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Rh essential a feature in conversion might, in some cases at any rate, be interpreted as the orthodox interpret it: forces transcending the finite individual might impress him, on condition of his being what we may call a subliminal human specimen. But in any case the value of these forces would have to be determined by their effects, and the mere fact of their transcendency would of itself establish no presumption that they were more divine than diabolical.

I confess that this is the way in which I should rather see the topic left lying in your minds until I come to a much later lecture, when I hope once more to gather these dropped threads together into more definitive conclusions. The notion of a subconscious self certainly ought not at this point of our inquiry to be held to exclude all notion of a higher penetration. If there be higher powers able to impress us, they may get access to us only through the subliminal door. (See below, p. 515 ff.)

Let us turn now to the feelings which immediately fill the hour of the conversion experience. The first one to be noted is just this sense of higher control. It is not always, but it is very often present. We saw examples of it in Alline, Bradley, Brainerd, and elsewhere. The need of such a higher controlling agency is well expressed in the short reference which the eminent French Protestant Adolphe Monod makes to the crisis of his own conversion. It was at Naples in his early manhood, in the summer of 1827.

"My sadness," he says, " was without limit, and having got entire possession of me, it filled my life from the most indifferent external acts to the most secret thoughts, and corrupted at their source my feelings, my judgment, and my happiness. It was then that I saw that to expect to put a stop to this disorder


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Hawkins in her middle age. The proprietor of the ‘Dumfries Courier,’ charmed with her as a character, gratuitously printed her poems in little volumes with paper covers, and for half a century she was known as a wandering minstrel of the borders. She sold her booklets from house to house, travelling far in search of natives of Dumfries. She penetrated into England; and a genial Manchester patron declared that there were two forces a Dumfriesian in England could not escape—death and Susy Hawkins. Sir F. W. Johnstone, bart., of Wester Hall, Dumfriesshire, granted her ground for a cottage at Relief, near her brother's residence in the neighbourhood of Ecclefechan, and here she died through an accident, 29 March 1868.

The little volumes are all more or less reprints of one another, and they are now rare. It seems that Susanna began to publish about 1826, but what appears to be a first edition of ‘The Poems and Songs of Susanna Hawkins’ is dated 1838. This contains sixty pages; subsequent volumes reach six pages more. Nine volumes in all are extant, the last being published in 1861, and it is surmised that there might be one or two more. The poems are largely of a local and occasional character, and though fairly well rhymed are generally more rhetorical than poetic. The lofty autobiographical dedication is more entertaining than the verses it precedes.

 HAWKINS, THOMAS (d. 1577), M.P. for Warwick. [See .]

HAWKINS, THOMAS (d. 1640), poet and translator, was the eldest son of Sir Thomas Hawkins, knight-banneret, of Nash Court, Kent, by Anne, daughter and heiress of Cyriac Pettit, esq., of Boughton-under-the-Blean in the same county. John Hawkins, M.D. [q. v.], and Henry Hawkins, the jesuit [q. v.], were his brothers. He succeeded to the family estates on the death of his father, 10 April 1617, and was knighted by James I at Whitehall 4 May 1618 (, Book of Knights, p. 173). Wood says he was an ingenious man, excellent in the faculty of music as well as in poetry. He was a friend and correspondent of James Howell, who mentions him in the ‘Epistolæ Ho-elianæ,’ and he was also acquainted with Edmund Bolton [q. v.], who selected him in 1624 to be one of the original eighty-four members of the projected Royal Academy, or College and Senate of Honour (Archæologia, xxxii. 144). Like all the members of his family, he was a staunch catholic and recusant. On 11 Dec. 1633 an attempt was made under a council-warrant to search the house of Sir Thomas Hawkins, ‘a great papist and harbourer of priests,’ for Father Symons, a Carmelite friar, and others. Lady Hawkins would not admit the officers without a special warrant, saying that her husband had the great seal of England in his trunk to protect her house, and the matter seems to have dropped there (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1633–1634, p. 319). Hawkins died at Nash Court, Kent, towards the close of 1640, and was buried near the graves of his father and mother.

He married Elizabeth, daughter of George Smith, esq., of Ashby Folville, Leicestershire, and had two sons, John and Thomas, both of whom died young and without issue.

His works are: 1. ‘The Odes and Epodes of Horace in Latin and English Verse,’ London, 1625, 4to. The title-page is very neatly engraved. The second edition is entitled ‘Odes of Horace, the best of Lyrick Poets; contayning much morallity and sweetness: Selected, translated, and in this edition reviewed and enlarged with many more,’ London, 1631, 8vo, and again 1635 and 1638, 12mo. This translation was plagiarised by Dr. Barten Holyday [q. v.] in 1652. 2. An English translation of ‘The Holy Court, or the Christian Institution of Men of Quality. With Examples of those who in Court haue flourished in Sanctity. By Nicolas Caussin of the Society of Jesus,’ 2 vols., Paris, 1626, 4to, the first volume being inscribed to Queen Henrietta Maria and the second to Edward Sackville, earl of Dorset. The third volume was not published in English till 1634, when vols. i. and ii. were reprinted at Rouen in fol.; a fourth volume followed in 1638, and contained ‘The Command of Reason over the Passions.’ Other editions, London, 1638, 1650, 1663, and 1678, fol. The later editions were probably prepared by Robert Codrington [q. v.], the puritan, who is said to have added some translations of his own. Hawkins was assisted by Sir Basil Brook. This work was for many years in great favour, especially among catholics. It contains lives, with portraits, of Mary Queen of Scots and Cardinal Pole. 3. An elegy on Sir John Beaumont, printed with that poet's ‘Bosworth Field,’ 1629. 4. ‘Unhappy Prosperitie, expressed in the Histories of Ælius Sejanus and Philippa the Catanian, with observations on the fall of Sejanus,’ translated from the French of Pierre Matthieu, London, 1632, 4to, and 1639, 12mo. Dedicated to William, earl of Salisbury.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Rh In a general way, then, and 'on the whole,' our abandonment of theological criteria, and our testing of religion by practical common sense and the empirical method, leave it in possession of its towering place in history. Economically, the saintly group of qualities is indispensable to the world's welfare. The great saints are immediate successes; the smaller ones are at least heralds and harbingers, and they may be leavens also, of a better mundane order. Let us be saints, then, if we can, whether or not we succeed visibly and temporally. But in our Father's house are many mansions, and each of us must discover for himself the kind of religion and the amount of saintship which best comports with what he believes to be his powers and feels to be his truest mission and vocation. There are no successes to be guaranteed and no set orders to be given to individuals, so long as we follow the methods of empirical philosophy.

This is my conclusion so far. I know that on some of your minds it leaves a feeling of wonder that such a method should have been applied to such a subject, and this in spite of all those remarks about empiricism which I made at the beginning of Lecture XIII. How, you say, can religion, which believes in two worlds and an invisible order, be estimated by the adaptation of its fruits to this world's order alone? It is its truth, not its utility, you insist, upon which our verdict ought to depend. If religion is true, its fruits are good fruits, even though in this world they should prove uniformly ill adapted and full of naught but pathos. It goes back, then, after all, to the question of the truth of theology. The plot inevitably thickens upon us; we cannot escape theoretical considerations. I propose, then, that to some


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H 5. ‘The Christian Diurnal of F. N. Caussin, S.J., translated into English by T. H.,’ Paris, 1632, 18mo; 3rd edition, ‘reviewed and much augmented,’ 1686; dedicated to Viscountess Savage. It differs slightly from ‘The Christian Diary of F. N. Caussin, S.J., translated into English by T. H.’ [Cambridge], 1648, 12mo, and 1649, 12mo, which was issued rather for protestant than catholic use. 6. ‘The Lives and singular vertues of Saint Elzear, Count of Sabran, and of his Wife the blessed Countesse Delphina, both Virgins and Married,’ translated from the French of the jesuit Etienne Binet, Paris, 1638, 8vo; dedicated to John, earl of Shrewsbury, and his countess. 7. A poem in ‘Ionsonus Virbivs: or the Memorie of Ben. Johnson,’ 1638.

HAWKINS, THOMAS (1810–1889), geologist, son of John and Edith Hawkins, was born at Glastonbury on 25 July 1810. He studied anatomy at Guy's Hospital under Sir Astley Cooper, but very soon became interested in geology. In 1831 he was made a fellow of the Geological Society. He became widely known as a collector of fossils. A collection which he had procured in the lias of Devon, Somerset, and Dorset was purchased by the government for 3,000l. and placed in the British Museum. A strong memorial was presented without success in March 1839 in favour of a public grant for the purchase of a second collection which Hawkins had formed. Hawkins generously presented a number of fine specimens of saurian fossils from the south of England lias to the geological museums of Cambridge (1856) and Oxford (1874). He died in the Isle of Wight in October 1889.

Hawkins wrote: 1. ‘Memoirs of Ichthyosauri and Plesiosauri,’ twenty-eight plates, imp. fol., London, 1834. 2. ‘The Book of the Great Sea-Dragons,’ with thirty plates, copied from the Hawkins collection in the British Museum, London, imp. fol., 1840. 3. ‘The Lost Angel and the History of the Old Adamites, found written on the Pillars of Seth. A Poem,’ 4to, London, 1840. 4. ‘One Centenary of Sonnets, to her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria,’ royal 16mo, London, 1841. 5. ‘The Wars of Jehovah in Heaven, Earth, and Hell,’ with eleven engravings by John Martin, imp. 4to, London, 1844. 6. ‘Victorian Verses,’ imp. fol., 1848. 7. ‘Prometheus: a Lyrical Drama,’ 4to, London, 1850. 8. ‘The Christian,’ crown 8vo, London, 1853. 9. ‘Cicero's (supposed lost) Book on Glory,’ demy 4to. 10. ‘Contra Judæos, Gentiles, et Hæreticos;’ a tract (supposed) by St. Chrysostom, demy 4to. 11. ‘My Life and Works’ (only 1 vol. published), London, 1887, 8vo. Also various pamphlets between 1846 and 1850.

HAWKINS or HAWKYNS, WILLIAM (d. 1554?), sea-captain and merchant, son of John Hawkyns of Tavistock (d. before 1490) and his wife Joan, daughter of William Amadas of Launceston, was probably born at Plymouth, where his father held land under the corporation. His alleged kinship with the family of Hawkins of Nash in Kent is entirely unsubstantiated. Neither his son, Sir John Hawkyns, nor Sir John's son, Sir Richard, used the arms of the Nash family—argent, on a saltire sable, five fleurs-de-lys or. All evidence points to the Hawkynses being a Devonshire family, settled for many generations at Tavistock.

