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Rh is particularly well shaped and finished, and bears a kind of ornament produced by slight punctures or dots.

Here, too, was found the very interesting specimen of a bronze sickle now in the British Museum. Unfortunately it is not quite perfect, but it displays considerable care, the blade being well developed, whilst its rigidity and strength are secured by two nearly parallel curved ridges running throughout its existing length.

By far the most important bronze-age object yet found at Taplow, and, indeed, in the county, is a rapier-like socketed spear-head decorated with two studs of gold and by a series of punctured dots which bear an intimate relation to the ornament on the example just described as having been given by Mrs. Ada Benson. This spear-head has been fully described in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of London by Mr. Charles H. Read, and we venture to quote from that description:

As a type of spear-head it is up to the present unique in this country, and even in Ireland the only example figured by Sir John Evans (fig. 400) makes no pretensions to the same artistic qualities. This specimen was recently found in a creek near Taplow, at the same spot where some ordinary leaf-shaped spear-heads were discovered some years ago, and presented to the British Museum by Mrs. Benson. The socket of the spear, which is filled with the remains of the wood shaft, has unfortunately been damaged, so that the original length is impossible to ascertain, but the present length is 17½ inches, the blade alone measuring 15¾ inches in length. It has been cast with considerable skill, and the edge of the upper curve has apparently been hammered, as is customary, which both hardens the metal and produces at the same time a keener edge. The lower part of the wings has also been hammered so as to produce a furrow or channel near the edge, and the edge itself is not only beaten up to produce a flange, but is also ornamented with a herring-bone design. On each side of the broad mid-rib is a row of dots which continues on the inner side of the channel within the wings. On each face of the wings are two gold studs, conical in form and apparently of nearly pure metal. How these are made fast is not quite easy to see, as the studs do not come exactly opposite one another on the two faces, and it would seem as if the hole through which the rivet joining them passes is in a diagonal direction. This feature, i.e., the presence of the gold studs, has not hitherto been found in any spear-head of the bronze age; similar studs, however, occur upon a stone bracer in the British Museum, which was found at Driffield, East Riding, Yorkshire. Below the wings have been originally two loops of triangular section, only one of which now remains.

Apart from the special interest of this spear-head as an unusual and artistic production of the bronze age, it has the additional interest of showing how the socketed spear-head was evolved from the sword-like weapon which has

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Rh been called, not very happily, a rapier. This weapon has the same form as the blade of the spear-head before us, although usually with a different form of mid-rib, but if the socket be taken away it will be found that in outline it exactly resembles some of the many rapiers figured in Sir John Evans's and other works, and that the two gold studs on either face are the survival of the rivet-heads which fixed the handle to the weapon.

The presence of highly finished metal weapons of this character in the county unquestionably points to a high state of bronze-age culture. The worker in bronze who produced weapons of such high finish and so enriched with ornament had elevated his calling almost to a high art. Indeed, the latter part of the bronze age, to which period the Taplow spear-head may be unhesitatingly referred, was clearly marked by a high standard of civilization. The River Thames was utilized as a navigable stream, and two timber boats which have been found in its vicinity, at Bourne End and Great Marlow respectively, have been assigned to the period of the bronze age. Both boats were constructed, or rather shaped, in the most primitive manner, having been simply hollowed-out tree-trunks. The Bourne End example measured 25 feet 3 inches long and 3 feet 4 inches wide. It was purchased by Mr. A. H. Cocks and sent to the Buckland Collection at South Kensington Museum, now known as the Victoria and Albert Museum. The Great Marlow boat was found in the River Thames in 1871.

As far as one can judge from the distribution of the antiquities of this very interesting period, it seems probable that the bronze-age population of the area we now know as Buckinghamshire was mainly along the banks of the rivers.

The last great change in the condition of prehistoric man anterior to the Roman period is that which commenced with the introduction of the art of working iron, a discovery brought to these shores by the Brythons who, like the Goidelic race, formed a part of the great Celtic family. The bronze age may be called the early Celtic period, whilst the prehistoric iron age may be considered the late Celtic period.

It need hardly be pointed out that the introduction of iron marked a very important advance in culture. Not only did iron provide an excellent material for the manufacture of weapons and tools requiring a hard, keen, and tough edge or point, but the extraction of the metal from the ore and the working and fashioning of it demanded a high degree of skill. The possession of this knowledge and skill, therefore, proclaims a cultured and civilized people.

An important sword and scabbard of late Celtic character, and doubtless of the late Celtic period found at Amerden on the banks of the Thames, one mile south of Taplow, is now preserved in the British Museum, to which institution it was presented by Dr. (afterwards Sir) A. W. Franks in 1893. It was dredged up from the bed of the Thames

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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Rh in or about the year 1891.

The sword, which is almost entirely of iron, is firmly fixed into its bronze sheath by an accumulation of rust. This sheath, upon which a good deal of decoration has been bestowed, is 2 feet 9½ inches long, and 1¾ inches, varying to 1⅜ inches towards the point, in breadth. At the point is a kind of elongated heart-shaped compartment answering to the shape of a leather scabbard. Near the middle of the lower half of the sheath is a rather pretty little applied ornament resembling in shape a reversed letter S. The chief efforts at decoration, however, have been expended upon the upper end, which has a kind of rounded angular, or ball-shaped termination reminding one very forcibly of the sword sheaths of La Têne. Fitting closely into this end of the scabbard is the bronze guard of the sword perforated for the tang of the sword. The rounded triangular space and a square panel below it are filled with ornament, the form and character of which are not easily described, but will be best seen from the accompanying illustrations.

A good example of the survival of bronze after the introduction of iron is furnished by a fine bronze torque, five inches in diameter, found in a bed of solid clay at a depth of five feet below the surface of the ground, and by the side of a rivulet not a mile from the town of Winslow. The torque was exhibited at a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries of London, 21 November 1793, at which time it was in the possession of Mr. Grove, of Whitchurch. It was figured in Archæologia, where it is described as a 'fibula of copper.' The ends were dilated and turned back so as to form a species of hooks or fastenings, giving a general appearance which enables one to place it without doubt within the late Celtic period.

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Rh Another interesting trace of late Celtic art in Buckinghamshire is furnished by some pottery found at Aston Clinton, and now in the museum at Aylesbury. Dr. Arthur J. Evans refers to this pottery as being of the same general character as that found at Aylesford, Kent, and tapering off to a pedestal below.

In the remarkable bronze fibula found at Datchet Old Ford we have another example of the wonderful and versatile ingenuity of the late Celtic people. It is almost four inches in length, and may be described as of cruciform plan and of a bow-like general form. The sharp end of the pin is protected in a similar way to the modern safety-pin. It is ornamented with seven beads of amber and two of blue coloured glass, all of a somewhat flattened globular form. It must have formed an effective and useful ornament. It may be considered to be of the late Celtic period, although it is of rather unusual character.

The brooch was found by a dredger in the River Thames, and exhibited at a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries of London, 24 May 1894.

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Rh About the year 1827 two silver bracelets or armlets, exhibiting certain features of late Celtic character, were found by a farmer at Burtles Hill, in the parish of Castle Thorpe. A small black earthen pot, in which they had been deposited, was struck and broken by the coulter of a plough. It was then discovered that numerous coins had been contained in the pot. No less than twenty silver coins and thirty-five large brass coins, together with a massive silver ring set with a cornelian, were picked up in the plough furrow. The coins included some of Antoninus Pius, Faustina and Verus in the finest condition, so it is probable that the time of the deposit was during the reign of Verus, A.D. 161–169.

The armlets are of great interest on account of their zoomorphic terminations and the decorative work all round their external surfaces. Mr. Thomas Bateman, into whose possession they subsequently passed, considered that they represent the heads of serpents, but the treatment is perhaps of a too conventional character to allow of identification of the precise species of creature intended to be represented.

From the fact that these treasures were found enclosed in an earthen vessel showing traces of fire it seems probable that they represent the remains of the cremation of some individual during the period of the Roman occupation of Britain. The discovery of a skull during a subsequent irregular search by servants is noteworthy, although it would not of itself be sufficient evidence that this was a sepulchral deposit. The association may have been purely accidental.

It is a remarkable fact that two other silver armlets of very similar character to these were found in a cavern at Carleswark, in Middleton Dale, Derbyshire. The Derbyshire specimens, as well as those from Buckinghamshire, may be referred to a period not later than the second century A.D.

Other examples were found with the burnt remains of a cremated interment at Slay Hill Saltings, Upchurch, Kent, and, like those from Castle Thorpe, are now in the British Museum.

Judged by their broad general characters one would be inclined to place these armlets within the region of Roman art, as they unquestionably are in respect of the date of their manufacture. The evidence of

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text: Category:Chinese culture

title: Category:Chinese culture


text: Category:Culture by country

title: Category:Culture by country


text: Category:History of China

title: Category:History of China


text:
User:AdamBMorgan/Pulp notes

Notes about pulp magazines and publishers. Some never or rarely renewed copyrights; others usually or always renewed. This list is based on personal research (and, where noted, assumptions) so I don't have to repeat myself.

Magazines

 * Amazing Stories, not renewed until May 1954 (v. 28 no. 2), undetermined thereafter.
 * Weird Tales, occasional groups of renewals (see listings).

