goat of Kesaraprābandhā (?).

The second half-verse is totally defaced in Ppp. The pada-text reads in d carama॰ájām; the accent is anomalous, and the sense unacceptable; Ludwig's translation,

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text: Atharva-Veda Samhita/Book V/Hymn 17

title: Atharva-Veda Samhita/Book V/Hymn 17


text:
Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1978

An Act to promote the reform of the statute law by the repeal, in accordance with recommendations of the Law Commission and the Scottish Law Commission, of certain enactments which (except in so far as their effect is preserved) are no longer of practical utility; and to facilitate the citation of statutes. [31st July 1978]

BE IT ENACTED by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:-

Repeals and associated amendments.

1.-(1) The enactments mentioned in Schedule 1 to this Act are hereby repealed to the extent specified in column 3 of that Schedule.

(2) The enactments mentioned in Schedule 2 to this Act are, in consequence of certain of the repeals made by this Act, hereby amended as provided by that Schedule.

Citation of Acts.

2. Schedule 3 to this Act shall have effect to facilitate the citation of the Acts of Parliament mentioned in it.

Extent.

3.-(1) This Act extends to Northern Ireland.

(2) Her Majesty may by Order in Council provide that the repeal by this Act of any enactment specified in the Order shall on a date so specified extend to any of the Channel Islands or the Isle of Man.

Short title.

4. This Act may be cited as the Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1978.

SCHEDULE 2

AMENDMENTS

School Sites Act 1841

1. In the proviso to section 14 of the School Sites Act 1841 for the words from "without" to the end substitute "unless the Secretary of State consents".

School Grants Act 1855

2. In section 1 of the School Grants Act 1855 for the words from "the consent" to "writing" substitute "the Secretary of State gives his written consent".

Public Records Act (Northern Ireland) 1923

3.-(1) Section 12 of the Public Records Act (Northern Ireland) 1923 shall be renumbered so as to become section 12(1) of that Act.

(2) The following subsection shall be added at the end of the resulting subsection, and shall accordingly be section 12(2) of the said Act of 1923:-
 * "(2) Without prejudice to the foregoing provisions of this section, the provisions of this Act shall have effect in relation to copies of calendars prepared as mentioned in section 27(5) of the Administration of Justice Act 1969 which have been removed to the Public Record office in Northern Ireland, either before the commencement of that Act or in pursuance of a direction given under section 27 of that Act, as they have effect in relation to Northern Ireland records.".

SCHEDULE 3

CITATION OF ACTS

1. The Acts specified below (none of which has hitherto had a short title) may respectively be cited by the short titles assigned to them in column 3.

2.-(1) In the Short Titles Act 1896, in Schedule 1 in column against the Act 5 Geo. 4. c. 82, for the words "The Clerk of Parliaments Act 1824" substitute the words "The Clerk of the Parliaments Act 1824".

(2) A corresponding change shall be made in any existing citation of that Act, but without prejudice to the validity of any citation not so amended.

title: Statute Law (Repeals) Act 1978


text:
Talk:Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Vol 35 MacCarwell - Maltby

Non-ASCII ordering
NB that the Dictionary uses an ordering of names with prefix Mac, Mc, M' and so on that is very far from ASCII ordering. Therefore what I have just pasted in from the "Messy lists" is less helpful than usual. Charles Matthews (talk) 11:16, 18 June 2012 (UTC)


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 , Cornwall, M.P. for St. Ives in 1708, took the additional name of Praed, and was an ancestor of the poet. Mackworth's political and financial publications comprised: 1. 'England's Glory, or the Great Improvement of Trade by a Royal Bank or Office of Credit to be erected in London,' 1694. 2. 'A Vindication of the Rights of the Commons of England,' 1701. This tract was included in the editions of 'Somers Tracts,' 1751 and 1809. 3. 'Peace at Home, or a Vindication of the Proceedings of the House of Commons on the Bill for Preventing Danger from Occasional Conformity,' 1704, which provoked many replies, including one from Defoe, entitled 'Peace without Union.' 4. 'A Letter from a member of Parliament to his Friend in the Country, giving a Short Account of the Proceedings of the Tackers' [anon.], 1704. 5. 'A Bill for the better Relief, Employment, and Settlement of the Poor,' 1704. 6. 'Free Parliaments, or a Vindication of the Fundamental Right of the Commons of England to be sole Judges of the Privileges of the Electors and of the Elected; being a Vindication of the Proceedings in the Case of Ashby against White,' 1704. An abstract of this work appeared in 1705; it was reproduced as an appendix to 'The State of the Case between Ashby and White,' 1705, and it was included in the editions of 'Somers Tracts,' 1751 and 1909. 7. 'A Brief Account of the Tack, in a Letter to a Friend' [anon.], 1705. 8. 'Down with the Mug, or Reasons for Supressing the Mug Houses' [anon.], 1717. 9. 'A Proposal for Paying of the Public Debts by the appropriated Funds, without raising Taxes upon Land, Malt, or other things for that purpose' [anon,], 1720. 10. 'Sir Humphry Mackworth's Proposal, being a new Scheme offer'd for the Payment of the Public Debts,' 1720. This scheme, which passed through five editions in 1720, was of the same kind as that suggested by John Law in France, and involved the creation of 'a new species of money.'

Mackworth was also the author of a 'Treatise concerning the Divine Authority of the Scriptures, the Divinity of our Blessed Saviour,' &c., 2nd edit. 1704, which was suplemented by 'A Discourse by way of Dialogue concerning (1) Providence, (2) the Happiness of a Religious Life,' &c., 1705.

 MACKY, JOHN (d. 1726), government agent or spy, author of ‘Memoirs of Secret Services,’ was a Scotsman of good education, but of his parentage or birth nothing is known. According to his own account he ‘came early into the measures of the revolution,’ and being, on the return of King James from Ireland to France, sent to Paris to find out the further purposes of the Jacobites, he discovered that the French government intended to send an expedition against England in 1692. He arrived in London with the information before James reached his army encamped at La Hogue, and thus gave the government ample time for preparations against it. On the return of King William to England in October 1693, he was appointed inspector of the coast from Harwich to Dover in order to prevent treasonable correspondence between the two countries by passengers or letters. He discovered the proposed descent on England in 1696 in connection with the assassination plot of Sir George Barclay [q. v.]; and after its disclosure published ‘A View of the Court of St. Germains from the year 1690 to 1695, with an Account of the Entertainment Protestants meet with there, directed to the malcontent Protestants of England,’ 1696. Of this pamphlet he states that no fewer than thirty thousand copies were sold. After the peace of Ryswick, 20 Sept. 1697, he had the direction of the packet-boats from Dover to France and Flanders, and he states that during the negotiations connected with the Partition treaty in 1698 he had the charge of transmitting all the private expresses that passed between King William and Lord Portland.