Early in the sixteenth century William Hawkyns was a well-to-do freeman of Plymouth. He seems to have combined the businesses of shipowner, captain, and merchant, also serving occasionally as an officer of the king's ships. He may probably be identified with the Hawkyns who in 1513 was master of the Great Galley, a ship of 700 tons and four hundred men. The captain of the Great Galley at this time was one John Flemyng, and in the same fleet William Gonson was captain of the Mary Grace (Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII, i. 552). In the next generation the families of Flemyng and Hawkyns intermarried with that of Gonson. We may suppose that he was the William Hawkyns who in 1523, and again in 1524, was associated with John Amadas as a collector of the subsidy in Devonshire (ib. iii. 1362; iv. 233).

Hawkyns is described by Hakluyt as ‘a man for his wisdom, valour, experience, and skill in sea causes, much esteemed and beloved of King Henry VIII, and one of the principal sea-captains in the west parts of England in his time.’ Only three of his many voyages are specially mentioned. In or about 1528, in command of his own ship, the Pole, of 250 tons, he sailed for the Guinea coast, where he traded with the negroes for ivory


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1807 Monroe to demand reparation from the British government. These instructions, dated July 6, 1807, were framed in the spirit which seemed to characterize Madison's diplomatic acts. Specific redress for a specific wrong appeared an easy demand. That the attack on the "Chesapeake" should be disavowed; that the men who had been seized should be restored; that punctilious exactness of form should mark the apology and retribution,—was matter of course; but that this special outrage, which stood on special ground, should be kept apart, and that its atonement should precede the consideration of every other disputed point, was the natural method of dealing with it if either party was serious in wishing for peace. Such a wound, left open to fester and smart, was certain to make war in the end inevitable. Both the President and Madison wanted peace; yet their instructions to Monroe made a settlement of the "Chesapeake" outrage impracticable by binding it to a settlement of the wider dispute as to impressments from merchant vessels.

 * "As a security for the future," wrote Madison, "an entire abolition of impressments from vessels under the flag of the United States, if not already arranged, is also to make an indispensable part of the satisfaction."

Among the many impossibilities which had been required of Monroe during the last four years, this was one of the plainest. The demand was


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H and other commodities; and afterwards, ‘arriving on the coast of Brazil, used there such discretion and behaved himself so wisely with those savage people, that he grew into great familiarity and friendship with them.’ In a second voyage (c. 1530) ‘one of the savage kings of the country was contented to take ship with him and to be transported into England,’ Hawkyns leaving behind in the country, as a pledge of his safety, ‘one Martin Cockeram of Plymouth.’ This Brazilian king was brought up to London and presented to Henry VIII at Whitehall, and a year later sailed with Hawkyns on the homeward voyage. Unfortunately he died on the passage out, and it was feared that Cockeram's life might be in danger. The savages were, however, ‘persuaded of the honest dealing of our men;’ the hostage was safely restored, and Hawkyns returned to England with his ‘ship freighted and furnished with the commodities of the country.’ Hakluyt, writing in 1589, adds, on the testimony of Sir John Hawkyns, that Cockeram ‘was living in the town of Plymouth within these few years.’

In 1532–3, and again in 1538–9, Hawkyns was mayor of Plymouth, which he also represented in the parliaments of 1539, 1547, and 1553 (October to December). In February 1554–5 he is spoken of as ‘recently deceased’ (, p. 6). He married Joan, daughter of William Trelawney, and left issue two sons, William [q. v.] (d. 1589) and John [q. v.], both of whom are separately noticed. Sir Francis Drake is sometimes spoken of as the nephew of Sir John Hawkyns, and it has been supposed that his mother must have been a sister of Sir John, a daughter, that is, of William Hawkyns. But no exact evidence of this has been found; the degree of relationship between Drake and the Hawkynses is doubtful.

 HAWKINS or HAWKYNS, WILLIAM (d. 1589), sea-captain and merchant, was son of William Hawkins (d. 1553) [q. v.], and elder brother of Sir John Hawkins (1532–1595) [q. v.] In 1553–4 he was admitted to the freedom of Plymouth. He took a prominent part in local affairs, and was three times mayor: in 1567–8, in 1578–9, and again in 1587–8. It was during his first mayoralty that the earliest bylaws for the regulation of the shipping in Sutton Pool were issued. In the following year, 1568–9, he built, it is said, the new conduit associated with the Market Cross in the Old Town. It is, however, as a shipowner that his name enters more prominently into history. From the beginning of the disturbances in the Low Countries his vessels cruised in the Channel; nominally privateers, they bore a close resemblance to pirates. In 1568 he held the commission of the Prince de Condé to act against the ships of the League. In December 1568 he was associated with Sir Arthur Champernowne in seizing the Spanish treasure at Plymouth. On 20 Jan. 1568–9 he sent to Cecil the news of the disastrous defeat of his brother John at San Juan de Lua, and requested that a share of the Spanish goods detained in Plymouth might be allotted to him in compensation. On 27 Jan. 1568–9 he sent word to Cecil of his brother's return home. Complaints innumerable of the depredations committed by his cruisers were made by the king of France and the Spanish ambassador. These ships were apparently owned jointly with his brother John; it is impossible to distinguish between the two, the more so as neither of them seems to have taken any personal part in the acts complained of; but the name of Hawkyns, in its French form Haquin, or in Spanish Achines, became a sound of terror in the narrow seas. In 1582 he commanded an expedition to the West Indies, of which, however, nothing is known beyond the mention of it by his nephew, Sir Richard Hawkyns (The Hawkins' Voyages, Hakluyt Society, p. 212). During his third mayoralty he helped to fit out from Plymouth seven ships against the Armada, was active in collecting reinforcements for the fleet, and in April 1589 contributed 25l. to the loan raised to defray the expenses of defence. He died on 7 Oct. 1589, and was buried in the church of St. Nicholas, Deptford, where a monument to his memory was erected by his brother, but no trace of it now remains. His will was proved in London on 20 Oct. 1589. By a first wife Hawkyns was father of William Hawkins or Hawkyns (fl. 1595) [q. v.] and of three daughters. His second wife was Mary, daughter of John Halse, by whom he had four sons and three daughters. His widow afterwards married Sir Warwick Hele.


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194 suffer political interests to gain dominion over him, he would be for practical intents and purposes a permanently transformed being. Our ordinary alterations of character, as we pass from one of our aims to another, are not commonly called transformations, because each of them is so rapidly succeeded by another in the reverse direction; but whenever one aim grows so stable as to expel definitively its previous rivals from the individual's life, we tend to speak of the phenomenon, and perhaps to wonder at it, as a 'transformation.'

These alternations are the completest of the ways in which a self may be divided. A less complete way is the simultaneous coexistence of two or more different groups of aims, of which one practically holds the right of way and instigates activity, whilst the others are only pious wishes, and never practically come to anything. Saint Augustine's aspirations to a purer life, in our last lecture, were for a while an example. Another would be the President in his full pride of office, wondering whether it were not all vanity, and whether the life of a wood-chopper were not the wholesomer destiny. Such fleeting aspirations are mere velleitates, whimsies. They exist on the remoter outskirts of the mind, and the real self of the man, the centre of his energies, is occupied with an entirely different system. As life goes on, there is a constant change of our interests, and a consequent change of place in our systems of ideas, from more central to more peripheral, and from more peripheral to more central parts of consciousness. I remember, for instance, that one evening when I was a youth, my father read aloud from a Boston newspaper that part of Lord Gifford's will which founded these four lectureships. At that time I did not think of being a teacher of philosophy: and what I listened to was as remote from my own life


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H HAWKINS or HAWKYNS, WILLIAM (fl. 1595), sea-captain and merchant, eldest son of William Hawkins or Hawkyns (d. 1589) [q. v.], and nephew of Sir John Hawkins (1532–1595) [q. v.], served in Sir Francis Drake's voyage to the South Sea in 1577, presumably in the Elizabeth with John Wynter, though possibly in the Golden Hind with Drake himself (Western Antiquary, viii. 139; Cal. State Papers, East Indies, 1513–1616, No. 217; Notes and Queries, 7th ser. iv. 186). In October 1581 he was nominated, apparently at the request of his uncle, then treasurer of the navy, as lieutenant to Edward Fenton [q. v.], appointed to command an expedition for the East Indies and China (Cal. State Papers, East Indies 1513–1616, No. 163), which sailed from England in May 1582. Notwithstanding the connection between Fenton and John Hawkyns, who had married sisters, there was from the first a bad feeling between him and William Hawkyns, arising partly no doubt out of jealousy of the claims which had been put forward on behalf of young Hawkyns to command the expedition over Fenton's head; partly also, it may be, out of the insolent and insubordinate conduct of Hawkyns himself; the feeling was doubtless intensified by the formal instruction to Fenton not to remove him ‘but upon just cause cause duly proved and by consent of your assistants’ (, iii. 755). When the little fleet was sailing from Plymouth, Hawkyns was still on shore, and Fenton put to sea without him; he was brought out in the Francis, one of the squadron, and put on board his own ship, the Leicester. Throughout the voyage the captain and the lieutenant seem to have quarrelled and thwarted each other on every occasion (, Principal Navigations, ed. 1589, p. 654;, p. 357), and the Leicester finally arrived in the Thames with Hawkyns in irons. It does not appear that John Hawkyns gave his nephew any support in this quarrel; for five years afterwards he was on terms of confidential friendship with Fenton (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 14 Dec. 1588).

Hawkyns may probably be identified with the William Hawkyns who, in 1587, commanded the Advice on the coast of Ireland (ib. Ireland, 30 Oct.); and again with the William Hawkyns who, in 1588, commanded the Griffin against the ‘Invincible’ Armada. It has, indeed, been suggested that the commander of the Griffin was his father, then mayor of Plymouth (, p. 14); but this is impossible, for on 19 July the Griffin was at sea with Sir Francis Drake, and the mayor of Plymouth was on shore collecting reinforcements (State Papers, Dom. Elizabeth, ccxii. 68, 81). Hawkins was, however, not an uncommon Devonshire name, and it is quite possible that the commander of the Advice or Griffin belonged to some other family.