Resources

 * First copyright renewals for periodicals at Online Books Pages, University of Pennsylvannia

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Rh the devolution of their lands differed; for those of Roger, from their subsequent lords, came to be known as the Honour of St. Valery, while Robert's became united with those of Miles Crispin in what was called the Honour of Wallingford.

As this Honour represented two such considerable fiefs, its descent is of some importance for the feudal history of the county. The accepted version is that which is found in a return of the time of John, which professes to trace that descent from Harold's days. According to this version Robert d'Ouilly married the daughter of Wigod of Wallingford, who held great estates both before and after the Conquest, and had by her a daughter Maud, who brought the whole inheritance to her two husbands, Miles Crispin and Brian Fitz Count, in succession. It is certain that Brian held the Honour in right of his wife, who is found described as Maud ' de Walengeford ' and also as Maud ' de Oylli '; but it is strange, on chronological grounds, that Maud's successive husbands should have been living respectively under William I. and under Stephen. It is also strange that Domesday shows us Miles Crispin already in possession of portions of Wigod's lands even in the lifetime of Robert d'Ouilly, who ought to have been holding the whole of them. In Buckinghamshire he had obtained two of Wigod's manors and one which had been held by Ordwig, a ' man ' of Wigod, while Robert is not mentioned once as succeeding to Wigod. Iver, however, which Robert had obtained by exchange, is spoken of as ' of his wife's fee.' If we seek a common predecessor for Robert and Miles, we find him, in this county, not in Wigod, but in Brihtric, a thegn of Queen Edith. Robert had succeeded him at Wycombe and Masworth, and Miles at Waddesdon, Wingrave and another manor, while Miles had also obtained the lands of several of his men. Another English predecessor of Miles here and in Gloucestershire was the thegn Haminc. Except for Amersham, Geoffrey de Mandeville owed his fief, in this as in other counties, to his well-recognized succession to Ansgar ' the staller,' while Bondig, another ' staller,' here disguised as ' Boding the constable,' was succeeded, as elsewhere, in his two manors by that Derbyshire magnate, Henry de Ferrers. The Buckinghamshire fief which lingered the longest in the heirs of its Domesday holder was that of Walter, son of Other, which was held for some centuries by his descendants the family of Windsor. Walter the Fleming, a Bedfordshire baron, was succeeded in his fief for many generations by his descendants the Wahulls, but in this county he had but a trifling holding.

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Rh Other Bedfordshire barons, Hugh de Beauchamp and Nigel de Albini, had here outlying estates, while the Wiltshire sheriff, Edward of Salis- bury, had secured the three manors of ' Wulwene ' of Creslow, who, though described as 'a man of King Edward,' was an English lady whom he had succeeded in one Middlesex, two Wiltshire, and two Dorset manors.

The names of the Buckinghamshire barons remind us that the Conquest was not the work of the duke and his Normans alone. From Flanders on the east to Brittany on the west William's recruiting ground had stretched. The former was represented in this county by Gilbert of Ghent (de Gand), Walter the Fleming, and Winemar the Fleming, the latter by William and Ralf de Fougeres (' Felgeres '), Maino the Breton, Gozelin the Breton, Hervey, bearer of one of the favourite Breton names, and Hascoit Musard. Of these by far the largest land- owner was Maino the Breton, whose barony subsequently owed the service of fifteen knights and had Wolverton for its head. But Hanslope, although the only holding of Winemar in this county, is of interest as the head of his little barony, of which the rest lay in Northamptonshire.

Another barony of which the head was here, though it ex- tended into four adjoining counties, was that of Gilo, brother of Ansculf (de Picquigny) the late sheriff. We find it represented in 1 1 66 by that of Gilbert de Pinkeni, which was of fifteen knight's fees, and on which Gilo de ' Pinkeny,' a namesake of the Domesday baron, was a tenant. Of the other holdings the most interesting, perhaps, is that of Farnham Royal, the solitary manor of Bertram de Verdon, for his heirs held it by a grand serjeanty which still inures at coronations. Some of the smaller men are of interest for their scattered posses- sion. William the son of Constantius, for instance, had one manor in Buckinghamshire and one in Essex ; William ' filius Manne ' had single manors in Oxfordshire and Hampshire as well as in this county, be- sides being an under-tenant of William de Braose, in Sussex. William the chamberlain (of London), who was chiefly associated with Bedfordshire, had one manor here, two in Gloucestershire, and a vineyard in Middle- sex, and seems to have been an under-tenant as well. ' Martin ' was probably the bearer of that uncommon name who held four manors far away in Lincolnshire ; but there is not even a common tenure by an English predecessor to account for his lands lying thus far apart. It is difficult in this county, as it often is in Domesday, to dis- tinguish the smaller barons, who held by military service, from the king's officers or ' Serjeants.' We may, for instance, suspect that Hervey 'legatus 'who was, I suggest, an interpreter belonged to the latter class, although he is entered immediately before an undoubted baron,

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Rh Hascoit Musard. But that suspicion becomes a certainty when we find him in Oxfordshire, where he held more land, treated as merely one of a group of king's officers. To that group is relegated also Richard ' Ingania,' a great forest officer, although his small Buckinghamshire manor is entered just before the great estates of a local baron.

Domesday, in accordance with its practice, deals with the lands of women, however high their station, after those that were held by barons. In Buckinghamshire even the two manors of the Conqueror's dead queen are relegated to this position, although it is more usual to find them, in consequence of her death, forming part of the king's land. As widow of Earl Waltheof, and herself of kin to the Conqueror, Countess Judith had great estates, but in this county her lands, though scattered, were not extensive. She had several Englishmen as under-tenants, two of whom, Thurkill and Morcar, held of her here.

After these great ladies and Ralf Talgebosc's widow, we descend to Ælfric the cook and to an interesting Englishman, ' Alsi,' of whom something must be said.

It was doubtless owing to the large interests of Edward's queen in this county that Wulfward White and Eadgifu (' Eddeva ') his wife, who seem to have enjoyed her favour, had held a very considerable estate within it. The thick veil that usually prevents our distinguishing more than the names of the great English landowners is in their case somewhat lifted, and we are able to trace them in Domesday and to learn a little about them. But, to do this, we have to keep distant counties in view. In Somerset, for instance, Wulfward's lands formed, at the time of the Survey, no inconsiderable addition to the king's de- mesne. Wulfward, we learn from Somerset evidence, had lived almost to the time of Domesday, and as he has been found present at the courts, both of King William and of Queen Edith, he probably contrived to retain lands and royal favour. But all that his widow held in Somerset in 1086 was a pitifully small estate at Burnett. In nine other counties Wulfward had held lands, but of these Bucks is the only one in which the Survey adds to the knowledge we obtain in Somerset.

It is evident that in this county the lands of Wulfward and his wife were divided into three portions, of which one was obtained by the Bishop of Coutances, and one by Walter Giffard, while the third was allowed to pass to ' Alsi,' Wulfward's English son-in-law. Of ' Werm- elle,' the first manor on the fief of the Bishop of Coutances, we read : ' Hoc manerium tenuit Eddeva uxor Wlwardi sub regina Eddid et vendere potuit.' Under Ludgershall, the next manor, this formula is cut down to 'Hoc manerium tenuit Eddeva de regina Eddid et vendere potuit,' while under two other manors it is still further cut down by omission of the queen's name. Of these four manors, assessed at 28 hides, the widow was allowed to retain, as a tenant of the bishop, the 4 hides at Linford. On Walter Giffard's fief we find him succeeding

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Rh her in two manors, which she held as ' Eddeda de regina Eddeva,' and as ' Eddeva uxor Vlwardi,' and also succeeding in one her husband ' Vlwardus homo Eddid reginas,' the assessment of these three manors being 23½ hides. Lastly, we find the above ' Alsi ' holding three estates, all of which he seems to have received with Wulfward's daughter from Queen Edith. As these were assessed at 10 hides, we have now connected Wulfward and his wife with more than 60 hides in this county alone.

The only other Englishman who contrived to retain after the Conquest a good estate was Leofwine ' of Nuneham ' (de NeiveAam), whose lands, in five places, were assessed at 1 6 hides, and for whose history we must turn to the cartulary of Abingdon Abbey. We there read that this Leofwine sold his inheritance at Nuneham (Courtenay), Oxfordshire, to the abbot of Abingdon, the necessary leave for this transfer being obtained from the Bishop of Bayeux, then regent, as the king was absent in Normandy. William, according to the abbey's story, repudiated this transaction when Odo fell into disgrace, and, seizing the land, bestowed it on one of his followers. Of all this, however, Domesday tells us nothing; it merely records that Nuneham was held by Richard de Curci at the time of the Survey and had been held by 'Hacon.'

The group of thegns with whose lands the survey of the county closes calls for no special notice. Of their estates the only one of some value was that which had been Queen Edith's and which Godric 'cratel' had secured. A few of these Englishmen had retained the small holdings, which were theirs before the Conquest, fragments which enable us to grasp the wholesale spoliation of their countrymen. Others again retained them indeed, but only as oppressed tenants of a grasping Norman lord. Such was Æthelric who, at Marsh Gibbon, held his manor at farm, * graviter et miserabiliter '; it is one of the most graphic touches that the Survey contains.