The packet-boat service was discontinued after the death of King William in 1702, and Macky went to look after an estate possessed by him and others in the island of Zante, in the dominion of Venice. After the battle of Ramillies in May 1706 he had the direction of the packet-boats to Ostend, with instructions to watch narrowly all naval preparations at Ostend and other sea-coast towns; and in 1708 he discovered the preparations for an armament at Dunkirk. Subsequently he came under the suspicion of the government and was thrown into prison, where he remained till the accession of George I. On


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 {| align=center TO THE SUBLIME PORTE IN 1914|| ||M. TOCHEFF, BULGARIAN MINISTER AT CONSTANTINOPLE IN 1914
 * Ambassador Morgenthau's Story p147a.jpg||||Ambassador Morgenthau's Story p147b.jpg
 * THE MARQUIS GARRONI, ITALIAN AMBASSADOR
 * THE MARQUIS GARRONI, ITALIAN AMBASSADOR
 * }


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 {| align=center CONSTANTINOPLE|| ||DJAVID BEY, MINISTER OF FINANCE IN TURKISH CABINET of Talaat. Mr. Morgenthau's attempts to protect the English and French became a contest between Bedri and himself, who accepted the German view that foreigners should not be treated with "too great leniency"|| ||A Jew by race but a Mohammedan by religion; an influential member of the Young Turk party. He was Pro-Ally in his sympathies, and resigned when Turkey entered the war on Germany's side, though afterward he resumed office.
 * Ambassador Morgenthau's Story p186a.jpg||||Ambassador Morgenthau's Story p186b.jpg
 * BEDRI BEY, PREFECT OF POLICE AT
 * BEDRI BEY, PREFECT OF POLICE AT
 * A leader of the Young Turks, and an intimate friend
 * A leader of the Young Turks, and an intimate friend
 * }


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Rh dances the following couplet, sung by the old men, is quoted —

Lay subjoins —

He thus notices the corruption of Sparta in the reign of King Agis —

On the conduct of Numa Pompilius, when he refused the kingdom, Lay notes —

Of the measures adopted by Lycurgus for preventing the introduction of foreign wares

title: Page:Memoirs of the Lives.djvu/57


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, William (1540?-1604)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, William (1623-1689)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, William (1750-1833)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgan, William (1829-1883)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morgann, Maurice


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Page:EB1911 - Volume 01.djvu/1026

 letter for Louis IX., the latter a fine specimen of Mongol insolence. But it is certain that before the friar had quitted “Tartary,” Mangu Khan, Kuyuk’s successor, had been elected. Andrew’s report to his sovereign, whom he rejoined in 1251 at Caesarea in Palestine, appears to have been a mixture of history and fable; the latter affects his narrative of the Mongols’ rise to greatness, and the struggles of their leader, evidently Jenghiz Khan, with Prester John; it is still more evident in the position assigned to the Tatar homeland, close to the prison of Gog and Magog. On the other hand, the envoy’s account of Tatar manners is fairly accurate, and his statements about Mongol Christianity and its prosperity, though perhaps exaggerated (e.g. as to the 800 chapels on wheels in the nomadic host), are based on fact. Mounds of bones marked his road, witnesses of devastations which other historians record in detail; Christian prisoners, from Germany, he found in the heart of “Tartary” (at Talas); the ceremony of passing between two fires he was compelled to observe, as a bringer of gifts to a dead khan, gifts which were of course treated by the Mongols as evidence of submission. This insulting behaviour, and the language of the letter with which Andrew reappeared, marked the mission a failure: King Louis, says Joinville, “se repenti fort.”

ANDREW, JOHN ALBION (1818–1867), American political leader, “war governor” of Massachusetts, was born at Windham, Maine, on the 31st of May 1818. He graduated at Bowdoin College in 1837, studied law in Boston, was admitted to the Suffolk bar in 1840, and practised his profession in Boston. He also took a deep interest in religious matters, was a prominent member of the Church of the Disciples (Unitarian; founded in Boston by the Rev. James Freeman Clarke), and was assistant editor for some time of The Christian World, a weekly religious paper. With ardent anti-slavery principles, he entered political life as a “Young Whig” opposed to the Mexican War; he became an active Free-Soiler in 1848, and in 1854 took part in the organization in Massachusetts of the new Republican party. He served one term, in 1858, in the state House of Representatives, and in 1859 declined an appointment to a seat on the bench of the state supreme court. In this year he took such an active part in raising funds to defend John Brown, then on trial in Virginia, that he aroused the suspicions of a senatorial committee investigating Brown’s raid, and was summoned to Washington to tell what he knew of the affair. In 1860 he was chairman of the Massachusetts delegation to the Republican national convention at Chicago, which nominated Lincoln for the presidency; and from 1861 to January 1866, throughout the trying period of the Civil War, he was governor of Massachusetts, becoming known as one of the ablest, most patriotic and most energetic of the remarkable group of “war governors” in the North. Immediately after his inauguration he began filling the militia regiments with young men ready for active service, saw that they were well drilled and supplied them with good modern rifles. As a result, Massachusetts was the only northern state in any way prepared for war when the Confederates fired on Fort Sumter; and her troops began to muster in Boston on the 16th of April, the very day after President Lincoln’s call for volunteers. On the next day the Sixth Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry started south for the defence of Washington, and was the first fully armed and equipped volunteer regiment to reach the capital. Within six days after the call, nearly four thousand Massachusetts volunteers had departed for Washington. In 1863, at Governor Andrew’s own request, the secretary of war authorized him to raise several regiments of negro troops, with white commissioned officers, and the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Infantry was the first regiment of free negroes raised in the North. Governor Andrew’s example was quickly followed in other states, and before the end of the year 36,000 negroes had been enrolled in the Union armies. When the war department ruled that the negro troops were entitled to pay only as “labourers” and not as soldiers, Governor Andrew used all his influence with the president and the secretary of war to secure for them the same pay as white troops, and was finally successful. Notwithstanding his loyal support of the administration during the struggle, he did not fully approve of its conduct of the war, which he deemed shifting and timid; and it was with great reluctance that he supported Lincoln in 1864 for a second term. In 1865 he rejected the more radical views of his party as to the treatment to be accorded to the late Confederate states, opposed the immediate and unconditional enfranchisement of freedmen, and, though not accepting President Johnson’s views in their entirety, he urged the people of Massachusetts to give the new president their support. On retiring from the governor’s office he declined the presidency of Antioch College, at Yellow Springs, Ohio, and various positions in the service of the Federal government, and resumed the practice of law, at once achieving great success. In 1865 he presided at the first national convention of the Unitarian Church. He died suddenly of apoplexy, at Boston, on the 30th of October 1867.