By his father's will in 1589 Hawkyns inherited an annuity of 40l. His uncle, Sir John Hawkyns, left him by will in 1595, besides a share of the prospective profits of the last fatal voyage to the West Indies, 10l. a year to be paid quarterly, ‘on condition that he do not alienate nor sell the same annuity nor rent-charge, or any part thereof, for otherwise this gift shall be void.’ He left also legacies of 100l. to each of Hawkyns's children, to be payable ‘to every such child at the time of their marriage, or at the accomplishment of their several ages of eighteen years, which shall first happen.’ From the wording of this clause it would seem probable that the children were girls; but we know nothing more of them.

Nor, indeed, do we certainly know anything more of Hawkyns himself, though he has been identified (, p. xliv) with the man of the same name who in 1607 commanded the East India Company's ship Hector on a voyage to Surat [see ], and was charged with ‘his Majestys letters and presents to the princes and governors of Cambaya, on account of his experience and language’ (Cal. State Papers, East Indies, 1513–1616, No. 361). This William Hawkyns, on arriving at Surat, proceeded accordingly to Agra and the court of the Great Mogul, which he reached in April 1609, and where he remained for nearly three years. According to the account given in his ‘Journal’ (, p. 389) the emperor took much pleasure in his conversation, and detained him, assigning him a handsome maintenance, estimated at upwards of 3,000l. a year, his serious occupation being to combat the intrigues of the Portuguese and to endeavour to obtain a formal permission for the establishment of an English factory at Surat. His favour with the emperor enabled him to overcome all difficulties, and the required license was given; it was the first distinct recognition of English commerce in the East. The emperor was desirous of attaching him to the country and to his interests, and pressed him to marry a maid out of the palace. Hawkyns consented, conditionally on her not being a ‘Moor,’ and accordingly he took to wife the daughter of an Armenian Christian. Afterwards, having fallen into some disfavour with the emperor, he was allowed to depart, and in this the Portuguese readily assisted him. He left Agra in


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Vogel, Julius


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Warburton, Robert


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The American Cyclopædia (1879)/Ménage, Gilles

MÉNAGE, Gilles, a French author, born in Angers, Aug. 15, 1613, died in Paris, July 23, 1692. After practising law for a short time he became a priest, and lived for a while with Cardinal de Retz, but finally established himself in a house in the cloister of Notre Dame, where on Wednesdays he entertained numbers of wits and scholars. His wit and erudition became celebrated; his quarrels, his social relations, and the epigrams and witticisms which they called forth, are prominent in the literary history of the 17th century. He wrote, among other works, Origines de la langue français (1650), enlarged and published as Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue française (1694); Poemata Latina, Gallica, Græca et Italica (1658); and Anti-Baillet (1685). After his death his friends published, under the title of Menagiana, a collection of his witticisms and table talk. The best edition is that by La Monnoye (2 vols., 1693-'4). The second part of his Histoire de Sablé (1st part, 1686) was edited from the manuscript and published by J. B. Haureau in 1873.


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H Isaac Ware. He assisted Wren in the erection of St. Paul's Cathedral soon after its commencement (21 June 1675), and was connected with the work till its completion (1710). He finished (1713) the mansion of Easton Neston in Northamptonshire, probably under Wren, who, about 1680, erected the wings, which have since been pulled down (plan and elevation in, Vitruvius Britannicus, i. 98–100). He assisted Sir J. Vanbrugh (1702–14) at Castle Howard, Yorkshire, and was at the time of his death engaged in constructing the mausoleum there from his own designs. This was the ‘earliest instance of sepulchral splendour’ in England unconnected with an ecclesiastical building (, Anecdotes, ed. Wornum and Dallaway, p. 688; engraving by H. Moses, 1812). He was also assistant-surveyor under Sir John Vanbrugh at Blenheim Palace, Oxfordshire (6 June 1710–15). His salary was 200l. per annum, and 100l. for riding charges (Addit. MS. 19603, with statements of irregular payments, p. 116). In the British Museum (ib. 19607) is a series of letters between Hawksmoor and Henry Joynes, ‘resident controller or clerk of the works’ at Blenheim, interesting as one of the many examples of Hawksmoor's zealous attention to details (ib. 19607, pp. 18, 26; see abstract of the letters by in Roy. Inst. Brit. Architects' Journal, 1889–90, vi. 12–14, 44–6, 60–3). Up to June 1710 Hawksmoor, who had been ‘long out of money and at great expenses,’ had received 800l. (manuscript Account of the Money issued and expended, 13 Feb. 1704–5–2 June 1710, p. 26, in Sir John Soane's Museum).

At Oxford Hawksmoor was busily employed from an early period. In 1692 he designed the library of Queen's College, Oxford (plan and elevation in Nouveau Théâtre de la Grande Bretagne, 1724, iii. 47), the fittings for it (put up 1700–14), and the first or south quadrangle with street façade (6 Feb. 1710–59). The work is sometimes ascribed to Wren, and sometimes to the provost, Dr. Lancaster, and is said to bear a faint resemblance to the Luxembourg (engravings by Burghers and by Vertue, 1727,, Oxonia, 2 vol. edit., pl. xl.; south front in Oxford Almanack, by E. and M. Rooker, 1775, , pl. xli., , Oxonia Depicta, pl. xxii. xxiii.) At Queen's College is a portfolio containing many rough drawings of suggested designs for the buildings, some of which bear considerable resemblance to the work as executed. Fourteen views were engraved by Burghers and issued with an appeal for funds, entitled ‘The present State of the new Buildings of Queen's College in Oxford,’ December 1730. The pamphlet had previously appeared in February 1718 without illustrations. Hawksmoor was the architect of the north quadrangle (except the library) at All Souls' College, erected between 1720 and 1734. The two towers have been attributed, on account of their beauty, to Wren (cf., Hist. of Architecture, iv. 314), but Hawksmoor seems to have designed them, and they are among the earliest examples of modern Gothic work. The exterior of the towers was restored in 1838 (plate in Oxford Almanack, 1728, by Vertue, reproduced in, pl. xlix.; plan and elevation, signed ‘N. H.,’ 1721, of the ‘Cloyster of All Souls next Radcliffe's Area in ye North Court,’ by Van der Gucht. Several copper-plates of Hawksmoor's designs by Van der Gucht, Hulsburgh, &c., apparently prepared for the ‘Oxford Almanack,’ some signed ‘N. H.’ 1717 and 1721, are in the muniment room of All Souls' College). Hawksmoor had been consulted as early as 1714 (see manuscript explanations of his designs at All Souls), when it had been the intention to pull down the whole of the old buildings. But he pleaded for the retention of all that was ‘strong and durable … in respect to antiquity as well as our present advantage’ (Letter attached to ‘explanations,’ 17 Feb. 1714–15). He also prepared for All Souls a design for a new front, next the High Street, in which were two gateways, but this was never executed (elevation in, Oxonia, pl. xxxi.) About 1720 he made designs for the rebuilding of Brasenose College (plates in , xxxviii.; Oxford Almanack, 1723, by Vertue and Burghers; , pl. lxv.). The drawings are still in the college, together with others for a partial rebuilding, apparently by the same hand, dated 1734. He prepared designs for the Radcliffe Library, but they were not executed, those of Gibbs being preferred. (About seventy of Hawksmoor's drawings are preserved in the Radcliffe Library Museum.). His part in the designing of the Old Clarendon Buildings (usually attributed to Vanbrugh) was no doubt considerable, and 100l. was granted by the university to ‘gratify’ Hawksmoor for the work.

In 1713 Hawksmoor surveyed and reported on Beverley Minster, then in a ruinous condition, and directed the repairs, including the screwing up of the north front of the north transept, which had inclined forward four feet beyond its base. The invention of the machinery used has sometimes been attributed to Hawksmoor (Read's Weekly Journal, or British Gazetteer, 27 March 1736; Gent. Mag. 1807, ii. 621). But it was really due to William Thornton, ‘joiner and architect,’ of York (engraving by Van der


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[Ch. 55.]

Calculation of distance

1. In calculating the distance along the railway for the purpose of the charge for conveyance of any merchandise the company shall not include ally portion of its railway which may in respect of that merchandise be the subject of a charge for a station terminal.

Calculation of charge on weights and measures

2. Unless otherwise agreed between the company and the trader, all charges shall, so far as practicable, be based upon the gross weight of the merchandise when received by the company determined according to the imperial avoirdupois weight, but the rates tribunal may specify any articles of merchandise upon which the charges may be calculated in reference to cubic capacity, and shall prescribe the method by which the cubic contents for the purpose of charge is to be calculated.

Trader's Trucks

3.—(1) Where merchandise is conveyed in trucks not belonging to the company, the trader shall be entitled to recover trucks from the company a reasonable sum by way of demurrage for any detention of his trucks beyond a reasonable period either by the company or by any other company over whose railway the trucks have been conveyed under a through rate or contract.

Any difference arising under this provision shall be determined by the rates tribunal at the instance of either party.

(2) Where merchandise conveyed in a separate truck is loaded or unloaded elsewhere than in a shed or building of the company, the company may not charge to a trader any service terminal for the performance by the company of any of the said services if the trader has requested the company to allow him to perform the service for himself, and the company has unreasonably refused to allow him to do so. Any dispute between a trader and the company in reference to any service terminal charged to a trader who is not allowed by the company to perform for himself the service shall be determined by the rates tribunal.

Charges for sidings and accommodation

Nothing in this Act shall prevent the company from Charges for making and receiving, in addition to the charges authorised by sidings and this Act, charges and. payments by way of rent or otherwise for sidings or other structural accommodation provided or to be provided for the private use of traders and not required by the company for dealing with the traffic for the purposes of conveyance:

Provided that the amount of such charges or payments shall be fixed by an agreement in writing signed by the trader or by 79


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Hawksmoor Gucht, 1716, of the west front, and a plan drawn by Hawksmoor, ‘View of North Front with the Machinery and Section of Trusses and Building,’ engraved by Fourdrinier, published 17 May 1737; ‘Section and Elevation with Machinery’ in, Beverley, p. 313).