Domesday is somewhat careless of the names of those who were great landowners when Edward sat upon the throne, and even when they are rightly given, they do not tell us much. Here and there, however, we can identify a magnate either by his peculiar name or by some distinctive suffix. Borret, Borgret, or Burgered was a great Northamptonshire thegn, father of Eadwine, whose lands, here as elsewhere, were obtained by the Bishop of Coutances. ' Alnod ' of Kent (chentiscus), as he is styled in Buckinghamshire he was, in Northants, of ' Canterbury ' had preceded the Bishop of Bayeux at Chetwode and Tingewick, and was probably the Alnod ' cilt ' who had preceded him at Westbury, for the * Alnod ' who had been so great a man in Kent and at Canterbury itself was ' Alnod cilt ' (or ' cild '). Of Edmar ' atule '

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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Penny

PENNY (Mid. Eng. peni or peny, from O. Eng. form penig, earlier penning and pending; the word appears in Ger. Pfennig and Du. penning; it has been connected with Du. pand, Ger. Pfand, and Eng. “pawn,” the word meaning a little pledge or token, or with Ger. Pfanne, a pan), an English coin, equal in value to the one-twelfth of a shilling. It is one of the oldest of English coins, superseding the sceatta or sceat (see introduced into England by Offa, king of Mercia, who took as a model a coin first struck by Pippin, father of Charlemagne, about 735, which was known in Europe as novus denarius. Offa's penny was made of silver and weighed 22½ grains, 240 pennies weighing one Saxon pound (or Tower pound, as it was afterwards called), hence the term pennyweight (dwt.). In 1527 the Tower pound of 5400 grains was abolished, and the pound of 5760 grains adopted instead. The penny remained, with some few exceptions, the only coin issued in England until the introduction of the gold florin by Edward III. in 1343. It was not until the reign of Edward I. that halfpence and farthings became a regular part of the coinage, it having been usual to subdivide the penny for trade purposes by cutting it into halves and quarters, a practice said to have originated in the reign of Æthelred II. In 1257, in the reign of Henry III., a gold penny,
 * and
 * Anglo Saxon, § “Coins”). It was

of the value of twenty silver pence, was struck. The weight and value of the silver penny steadily declined from 1300 onwards, as will be seen from the following table:—

The last coinage of silver pence for general circulation was in the reign of Charles II. (1661-1662), since which time they have only been coined for issue as royal alms on Maundy Thursdays. Copper halfpence were first issued in Charles II.'s reign, but it was not until 1797, in the reign of George III., that copper pence were struck. This copper penny weighed 1 oz. avoir-dupois. In the same year copper twopences were issued weighing 2 oz., but they were found too cumbersome and were discontinued. In 1860 bronze was substituted for the copper coinage, the alloy containing 95 parts of copper, 4 of tin, and 1 of zinc. The weight was also reduced, 1 lb of bronze being coined into 48 pennies, as against 24 pennies into which 1 ℔ of copper was coined.

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Rh of Berkhampstead, of Wigod of Wallingford, and of Wulfward 'White' and his wife I have already spoken.

The name of Wulfward ' White ' reminds us that among those who had clearly held a large interest in the county was Edith the Confessor's queen. We know little or nothing of how she came by her lands, but the extent of those possessed by her brothers in this district suggests that some of them at least may have been her father Godwine's. She had, as the text will show, a number of ' men ' in the county, but these, as well as her own estates, were divided, presumably at her death (1075), among several tenants-in-chief. The Bishop of Bayeux succeeded her at Hughenden and Marlow, the Bishop of Coutances, Robert d'Ouilly, Geoffrey de Mandeville, Walter, and ' Godric Cratel ' at other places, but her largest manor was bestowed on Ælfric the cook. The total assessment of her manors was over 80 hides, 10 of which at Wycombe were held of her by ' Brictric.' This Brihtric the name is variously spelt in the record was a thegn of some importance who had ' men ' of his own in the county, and some at least of whose lands were divided between Robert d'Ouilly and Milo Crispin.

One more former holder of land in the county may be mentioned. This was Fin the Dane, whose land at Cheddington was divided between Robert d'Ouilly and Suerting. His occurrence is of interest because this outlying estate was far removed from his lands in Essex and Suffolk, which had passed to Richard de Clare. In that district he seems to have retained them for a time after the Conquest, and his wife was still holding two Essex manors at the time of the Survey.

The Buckinghamshire portion of the Survey brings prominently before us the very difficult question of the change of tenure at the Conquest. It is the tendency of Domesday to assimilate in form the conditions prevailing in England before and after the Conquest; and one of the signs of that tendency is the use of the same word (homo) for the ' man ' of the Norman lord and of his English predecessor. The impression is thus conveyed that the former's compact ' fief resembled what was relatively the loose congeries of rights that the great thegn had held. Yet, even while it conveys this impression, the record itself enables us to correct it by the facts which it contains. We should, at first sight, be led to believe that, before as after the Conquest, the county was parcelled out between great lords and their ' men,' of whom the latter held the manors which were not retained in demesne. But the vital difference is this: the 'fief which the Normans introduced was an absolutely integral whole; whether its manors were held in demesne or by tenants of the lord they all passed together; but the bond which united the ' man ' of the English thegn to his lord did not involve the passing of their lands as an indivisible whole.

An excellent case in point is afforded in this county by the devolution of the lands and ' men ' of Ælfric son of Coding. Judging from the number of his men his influence was great, but it was local; outside

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Rh Buckinghamshire we cannot recognize him as holding any manor but that of Woburn, just across the Bedfordshire border, which had passed with the rest of his lands to Walter Giffard. But in this county we find him occurring as Walter's predecessor at Chilton, Easington, Dor- ton, Pollicot, Akeley, Moreton, Beachampton, Bourton, Hillesden, Woolstone, Linford. Of the manors, however, which had here been held by ' men' of Ælfric, Walter only obtained one which had been Wulfric's, one which had been Tofig's, two which had been Oswi's, and one other. But the Count of Mortain, at six places, obtained the lands of JElfric's ' men,' Milo Crispin did so at Bradwell, Countess Judith succeeded to two of his thegns at Clifton, and Suerting was given an estate which his ' man ' Gonni had held. From this it will be seen that the lands of his men did not of necessity pass with his own.

One of the prominent features in the survey of this county is the use of the term housecarl (' huscarle '). On the housecarls of the English kings some learning has been expended, but the actual meaning of the term at the time of the Norman Conquest remains by no means clear. Mr. Freeman, who devoted an appendix to the subject, held that they were ' a standing army,' and were described, in Harold's days, as ' stippen- diarii et mercenarii.' On the other hand he knew that charters show them to have been at times grantees of land. In Domesday itself there are passages which seem to treat them as mercenary troops, but when we examine the names of the Buckinghamshire ' housecarls,' we are struck by the fact that they are landowners, ' thegns ' with substantial estates, and that those, moreover, who compiled Domesday drew no distinction between the ' housecarl ' and the thegn. Of the seven men in this county whom it styles housecarls of King Edward, Burchard is, in two successive entries, styled ' huscarle regis E ' and ' teignus regis E,' while under Buckingham itself he is Burchard ' of Shenley ' (' de Senelai '). Now, as his lands went to Earl Hugh of Chester, and as his name is a rare one, we cannot hesitate to see in him that Burchard whose lands in Suffolk were obtained by Earl Hugh, and who had in that county several men commended to him. Here then we have a consider- able land owner described in one entry, and in one only, as a housecarl.

Another considerable landowner whose name meets us several times in the county is Azor ' films Toti,' who is described in one entry as a ' man ' of Queen Edith and in one other as a ' housecarl.' Azor, in addition to his own manors, had several ' men ' in Buckinghamshire, which shows him to have been of consequence. Again Ulf, whose lands here, as in Gloucestershire and Cambridgeshire, had been obtained by Robert de ' Todeni,' is here styled a housecarl, but in Cambridgeshire is a ' thegn of King Edward.' ' Tori ' or ' Thori,' who, in this county, is twice described as a housecarl of King Edward, is almost certainly identical with the man of that name who appears elsewhere within its borders as a ' man ' or ' thegn ' of that king. ' Aldene,' who had pre-

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Rh ceded Winemar at three places in Northamptonshire, is his predecessor in his one Buckinghamshire manor as ' Aldene the housecarl.' The other two housecarls mentioned are Golnil and Alii. We thus see that it is only the accident of a man being sometimes styled a housecarl in the Buckinghamshire portion of the Survey that enables us to distinguish him as such ; and we are consequently led to infer that there may have been other landowners who were, as a matter of fact, housecarls, although they are not so described. As there is nothing to distinguish these housecarls from the rest of the men so styled, a new light, perhaps, is thrown on the status of the whole body.