ANDREWES, LANCELOT (1555–1626), English divine, was born in 1555 in London. His family was an ancient Suffolk one; his father, Thomas, became master of Trinity House. Lancelot was sent to the Cooper’s free school, Ratcliff, in the parish of Stepney, and then to the Merchant Taylors’ school under Richard Mulcaster. In 1571 he was entered as a Watts scholar at Pembroke Hall, Cambridge, where in 1574–1575 he graduated B.A., proceeding M.A. in 1578. In 1576 he had been elected fellow of Pembroke. In 1580 he took orders; in 1581 he was incorporated M.A. at Oxford. As catechist at his college he read lectures on the Decalogue, which, both on their delivery and on their publication (in 1630), created much interest. He also gained much reputation as a casuist. After a residence in the north as chaplain to Henry Hastings, earl of Huntingdon, President of the North, he was made vicar of St Giles’s, Cripplegate, in 1588, and there delivered his striking sermons on the temptation in the wilderness and the Lord’s prayer. In a great sermon on the 10th of April (Easter week) 1588, he stoutly vindicated the Protestantism of the Church of England against the Romanists, and, oddly enough, adduced “Mr Calvin” as a new writer, with lavish praise and affection. Andrewes was preferred to the prebendal stall of St Pancras in St Paul’s, London, in 1589, and on the 6th of September of the same year became master of his own college of Pembroke, being at the time one of the chaplains of Archbishop Whitgift. From 1589 to 1609 he was also prebendary of Southwell. On the 4th of March 1590, as one of the chaplains of Queen Elizabeth, he preached before her a singularly outspoken sermon, and in October gave his introductory lecture at St Paul’s, undertaking to comment on the first four chapters of Genesis. These seem to have been worked up later into a compilation called The Orphan Lectures (1657). Andrewes was an incessant worker as well as preacher, and often laboured beyond his strength. He delighted to move among the people, and yet found time to meet with a society of antiquaries, of which Raleigh, Sidney, Burleigh, Arundel, the Herberts, Saville, Stow and Camden were members. In 1598 he declined the two bishoprics of Ely and Salisbury, as the offers were coupled with a proposal to alienate part of the revenues of those sees. On the 23rd of November 1600 he preached at Whitehall a remarkable sermon on justification, which gave rise to a memorable controversy. On the 4th of July 1601 he was appointed dean of Westminster and gave much attention to the school there. He assisted at the coronation of James I. and in 1604 took part in the Hampton Court conference. His name is the first on the list of divines appointed to make the authorized version of the Bible. In 1605 he was consecrated bishop of Chichester and made lord almoner. In 1609 he published Tortura Torti, a learned work which grew out of the Gunpowder

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Mori, Nicolas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Moriarty, David


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morice, Humphry


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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morice, Ralph


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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morice, William


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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morier, David (1705?-1770)


title: User:Chris55/Sandbox2


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Page:Lindigo.djvu/123

Rh scene at Mr. Stuart's death bed, and his Lordship's undoubted complicity with the assassin Melrose, all came to his mind, and increased his agony.

Bella now endeavoured to soothe her father's despairing and self-accusing mind, in being an unfortunate dupe and passive instrument in his Lordship's hands, by which an old and estimable neighbour came to an untimely grave, and a noble and honourable young man had become deprived of his home and bride. She impressed upon him the necessity of never mentioning it to George, lest it might cause a meeting between him and Lord Lundy, which might terminate fatally; and further, never to let Lord Lundy know that his villanyvillainy [sic] was discovered. These propositions were approved of by Mr. McKay, and he resolved not to act for, or receive any favors from Lord Lundy for the future. He accordingly wrote to his Lordship, resigning the factorship on the ground of ill health, and recommended his son as his successor, as he wished him to leave the army, that he might be near him in case of his death. He also wrote to George on the same subject, pleading indisposition and unwillingness to attend any longer to business, as an illness had set in which soon reduced his strong, robust form.

This change was more apparent after receiving the following sad intelligence from London:—"You will, I am sure, be sorry to hear, that the vessel in which your young neighbour Mr. Charles Stuart embarked, never reached her destination, and that her total loss, with all on board, is beyond a doubt. A coasting vessel picked up a boat's stern with the name of the vessel upon it."

This calamity weighed so heavily on Bella's mind that she shunned all company, and refused all consolation, passing her spare time in solitary rambles among haunts which reminded her of happier days. But the greater portion of her time was occupied in visiting the poor, and attending to her invalid father, who, on seeing the great change in his usually lively daughter whose misfortunes preyed so much on his mind, that he soon succumbed under his afflictions, and was laid in Killinn, by the side of his neighbour Mr. Stuart.

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124 Soon after this George and Bella received an invitation from their uncle in London to visit him, as he intended to sail for Australia, with the idea of establishing a branch house of business there, where he intended to remain.

Thinking this might revive his sister's spirits, George accepted the invitation, and both set out on their journey.

On their arrival, an occurrence took place which promised future happiness to Mary Grant, and which gave great satisfaction to others. This was that the housemaid, whom Brown had sent out of the way at the time of Donald's trial, was now in the service of Mr. McKay. On her and Mary becoming acquainted, the latter, among the confidential gossip, related her misfortune in losing her lover through the villanyvillainy [sic] of Brown and his accomplices, and how the valet persecuted her with his addresses afterwards.

The girl was ignorant of Donald's conviction through the evidence of the pistol, and now understood Brown's motives for getting Donald out of the way, and told Mary the whole truth. Another circumstance which established this statement, as well as Donald's innocence, was the conviction of Williams for highway robbery, and who had confessed his complicity with Brown in giving false evidence against Donald; the reason of Williams's confession being, that he always extorted money from Brown for keeping the secret, but the valet getting tired of these incessant demands upon his purse, had left Williams to his fate, without engaging counsel for him at his trial as he had promised, being glad to get the troublesome highwayman out of the way. He was, however, forced to abscond, on hearing of Williams's confession, in order to evade punishment.

The reader may well imagine Mary Grant's joy on getting possession of Donald's free pardon; and, as she was determined to be the bearer of it, she begged Bella to allow her to embark with Mr. McKay.

Bella, although the bereavement would be great, would not allow herself to stand in the way of her maid's happiness, and immediately gave her consent.