Hawksmoor took a large part in carrying out the scheme of building fifty new churches in London at the close of Anne's reign. On the resignation of [q. v.] Hawksmoor, with [q. v.] of Greenwich, was appointed (6 Jan. 1716) surveyor of the fifty new churches. He kept the accounts of the expenditure from 1713 till 1734, and designed at least five or six of the new churches. When the roof of the old church of St. Alphage, Greenwich, fell in (28 Nov. 1710), it was decided that one of the ‘new churches’ should be built for that parish. It was erected from designs by Hawksmoor, 1711–18, and consecrated on 18 Sept. 1718 (engraving by J. Kip, 1714). The old steeple was rebuilt from designs by John James (1730). St. Anne's, Limehouse, also one of ‘the fifty,’ was built from Hawksmoor's designs (1712–24, consecrated 12 Sept. 1730), the turrets on the tower resembling those at All Souls' College. The appearance of the building from a distance has been commended (note by, Walpole, p. 688), despite the strange combination of styles used, and Malcolm's quaint comparison of it to ‘a very large ship … under an easy sail, with a flag flying at her maintop’ (Londinium, ii. 83). The interior was destroyed by fire (29 March 1850), and restored by Philip Hardwick and John Morris between 1851 and 1854 (drawn plans, elevations, and sections in King's Library, British Museum; elevation and section by F. Whishaw, in Gent. Mag. 1828, pt. ii. p. 297;, Architectura Ecclesiastica, pl. xvi.; , London, 1756, p. 1361). The church of St. George's-in-the-East, formerly called Wapping Stepney (1715–23, consecrated 19 July 1729), has been attributed to Hawksmoor and Gibbs (, iii. 479), but was more probably the sole work of Hawksmoor, and a specimen of his ponderous style (working drawings in King's Library, catalogued under ‘St. John's, Wapping;’ plan, elevation, section, and view of west front in and, Public Buildings, ii. 98, &c.; , Archit. Eccles. pl. xlv.; , London, p. 1361; see Grub Street Journal, 11 July 1734, as to ‘style or mode’ in which these two churches are built). The church of St. Mary Woolnoth (1716–19) is generally considered Hawksmoor's best work, the interior being especially fine (working drawings in King's Library; plan, elevation, section, and view of interior in and, i. 94; , pl. lxxxvii.) It was rearranged in 1875–6 by W. Butterfield. Hawksmoor's church of St. George's, Bloomsbury (1720–30, consecrated on 28 Jan. 1731), remarkable as one of the earliest of the churches with porticoes, afterwards so fashionable, has been the object of much criticism, both condemnatory (, Critical Review, pp. 161–2) and eulogistic (Penny Cyclopædia; Builder, 1846, p. 211). The steeple, intended to realise Pliny's description of the mausoleum at Halicarnassus, was described by Walpole (Anecdotes, p. 688) as ‘a masterstroke of absurdity, consisting of an obelisk crowned with the statue of Geo. I, and hugged by the royal supporters’ (plate in, xlv.; , p. 1360; , London and Westminster, pl. lxxvi.) In the King's Library, British Museum, are a drawn plan and elevations of a totally different design. The church was altered in 1871 by G. E. Street, R.A., who removed the side galleries, the old pews, and the lion and unicorn at the base of the steps of the spire. Christ Church, Spitalfields (1723–1729, consecrated 5 July 1729), was probably the last of these ‘fifty churches’ built from Hawksmoor's designs (drawn plans and elevations in the King's Library; engraving of west elevation from drawing by Hawksmoor, published 1795;, pl. xxxiii.; , p. 1351). The interior, having been injured by fire, was restored by Ewan Christian, and the church reopened on 1 Jan. 1867. He made plans of the old church, and new designs for building the church of St. Giles-in-the-Fields (1730), which are in the British Museum (Addit. MS. 15506). The designs by [q. v.] were subsequently carried out.

On Wren's death in 1723, Hawksmoor was made surveyor-general of Westminster Abbey, and continued the works at the two western towers. His portion commenced about halfway up the towers, though the whole design probably originated with Wren (plate in Gent. Mag. 1751, p. 580).

He prepared plans for the rebuilding of King's College, Cambridge (1713), endeavouring to preserve the original plan of Henry VI, with its cloister and belfry. Models of the proposed work are now in the library of the college, and a rough sketch of the ground plan is in the King's Library, British Museum (see extracts from the journal and letters of the provost, Dr. Adams, in and, Archit. Hist. of Cambr. i. 557–9). But Hawksmoor's designs were finally rejected in favour of those of Gibbs. Hawksmoor's ‘Drawn Plans of ye Town of Cambridge as it ought to be reformed,’ and of a portion of St. John's


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H College, Cambridge, are also in the King's Library. Hawksmoor's designs for the town hall, gates, &c., of Chester were in Vertue's possession in 1742 (, Brit. Top. i. 265*).

Many of Hawksmoor's drawings have been engraved. Wren's original design for the London Monument, as well as of that actually executed (1671–7), were engraved from Hawksmoor's drawing by Hulsbergh in ‘Synopsis ædificiorum publicorum C. Wren,’ plates iii. and iv. Hawksmoor's plan of the church of St. Albans was engraved by Harris, and elevation of north front by J. Kip, 1721 (both on a reduced scale in, Monasticon, i. 233–63). His elevation and plan of All Saints' Church, Oxford, with proposals for a tower, was engraved by J. Sturt, and was issued with an appeal for funds after the fall of the spire in 1699. Hawksmoor's plans, elevation, and profile of Bow Steeple, London, were engraved from drawings now in the King's Library, British Museum, by H. Hulsbergh, for ‘The Architecture of Sir C. Wren,’ 1726. Hulsbergh also engraved Hawksmoor's plan and view of Bow Church, with the arcade fronting Cheapside, as originally intended. Two indian-ink drawings by Hawksmoor of a ‘Design for a Monument to (?) John, Duke of Marlborough,’ and ‘A Column with the Statue of Queen Anne, designed to be erected in the Strand, 1713,’ are in the print room, British Museum.

After an illness of so serious a nature as to occasion a premature announcement of his death (London Daily Post, 24 March 1736), Hawksmoor died at his house in Millbank, Westminster, on 25 March 1736, and, in accordance with a wish expressed in his will, was buried at Shenley in Hertfordshire on 3 April (Parish Register, kindly copied by the Rev. H. J. Newcome). A large stone slab with a Latin inscription to his memory is still at the east end of the churchyard. It was found underground about 1830. Hawksmoor's only child was a daughter, Elizabeth, who married in her father's lifetime, first Nicholas Philpot, ‘one of the late commissioners of the hackney coaches,’ and afterwards (9 July 1735) Nathaniel Blackerby, treasurer to the commissioners for building the fifty new churches. In his will (made 14 Jan. 1729–30) Hawksmoor left all his property, consisting of houses and land at Westminster, Highgate, Shenley, and Great Drayton, to his wife Hester (sole executrix) and her heirs. The will was proved on 9 April 1736.

Hawksmoor was well known for his evenness of temper, which was undisturbed by even ‘the most poignant pains of the gout.’ He was unassuming in his professional relations. As an architect his excellence lay rather in his attention to details and thorough knowledge of constructive principles than in creative faculty. An application, made at Vanbrugh's suggestion, to the Duchess of Marlborough, ‘in behalf of Mr. Hawksmoor … for some opportunity to do him good,’ was supported, on the ground that he was the more worthy of consideration ‘because he does not seem very solicitous to do it for himself’ (Private Correspondence of Duchess of Marlborough, i. 266). The facsimile of a letter in his usual courteous and earnest style is in ‘R.I.B.A. Journal,’ 1889–90, vi. 160. Hawksmoor was ‘perfectly skilled in the history of architecture,’ a good mathematician, a scholar of languages, and an excellent draughtsman. His influence on the designs of the chief buildings of the period was very great, and the question has arisen whether the merit of many of Vanbrugh's designs does not lie with him. It is not known how Sir John obtained an architectural education, and it is certain that Wren, Vanbrugh, and Hawksmoor were all three on the board of works together.

He wrote ‘Remarks on the Founding and Carrying on of the Buildings at Greenwich, for the perusal of Parliament, 1728’ (abstract in, Parentalia, p. 328), and published ‘A Short Historical Account of London Bridge, with a Proposition for a New Stone Bridge at Westminster,’ 1736; 2nd edit. 1739. The plates drawn by Hawksmoor and engraved by B. Cole and Toms include ‘A Plan of the City of Westminster,’ with suggestions as to suitable places for a bridge; ‘Propositions for London Bridge to be altered for the Navigation under and the Safety of Passengers over it;’ and ‘Proposition for a New Bridge at Westminster.’ Charles de Labelye made from Hawksmoor's draughts a calculation to estimate the fall of the water at the intended bridge at Westminster, and some conjectures as to the probable effect on the navigation (quoted in, London Bridge, p. 18). [Authorities quoted in the text; Dict. of Architecture; Wren's Parentalia, p. 315; Chalmers's Biog. Dict.; Gent. Mag. 1735 p. 333, 1736 p. 233, 1828 p. 298; Walpole's Anecdotes, ed. Wornum, pp. 687, 689; Cooke and Maule's Greenwich Hospital, pp. 33, 34, 82, 142; Burrows' Worthies of All Souls, p. 394; Ingram's Memorials of Oxford, vol. iii.; Skelton's Oxonia, pp. 28, 29, 35; Wood's Hist. and Antiq. of Colleges and Halls (Gutch), pp. 278, 282; Martin's Archives of All Souls, p. 417; Willis and Clark's Architectural Hist. of Cambridge, i. 560, ii. 274, iii. 447, 534; Notes and Queries, 4th ser., viii. pp. 127–8; Malcolm's Londinium Redivivum, ii. 81–2; Britton and Pugin's Public


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[Ch. 55.] some person duly authorised on his behalf or determined, in case of difference, by the rates tribunal.

Charges for transhipment.

(5) In respect of merchandise received from or delivered to another railway company having a railway of a different gauge, the company may make a reasonable charge for any service of transhipment performed by it, the amount of such charge to be determined in case of difference by the rates tribunal.

Charges for use of trucks.

6.—(1) The company may charge for the use of trucks provided by it for the conveyance of merchandise, when the provision of trucks is not included in the rates for conveyance, such sums as the rates tribunal determine.

(2) Where, for the conveyance of merchandise other than merchandise in respect of which the rates for conveyance do not include the provision of trucks, the company does not provide trucks, the charge for conveyance shall be reduced by such sum as the rates tribunal determine.

(3) The company shall not be required to provide trucks for the conveyance of merchandise in respect of which the provision of trucks is not included in the rate for conveyance, nor for the conveyance of lime in bulk or salt in bulk or any merchandise liable to injure trucks, but in all such cases traders shall be entitled to provide their own trucks:

Provided that any dispute between the company and a trader as to whether any specific kind of merchandise is liable to injure trucks may be referred to the rates tribunal but on any such reference it shall lie on the trader requiring the merchandise to be carried to show that such merchandise will not injure the trucks.