It is only from incidental notices that we can recover in Domes- day the names of sheriffs. That Ansculf de Picquigny, father of William the Domesday baron, had acted as sheriff of Bucks one such notice tells us ; but it is only conjecture, though highly probable, that Ralf Taillebois, who had filled the office in the adjoining counties of Herts and Beds, had occupied it also here. So far as the tenure of land is concerned, his widow Azelina held but one manor at the Survey ; if Ralf, therefore, was connected with the county, it was in an official capacity. Now of two holdings towards the end of the Survey half a hide which Leofwine had held and one hide which had been held by three men we read that they had been added to the king's manor of Wendover, to which they had not belonged before the Conquest ; and it is expressly stated of the first that this had been done by ' Ralf.' In Bedfordshire a whole string of entries charges Ralf Taillebois with pre- cisely similar action, and by comparing those in the two counties we can better understand its character. A sheriff who ' farmed ' the Crown manors could wrongfully in- crease his gains by two opposite devices ; he could either, as at Wend- over and in Bedfordshire, seize on small holdings and add them to the king's manors thus increasing their revenue without increasing his payment to the Crown for them," or he could filch portions of the Crown demesne for the benefit of himself or of his friends. This would seem to have been done in Buckinghamshire by Godric, an English

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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Penn Yan

PENN YAN, a village and the county-seat of Yates county, New York, U.S.A., situated N. of Keuka Lake, on the outlet extending to Lake Seneca, about 170 m. W. of Albany, and about 95 m. E. by S. of Buffalo. Pop. (1905), 4504; (1910) 4597. It is served by the New York Central & Hudson River and the Northern Central railways and by electric railway to Branchport, and has steamboat connexions with Hammondsport at the head of Keuka Lake. The lake, one of the most beautiful of the so-called “finger lakes” of central New York, abounds in lake and rainbow trout, black bass, pickerel and pike, and there are many summer cottages along its shores. At Keuka Park, on the west shore of the lake, is Keuka College (1890), and at Eggleston's Point is held a summer “natural science camp” for boys. The village is the seat of the Penn Yan Academy (1859). The lake furnishes water-power, and among the manufactures are paper, lumber, carriages, shoes, &c. Much ice is shipped from the village. Penn Yan is an important shipping point in the apple and grape-growing region of central New York, and winemaking is an important industry. The first frame dwelling at Penn Yan was built in 1799; the village became the county-seat in 1823, when Yates county was created, and was incorporated in 1833. The first settlers were chiefly followers of Jemima Wilkinson (1753-1819), a religious enthusiast, born in Cumberland township, Providence county, Rhode Island, who asserted that she had received a divine commission. She preached in Rhode Island, Connecticut, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania. Obtaining a large tract (which was called Jerusalem in 1789) in the present Yates county, she founded in 1788 the village of Hopeton on the outlet of Keuka Lake about a mile from Seneca Lake. Many followers settled there, and she herself lived there after 1790. Some of her followers left her before 1800, and then the community gradually broke up. The name of the village is said to have been derived from the first syllables of “Pennsylvania” and “Yankee,” as most of the early settlers were Pennsylvanians and New Englanders.

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Penn Yan


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Rh sheriff, who is charged with making use of half a hide, to give it as pay- ment to the woman who taught his daughter embroidery, though per- haps only for the term of his shrievalty. In Berkshire, of which also he was sheriff, there is much fuller testimony against him, and Henry de Ferrers, who obtained his lands, is alleged to hold among them parcels of Crown demesne. His history, however, belongs more especially to that county. In Hertfordshire Ilbert, a Norman sheriff, seems to be charged with such an alienation of land. To the tenure by Ralf Taillebois of the office of sheriff we have probably obscure allusions in the exchange of half Risborough for Ellesborough ' contra Radulfum Talgebosch,' and in his erection of a mill on Bertram de Verdon's land at Farnham Royal.

Although Buckingham occupies in the Survey the remarkable and separate position to which Professor Maitland has drawn attention as distinctive of county towns, its quasi-rural character is strongly marked. Indeed, it is surveyed in the same way as the purely rural manors of the king, save that, in the place of the usual villeins, twenty-six ' burgesses ' precede the bordars and the serfs, and that its church is entered as that of the ' borough.' But the list of burgesses and their lords which follows this survey is similar to that which meets us in other capitals of shires. As the total of these burgesses is twenty-seven one of whom had passed to the king with Earl Aubrey's land we are left in doubt as to whether or not they represent the above ' twenty-six burgesses.' Probably, however, the latter dwelt on the king's land and should, therefore, be reckoned separately. With its usual disregard for uniformity Domesday sometimes gives us the value of these burghal holdings under the town itself, and sometimes under the manors to which they were deemed appurtenant. The former course is adopted here, and the double payments recorded should be carefully observed. From twenty-three of the burgesses the king received, in unequal amounts, sixty-six pence, while twenty-six were worth to their lords thirty-one shillings in all. But the amounts varied, in proportion doubt- less with the value of their houses, from the twenty-six pence received by Earl Hugh and the Bishop of Coutances to the sevenpence which was all that a burgess paid to Maino the Breton or Hugh de Bolbec.

Apart from the houses in the county town held by the lords of Buckinghamshire manors, it is noteworthy that at Oxford there was one house, worth thirty pence, belonging to (Princes) Risborough, and two, worth only four pence, that belonged to Twyford. Both these manors were near the Oxfordshire border, but the only relative entry in their own county is the mention of a burgess at Oxford, appurtenant

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Rh to Risborough, who paid two shillings, which is probably only another illustration of the occasional discrepancies in Domesday. The total amount which Edward the Confessor had received from Buckingham, even with Bourton, was only ten pounds a year, as against the twenty- five pounds which Aylesbury or Wendover brought him, which implies that it was but a small place. Aylesbury, the meeting place of many roads, produced, at the time of the Survey, no less than ten pounds from its toll alone ; but, as there is no mention of burgesses, it can hardly yet have been a place of trade. On the other hand, burgesses occur at Newport (Pagnel), a manor of William Fitz Ansculf, a manor of which the name, in spite of its rural character, implies a market of some kind.

The ploughland, the meadow, the woodland, and the mill, these were the chief sources of wealth. With wearisome iteration the text records the number of ploughlands in the manor, the ploughteams, each of eight oxen, that were actually at work upon them, the peasants and the lord's serfs, the meadows down by the streams that afforded hay for the oxen, the watermill at which the peasants were compelled to have their corn ground, and the number of swine for which the woodland was reckoned to provide' mast.

Here and there an exceptional phrase or some peculiar payment deserves notice. The render, for instance, of ploughshares as rent in kind occurs at a few places ; at Bledlow, Burnham, Chesham, and Aston Clinton we find them rendered from the woodland, and at Wing from the pasture. The payment in such cases appears to represent the renting of surplus areas, as at Aylesbury, where twenty shillings were received ' de remanenti.' From the woodland at Caldecot was received twenty- eight pence, from that at Tyringham twenty-six pence, on a nameless manor sixteen pence, and from that at Missenden four ' ores,' that is to say, sixty-four pence. The ' ore,' or silver ounce of sixteen pence, occurs several times in this county ; and it was here as elsewhere a common unit in the rent of mills ; those at Denham, at Chalfont, and Aston Clinton were each of them worth five ' ores,' and that of another manor five * ores ' and four pence. Bledlow mill produced the exceptional render of twenty-four (horse) loads of malt.

The rent of a mill was sometimes paid in part in eels from the millpool. Eels were thus received from the mills at Winchendon (80), Olney (200), Lavendon (250), Haversham (75), and Stanton (50). An exceptional entry under Iver speaks of four fisheries producing ' 1,500 eels and fish on Fridays for the use of the reeve of the vill ' ; as a rule the eel appears as the only product of the ' fishery,' that is of the weir composed of basket-work traps. The course of the Thames is marked by entries of such ' fisheries.' They begin with Wraysbury, a manor which possessed ' four fisheries in the Thames,' bringing in twenty-six shillings and eight pence ; above it were Datchet, producing from its two fisheries 2,000 eels, Upton (by Slough), and Eton, at each of which a fishery produced 1,000. Then came Dorney with 500, Taplow with

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Rh 1,000, Hitcham with 500, Wooburn with its 300, the two Marlows, producing respectively 1,000 and 500, and finally Medmenham and Hambleden with 1,000 each. The only productive 'fishery' away from the Thames was at West Wycombe, where 1,000 eels were ob- tained ; but, in addition to those procured from mills, 100 are entered as obtained at Shabbington, and 125 at Clifton Reynes, the 'stick' of 25 being the unit for eels. Lastly, a fishstew is mentioned at Caversfield, an outlying portion of the county in Oxfordshire.

At Long Crendon Walter Giffard had already ' a park for beasts of the chase,' and at Oakley, some five miles away, the woodland, we read, would feed two hundred swine, did it not lie in ' the King's park.' Oakley, which was sometimes distinguished as ' in Bernwod,' lay in Bernwood Forest and adjoined Brill, a hunting seat of our early kings, from which several of their charters are dated. The issues of the forest are entered under Brill in Domesday as £12 ' arsas et pensatas.' That hawking was important as well as hunting, is brought home to us by the entry of a falcons' eyry at Chalfont St. Peter.

Horses are rarely mentioned in Domesday, but we read that at High Wycombe there was meadow sufficient for ' the horses of the court ' as well as for the ploughteams. At Dorney on the Thames there was meadow ' for the horses ' as well as for the three plough- teams ; at Wraysbury, where we should expect extensive meadows, there was meadow for only five of the seventeen teams employed, but there was also enough to provide hay for the lord's 'beasts' (animalia). On the archbishop's manor of ' Nedreham ' (in Haddenham and Cudding- ton) an exceptional entry records that it produced eight days' ferm of hay for him. At this point perhaps one may mention the (horse)loads of salt which the king's manor of Princes Risborough was entitled to receive from a salter at Droitwich. The only vineyard entered in the county was a small one at Iver.