Mr. McKay took his departure, after an affecting

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text:
User:Mariewalton

MARIE WALTON

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title: User:Mariewalton


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morier, David Richard


text:
User:JoannaSerah

A little about me
Just a mountain girl from North Carolina; looking to contribute to all the Wiki success. :)

Very interested in, Henry James, Charles Lamb (Elia), and political history.

Currently working on
More active on the English Wikipedia, but looking forward to contributing here also. Below is what I am working on.

title: User:JoannaSerah


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morier, Isaac


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morier, James Justinian


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morier, John Philip


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morier, Robert Burnett David


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morier, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morins, Richard de


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morison, Alexander


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morison, Douglas


text: User talk:JoannaSerah

title: User talk:JoannaSerah


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morison, James (1708-1786)


text: Index:MALAYSIA BILL RHODESIA AND NYASALAND BILL (2) (Hansard, 11 Juli 1963).djvu


text: Index:MALAYSIA BILL RHODESIA AND NYASALAND BILL (1) (Hansard, 11 Juli 1963).djvu


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morison, James (1762-1809)


text: Index:MALAYSIA BILL ADJOURNMENT (SUMMER) (Hansard, 30 Juli 1963).djvu


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morison, James (1770-1840)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morison, James (1816-1893)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morison, James Augustus Cotter


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Page:MALAYSIA BILL BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE (Hansard, 11 Juli 1963).djvu/1

 BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE

HC Deb 11 July 1963 vol 680 cc1419-26

Mr. H. Wilson May I ask the Leader of the House whether he will state the business of the House for next week?

The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster (Mr. Iain Macleod) Yes, Sir. The business for next week will be as follows:

 * MONDAY, 15TH JULY—Supply [25th Allotted Day]: Committee.

 * Debate on Science.

 * At 9.30 p.m. the Question will be put on the Vote under discussion and on all outstanding Votes, under Standing Order No. 16.

 * Completion of the remaining stages of the Children and Young Persons Bill [Lords].

 * TUESDAY, 16TH JULY—Resumed debate on the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Measure.

 * Remaining stages of the Rhodesia and Nyasaland Bill, and of the Statute Law Revision Bill [Lords], which is a consolidation Measure.

 * Motions on the White Fish and Herring Subsidy Schemes and Order for the United Kingdom.

 * WEDNESDAY, 17TH JULY—Supply [26th Allotted Day]: Report.

 * Debate on Higher Education.

 * At 9.30 p.m. the Question will be put on the Vote under discussion and on all outstanding Votes, under Standing Order No. 16.

 * Consideration of Lords Amendments to the Weights and Measures Bill.

 * THURSDAY, 18TH JULY—Remaining stages of the Water Resources Bill [Lords].

 * FRIDAY, 19TH JULY—Second Reading of the Malaysia Bill, and in view of the urgency for this Bill we shall ask the House to take the Committee and remaining stages.

 * MONDAY, 22ND JULY—The proposed business will be: Second Reading of the Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) Bill.

 * Motions on the Cinematograph Films Regulations, and on the Commonwealth Preference Area (Removal of West Cameroon) Order.

Mr. H. Wilson Will the right hon. Gentleman say, first, when he expects to see the publication of the White Paper on defence departmental reorganisation and what arrangements are being made for a debate on the White Paper? Secondly, in view of the postponement of a debate arranged previously on Northern Ireland, will he say when he expects that to take place?


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Page:MALAYSIA BILL BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE (Hansard, 11 Juli 1963).djvu/2

 Mr. Macleod The Defence White Paper will be available to the House next Tuesday, 16th July, and an opportunity will be given before we rise, after the House has studied it, to debate it. That will probably be in the final week. I am also confident that there will be an opportunity for a further discussion on Northern Ireland, but I cannot give a precise date for it.

Sir G. Nicholson While the Government's action in the arrangements for the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Measure will be welcomed on all sides, it brings into relief the widely felt dissatisfaction with the present method of dealing with Church Assembly Measures. Will my right hon. Friend see that consideration is given to whether somethiing more satisfactory can be arranged and adopted by the House?

Mr. Macleod I do not think that that particularly concerns the business of next week, except, of course, indirectly through this Measure, but I recognise the force of what my hon. Friend said, and if there is any way in which I can help I shall be glad to do so.

Miss Bacon Does the right hon. Gentleman expect to finish on Monday the remaining stages of the Children and Young Persons Bill, of which quite a lot still remains? Is he aware that some of us regard the Bill as of supreme importance, dealing, as it does, with the more unfortunate children of the country? Is 1421 he not aware that to deal with it in bits and pieces like this is not good enough?

Mr. Macleod It is a Bill of great importance, and I am sure that the hon. Lady agrees that that is one reason why it is desirable for the Bill to pass through its remaining stages—I agree after proper examination—as quickly as possible. I have announced the business for Monday as the completion of the remaining stages, but I will very carefully watch the progress of business that night and we will see how we get on.

Sir H. Harrison Has my right hon. Friend's attention been called to the Resolution passed by the House on 29th May calling for a greater control of the import of foodstuffs? If so, will he say when he will introduce the necessary legislation or lay the Orders to bring it about?

Mr. Macleod Certainly not next week.

Mr. Brockway Is it the intention to conclude the Malaysia Bill before the Summit conference of representatives from Malaya, Indonesia and the Philippines to consider the recommendation of their Foreign Ministers that this matter should be referred to U Thant and the United Nations with a view to considering whether the peoples desire Malaysia before it is put into operation?

Mr. Macleod I hope that the House will be ready to agree to the suggestion that I have made that we should take all the stages of the Bill on one day. There are ample precedents for this step. The last time that we took all the stages on one day was with the independence of Sierra Leone, in 1961. If this can be done on Friday, it would be appropriate to set it down for the Royal Assent before we rise for the Summer Recess.

Dame Irene Ward Can my right hon. Friend explain a little more why white fish problems are to be discussed so late on Tuesday? Is he aware that in the Adjournment debate which I had on Monday of this week the Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food said that we should not be debating fish at the usual late hour at night or early hour of the morning? Am I not right in assuming that the Motions on the White Fish and Herring Subsidy Schemes have been put at the bottom of the list of business for Tuesday? If so, how is my right hon. Friend to carry out the undertaking which was given that they would be discussed at a reasonable hour, when everybody's brain was alive and capable of dealing with this very important matter?

Mr. Macleod I hope that Tuesday's business will work out conveniently to meet the very valid point my hon. Friend makes. One of the Bills in advance of this business is a consolidation Measure, and I think that it was the general wish


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 of the House, although it is not Government business, that the continuation and conclusion of the debate on the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Measure should be given priority so that the House could discuss it at a reasonable hour. I believe that we will be able to complete Tuesday's business, even bearing in mind the point my hon. Friend makes.