Return of empty trucks

Where merchandise is conveyed in a trader's truck, the company shall not make any charge in respect of the the truck empty, provided that the truck is returned empty from the consignee and station or siding to whom and to which it was consigned, loaded direct to the consignor and station or siding from whom and whence it was so consigned, and, where a trader forwards an empty truck to any station or siding for the purpose of being loaded with merchandise, the company shall make no charge in respect of the forwarding of such empty truck, provided the truck is returned to it loaded for conveyance direct to the consignor and station or siding from whom and whence it was so forwarded.

Charges for conveyance on railway to another company.

8.—(1) Subject to the provisions of this Act., any company conveying merchandise on the railway of another company or on railway performing any of the services for which rates or charges are authorised by this Act, shall be entitled to charge and make the same rates and charges as such other company are authorised to make. 80


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H Buildings, i. 90–4, ii. 95–8; Fergusson's Hist. of Architecture, 1873, iv. 315; Lyson's Environs, iv. 465–6; Chambers's Civil Architecture, 1862 (note by W. H. Leeds), p. 200; Historical Register, 1716 p. 111, 1718 p. 34, 1735 p. 25; Grub Street Journal, 6 March 1735, 10 July 1735; Oliver's Beverley, pp. 239, 241, 313; Allen's Lincoln, ii. 70; Proc. of Archit. Coll. of Freemasons of the Church, pt. ii. p. 60; memoir, supposed by Vertue to have been written by Nathaniel Blackerby, Hawksmoor's son-in-law, in Read's Weekly Journal, 27 March 1736; will in Somerset House; Cat. of Prints and Drawings in King's Library (Brit. Mus.); Print Room Cat. (Brit. Mus.); Watt's Bibl. Brit.; Gough's Brit. Topogr. i. 479, 480, 766*, ii. 95; Builder, 1843, pp. 226–7.]

HAWKWOOD, JOHN  (d. 1394), general, second son of Gilbert de Hawkwood of Hedingham Sibil, Hinckford, Essex, a tanner, was born in that place early in the fourteenth century. Gilbert de Hawkwood was a man of substance and gentle blood, the family having held land at Hedingham Sibil since the reign of John. The tradition that Hawkwood began life as a tailor in London probably originated in Italy, and from a corruption of his name, which Matteo Villani spells Gianni della Guglia (John of the Needle). He is also said to have been impressed for the French wars, and to have served as an archer in the army of Edward III.

In 1359 Hawkwood was in Gascony in command of a troop of free-lances, who maintained themselves by pillage, and in the summer of that year took Pau by storm, robbing the clergy, and letting the laity alone. From Pau Hawkwood led his men towards Italy, hoping to escape the plague which was then desolating France, and in the autumn of 1360 joined his forces to those of another company of freebooters, which, under Bernard de la Salle, was advancing from the north with the same object. On 28 Dec. they took Pont l'Esprit, thirty miles north of Avignon, then the seat of the papacy, and after levying a substantial contribution from Pope Innocent VI (reckoned by Froissart at sixty thousand francs, of which Hawkwood received a sixth; and by Matteo Villani at one hundred thousand florins of gold), proceeded on their way to Italy, and entered the service of John Paleologus, marquis of Monferrato. Hawkwood tarried for a little in order to take part in the battle of Brignais, where the English defeated the French under Jacques de Bourbon on 6 April 1362, and then followed his comrades into Italy. The Marquis of Monferrato was at war with the Visconti of Milan, and employed his new auxiliaries, who numbered between five and six thousand, in ravaging Lombardy. They went by the name of the White Company, probably by reason of the splendour of their equipment.

The White Company soon numbered a thousand lances—they introduced into Italy the practice of counting cavalry by lances—and two thousand infantry. Each lance consisted of knight, squire, and page, the last mounted on a palfrey. Knight and squire rode powerful chargers, the one sheathed in iron and steel from head to foot, the other less heavily armed. Their principal weapon was a long and heavy lance, requiring two men to wield, but they also carried heavy swords and daggers, and bows slung across their backs. They fought both on horseback and on foot, but used their lances only on foot, waiting in square or circular formation to receive the enemy upon the points of their lances, or advancing slowly and with fierce shouts against them. The infantry were armed with the long bow of yew, one end of which they stuck into the ground before drawing it. They also carried swords, daggers, and small and light ladders, by superposing which one upon another they were able to scale the highest towers in the country. Horse and foot alike were in the prime of life, inured to every kind of hardship in the French wars, and admirably disciplined. Five lances composed a company, five companies a troop, and every ten lances had usually a separate officer. For their raiding expeditions the White Company usually chose the night, when they would burst like a deluge upon a town, massacre the men, violate the women, carry off whatever was valuable and portable, and set fire to what they left behind. At other times they would content themselves with levying contributions.

Before advancing into the Milanese they made a raid into Piedmont, where they took seven castles, surprised the Count of Savoy and his principal barons, and held them to ransom for 180,000 florins. They then passed into Lombardy, and carried havoc on both sides of the Po, from Novara to Pavia and Tortona. On 22 April 1363 they signally defeated near Romagnano a company of Hungarians led by Count Conrad Landau of Suabia, on whom the Visconti mainly relied for the defence of their dominions. Landau died of his wounds, and the Visconti made peace ({{sc|Higden}, Rolls Ser., viii. 371; Gent. Mag. 1788, pt. ii. p. 1061;, lib. ix. chap. xxxvii. lib. x. chaps. xxvii–xciv.; , Suite du Livre Premier, chaps. mlxv. mlxvi. livre second, chap. li.) In July the company passed into the service of the republic of Pisa, then at war with Florence, their pay being fixed at ten thousand florins of gold per month.


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H They took the field at once, and marched on Florence, but failing to entice the Florentines into the open, shot into the town some arrows bearing the words ‘This Pisa sends you,’ struck some coins bearing the arms of Pisa above those of Florence, and retreated to Pisa. Returning in the autumn they took Figline, defeated the Florentine general, Ranucio Farnese, at Incisa (13 Oct.), and advancing on Florence burned the suburb of San Niccolò (22 Oct.), after which they retreated to Figline. In December Hawkwood was appointed to the command in chief at Pisa; in the following month the pay of the company was raised to twenty-five thousand florins of gold per month. In March the republic of Pisa hired a German company of three thousand horse, led by one Hans von Bongard (Anichino di Bongarden), who was also placed under Hawkwood's orders.

Hawkwood marched with his full strength, on 13 April 1364, into the plain of Pistoia; thence by Prato to Fiesole, which he sacked, and occupied Montughi. On 1 May he advanced on Florence. After several engagements, in which the Pisan force lost more than two thousand in killed and wounded, Hawkwood failed to enter Florence and withdrew to Incisa, where he found himself deserted by Hans von Bongard and all but eight hundred of the White Company, seduced by Florentine gold. With the remnant he retreated to Pisa. A Florentine army, four thousand strong, under Galeotto Malatesta, now invaded Pisan territory, burned Livorno, and at Cascina, within six miles of Pisa, formed, on 28 July, a camp defended by strong palisades. With the small force at his disposal Hawkwood's only chance of saving Pisa lay in carrying this camp by a coup de main; but, although he effected a breach, he was overpowered by numbers, and was compelled to retire with heavy loss. This defeat was followed by a revolution in Pisa, Giovanni dell' Agnello, a wealthy merchant, contriving with the help of Hawkwood to get himself elected doge of the city (28 Aug.). His first act was to make peace, which he purchased at the price of an annual tribute of ten thousand florins of gold for ten years.

In the following November Hawkwood, resuming his old profession of free-lance, invaded the Perugino. Perugia engaged Hans von Bongard to defend it, but the two companies being equally matched swore eternal friendship to each other and to the commune of Perugia, and dined together at its expense. Hawkwood remained at Perugia until the end of the month, and then marched into Lombardy. He reappeared at Perugia in July 1365. Attacked by Hans von Bongard he fought a pitched battle with him, and was defeated with great loss on the 25th. He made good his retreat into the Sienese; thence into the Maremma, closely followed by the German commander, and eventually took refuge in Genoa. He subsequently joined his forces to those of the Italian company of St. George, commanded by Ambrogio, one of the illegitimate sons of Bernabò Visconti, and the German company of Count John of Hapsburg, in concert with whom he ravaged the country between Genoa and Siena during the autumn of 1365 and the spring of the next year, when he parted company with them, and advanced into the Perugino. There he remained supporting himself by pillage, and levying contributions until the spring of 1367, when he returned to Pisa. At this time Pope Urban V was expected to touch at Livorno on his way from Avignon to Viterbo, and Giovanni dell' Agnello came thither from Pisa, escorted by Hawkwood and a large bodyguard, to receive him. The pope was so impressed by the formidable appearance of the English knights that he would not land.

The approaching marriage of Lionel, duke of Clarence, with Violante, daughter of Galeazzo Visconti, drew Hawkwood to Milan in the summer of 1368. Shortly after the ceremony (5 June) he, with four thousand men, entered the service of Bernabò Visconti. In 1369 there was an outbreak of hostilities between Perugia and the pope. Perugia appealed to Bernabò Visconti, who placed Hawkwood and his lances at the disposal of the republic. While marching to Perugia in June, Hawkwood was surprised by the pope's German mercenaries near Arezzo, defeated, and taken prisoner. He was at once ransomed by the Pisan republic, and, collecting his scattered forces, marched to Montefiascone, where the pope then was. The pope fled to Viterbo. Hawkwood pursued, burned the vineyards in the neighbourhood of the town, and retreated into the Pisano. About the same time Bernabò Visconti induced San Miniato to revolt from Florence, and placed a garrison in the town. Florence sent an army of four thousand men under Giovanni Malatacca of Reggio to reduce the place. On his way Malatacca was defeated at Cascina on 1 Dec. by Hawkwood, who had with him two thousand horse, mostly German, but only five hundred men on whom he could absolutely rely. But Hawkwood was too weak to relieve San Miniato. In May 1370 he returned with reinforcements to the Pisano, accompanied by Giovanni dell' Agnello, who had been expelled from Pisa in 1368, and whom the Visconti were determined to restore. On 20 May Hawkwood failed


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H to carry Pisa by escalade, and after sacking Livorno, and ravaging the Maremma, retreated into the Parmigiano. Meanwhile both Bologna and Reggio had joined the enemies of the Visconti. The latter place Hawkwood invested towards the end of July; but the Florentines sent an army to its relief, which defeated Hawkwood (20 Aug.). The defeat was to some extent retrieved by the capture in September of the commander-in-chief of the Florentine army in ambuscade near Mirandola. Negotiations for peace, which were already pending, were thus accelerated, and a treaty was concluded on 16 Nov. 1370. On 2 June 1372 Hawkwood engaged, under the walls of the castle of Rubiera, Count Lucius Landau, who was coming to the aid of the Marquis of Monferrato, then at war with Galeazzo Visconti. Though outnumbered by nearly two to one, Hawkwood defeated and took the count prisoner. He then invaded the marquisate of Monferrato, and laid siege to Asti. The Count of Savoy came to the help of the marquis, and the operations before the town were indecisive, owing, as Hawkwood alleged, to his plans being secretly thwarted by a council of war, whom he scornfully described as ‘escrivans.’ Accordingly in the autumn he suddenly threw up his command.