Having now dealt with the dues, payments, and sources of profit that deserve special notice, we may glance at the few but interesting entries that relate to parish churches. Those on the Crown manors were usually well endowed, and appear in the Survey as held in plurality by favourites of the king. The chief of such pluralists was Reinbald, a favourite of Edward as of William, but in this county he only held a hide at Boveney, which belonged to the church of the Crown manor of Cookham on the Berkshire bank of the Thames, a church which had a large glebe in its own county, and which King Edward had given him. It was the local bishop, Remi of Lincoln, late of Dorchester (Oxon), who held the chief endowments. His was the church of Aylesbury, with its great appurtenant manor of Stoke Mandeville, and with its valuable right to church scot from the whole area of ' the eight hundreds round about Aylesbury,' an ancient due of which we read in the Domes-

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Rh day Survey of Worcestershire His also was the church of Bucking- ham, which held a good estate there, and to which Gawcott also was appurtenant. On the Archbishop of Canterbury's manor of'Nedreham' Gilbert the priest is mentioned as holding the church and tithe with a large glebe assessed at 3 hides. A small glebe of half a virgate, lying in Hardmead, is mentioned as belonging to the church of St. Firmin of (North) Crawley.

Of institutional and legal antiquities a few illustrations may be noted. The distinct mention of castle guard in the case of Drayton Parslow, whence two knights, we read, were due towards the ward of Windsor, is probably unique in Domesday, though later evidence shows us the baronies of Picquigny (' Pinkeny ') and Windsor in this county charged with that service. The development of subinfeudation is seen at Crafton (in Wing) where Robert de Nouers held of the Bishop of Lisieux, who held of the Bishop of Bayeux. At Gayhurst he held of the former, who held sine medio of the Crown. The difficulties thus created receive curious illustration in the case of * Bricstoch,' where ' Turstin ' is entered as holding a hide under Walter Giffard. This Turstin proves to have been Turstin Fitz Rou, under whose fief the entry is repeated, the land being there said to be held by Rainald of Turstin, who holds it of the king ; but this latter entry is deleted. It enables us, however, to place side by side the versions in the two entries with this interesting result :

Here again we are reminded of that singular passion for variation which led the Domesday scribe to express by different formulas the text he had before him.

The same passion for variation is perhaps accountable for the fact that in some Buckinghamshire entries we have extremely full details of the previous holders of land, while in others a bald statement is deemed sufficient. That the Domesday scribe did occasionally omit such de- tails is shown by collating his text for Cambridgeshire with the full returns from the Hundreds, of which we possess transcripts. At times he preserved the gist of the details, while skilfully reducing their bulk ; but at others he simply ignored them. At Wratworth, for instance, he simply wrote : ' Hanc terram tenuerunt vi sochemanni et cui voluerunt terram suam vendere potuerunt ' (fo. I93b) ; and at Whitwell, in one case : ' Hanc terram iii sochemanni tenuerunt et cui voluerunt vendere potuerunt' (fo. I93b) ; while in another, after writing 'Hanc terram tenuerunt viii sochemanni,' he copied out in full the details concerning them (fo. 198). We are justified, I think, by this evidence, in holding that the strange variations presented in the Buckingham portion were

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 present the frontier township upon the advancing wave of colonization northwards. From this remote outport McKinlay and his party gradually made their way southwards through the three intervening colonies of Queensland, New South Wales, and Victoria, with little other impediment than the repeated gratulations and fêtes awarded them by the colonists.

RESULTS OF RECENT EXPLORATION OF INTERIOR AUSTRALIA.

PHYSICAL FEATURES AND CLIMATE.

We have now some reliable knowledge of the character of the interior of Australia. The features of the vast expanse seem latterly to have improved upon every successive acquaintance we have been enabled to make with them. We may at length conclude, in a gathering up of all our data, that the Empire possesses in Australia a very much larger territory available for the use of its people than was supposed to be the case several years ago. Then where is and what is the great Desert—that arid waste supposed to comprise the greater part of this interior space? Is it a phantom that has at length been dispelled? and were all the toils and sufferings of Sturt a


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Rh merely due to caprice. For instance, at Woughton-on-the-Green, after the words, ' Hoc manerium tenuerunt viii teigni,' we have full details of their holdings and their seven different lords ; at Moulsoe, after the same words, the names and holdings of the eight Englishmen are given in full ; but at Chicheley, where ' nine thegns ' had held a manor of 3¾ hides, we are given no information at all as to their names or holdings. The most important entry of the kind is one that is mentioned by Professor Maitland, where (at Lavendon) we read :

Hoc manerium tenuerunt viii teigni, et unus eorum, Alii homo regis Edwardi, senior aliorum fuit.

This is supposed to imply that ' Alii ' represented the whole group in the eyes of the Crown.

' Inland,' that is the portion of a manor which was exempt from ' geld,' is scarcely mentioned in this county. Indeed, its name is not found, but the five ' carucatae terra ' at Hanslope in demesne, over and above its 5 hides, were undoubtedly ' inland ' ; and so, perhaps, were the four ' carucatas terras ' in demesne at Newport Pagnel, and the three in demesne at Turweston.

Of legal terms, as we might expect in the troublous age of the Conquest, disseisin is not wanting ; at Bradwell, Ansculf, when sheriff, had ' disseised ' the holder of 3 virgates ; at Drayton (Parslow) the Bishop of Coutances had ' disseised ' Ralf ' Passaquam ' and given the land to a follower of his own. Instances of exchange occur on the lands of the Bishop of Coutances and of William Fitz Ansculf, and we also read that Robert d'Ouilly had obtained Iver in exchange for Padbury. A curious entry under Clifton (Reynes) charges the Norman under- tenants with having taken possession of some land without the king's knowledge. The (mort)gage (vadium) of land occurs at Simpson.

The names of classes in this county are those usually met with, but there is mention at Caldecot of two vavassors, and at High Wy- combe of four ' boors' (buri),

The last subject we have to consider is that of the Domesday Hundreds, eighteen in number. These are now represented by six, each of which comprises three of the old Hundreds. A table will make the arrangement clear :

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 mere imagination? By no means; for the "hot wind" that is still, with more or less of fiery-breath, wafted down every summer to the south and south-eastern coasts proclaims that the arid region still exists, and still can make its existence known at many hundreds of miles distance.

The Desert is there still, but we have now gained a somewhat different view of its character. Lying to the south of the latitude of the centre is a wide sub-tropical region, comprising that part of the Australian continent which presents in the widest range of its extremes the irregularities of the country's very peculiar climate. Remote alike on one side from the moderating tropical rains, on the other from the equalizing influences of the sea, destitute of high mountain chains and extensive forests to draw down and retain moisture, the whole expanse is virtually a naked plain, basking under a semitropical sun. The rain supply is in the main inadequate for so warm and exposed a country; besides that it is of capricious occurrence; the evaporative force, therefore, is mostly in the ascendant, and the high winds that often scour the vast and open expanse acquire their dry and hot character as they pass over the dessicated country. Meteorological conditions cause these hot winds to blow towards the southern seas, where they are at length arrested, changed in


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 their character, or destroyed by the supply of moisture they take up. The colonies to the south and south-east, namely, South Australia, Victoria, and New South Wales are thus in the direct route of these winds, and exposed to their full force. To these colonies they come usually as the climax to some days or weeks of preceding hot and dry weather, and they are as usually the precursors of a change of this weather—of cool southerly winds and rain.

These dry hot winds are due, then, to a region which is in general deficient in moisture and water surface, and which, at the same time, lies under a powerful sun. This usual condition is subject to occasional aggravation from unusual drought; occasionally, too, on the other hand, from an unusual rainfall this arid condition of the country is entirely, although but temporarily reversed. The result in this latter case is a rapid and wonderful change, alike in the country's aspect and in the character of its climate. Wherever there is a soil, the moist ground, fostered by the warm and now genial air, is promptly covered with vegetation; even the slopes of the sand hills sprout out with flowers; life teems forth in air, earth, and water. The hot winds are sensibly modified, and, if the rainfall is general, they are even entirely suspended. The colonies adjacent experience promptly the effect of these extremes of change that take place in the


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 large and problematical area behind them, whose condition is at all times so important to their respective climates. Thus they occasionally enjoy an unusually cool season, as they occasionally also at other times suffer one that is unusually hot.

It does so happen that our accounts of the Australian interior as received from its various explorers are chequered by these very extremes. Several of the principal expeditions happened to have been undertaken in seasons presenting one or other of these extremes. The summer of 1844-5, during which Sturt was repulsed from the Desert, was one of great and unusual drought, as we ourselves well recollect with reference to the colony of Victoria, where scarcely a drop of rain fell during the four months from December to April. On the other hand, the season of 1861-2 was unusually moist and cool. In Victoria this season was considered to be the wettest the colonists had experienced in the country. This was the season in which Landsborough careered through the interior—that dry and thirsty land of Gregory and Sturt—almost as though it had been one universal grass park; and in which McKinlay found his difficulties to arise, not, as with Sturt and Gregory, from drought and arid waste, but from water.