Mr. Bellenger Now that we are to have the White Paper on Defence next week and as, presumably, the Government are fully cognisant of its contents, can the right hon. Gentleman say whether any major legislation is envisaged as a result of the White Paper and, if so, whether it will be taken early in the new Session?

Mr. Macleod I never forecast legislation precisely in these matters. Any major reorganisation of this size will involve legislation, but I cannot be more precise than that. We must await the debate, which I have undertaken will be before we rise for the Recess.

Sir H. Legge-Bourke On Monday's and Wednesday's business, does my right hon. Friend appreciate that there is a danger of considerable overlapping, especially with regard to technological education coinciding with the debate on science? Would consultation through the usual channels help the House to be able to make the best possible use of Monday's debate on science without it interfering with the debate on higher education on Wednesday?

Mr. Macleod Both these debates are on Votes. I think that I am right in saying that both the debate on science and the debate on higher education can take place on the Vote on the salary of the Minister, which would enable it to range as widely as possible. Beyond that, I cannot narrow the debate for my hon. Friend.

Mr. Lee Can the right hon. Gentleman say when the Minister of Aviation will make his promised statement to the House on the Corbett Report on the financial affairs of B.O.A.C.?

Mr. Macleod I cannot give any date for that. If my memory serves me correctly, I believe that there is a Question down to my right hon. Friend which will come on to the Order Paper in a few days' time on this subject.

Mr. P. Williams Can my right hon. Friend say whether the Government's policies on shipping, and particularly the provision of £30 million of credit facilities, involve legislation and, if so, whether this will be taken at a very early date, as this is obviously an urgent matter?

Mr. Macleod I cannot make a pronouncement on that, beyond the statement that has been made and saying that there is no prospect of legislation this Session.

Mr. Wigg Would the right hon. Gentleman agree that the White Paper to be published next week is a document of very great importance and also one of great complexity? Would he not agree that it is of paramount importance, in the interests of the Armed Forces and of the defence policy of the country as a whole, that the principles of the White Paper—and, indeed, the details—should be fully understood?

If the right hon. Gentleman agrees about that, would he not consider, or ask his right hon. Friend the Minister of Defence to consider, holding a meeting upstairs which hon. Members of all parties could attend so that they could not only understand the basic policy, but would also be able to elucidate the facts so that the debate might be as informed as possible, because the issues transcend all party considerations?

Mr. Macleod I aree about the importance of the White Paper. It would not be right for me to commit my right hon. Friend, but I will convey that suggestion to him.

Mr. W. Yates Has my right hon. Friend noticed the deteriorating situation in South-West Arabia? Has he also noticed that there has been a report by the Daily Telegraph correspondent, Mr. Richard Beeston, of the use of poison gas, which was confirmed by Sir Charles Belgrave? As B.B.C. television, in January, said that explosive cigarettes were being dropped by U.A.R. aircraft, and there is a Motion on the Order Paper, ought not the House to debate this


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 question before we rise for the Recess?

 * [That this House expresses, firstly, its sincere sympathy to the parents and families of those servicemen who lost their lives, secondly, its condemnation of those responsible for authorising and organising a training exercise of service-men and women on the Yemen border, and thirdly, its gratitude to the Government of the United States of America, the United Arab Republic and Dr. Lukman for the help given to secure the release of the servicemen; and considers that Her Majesty's Government should now re-examine the possibility of opening diplomatic relations with the Republican Government of the Yemen who have, in this incident, strictly observed international law by releasing earlier the servicewomen and the sick.]

Mr. Macleod I do not think that it is at all likely that there will be a specific opportunity to debate this matter, but it may well be that opportunities will present themselves to private Members on some of the traditional occasions that may still be left, perhaps on the Consolidated Fund Bill or on Mr. Speaker's selection of Motions for the Summer Adjournment.

Dr. Stross Will the Leader of the House give us some advice on the Performers' Protection Bill [Lords], the Third Reading of which was adjourned on 21st June? As the Bill is a most desirable one, should be enacted as quickly as possible, and is needed and wanted by everybody, will the right hon. Gentleman find time for it or advise us how we can get it through tomorrow on the nod?

Mr. Macleod I am all for getting business through when I can on the nod. Perhaps I may look into this. It is some time since I have studied the progress of the Bill.

Mr. Warbey With regard to the Malaysia Bill, will the right hon. Gentleman confirm that Malaysia is not Sierra Leone, but that a closer parallel would be the Central African Federation? Does he think that it is proper that a great constitutional Measure, affecting the whole of South-East Asia, should be rushed through all its stages on a Friday?

Mr. Macleod There are precedents. Apart from the Sierra Leone one, I am sure that there are others. There is nothing whatever unusual in this. These sort of Bills, as is known—this Bill has now been published—are common form Bills, containing provisions which have appeared over and over again in the last few months. I am convinced that there is no parliamentary difficulty involved in taking it in the way I have suggested.

Mr. Denis Howell The right hon. Gentleman will be aware that the Water Resources Bill, which we are to discuss next Thursday, is an extremely complicated piece of legislation which sets up an entirely new pattern for the whole of the water industry. Is he aware that the Minister in charge of the Bill has given at least twenty assurances to consider important points of policy? In view of that, and of the hope to get the Third Reading on Thursday, will the right hon. Gentleman tell us what the Government's intention is for next Thursday?

Mr. Macleod Our intention and hope is as I have announced. It is true that there are a large number—about 40 or 50—Amendments to the Bill. As the hon. Gentleman has said, a considerable number are to meet undertakings that have been given; and a considerable number beyond that are drafting Amendments. Again, we will see how we get on, but I do not think it unreasonable to expect to obtain all the remaining stages of the Bill on Thursday.

Mr. O'Malley The right hon. Gentleman promised my hon. Friend the Member for Stoke-on-Trent, Central (Dr. Stross) that he would consider the question of the Performers' Protection Bill. When hedoes so, will he take into account the urgency and importance of this country being represented on the inter-governmental committee which is to be set up to implement the international convention which the Bill, if it goes through the House, will bring into effect?


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 what I said to them. I think, first of all—and I do not think that the First Secretary ought to delay too long in saying this, too—that we ought to say to them that there is no chance of their attaining their independence on the basis of their present constitution. In fairness to them this should be said.

They, of course, can say that this is a matter for them to decide, but I believe that they still want to stay inside the Commonwealth. All I would say is that it is unlikely that this Government, and certainly not its successor which will be in office very shortly, would agree to independence on the basis of their present constitution, because it would mean that other countries in the Commonwealth, including countries from Africa, would leave it. When the choice had to be made between South Africa and the rest of the African countries in the Commonwealth, it was the other countries which we chose and not South Africa; and it is the others which we should choose and not Southern Rhodesia.