At the time Pope Gregory XI had declared war on the Visconti, and Hawkwood passed direct from their service into his. In November a papal army of thirteen hundred lances (five hundred under the command of Hawkwood) invaded the Piacentino, and surprised the castle of Borgo Nuovo. The Visconti in the following January sought to create a diversion by threatening Bologna, and Hawkwood was detached with eight hundred lances to protect the city. The Milanese forces, though numerically superior, retreated before him towards Reggio. He pursued, and virtually annihilated them on the Panaro between Modena and Bologna. He then, in conjunction with the Sieur de Coucy, led a force into the Milanese, and up the Chiese towards Brescia, in order to effect a junction with the Count of Savoy, who had crossed the Ticino in February with a considerable force. But this movement was frustrated by the ‘Count of Virtue,’ Gian Galeazzo, son of Galeazzo Visconti, by whom Hawkwood was defeated on 8 May at Montechiaro. Hawkwood, however, rallied his men at Gavardo, and, turning upon the pursuing Milanese, routed them with great slaughter, most of the principal officers being made prisoners. Hawkwood then retreated to Bologna, and a year's truce was arranged with the Visconti on 6 June 1374. The pope had proved a bad paymaster, and Hawkwood, after sending one of his officers, John Brise of Essex, to Avignon to press for a settlement, and obtaining nothing but vague promises and permission to take the matter into his own hands, marched into Tuscany to levy contributions. Having obtained money he retired into the Piacentino, where his company, now largely reinforced and styled the ‘holy company,’ was employed in garrisoning various castles and towns held by the church. In June 1375 he again marched into Tuscany, and in the course of the summer levied contributions from Florence, Pisa, Siena, Lucca, and Arezzo to the amount of about 220,000 florins of gold, 130,000 of which were furnished by Florence alone, Hawkwood and his principal officers at the same time binding themselves and the company not to molest Florence or her allies for the next five years, except in obedience to superior orders. On 12 July the republic granted Hawkwood an annual pension of twelve hundred florins of gold for life.

Hawkwood fixed his headquarters at Perugia, which rose in revolt against the pope (7 Dec.). Instead of suppressing the revolt Hawkwood seized the governor as hostage for arrears of pay, and occupied the castle of Castrocaro, to which the church subsequently added Bagnacavallo, Cotignola, and Conselice, all in Romagna, by way of further security. Meanwhile the revolt spread throughout the Bolognese and Romagna. In Bologna were some of Hawkwood's principal officers and his two sons. He accordingly marched upon the city, devastating the country as he went. The Bolognese thereupon imprisoned all the English in the town, including Hawkwood's boys, but delivered them up to Hawkwood in return for a truce of sixteen months (25 May). Leaving Faenza, which he had previously reduced, in charge of Alberto d'Este, marquis of Ferrara, Hawkwood betook himself to Cotignola, and spent the rest of the year there in enlarging and strengthening the fortifications. The fosse and strong bastioned walls with which he surrounded the town remained almost intact until the middle of the last century. Now all that is left is a single round tower, built as a look-out. Early in February 1377 he was summoned to Cesena, where the populace had risen against a Breton garrison, placed there by Robert of Geneva, cardinal of the church of the Twelve Apostles, and legate of Romagna, afterwards the antipope Clement VII. The cardinal's instructions were ‘Blood, blood, and justice.’ Hawkwood at first demurred, but led his men into the town on the night of 3 Feb., indulged in a general massacre, and looted the town.

Disgusted with this butcher's work, Hawk-


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92 and she knew he sat up afterwards in his cold bedroom grinding away at Latin, because he intended to get on in his office, and in the law as much as he could. He never sent his mother any money now. It was all taken, the little he had, for his own life. And she did not want any, except sometimes, when she was in a tight corner, and when ten shillings would have saved her much worry. She still dreamed of William, and of what he would do, with herself behind him. Never for a minute would she admit to herself how heavy and anxious her heart was because of him.

Also he talked a good deal now of a girl he had met at a dance, a handsome brunette, quite young, and a lady, after whom the men were running thick and fast.

“I wonder if you would run, my boy.” his mother wrote to him, “unless you saw all the other men chasing her too. You feel safe enough and vain enough in a crowd. But take care, and see how you feel when you find yourself alone, and in triumph.”

William resented these things, and continued the chase. He had taken the girl on the river. “If you saw her, mother, you would know how I feel. Tall and elegant, with the clearest of clear, transparent olive complexions, hair as black as jet, and such grey eyes—bright, mocking, like lights on water at night. It is all very well to be a bit satirical till you see her. And she dresses as well as any woman in London. I tell you, your son doesn’t half put his head up when she goes walking down Piccadilly with him.”

Mrs. Morel wondered, in her heart, if her son did not go walking down Piccadilly with an elegant figure and fine clothes, rather than with a woman who was near to him. But she congratulated him in her doubtful fashion. And, as she stood over the washing-tub, the mother brooded over her son. She saw him saddled with an elegant and expensive wife, earning little money, dragging along and getting draggled in some small, ugly house in a suburb. “But there,” she told herself, “I am very likely a silly—meeting trouble half-way.” Nevertheless, the load of anxiety scarcely ever left her heart, lest William should do the wrong thing by himself.

Presently, Paul was bidden call upon Thomas Jordan, Manufacturer of Surgical Appliances, at 21, Spaniel Row, Nottingham. Mrs. Morel was all joy.

“There, you see!” she cried, her eyes shining. “You’ve only written four letters, and the third is answered. You’re lucky, my boy, as I always said you were.”


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H in debt, and appears to have been principally occupied in settling his private affairs.

In December 1386 Hawkwood entered the service of Francesco Carrara, marquis of Padua, then at war with Antonio della Scala of Verona. He brought with him only five hundred English horse and six hundred English archers, but was placed in command of the entire Paduan army. The enemy permitted him to cross the Adige at Castelbaldo in January 1387, and advance unopposed into the heart of the Veronese, but poisoned the wells, desolated the country, and intercepted his supplies, so that the Paduan army was sorely distressed by hunger and thirst, and Hawkwood retreated. At Castagnaro on 17 March he made a stand and defeated the enemy with great slaughter. Soon after this Hawkwood quitted the Paduan service, and re-entered that of Florence (September). In March 1388 he was commissioned by Richard II, who as Duke of Aquitaine was tempted to interfere in the affairs of Provence, to undertake the suppression of the Angevin faction in that country, but it does not appear that he took any steps in pursuance of the commission.

On 18 Dec. 1385 Hawkwood's father-in-law, Bernabò, was murdered by the ‘Count of Virtue,’ Gian Galeazzo Visconti, his nephew. In concert with Bernabò's son Carlo, Hawkwood assembled in August 1388 at Cortona a band of about four thousand adventurers, and sought permission from the Florentine government to lead them against the murderer. This being refused, Hawkwood and Carlo Visconti entered the service of Queen Margaret, widow of Charles of Durazzo, then at Gaeta. Naples, with the exception of the castle of Capuana, was in the hands of the Angevin faction, and Hawkwood's attempt to relieve the castle of Capuana failed (12 April 1389). Retreating into Tuscany, Hawkwood joined his forces to those of Count Conrad Landau, and spent the summer in ravaging the Sienese. In October he returned to Queen Margaret at Gaeta.

In March 1390 Hawkwood was recalled to Florence, where it had been at length decided to take energetic action against the ‘Count of Virtue.’ He arrived in Florence on 30 April, and was appointed commander-in-chief of the forces of the republic, with absolute discretion as to the measures to be adopted for the security of the city. He ordered a large ditch to be dug between Montopoli and the Arno for the defence of the lower Val d'Arno. He averted an attack on Bologna, threatened by the Milanese general Jacopo dal Verme, at the head of a large army (14 May), and finally drove him from the neighbourhood with considerable loss on 21 June. Hawkwood returned to Florence. Soon afterwards the Florentine government hired Jean, comte d'Armagnac, to invade the Milanese from the side of Provence. With the view of effecting a junction with him, Hawkwood crossed the Adige at Castelbaldo on 15 May, in command of 2,200 lances and a large body of infantry, including twelve hundred crossbowmen, and thence marched into the Bergamasco. There in the district between the Adda and the Oglio Hawkwood waited for tidings of D'Armagnac, entrenching himself about the middle of June in the neighbourhood of Pandino, ten miles to the south-east of Milan. Of D'Armagnac's movements he could learn nothing, but Jacopo dal Verme, with a Milanese army numerically superior, hovered about his camp, cut off his supplies, and harassed him by incessant attacks while avoiding a pitched battle. Towards the end of the month Hawkwood broke up his camp and began a retreat, which the Florentine historian, Poggio Bracciolini, compares to the most brilliant achievements of the ancient Romans, but of which contemporary authorities give no consistent account. It seems, however, that, retreating towards Cremona, Hawkwood halted at Paterno Fasolaro, where he lay for four days, permitting the enemy to come close up to his line. He thus succeeded in exciting in them so false a confidence that Dal Verme sent him a trap with a live fox in it, by way of signifying that he had him in the toils. Hawkwood, however, released the animal, and sent the empty trap back to Dal Verme, with the message that the fox had escaped. On the fifth day he made a sudden sortie, in which he placed 2,700 of the enemy hors de combat in killed, wounded, and prisoners. He thus cleared his way to the Oglio and Mincio, both of which, though harassed by the enemy, he crossed without mishap. The passage of the Adige presented greater difficulty. As Hawkwood approached Castagnaro he found that the dikes had been broken down, the country turned into a vast lake, and the enemy were pressing on his rear. Accordingly on the night of 11 July Hawkwood mounted as many of his infantry as possible behind his cavalry, and abandoning the rest to their fate took to the water, and guiding his men by devious tracks where it was shallowest, arrived at Castelbaldo in the morning with considerable loss, but with the bulk of the army intact. On 25 July Jacopo dal Verme signally defeated D'Armagnac under the walls of Alessandria; in the following month he invaded Tuscany. Hawkwood, however, was there before him; impeded his advance by


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H incessant attacks, and offered battle at Tizzana in September. Dal Verme retreated towards Lucca. Hawkwood pursued, and during the night of the 23rd cut off his rearguard. In the following month he drove him into Liguria. Florence was thus enabled to make peace early in 1392 on honourable terms.