The water supply is, indeed, the key to the whole question. This sub-tropical area, with all its


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 precarious climate, is yet not to be accounted the mere desert that Sturt has impressed upon our minds; but neither is it to be depended on as the blooming, well-watered surface of later explorers. It may be urged, indeed, to its disadvantage that, as the country is liable to such extremes of condition, the bloom of one favourable season will hardly compensate to life and property for the uninhabitable waste that may be caused by its unfavourable successor. We are reminded of the saying that the strength of a whole cable is just that of its weakest link; and so a practical Australian squatter who ventures himself and his live stock into the far interior, may prudently interpret the country by its worst seasons. Mitchell in the year 1846 describes the district of the Upper Barcoo, or Victoria, as a grassy scene, similar to that which had captivated Landsborough in his course somewhat further westward and northward; but Kennedy in the very next year, as well as Gregory in 1858, found these verdant lawns of the Victoria only a dessicated waste; and now again in 1862 we learn that the country thereabouts is once more luxuriantly clothed, and beautiful as the "plains of promise." From this chequered scene, however, we can turn with re-assurance to the results of Stuart's expeditions. Having accomplished three successful journeys across Australia during three successive years, we have


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Rh some guarantee as to the permanent features around at least one great dividing line of the interior country.

We are warranted in concluding that this vast interior Australia is habitable and available enough in its ordinary, or average seasons. The question remains with the occasional seasons of extreme drought. One such occurred, as we have seen, in 1844-5; another, six years later, the Victoria colonists can well remember, at least in its culminating effect on "Black Thursday" the 6th of February, 1851, when many parts of the arid country almost simultaneously took fire. Experience, however, seems to establish the fact that when this changeable interior is visited by such climatic extremes, the entire area is not simultaneously affected. This is a very important consideration for the expanding colonies of the south and east, whose increasing population and property are either clustered close around the precarious area in question, or are placed by successive steps of Colonization further and further within its boundaries. The case practically amounts to this: that when one or two of the colonies suffer, and are, consequently, short in their harvest, the others have escaped, and can make up the deficiency; and, when one section of the pastoral interior may be scorched and destitute of pasturage, the live stock may all still be preserved by a temporary


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Rh The order in which the Domesday Hundreds is given above is that in which they appear to have stood on the original returns for the county. These returns were made at the Survey, Hundred by Hundred and vill by vill, and from them the compilers of Domesday Book extracted the constituents of each fief and arranged them under the name of the baron who held it.

The ascertainment of the sequence of Hundreds is often of importance for identifying doubtful manors where the scribe has omitted the name of the Hundred to which they belong. It is therefore satis- factory to find that Mr. Ragg and Mr. Morley Davies, who examined it independently, have arrived at the same conclusions. Mr. Davies, whose map is here reproduced, suggests, in his valuable paper, that ' the grouping in threes was already established at the time of Domesday Book,' and considers that this view is supported by the relative position of the groups. So far back as 1887, at the Domesday Commemoration, the late Canon Isaac Taylor drew attention to this grouping of the Buckinghamshire Hundreds, and compared it with the similar grouping in the East Riding of Yorkshire, where eighteen Domesday Hundreds may be roughly said, according to him, to have been rearranged, by Edwardian times, in six groups, each of which contained three of them, five of which were styled Wapentakes, while the sixth consisted of Liberties ; and he suggested that this grouping might be connected with the navipletio or provision of one ship from three Hundreds. The evidence, however, of such grouping of Hundreds for this pur- pose is very slight.

The Domesday Hundreds retained their names unchanged for a long period, but the grouping system had been introduced even be- fore their disuse. For in 1316 the ' Nomina Hundredorum ' shows us the two co-existent, though in 1346 the Domesday names alone are given.

In studying the Domesday Survey we have to be always on the watch for the appearance under one county of a place belonging to another. The accounts of some manors seem to have gone astray, but in other cases the apparent discrepancy is accounted for by the fact of a manor which lay geographically in one county belonging territorially to another. Such ' islands,' or detached portions of counties, usually retained to our own time the same peculiar posi- tion that they are found occupying in Domesday. Caversfield, for

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 to another. A rather severe drought affected New South Wales and the southern parts of Queensland in the season of 1861-2—the very season that proved so moist further to the south and west, and that covered Victoria with universal verdure. Again, the three years' drought of 1837-39—of terrible memory in New South Wales—did not extend into Victoria. What is still more encouraging, this intolerable scourge, whose effect now upon the extended and multiplied interests of the colony would be tenfold more destructive than before, has not since re-appeared.

The most sterile portions of this precarious interior region are not those which are far removed from the settled country, although this has been the common notion. The country that originates the hot wind really extends much nearer to the settlements than the colonists had supposed; they have, in fact, already, by means of their squatting outposts, penetrated in some directions far into its depths, and they are occupying and making available to their purposes even the least favourable parts of its ill-reputed area. Such is the hot, dry, salt-bush country to the northward of Adelaide described by Waterhouse, who accompanied Stuart, and such is the kind of country McKinlay passed through, 400 miles north of the same capital, and already occupied by squatting stations. At Blanchewater, the


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 furthest, for the time being, of these settlements, the party had to prepare to encounter in their northerly march fifty miles of the worst desert that was met with during the entire journey.

The interior of Australia, therefore, is a country we can make use of, and there is every reason to believe that the greater part of it will soon and with marvellous rapidity be overspread by pastoral settlements. There is sufficient rainfall and vegetable growth to cover by far the greater part of its wide surface with some kind of soil. Where the quartz, sandstone, and granite come to the surface, there is a poor account of results. These spaces are the scrub and spinifex country, so often recurring upon the explorers' maps, or they are the patches of mere sand and stones, which also often occur, and which in one particular region, where they are the prominent feature of a considerable area, have established a distinction as the "Stony Desert." On the other hand, the basaltic outcrop of rocks and the clay surfaces are the better class of soils. These are ever ready to spring into verdure. They await the providence of the clouds, and are never slow to respond whenever opportunities are showered upon them.

It is not improbable that the country may be found better and less subject to extreme changes further to the westward than McKinlay's or even Stuart's line of march. In that direction lies


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A Astwood and North Crawley, not named in Bucks D.B. B Lillingstone Lovell, a detached part of Oxon (at least in modern times). C Ternitone (Thornton) and Becentone (Beachampton), forming a detached part of Rovelai. D Buckingham with Bourton, extra-hundredal. E Cavrefelle (Caversfield), a detached part of Rovelai and of the shire. F A detached part of Ticheshele. G Brvnhelle (Brill, here assumed to include Boarstall), apparently extra-hundredal. H Eie (Kingsey and Towersey), Estone (Aston Sandford), and Waldruge (Waldridge), forming a detached part of Ticheshele. J Liberty of Moreton, a detached part of Desborough (at least in modern times.) K Draitone ( Drayton Beauchamp, here assumed to include Hawridge and Cholesbury), a detached part of Erlai. L Lee, not named in D.B., unless it be Lede, in which case it is a detached part of Dustenberg. M A detached part of Oxon (at least in modern times). N Penn, not named in D.B. O Coleshill, a detached part of Herts (at least in modern times). P Seer Green, a detached part of Farnham Royal (in modern times), and therefore possibly of Stoches hundred.

Note.—The area of Burnham Hundred that is partially enclosed by areas N, O and P should also have been marked off by dotted lines in such a way as to divide the hundred into two completely detached parts, this area being that of Beaconsfield which is not named in Domesday Book.

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 nearly one-half of the Australian interior still uninvaded. But this conjecture as to its qualities has to encounter that arid desert that arrested Gregory beyond the sources of the Victoria of the Northwest, and that looks down ominously over this unexplored expanse from its northern margin. The conjecture, nevertheless, is based upon an opinion, somewhat general, that an inlet or strait of the sea has covered, recently perhaps, the flat or hollow country between Spencer Gulf and Carpentaria. The low sandy region that continues northwards from the head of Spencer Gulf may have been at no remote time (geologically speaking) the shallow channel of a sea dividing Australia into two great islands. This recently raised and sterile sea-bed is still marked out by the line of the fitful Lake Torrens and the lower course of the Cooper. Towards the Gulf of Carpentaria there is still the low flat country, but the rains and vegetation of a more regular and tropical climate have covered the surface with a better soil.

THE ABORIGINAL NATIVES.

We quit the subject of soil and climate for that of the living occupants who are in the midst of both, to enjoy or endure the ordeal of their extremes. Our information regarding the aboriginal race, derived from the recent expeditions, tends, as already stated, to enlarge our previous estimates


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 as to their numbers. Few still, however, are these numbers, even if we double the former reckoning, and sprinkle some four hundred thousand individuals over the great "Terra Australis." And this small number is still diminished each year with each advancing step of the colonist into the aboriginal homes. The natives generally cannot retreat before the colonial invasion, because their exclusive tribal system surrounds each separate native community with aliens or enemies of its own race; each tribe ever watchful of its own territorial boundaries, each often at variance with its neighbours, and many of the tribes, in consequence of these alienating circumstances, speaking a dialect mutually unintelligible. They remain in the colonized districts, and gradually die off. Many tribes have thus nearly or entirely disappeared within the present colonies.

They are decidedly low in the scale of human attainments. A controversy occurred lately as to whether the true Australian invented and used the canoe. He emerges from the degradation


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 implied by this question with a ray of triumph. He does make use of a canoe, tiny as its structure is, and one of the spoils collected by Stuart was a small native canoe model. The Australian can probably claim to have fashioned and navigated a canoe of his own, independently of the example of the superior vessels that are constructed by the more intelligent races adjoining the northern coasts. Some of his customs are curious. How came he to practise the rite of circumcision? Our travellers allude to this rite as observed in the South, but not in the North. Leichhardt, however, expressly states that it was practised by all the tribes he met with in the year 1845, around the Gulf of Carpentaria. The knocking out of two or four of the upper front teeth as a sign of adult manhood is very general, although not universal.