But they want to stay inside the Commonwealth. I will not throw out suggestions about what the constitution ought to be. I will make only two or three very simple suggestions. First, I should like to see the Europeans in Southern Rhodesia emulate the example of their fellows in East Africa. Who would have thought ten years ago that independence would have come there in the manner in which we have seen it come? I pay my warmest tribute to the 1467 Europeans in Kenya who made it possible. I ask the Europeans in Southern Rhodesia to look at their example.

Secondly, I ask them to get round a table with the leaders of the African parties and not to be put off by the fact that there is trouble about the leadership. Every party has that. If I may say so without offence, hon. Members opposite have their share of this trouble.

Mr. John Hynd (Sheffield, Attercliffe) They have a Broederband as well.

Mr. Griffiths I speak for myself and not from the Opposition Dispatch Box when I suggest that they should make a joint declaration that their intention is to work for full democratic independence within the Commonwealth. I suggest that they should sit down and agree a target date by which that should be achieved, and that in the meantime they should be building towards it. I make that suggestion and I leave it there—with the one further thought that, speaking from the Box, I made a similar suggestion in a debate which we had in the House on Cyprus. I said to the then Colonial Secretary and others,"Why not say to Cyprus that in four years' time you shall have what you want. In the meantime let us get together and work it out". I said that if we could reach agreement on that, the transitional period could be peaceful and to the advantage of all. My suggestion was not considered. Cyprus got what it wanted in less than my five years—but at what a price!

I put it now to our friends in Southern Rhodesia,"Recognise all this. Recognise the inevitable, even if you do not like it. If you want to stay in the Commonwealth, we want you to stay in it, too. But if you want to stay in the Commonwealth you can do so only on terms which the Commonwealth can accept. You know what they are. I hope that you will not wait for the inevitable. I hope that you yourselves will take the initiative now".

 * 5.48 p.m.

Mr. John Farr (Harborough) I should like to take this opportunity of congratulating my right hon. Friend the First Secretary of State on the expert way in which he handled the Central Africa Conference. It was a magnificent display of expertise on his part even to have got the members of the four Governments around the same table in the shadow of Dr. Livingstone's statue at Victoria Falls and to have held peaceful and constructive discussions with them.

Having dutifully tendered my congratulations to my right hon. Friend, I must confess that my congratulations are tempered with a feeling of sorrow that this great experiment in racial partnership, which was launched some ten years ago, a fine imaginative project, is being brought to an end if we give the Bill a Second Reading today. It nearly succeeded in its ten years. Indeed, there was every economic, geographic and natural reason why it should and could succeed, and in my view it failed simply because of man's inability to live at peace with his neighbour if his skin is a


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 different colour from his own.

I was in the Federation in 1953 when it was launched. I was there shortly afterwards when Her Majesty the Queen Mother came to Bulawayo to open the Central African Exhibition, and I remember the dominant theme in this massive exhibiton. It was racial co-operation and racial partnership. In those early days of the Federation, in its boom time, there flourished a society known as the Capricorn Society which had the laudable object of encouraging, not only in the Federation but throughout the whole of Central and Eastern Africa, the theme of equal racial opportunity and racial partnership.

In those days, in 1953, 1954 and 1955, capital flowed into the Federation from all parts of the world. Skyscrapers went up almost overnight. Hotels and new blocks of flats were built rapidly. It was in those early days that the plans were first set afoot to launch the massive Kariba scheme, which is a wonderful example of inter-territorial co-operation, and new factory estates sprang up rapidly on the outskirts of the major cities, largely financed and developed by off-shoots of British manufacturing companies.

I think it is safe to say that in those days the whole world watched this experiment in racial partnership with interest. From over the border in the Union of South Africa as it then was 1469 they watched this experiment with a certain amount of scorn and prejudice. They believed that they had found the right answer. I believe that the Communist world watched this experiment in racial partnership with a certain amount of fear and trepidation in case it should succeed, and throughout the Continent of Africa and most of the rest of the world there was a feeling of interest, careful expectation and careful application to see whether the experiment would achieve fruition.

I think we have to recognise that this experiment in racial partnership in the Central African Federation has failed, but at least Her Majesty's Government tried, and I take this opportunity of paying every credit to the right hon. Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) who, when we was Colonial Secretary in 1950, had the initiative to set up the Officials' Conference to work out a federal blueprint. Furthermore, I congratulate the Government for going ahead in 1953, and trying to make this racial partnership work.

The failure of the efforts of both parties to some extent in respect of the Federation may not be complete. It may be possible that in the months that lie ahead before next December and after my right hon. Friend may be able to salvage from the wreckage of the Federation at any rate some of the advantages which the territories enjoy at the moment through their association.

Through my letterbox today I received a copy of the Malaysia Bill. At a time when so many people throughout the world are laynig stress on the necessity not for independence but for inter-independence; at a time when I receive a Bill which calls for the association of a number of territories in South East Asia into a greater Malaysia Federation; and remembering that over the past months the Government have made the most stringent efforts to become a member of the closely knit European community, it seems a strange anomaly that we should be engaged today in dissolving a Federation of the Central African States.

One might perhaps be forgiven for thinking that there is more natural reason for these three territories in Central Africa, which are all part of the same land mass and geographically ad-join one another being associated than there is for us wanting to go into the Continent of Europe and join the Common Market countries in a close knit association when we have a belt of sea between us. There is no such natural barrier to a close association in the Federation of Central Africa and I urge my right hon. Friend to save what he can from the wreckage.

I welcome the announcement in the White Paper that Her Majesty's Government will assist in the evolvement of effective new forms of collaboration between the territories. The recent conference at Victoria Falls produced some hopeful auguries in this respect. For instance, it agreed that the citizens of the Federation should all continue for the time being to be British subjects. The Northern Rhodesian delegation suggested the continuance on a co-operative


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 basis of Central African Airways. It also suggested that the railway network should continue to be operated on a joint basis, and that the Kariba Dam and the Zambesi project should be operated on a joint basis.

Other spheres in which co-operation might prove fruitful in the days and months that lie ahead are Customs and Excise, and Posts and Telegraphs. Looking ahead, one would think that in this young group of nations a great deal of research both agricultural and industrial will have to be carried out. Because of their uniform climatic and economic conditions, joint industrial and agricultural research projects might well provide opportunities for co-operation.