During the rest of his life Hawkwood resided chiefly at Florence, where he had a house called Polverosa in the suburb San Donato di Torre. There he died after a short illness on the night of 16–17 March 1394. On the 20th the republic gave him a magnificent funeral in the Duomo. An elegy on the occasion by an anonymous poet, which minutely describes the obsequies, was long a favourite with the populace (see Archivio Storico Italiano, 4ta serie, xvii. 172–7). The tomb was on the north side of the choir. An elaborate marble monument had been designed while Hawkwood was alive, and the design was painted in fresco on the wall above the tomb by Taddeo Gaddi and Giuliano d'Arrigo. This design, which was never carried out, was in 1436 replaced by a fresco in terra-verde by Paolo Uccello, representing Hawkwood on an ambling charger in complete armour, except that for the helmet was substituted a light cap or berrettone, a short cloak depending from his shoulders, and the bâton of a general in his right hand. The painting was transferred to canvas about 1845, and placed at the west end of the church. The figure is that of a man above the middle height, broad-shouldered and deep-chested. The features are regular and handsome, and the mouth, chin, and cheeks clean-shaven. According to Paolo Giovio (Elogia Virorum bellica virtute illustrium), a doubtful authority, Hawkwood's complexion was ruddy, and his hair and eyes chestnut-coloured. These traits do not appear in the picture. The engraving published by Giovio, and reproduced in Wright's ‘Bibliotheca Topographica Britannica,’ vol. vi., is not authentic.

Hawkwood is mentioned by Stow (Annals, ed. 1615, p. 335) as one of the founders of the English Hospital at Rome in 1380. During his later life he was much troubled by pecuniary embarrassment. In April 1391, however, the Florentine government raised his pension to the sum of 3,200 florins of gold, settled a jointure on his wife of one thousand florins of gold per annum, voted a marriage portion of two thousand florins of gold for each of his three daughters by his second wife, and conferred on himself and his issue male the freedom of the city, saving only capacity to hold office. Some estates at Naples, Capua, and Aversa, which he had acquired while in the Neapolitan service, he parted with in 1387. Besides the house at San Donato di Torre, he had an estate called La Rochetta at Poggibonzi, with villas and grounds at San Lorenzo a Campi. These he appears to have sold before his death, with the intention of returning to England, reserving only the right of occupying the house in San Donato di Torre until his departure. He had also contracted to sell the castles which, as already mentioned, belonged to him in the Aretino to the Florentine republic for six thousand florins of gold, giving up at the same time his pension, his wife's jointure, and the marriage portion of his third daughter. The contract was carried out by his widow.

Neither the date nor the fact of Hawkwood's first marriage has been established. Before his marriage with Bernabò Visconti's natural daughter, Donnina, Hawkwood had, besides two sons, a daughter, Antiocha, or Mary, who resided in 1379 at Milan with her husband, Sir William de Coggeshall, afterwards of Codham Hall, Essex (for the descendants of this union see Notes and Queries, 7th ser. x. 101–2). Corio (Storia di Milano, ed. 1856, ii. 277) mentions another daughter, Fiorentina, married to a Milanese noble, Lancellotto del Mayno, and a third daughter, Beatrice, appears in Berry's ‘County Genealogies, Sussex,’ p. 62, as the wife of John Shelley, M.P. for Rye between 1415 and 1423, an ancestor of the poet Shelley. By Donnina Hawkwood had one son, John, and three daughters, viz. Janet, Catherine, and Anne. The first daughter married, on 7 Sept. 1392, Brezaglia, son of Count Lodovico di Porciglia, commander of the Bolognese forces, podestà of Ferrara, and for a brief period after Hawkwood's death commander of the Florentine forces. The second married, in January 1393, Conrad Prospergh, a German condottiero, who had served under Hawkwood. The third married after her father's death Ambrogiuolo di Piero della Torre of Milan. In 1395 the republic, at the special request of Richard II, granted Lady Hawkwood the right of transferring her husband's body to England. Whether she did so, or what was her subsequent history, is not clear; but her son John came home, was naturalised in 1407, and settled on the ancestral estate of Hedingham Sibil, in the church of which parish a cenotaph, a fragment of which still exists, had already been placed to Hawkwood's memory, and a chantry founded by some friends, and where in all likelihood his bones were laid to rest (, Essex, ii. 262, 287, 291, 373; Visitation of Essex, Harl. Soc. i. 38;, Baronetage, vol. iii. pt. ii. p. 511; , Ancient Funerall Monuments, p. 623).


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Rh Paul looked at the picture of a wooden leg, adorned with elastic stockings and other appliances, that figured on Mr. Jordan’s notepaper, and he felt alarmed. He had not known that elastic stockings existed. And he seemed to feel the business world, with its regulated system of values, and its impersonality, and he dreaded it. It seemed monstrous also that a business could be run on wooden legs.

Mother and son set off together one Tuesday morning. It was August and blazing hot. Paul walked with something screwed up tight inside him. He would have suffered much physical pain rather than this unreasonable suffering at being exposed to strangers, to be accepted or rejected. Yet he chattered away with his mother. He would never have confessed to her how he suffered over these things, and she only partly guessed. She was gay, like a sweetheart. She stood in front of the ticket-office at Bestwood, and Paul watched her take from her purse the money for the tickets. As he saw her hands in their old black kid gloves getting the silver out of the worn purse, his heart contracted with pain of love of her.

She was quite excited, and quite gay. He suffered because she would talk aloud in presence of the other travellers.

“Now look at that silly cow!” she said, “careering round as if it thought it was a circus.”

“It’s most likely a bottfly,” he said very low.

“A what?” she asked brightly and unashamed.

They thought awhile. He was sensible all the time of having her opposite him. Suddenly their eyes met, and she smiled to him—a rare, intimate smile, beautiful with brightness and love. Then each looked out of the window.

The sixteen slow miles of railway journey passed. The mother and son walked down Station Street, feeling the excitement of lovers having an adventure together. In Carrington Street they stopped to hang over the parapet and look at the barges on the canal below.

“It’s just like Venice,” he said, seeing the sunshine on the water that lay between high factory walls.

“Perhaps,” she answered, smiling.

They enjoyed the shops immensely.

“Now you see that blouse,” she would say, “wouldn’t that just suit our Annie? And for one-and-eleven-three. Isn’t that cheap?”

“And made of needlework as well,” he said.

“Yes.”

They had plenty of time, so they did not hurry. The town


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94 was strange and delightful to them. But the boy was tied up inside in a knot of apprehension. He dreaded the interview with Thomas Jordan.

It Was nearly eleven o’clock by St. Peter’s Church. They turned up a narrow street that led to the Castle. It was gloomy and old-fashioned, having low dark shops and dark green house-doors with brass knockers, and yellow-ochred doorsteps projecting on to the pavement; then another old shop whose small window looked like a cunning, half-shut eye. Mother and son went cautiously, looking everywhere for “Thomas Jordan and Son.” It was like hunting in some wild place. They were on tiptoe of excitement.

Suddenly they spied a big, dark archway, in which were names of various firms, Thomas Jordan among them.

“Here it is!” said Mrs. Morel. “But now where is it?”

They looked round. On one side was a queer, dark, cardboard factory, on the other a Commercial Hotel.

“It’s up the entry,” said Paul.

And they ventured under the archway, as into the jaws of the dragon. They emerged into a wide yard, like a well, with buildings all round. It was littered with straw and boxes, and cardboard. The sunshine actually caught one crate whose straw was streaming on to the yard like gold. But elsewhere the place was like a pit. There were several doors, and two flights of steps. Straight in front, on a dirty glass door at the top of a staircase, loomed the ominous words “Thomas Jordan and Son—Surgical Appliances.” Mrs. Morel went first, her son followed her. Charles I. mounted his scaffold with a lighter heart than had Paul Morel as he followed his mother up the dirty steps to the dirty door.

She pushed open the door, and stood in pleased surprise In front of her was a big warehouse, with creamy paper parcels everywhere, and clerks, with their shirt-sleeves rolled back, were going about in an at-home sort of way. The light was subdued, the glossy cream parcels seemed luminous, the counters were of dark brown wood. All was quiet and very homely. Mrs. Morel took two steps forward, then waited. Paul stood behind her. She had on her Sunday bonnet and a black veil; he wore a boy’s broad white collar and a Norfolk suit.

One of the clerks looked up. He was thin and tall, with a small face. His way of looking was alert. Then he glanced round to the other end of the room, where was a glass office. And then he came forward. He did not say anything, but leaned in a gentle, inquiring fashion towards Mrs. Morel.


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Rh “Can I see Mr. Jordan?” she asked.

“I’ll fetch him,” answered the young man.

He went down to the glass office. A red-faced, white-whiskered old man looked up. He reminded Paul of a pomeranian dog. Then the same little man came up the room. He had short legs, was rather stout, and wore an alpaca jacket. So, with one ear up, as it were, he came stoutly and inquiringly down the room.

“Good-morning!” he said, hesitating before Mrs. Morel, in doubt as to whether she were a customer or not.

“Good-morning. I came with my son, Paul Morel. You asked him to call this morning.”

“Come this way,” said Mr. Jordan, in a rather snappy little manner intended to be businesslike.

They followed the manufacturer into a grubby little room, upholstered in black American leather, glossy with the rubbing of many customers. On the table was a pile of trusses, yellow wash-leather hoops tangled together. They looked new and living. Paul sniffed the odour of new wash-leather. He wondered what the things were. By this time he was so much stunned that he only noticed the outside things.