The accounts given us of the natives, their friendly, mischievous, or hostile purposes, are somewhat various and contradictory. They have evidently the Japanese quality of a dislike to be intruded upon by outside and unknown barbarians, with their sickly unnatural skins, and their uncouth, anomalous, unkangaroo-looking attendant quadrupeds. Our travellers and their temporary camps, it is evident, were repeatedly in the way of the natives, disturbing their fishing and their other arrangements. To conduct amicable


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 with these sons of nature, much depends upon tact and firmness, and even more upon a thorough mutual understanding of aims and objects. The desire to appropriate is as inveterate in the black as, according to our police, it is in the white, and this impulse is perhaps the most fertile of all occasions of differences. A large property, of a nature kindred to blankets and tomahawks, fishhooks and bead necklaces, and a small party to defend it, forms a sad stumbling-block in the way of aboriginal virtues. The kindness shown by the Cooper's Creek natives to King, the survivor of Burke's party, as well as their sympathizing lament over the body of Burke, are pleasing and encouraging traits. A persistently hostile character like that of Keri Keri, encountered at Lake Massacre, a kind of Australian Hannibal, as he seemed, in his mortal antipathy to those intruding Romans, the colonists, seems the exception to the general rule.

Cannibalism is now but a too well ascertained custom of these Aborigines. New Zealand and Fiji afford analogous and perfectly authenticated confirmation of such customs, as well as New Caledonia. The report or rather confession of the Lake Massacre natives that they had dug up and eaten the body of Gray, another of Burke's party, who had died of fatigue on the return route, is not at all unlikely to be true. Nor is it


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1539.] 'Forasmuch as the King's most Royal Majesty, for divers considerations, by the advice of his council, hath heretofore set forth divers and sundry proclamations, as well concerning sundry articles of Christ's religion, as for an unity and concord among the loving and obedient subjects of his realm, which, nevertheless, divers and many froward and obstinate persons have contemned and broken, not considering what a king by his royal power may do, for lack of a direct statute, to cause offenders to obey the said proclamations, which, being suffered, should not only encourage offenders to disobedience, but also seem too much to the dishonour of the King's Majesty, who may full ill bear it, and also give too great heart to malefactors and offenders; considering also that sudden causes and occasions fortune many times, do require speedy remedies, and that by abiding for a Parliament in the meantime might happen great prejudice to the realm; and weighing also that his Majesty, which, by the kingly power given him by God, may do many things in such cases, should not be driven to extend the liberty and supremacy of his regal power and dignity by the wilfulness of froward subjects, it is thought in manner more than necessary that the King's Highness of this realm for the time being, with the advice of his honourable council, should make and set forth proclamations for the good and politic order of this his realm, as cases of necessity shall require, and that an ordinary law should be provided, by the assent of his Majesty and Parliament, for


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 a hostile indication on the native's part. Morrill, an English seaman, who had been wrecked seventeen years ago (in 1846), on the North-eastern coast, about Cape Upstart, and had lived with the natives thereabouts during all that time, brings us the latest accounts of this and other of their customs. He re-appeared amongst his countrymen at the northern out-stations at Queensland in February last (1863). The natives had treated him kindly after their own rough fashion. But he is clear on the subject of their cannibalism. He says: "My experience with the blacks proves that they are cannibals; parents eat their own children, and usually they eat the bodies of those killed in fight, and I would not trust them generally." All these Aborigines seem to have a great difficulty in procuring any other food than fish, and the scanty edibles of the natural vegetation. This circumstance, together with the keen appetite given by the Australian air, to which our travellers repeatedly testify, may supply the original motives to cannibalism, according to the conjectures of some writers. The pursuit of a foe has the double stimulus of a feast and a revenge. "O for the kidney-fat of an enemy!" is the motto of aboriginal knight-errantry. But romance is sadly exploded in the fact that friend


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 and foe seem indistinguishably appreciated, and are sent with equal zest to a common bourne.

THE OTHER NOTABILIA OF THE WAY.

Comparatively few of the larger birds or animals were met with in these interior journeys. Australia is not, as a whole, densely filled with these objects any more than with man. The shy kangaroo keeps well within woods and hill ranges, where, however, with its somewhat gregarious habits, it is often in large numbers. The wild Australian dog spreads over the plains, but is venturesome only at night, when he frequently prowled about the camps of the travellers, being occasionally found dead in the morning, poisoned by the strychnine baits used for the purpose. He vies in ferocity with his congener, the wolf, for although partial to a sheep, he will as readily turn upon a wounded brother as upon any other attainable prey. This animal is remarkable as the only non-marsupial quadruped of noticeable dimensions in a world of kangaroo, and the question has long been debated as to his indigenous origin, so to speak, or the apparently more probable solution of a late introduction into the country by man's agency. There comes just recently from Australia a new light on the question, in the fact that amongst remains of the animals, extinct and non-extinct, of the Australian drifts, those of the dingo


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202 the due punishment, correction, and reformation of such offences and disobediences.

For these reasons the extraordinary privilege was conferred upon the Crown of being able, with the consent of the privy council, to issue proclamations which should have the authority of Acts of Parliament; and pains and penalties might be inflicted to enforce submission, provided the specific punishment to follow disobedience was described and defined in each proclamation. A slight limitation was imposed upon this dangerous prerogative. The Crown was not permitted to repeal or suspend existing statutes, or set aside the common law or other laudable custom. It might not punish with death, or with unlimited fines or imprisonments. Secondary penalties might be inflicted, on legitimate conviction in the Star Chamber; but they must have been previously defined, both in extent and character. These restrictions interfered with the more arbitrary forms of tyranny; yet the ordinary constitution had received a serious infringement, in order that it might not be infringed further by a compelled usurpation. A measure something larger than the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act—the most extreme violation of the liberty of the subject to which, in the happier condition of England, we can now be driven, a measure infinitely lighter than the 'declaration of a state of siege,' so familiar to the most modern experience of the rest of Europe, was not considered too heavy a sacrifice of


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 or native dog have been at length detected. This discovery might be supposed to have settled the question of man's intervention, were it not that a like antiquity to that just indicated for the dog, claimed now so generally for man himself, may afford grounds for regarding the interesting problem as still unsolved.

Australia having broken through her exclusive kangarooism in the instance of the dog in the south and the central region, is again cosmopolitan in the north with the alligator; the ornithorhyncus paradoxus is in the north also, as well as in the south. The emu appears at intervals throughout. Tough, rank, and oily in his flesh, he is not a coveted morsel by way of variety to the fare of the explorers, although most of them have, on occasions, been glad to eke out their scanty supplies with an emu supper. A bird, distinguished as Sturt's pigeon, appears to have been most abundant. There were great numbers of cockatoos, including the black macaw, and many pelicans where there was water. But on the whole, in a thoroughly practical view of the country's fauna, the opportunities of subsisting by the products of the way were by no means frequent to the travellers, and the main reliance was ever upon the supplies taken with them, and in the


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Rh be contented to give, I doe as in all cases of purchase, ground myselfe uppon the markett, which is twentie shillings for every Deere above a Fawne ... the purchaser being att all the charges of taking and bringing away, & thirtie shillings a piece to have them delivered to me att Quainton. I shall expect the full indevor of the Keepers to holpe me in the taking of them, and to paie my money when I receave them.

Further on we read of two of the deer at Claydon getting drowned and of others sickening in the winter, and of the steward's distress thereat. In the spring of 1660 ' Cousin Winwood ' was negotiating for Sir Ralph Verney the purchase of the deer from Fawley Court as above mentioned. The deer are again referred to in 1665 and 1681.

Ditton Park. Ditton Park is about three miles from Stoke Park; and in a description of Windsor Forest and its Liberties, by Norden, Surveyor of Woods to James I., it is stated that 'Ditton Parke hath about 220 deere, about 50 of antler, and 2O buckes,' and contained 'about 195 akers good ground.' Deer ' of antler ' would mean the young males, the ' buckes ' being those of four years and upwards.

Doddershall House, in Quainton parish. The deer park here was converted into arable and meadow on the death of the Dowager Countess Say and Sele, whose second husband (of three) was John Pigott, Esq., in 1789.

Hartwell House.A print in my collection is labelled 'Hartwell House Buckinghamshire,' engraved by S. Middiman from an original drawing by Metz, published 1793. Five deer are shown close to the front of the house; black spots on some seem to indicate fallow deer, but the horns are too small and conventionally drawn to afford any indication of species.

Quainton Park. Has been mentioned under the heading of Claydon Park. The Winwoods' house was partly demolished, and the remainder converted into a farm, at the beginning of the eighteenth century.

Salcey Forest. Chiefly in Northamptonshire, but as a small portion is in Hanslope parish it must be mentioned as a former habitat of deer in Bucks. It has been disforested within living memory, and I have seen small fallow deer horns from animals formerly inhabiting it.

Thornton Hall.In Memoirs of the Verney Family, ii. 160, Lady Sussex, writing in July 1643, says:

Sr edwarde terell was a little fearfull; prince robort [ = Rupert] hade bene hontinge att his parke [i.e. Thornton],. . .; he kailde fife buckes, shote them and his doge boy poullede them down, he dide not ride att all.