To my right hon. Friend I repeat my congratulations on the success that he has achieved, although I feel that this success is a hollow victory. The Federation has foundered on the rock of racial mistrust. Perhaps the concept of racial partnership as it was thought of in the old days of 1950 and 1955 was too bold and too premature. I submit that mankind will have to learn the lesson, whether it is in Little Rock, or Wankie, or even in London, that our task in the Federation is to retain what tenuous links we can to keep them together in the hope that these territories will individually learn that each is stronger in association than it is apart.

6.0 p.m.

Mr. Arthur Creech Jones (Wakefield) I wish that the First Secretary had made the latter part of his speech in 1953 and not 1963. It was as true then as it is today. In 1953 it was politically unwise to push on with federation in the adopted form. I have always felt that it was an unrealistic political policy—a political blunder—largely because it ignored all that had gone before. It ignored the views expressed by the Bledisloe Royal Commission, and by almost all the enlightened people who had visited Central Africa and had had consultations with the African groups all over those territories.

In 1949 I had the privilege of touring the territories, meeting groups of Africans and discussing with them the possibilities of federation. They were unanimous in their opposition. They understood the implications of federation. Some of the discussions I had with the Africans were more enlightened and better informed than those I had with some Europeans. Therefore, it could not be pleaded that at that time the Africans did not oppose the idea, or did not understand what was involved in the policy of federation.

I want to explain why I opposed that form of federation. I did not oppose the concept of association; I had been an ardent supporter of the Central Africa Council—a council which was slowly bringing the three territories together, planning common services and securing at least the acquiescence of the Africans in its policy. It was torpedoed by Southern Rhodesia, but I have always felt that for geographical, economic and political reasons there should be some association between the three territories—something to take the place of the Central Africa Council.

I opposed this form of federation because it seemed to me that it was not a coming together of the three territories on an equal basis. Its constitution suggested that the ascendancy of the Europeans would be established. Consequently, there was fear and apprehension among the Africans, since Southern Rhodesia was to be in a stronger position than any other territory, and Southern Rhodesia was practising a policy of segregation and discrimination. The Africans had strong objections to a constitution which entrenched the power of the white minority and made it difficult for that power to be taken from them.

The then current talk among the leaders in Southern Rhodesia was that perhaps in a hundred years' time the Africans might begin to be ready to play a part in the political life of the territory. There was a series of contemptible speeches by Lord Malvern and Sir Roy Welensky which merely inflamed the opposition of the Africans to this proposition. I felt that a constitution which was opposed by the majority of the inhabitants of the country could not be made to work. It was a constitution which was imposed on the territory.

For those reasons I felt that it was unrealistic to go ahead with federation in this way. In 1952 I wrote that this concept


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 ought to be defeated, and that in its place there should be a free coming together of the territories. Indeed I had played some part, with Sir Philip Mitchell, in the creation of the East Africa High Commission. There we had brought the territories together on an equal basis. We had given equality of representation to the various races in East Africa.

It therefore seemed to me a reasonable thing to bring together the three Central African territories on the basis of equality, and to let them shape the kind of services and the ultimate constitution that they themselves would require, with the Africans playing a part. But in this business the Africans were scarcely consulted. Even at some of the conferences called at Victoria Falls the Africans, although the vast majority in the territory, were completely ignored. When the Europeans were reminded of that, they said,"With this federation, in time the Africans will get used to it and accept it." But it was obvious that the opposition among the Africans was strong and deep.

I do not wish to go over the history of the past 10 years, but we are here witnessing once again the triumph of African nationalism, and the defeat of British imperialism. I say,"British imperialism" because in 1953 the concept was to give Southern Rhodesia authority and power to dominate Central Africa—to give her additional population and additional resources, together with an additional area over which to preside. That scheme has been totally defeated, although the majority of the inhabitants had been expected to accept it, and the then Government of this country had thought it to be a wise policy of racial partnership.

It was nothing of the kind. There was no racial partnership in the working of this Federation. Looking back over the history of the past 10 years we see that safeguard after safeguard in respect of the Africans was pushed on one side and ignored. The safeguards that we thought had been put into the Constitution of the territory were not there. The African Affairs Board collapsed. We remember the gathering opposition of the Africans and the resistance shown to any political advance in the three territories by the British Government and the Governments on the spot.

That is the history. It may have been that certain economic advantages have flown. But I contend that many of them now conceded to the Federation were advantages which would have come in any case had the Central African Council been allowed to develop and to bring into being the common services and economic changes contemplated at that time. I concede that there have been gains from federation, but do not let us imagine that the economic growth of Central Africa is due almost entirely to the structure of the Federation.

I go so far as to say that but for the fact that there was a Copper Belt and that tremendous revenue was coming from copper and going into the coffers of the Federation, things in Central Africa would have been very different. I played some part with Sir Roy Welensky and Sir Gilbert Rennie in bringing the royalties of the Copper Belt into public ownership, and in a few years 100 per cent. of those royalties will be the property of the State. Even now a considerable revenue accrues to the State as a result of the action taken by Sir Roy Welensky, Sir Gilbert Rennie and myself. It was that revenue from the Copper Belt which prevented Nyasaland from going bankrupt and give her the heavy subsidies needed to man her administration. It also prevented some of the distress which might have overtaken Southern Rhodesia.

I do not want to dwell too much on the past, but I wish to stress that today we are witnessing the inevitable and logical outcome of the policy of the past 10 years. I congratulate the First Secretary sincerely on the success of his negotiations. To have brought three or four Governments together and gained a measure of agreement among them regarding dissolution; to have got them thinking ahead in terms of collaboration—that is a great achievement and I pay my tribute to the First Secretary for having accomplished it.

As has been said, there are a number of very difficult problems ahead of us. It is all very well to get people talking, and they will have to talk, with regard to certain of the services. I agree with all that has been said about the public service and the need to safeguard it; the proper allocation of the forces and defence arrangements; the allocation of debts and the problems arising from taxation, British citizenship and so on. I hope that the discussions which are taking place to


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 bring finality to the Federation by 31st December will be successful. If some of the discussions have to continue into the new year after federation, I hope that they will be crowned with success.

But again I must remind the First Secretary that when the Federation does dissolve we have a responsibility regarding the territories. We must never forget that federation diminished the position of the Northern territories as Protectorates—giving such wide powers to the Federation, affected the lives of Africans as well as Europeans by diminishing Protectorate status—we still have a responsibility to see that these territories emerge as free States with a constructive policy and able to build up a reasonable and proper standard. We must help them with technical aid and in every possible way.

Therefore, I rejoiced when I heard the First Secretary say that he is proposing that the future constitution of Northern Rhodesia should be discussed. It was an extraordinary thing that a Constitution such as was imposed on Northern Rhodesia was ever in the mind of any sane or rational individual. It was impossible to work such a Constitution. No one understood it, least of all any hon. Member of this House. It was just a mathematical jargon. That Constitution must go, and I am very pleased to learn that the First Secretary is now taking steps to that end.

I echo what has been said about Southern Rhodesia. Some attempt should be made to widen the franchise; to wipe out discrimination; to amend the present land law. It is a satisfying thing to find that the followers of Mr. Field, who were here recently on a Parliamentary delegation, showed a completely fresh attitude of mind towards African demands and the importance of wiping out a great deal of the discriminatory legislation which has marred the policy of Southern Rhodesia.

That policy has often been discussed in this House in connection with the Commonwealth Relations Office. We had certain reserve powers which it was alleged that our Government had never exercised since 1923. I well remember a conversation which I had with Lord Malvern with respect to those reserve powers. He said that it was not that these powers were ever used but that they had a negative value in so far as the legislation would have been different but for their existence. They acted as a restraining influence. We gave up those powers in 1960. But if Southern Rhodesia is not prepared to amend its Constitution and widen its franchise, there is always the other power possessed by this Government, the power to abrogate the Constitution of Southern Rhodesia. That would be a drastic step to take and I hope that it will never be called for. If Southern Rhodesia is to go forward to independence and full membership of the Commonwealth, it is vital that its Constitution should be amended in such a way that there is a much wider franchise for the Africans and that a great deal of the discriminatory legislation disappears.

I hope that Nyasaland will co-operate fully in the discussions started by the First Secretary. The hon. Member for Harborough (Mr. Farr) referred to the odd fact that federation in this instance had broken down, whereas in other parts of the world the idea of federation is gaining ground. It is true that federation in the West Indies broke down, but there it was the product of the West Indies. Having shaped it themselves, the people decided that they could not go on with it. It was not imposed on them by the British Government. When a Constitution was imposed on Central Africa it was found to break down because the vast majority of the people would not tolerate it.

I hope very sincerely that federation in East Africa, which is so much under discussion at present, will come into being, but that it will be based on the good will and authority of the vast majority of the people in each of the territories. Likewise, the new Federation being planned in Malaysia is the product of the people themselves and it has the endorsement and good will of all the people there through their legislative councils.

I hope, now that those who have supported federation find it impracticable in all the circumstances, that they will give the utmost support to Her Majesty's Government and the other Governments concerned in the efforts they are making to find something to put in its place. I sincerely hope that the present negotiations will succeed. I think that there is a degree of harmony and good will which a few months ago one could hardly expect. We are grateful to the First


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 Secretary for the work he has put in in trying to make that situation possible and trying to make big, constructive plans for Central Africa in the days to come.

 * 6.23 p.m.

Lord Balniel (Hertford) Whatever our various views may be about the need at the present time to dismantle the Federation, I think we all, on both sides of the House, share a certain sense of melancholy that this experiment, which has proceeded for 10 years and which certainly contained in itself the seeds of greatness, is now being brought to an end. But, however sad the occasion may be, it is in fact no more than the recognition of the facts of the situation in Central Africa today.

This Bill is no more than an enabling piece of machinery to bury what is already dead. The concept of the Federation depended for its life, its greatness, its spirit and its vitality on the concept of partnership, and that concept of partnership never took wing under the guidance of the Federal Government. Now it is reasonable to assume that as a result of the Victoria Falls Conference the dissolution of the Federation will proceed in a quiet and orderly manner and meet its end by 31st December this year. But when we turn to the task of the future, the constructive task of laying foundations for a new edifice to replace that which has crumbled and broken away, we shall be faced with a very worrying situation.

At the beginning of the Victoria Falls Conference I read a description by a journalist who was paraphrasing words by Dr. Johnson. He said: "Even if the conferring is not well done, it is somewhat surprising that it is being done at all." When one remembers that only a few days ago the Southern Rhodesian Government were demanding a written guarantee from my right hon. Friend the First Secretary that they should get almost immediate independence as a price for their attendance at this Conference, one finds it an achievement of no small order that the Conference ever took place.

In the event, the conferring was well done. A great deal of credit must go to the chairman of the conference, the First Secretary, and also to Mr. Field, whose hands were tightly tied by the Rhodesian Front Party. I think also some credit must go to the manager of the Victoria Falls Hotel who insisted that the delegates should leave on 5th July in order that he could get on with making some money.

Unlike any other conference on Central Africa which I remember in recent years, this conference went exceedingly well—quite remarkably well. I hope I have not an unduly suspicious mind, but I wish to emphasise my hope that my right hon. Friend did not oil the wheels of this conference by giving any secret undertaking to the Prime Minister of the Southern Rhodesian Government promising them independence before the establishment in their country of majority rule. I think I am right in saying that my right hon. Friend had two meetings with Mr. Field to discuss questions of the future constitution of Southern Rhodesia.

This suspicion passed through my mind for no more than a second and I immediately suppress it, but I feel bound to tell my right hon. Friend that if he 1478 gave any indication of such a course of action—the possibility that independence before majority rule in Southern Rhodesia could be granted—I doubt whether any such undertaking could be honoured. I think it only right to tell my right hon. Friend that there would be many on these benches who, if such legislation were introduced, would fight it Clause by Clause through this House.

There are a great number of hon. Members on both sides of the House who find it quite unacceptable to give independence to a country which has a Parliament elected by 90,000 votes—a trivial percentage of the total population of the country and a percentage which is formed almost entirely by the white minority in that country. It is a travesty to describe the Parliament of Southern Rhodesia as anything more than a parody of democracy. It is no more than a façade, a game of make-believe democracy.


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Page:MALAYSIA BILL (Hansard, 22 Juli 1963).djvu/1

 MALAYSIA BILL

 * HL Deb 22 July 1963 vol 252 c450

 * Brought from the Commons; read 1$a$, and to be printed.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morland, Henry (1837-1891)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morland, Henry Robert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morland, Samuel


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morley, Christopher Love


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morley, Daniel of


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morley, George


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morley, Herbert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morley, John (1656-1732)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morley, John (d.1776)


text:
User talk:Cdfdfddfdfdfas

Hello. We dont copy a hole aticel from English Wikipedia. --Simeondahl (talk) 18:56, 18 June 2012 (UTC)

Beeswaxcandle (talk) 21:56, 18 June 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Cdfdfddfdfdfas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morley, Robert de


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morley, Samuel


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morley, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morphett, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morrell, Hugh


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morrell, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morren, Nathaniel


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morres, Hervey Montmorency


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morres, Hervey Redmond


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morris, Charles


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morris, Christopher


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morris, Corbyn


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Morris, Edward