Turville Park.Fallow deer were perhaps introduced when the present house was built by William Perry, shortly after 1735. They were got rid of probably between 1858 and 1863, during which period there were several changes in the ownership of the property. Mrs. Stafford O'Brien Hoare informs me that an old farmer named Pitcher, of Ibstone, who died two or three years ago, told her that he had helped to drive the deer from here to Stonor Park in Oxon, only about three-quarters of a mile distant. A track from one park to the other was temporarily prepared and fenced. Langley mentions this as a deer park.

West Wycombe Park.Sir Robert J. Dashwood, Bart., the owner, kindly showed me a 'Survey made by John Richardson, 1767, of the Manor of West Wycombe, then belonging to Sir Francis Dashwood, afterwards Baron Le Despencer,' in which several deer are figured in the park, and a man out of all proportion in size, is shooting at one at extremely short range. An oil painting of a view of the house now in one of the bedrooms, shows deer in the park. The dress of a lady in the picture seems to mark the date at about 1790. Without much doubt the deer were fallow, but Sir Robert knows nothing as to the date of their introduction or removal. Langley observes that ' though the wood has not yet acquired the venerable appearance of a more ancient deer-park, yet it is making considerable advances,' etc. Langley's work was published in 1797, and it would seem therefore that deer were only here for a comparatively short time.

[The Roe Deer. Capreolus capreolus. BellCapreolus caprea.

The roe has long been exterminated from this county, and its remains are scarce. We obtained several bones in the pile village at Hedsor of Romano-British date, and there are two or three unlabelled horns in the Museum at Aylesbury, probably from the latter neighbourhood, and of uncertain date, but apparently ancient.]

[Wild Cattle.

Wild Cattle or some kind inhabited the Chiltern forests in late Saxon and early Norman times, but there is no record of a

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 last resource upon the animals that carried the general outfit.

THE OUTFIT OF AN AUSTRALIAN EXPLORATORY PARTY.

What is the most suitable outfit for an Australian exploratory expedition? is a question that is now likely to be of some interest, if such expeditions are to go on at the rate of the last three years; and that they will be kept up is not at all improbable. An emulative spirit has been aroused on the subject in the colonies. These later expeditions have shown an unexpected facility in accomplishing such great journeys, and nearly the western half of the island-continent remains unknown. There is still enough left of the "Terra Australia Incognita"—to use the old words of a century past—to supply stimulative occasion for at least two great expeditions; one to proceed from the head of the Great Australian Bight, in a direction a little west of north, to the point reached by Gregory from the opposite direction in 1856; the other from a point several degrees westward of the Bight in a northwest course towards Nickol Bay, whose rather promising vicinities were explored by Mr. F. T. Gregory two years ago (1861). As Victoria is possessed of an armed steamer, happily not in request for any purposes of war, and therefore available for other and happier uses, that colony can hardly do better, towards assuming


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 the duties of the metropolitan position to which its people aspire, than to organize these expeditions. Stuart and his compeers have satisfactorily proved that such expeditions need not be very costly undertakings, and that, with such men as McKinlay and himself, they are not likely to fail of success.

Stuart's first expedition comprised a party of but three persons, including himself, with thirteen horses for the carriage of stores and baggage. This force was too feeble to encounter safely any considerable body of hostile Aborigines, as the result showed. Landsborough, also, with the same force, the two Aborigines he had in addition not probably counting for much, was under the same necessity at the River Herbert, above the Albert. But again he was successful with a like force subsequently in crossing Australia. Burke and Wills ventured across the country, also successfully, with a total of only four persons. Security, however, cannot be assured with such small forces. On the second occasion Stuart made up his party to twelve, and on the third to ten; that of McKinlay was nearly as strong; such a force seems quite adequate to all the contingencies of the way.

In regard to supplies, Stuart, who preferred a troop of horses as his only carriers, limited himself to what could be conveyed by this means.


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Rh the squareness of work and at the same time the levelness of a head, it being for this purpose sometimes more useful than a spirit level.

Benches.—The ordinary joiner's bench should not be less than about 8 ft. long, 2 ft. 6 in. to 3 ft. high, and 2 ft. 6 in. wide, and should be fitted with wood or iron bench screws so as to accommodate one or two workers. Of course, the height of the bench will be influenced by the stature of the worker and by the kind of work to be done. A joiner's bench of the usual pattern is shown by Fig. 25. It is 12 ft. long, by 2 ft. 6 in. wide, and 3 ft. high. The legs are 4 in. by 4 in.; bearers and rails, 4 in. by 3 in.; sides, 1¼ in. by 9 in.; top, 1½ in. by 9 in. The bench top is mortised at A to


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1539.] in comparison with the evils which it might prevent.

While the Six Articles Bill was still under debate, the King at once availed himself of the powers conferred upon him, again to address the people. He spoke of the secret and subtle attempts which certain people were making to restore the hypocrite's religion—the evil and naughty superstitions and dreams which had been abolished and done away; while others, again, he said, were flying in the face of all order and authority, perverting the Scriptures, denying the sacraments, denying the authority of princes and magistrates, and making law and government impossible. He dwelt especially on his disappointment at the bad use which had been made of the Bible: 'His Majesty's intent and hope had been, that the Scriptures would be read with meekness,


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6


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Rh and on it are 6 ploughs. There 40 villeins with 1 6 bordars have 14 ploughs and there could be i o more. There are 1 5 serfs, and 2 mills worth (de) 20 shillings, and meadow (sufficient) for 6 plough (teams), pasture for the live stock (pecuniam) and for the 'ferm' of the archbishop 8 days' hay (per viii'ts dies fenum). In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 40 pounds. When received 20 pounds; T.R.E. 40 pounds. Of this land Gilbert the priest holds of the archbishop 3 hides and I church with its tithes; there is land for i plough, and this is there with i villein and 3 bordars; it is and was worth T.R.E. and after (valuit semper) 60 shillings. This manor Earl Tosti(g) held.

M. The archbishop himself holds [Halton]. It is assessed at 5 hides. There is land for 7 ploughs. In the demesne are 2 hides, and on it are 2 ploughs. There 10 villeins with 15 bordars have 5 ploughs. There is I mill worth (de) 15 shillings; meadow (sufficient) for 2 plough (teams), woodland (to feed) 100 swine and (worth) 2 shillings (besides). In all (In totis valentiis} it is and was worth T.R.E. and after (valuit semper) 8 pounds. This manor Earl Leofwine (Lewinus) held.

M. The archbishop himself holds [(Monks) Risborough]. It is assessed at 30 hides. There is land for 14 ploughs. In the demesne are 16 hides, and on it are 2 ploughs. There 32 villeins with 8 bordars have 12 ploughs. There are 4 serfs, meadow (sufficient) for 6 plough (teams), woodland (to feed) 300 swine. In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 1 6 pounds; when received 100 shillings; T.R.E. 16 pounds. This manor Asgar the staller held of Christ Church, Canterbury, but with the condition that (ita quod) he could not alienate it from that church, T.R.E.

M. Walchelin Bishop of Winchester holds [(West) Wycombe]. It is assessed at 19 hides. There is land for 23 ploughs. In the demesne are 5 hides, and on it are 3 ploughs. There 27 villeins with 8 bordars have 19 ploughs. There are 7 serfs, and 3 mills worth (de) 20 shillings, and I fishery of I,OOO eels, meadow (sufficient) for 7 plough (teams), woodland (to feed) 1,000 swine. In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 1 5 pounds; when received 10 pounds; T.R.E. 12 pounds. This manor was and is for the support (de victu) of the monks of the church at Winchester. Stigand held it T.R.E.

M. The Bishop of Winchester himself holds [Ivinghoe]. It is assessed at 20 hides. There is land for 25 ploughs. In the demesne are 5 hides, and on it are 3 ploughs and there could be a fourth. There 28 villeins with 4 bordars have 20 ploughs, and there could be i more. There are 6 serfs, meadow (sufficient) for 5 plough (teams), woodland (to feed) 600 swine and (worth) 10 shillings (besides). In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 18 pounds; when received 10 pounds; T.R.E. 15 pounds. This manor belonged and belongs to (jacuit et jacet in) the demesne of the church of St. Peter of Winchester.

M. Remigius Bishop of Lincoln holds [Stoke (Mandeville)]. It is assessed at 8 hides. There is land for 21 ploughs. In the demesne are 3 hides, and on it are 6 ploughs. There 20 villeins with 4 bordars have 15 ploughs. There are 3 serfs, and 1 mill worth (de) 10 shillings, woodland (to feed) 30 swine, meadow (sufficient) for 3 plough (teams). This manor belongs to (jacet ad) the church of Elesberie [Aylesbury]. There are 18 bordars who pay 20 shillings yearly. In all (totis valentiis) it is worth 20 pounds; when received 12 pounds; T.R.E. 18 pounds. This manor with the church Bishop Wlwi held T.R.E. From the 8 Hundreds which lie round (in circuitu) Elesberie [Aylesbury] each sokeman having I hide or more renders (redd ') I load of grain (summam annonee) to this church. Besides this also I acre of grain (annone) or 4 pence used to be contributed by each sokeman to this church T.R.E., but after the coming of King William this payment was not made.

fo. 144

M. Walter holds [Buckland] of Bishop Remigius. It is assessed at 10 hides.

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 Stuart's third expedition acquires additional importance, from his having been accompanied by a naturalist, Mr. Waterhouse, whose observations upon the various regions passed through give us a very clear idea of Australia along its central line. Unfortunately the expedition was disappointed of its thermometers, so that we have no thermometric data of the peculiar and precarious