“Sit down!” said Mr. Jordan, irritably pointing Mrs. Morel to a horse-hair chair. She sat on the edge in an uncertain fashion. Then the little old man fidgeted and found a paper.

“Did you write this letter?” he snapped, thrusting what Paul recognized as his own notepaper in front of him.

“Yes,” he answered.

At that moment he was occupied in two ways: first, in feeling guilty for telling a lie, since William had composed the letter; second, in wondering why his letter seemed so strange and different, in the fat, red hand of the man, from what it had been when it lay on the kitchen table. It was like part of himself, gone astray. He resented the way the man held it.

“Where did you learn to write?” said the old man crossly

Paul merely looked at him shamedly, and did not answer.

“He is a bad writer,” put in Mrs. Morel apologetically. Then she pushed up her veil. Paul hated her for not being prouder with this common little man, and he loved her face clear of the veil.

“And you say you know French?” inquired the little man, still sharply.

“Yes,” said Paul.


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H on 10 May 1740. He was one of the generals sent to Holland with Lord Stair in 1742. His autograph, a very tall and peculiar ‘H. C. Hawley,’ is appended to a minute dated 23 April 1743, drawn up by a council of war summoned by Lord Stair at Aix-la-Chapelle, recording the unanimous opinion of the English general officers consulted that the advance into Germany ‘is absolutely necessary’ (Add. MS. 22537, f. 240). Under Cope, who was his senior as a general, Hawley was second in command of the second line of horse at the battle of Dettingen. He afterwards was in command at Ghent, where, according to Horace Walpole, he frightened the magistrates out of their wits by kicking downstairs a messenger sent to him with a money-offering on his marching into the town (Letters, ii. 1, 2). He became lieutenant-general on 30 March 1744, was second in command of the cavalry at the battle of Fontenoy, 1 May 1745, and succeeded to the command when Sir James Campbell [see, (1667–1745)] was killed. Returning to England later in the year, he was employed under the Duke of Cumberland in the north of England, and on 20 Dec. 1745 was appointed commander-in-chief in Scotland (Home Office Mil. Entry Book, xix. 223), where his harshness made him unpopular. On 16 Jan. 1746 Hawley was defeated by the clans under Prince Charles Stuart on Falkirk Muir, a blundering affair, of which a good account is given by R. Chambers (Hist. of the Rebellion, 1745, ch. xix.) Wolfe, who was Hawley's brigade-major, speaks very lightly of it (, Life of Wolfe, p. 75). Cope and his friends were not indisposed to magnify the disaster as a set-off against the rout at Prestonpans (, Duke of Cumberland Orders). On the arrival of the Duke of Cumberland as captain-general, Hawley was placed at the head of the cavalry of the army, together with the Argyleshire militia and some volunteers. In this capacity he was present at Culloden and in the camp at Inverness. Hawley left Scotland with the Duke of Cumberland in July 1746 (ib. p. 333), and the year after accompanied the duke to Flanders, where on 11 April 1747 he was appointed to the command of the cavalry (ib. pp. 347–8), which he held until after the battle of Val or Laffeldt, when he returned home. He was one of the major-generals serving on the staff in Ireland from 1748 to 1752 (Quarters of the Army in Ireland, under date). While in Flanders Hawley had been appointed governor of Inverness and Fort Augustus. On 8 July 1752 he was appointed governor of Portsmouth. A letter from Portsmouth in July 1755 says that Hawley was as ‘vivacious as ever’ when receiving the Duke of Cumberland. In November the same year Wolfe, referring to the rumour that Hawley was to be sent into Kent, from Portsmouth, to prepare for an expected invasion, wrote: ‘They could not make choice of a more unsuitable person, for the troops dread his severity, hate the man, and hold his military knowledge in contempt’ (, Life of Wolfe, p. 329). Hawley died at his seat near Portsmouth on 24 March 1759 at the age (it is said) of eighty.

He appears to have been an indifferent officer but a very harsh disciplinarian. His men called him the ‘chief justice,’ in allusion to his frequent recourse to capital punishment. He affected a cynical disregard for public opinion, which was repaid with interest in the shape of tales more or less apocryphal, which have been repeated again and again without attempt at investigation; but he was always treated with marked consideration by George II and the Duke of Cumberland.

Hawley left considerable property and an eccentric will, executed at Southsea in 1749. ‘As I began the world with nothing,’ he says, ‘and all I have is my own acquiring, I can dispose of it as I please, and I direct and order … that my carcass be put anywhere; 'tis equal to me, but I will have no expense or ridiculous show any more than if a poor soldier (who is as good a man) were to be buried from the hospital. The priest, I conclude, will have his due; let the puppy have it. Pay the carpenter for the box. I give to my sister 5,000l. Any other relations I have are not in want, and as I never married I have no heirs. I have therefore long since taken it into my head to adopt a son after the manner of the Romans, who I hereafter name. …’ He names Captain William Toovey of the royal dragoons, whose mother has been his companion, nurse, and faithful steward, and for whom he is bound in honour to provide. He leaves to her the remainder of his personal and all his real estate, and appoints the adopted son his sole executor, concluding, ‘I have written this with my own hand, because I hate priests of all professions, and have the worst opinion of all members of the law.’ The will was proved in London in 1759 by Captain William Toovey, who took the name of Hawley, and was father of Lieutenant-colonel Henry William Toovey Hawley, 1st king's dragoon guards, the father of William Henry Toovey Hawley of West Green House, Huntingdonshire (, Landed Gentry, 1868). [Sir Walter Scott (Tales of a Grandfather, ch. xxxi.) refers to a coarse Jacobite ballad in


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40, in ordinary diplomatic usage, to a declaration of war; and nothing in Jefferson's Presidency was more surprising than that he should have thought such a policy of accumulating unsettled causes for war consistent with his policy of peace.

While the "Revenge" was slowly working across the Atlantic, Monroe in London was exposed to the full rigor of the fresh storm. News of the "Chesapeake" affair reached London July 25; and before it could become public Canning wrote to Monroe a private note, cautiously worded, announcing that a "transaction" had taken place "off the coast of America," the particulars of which he was not at present enabled to communicate, and was anxious to receive from Monroe:—
 * "But whatever the real merits and character of the transaction may turn out to be, Mr. Canning could not forbear expressing without delay the sincere concern and sorrow which he feels at its unfortunate result, and assuring the American minister, both from himself and on the behalf of his Majesty's government, that if the British officers should prove to have been culpable, the most prompt and effectual reparation shall be afforded to the government of the United States."

When on Monday morning, July 27, Monroe read in the newspapers the account of what had taken place, and realized that Canning, while giving out that he knew not the particulars, must have had Admiral Berkeley's official report within his reach


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H which Hawley is described as a natural son of George II, a belief current in the north, but impossible. Burke's Landed Gentry, 1868 ed., gives a genealogy of Hawley, in some particulars at variance with Hawley's testamentary account of himself; the latter is evidently authentic. Some writers identify the general with Henry Hawley, page of honour to Prince George of Denmark in 1704, and afterwards equerry, and pensioned in the latter capacity at the prince's death. This is uncertain. For Hawley's later career may be consulted, besides those cited above: Cannon's Hist. Rec. 4th Light Dragoons (now Hussars); De Ainslie's Hist. Rec. 1st Royal Dragoons, London, 1888; A. N. C. Maclachlan's Order Book of William, Duke of Cumberland, London, 1876; Robert Chambers's Hist. of the Rebellion in Scotland in 1745, new ed. 1869; Culloden Papers; Relazione della Vittoria … &c. (1748, 8vo), an Italian account of the affair at Falkirk Muir, indexed in Brit. Mus. Cat. of Printed Books under ‘Sheridan, Sir T.;’ Hist. MSS. Comm. 10th Rep. i. 440–4; R. Wright's Life of Wolfe, London, 1864, pp. 74–6, 78, 91, 318, 329; H. Walpole's Letters, i. 409, 414, ii. 1, 2, 3, 4, 15, 25; Notes and Queries, 4th ser. xi. 389–90; Gent. Mag. vol. xxix., for announcement of death, and p. 157 for copy of will, the text of which is given in full.]  HAWLEY, JOSEPH HENRY (1813–1875), patron of the turf, eldest son of Sir Henry Hawley, the second baronet, who died 29 March 1831, by Catherine Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Gregory Shaw, bart., was born in Harley Street, London, 27 Oct. 1813. On 31 Aug. 1832 he became a cornet in the 9th lancers, and on 28 June in the following year a lieutenant. He left the service on 11 April 1834, and devoted himself to yachting. In his schooner the Mischief he visited Greece, Sicily, Morocco, and then took up his abode in Italy. While at Florence he imported some horses from England, and in conjunction with J. M. Stanley ran them at most of the meetings in Italy with varied success, his chief opponent being Prince Poniatowski. On his return to England the confederacy was renewed, and in 1844 his famous ‘cherry and black cap’ was registered in the ‘Calendar.’ In the same year he served as sheriff for the county of Kent. Little success attended his turf career until in 1847 Sim Templeman won the Oaks for him on Miami. At this time he purchased Mendicant for three thousand guineas from John Gully, and in 1858 won 100,000l. when her son Beadsman gained the Derby Stakes. The Derby of 1851 was won by Teddington running in Hawley's name, although really the property of his friend Stanley. Hawley was already known as the ‘lucky baronet,’ but failed to win the St. Leger in 1851, although his filly Aphrodite, winner of the One Thousand Guineas, was the favourite. In 1858 he won the Two Thousand with FitzRoland as well as the Derby with Beadsman. In 1859 Hawley again won the Derby, with Musjid, and again in 1868 with Bluegown, when some of his opponents were almost ruined by their losses. Wells, the winning jockey on Musjid and Bluegown, had already won the same race on Beadsman. In March 1870 Hawley sold Bluegown for 5,000l., and the horse died on his passage to America. The entire stakes, about 6,000l., won the Derby of 1868 were presented to Wells the jockey, who had already won the same race on Beadsman. In 1869 Hawley won the St. Leger with Pero Gomez. At this period he won an action for libel against Joseph H. Shorthouse, M.D., of Carshalton, the founder of the ‘Sporting Times.’ Hawley was rather a fortunate than a scientific breeder, but like Lord Falmouth (1819–1889) he spared no pains in the selection of his stud, and did much to improve the breed of horses throughout the country. In 1870 he made proposals for turf reform, advocating the abolition of two-year-old races, and denouncing heavy betting. On 19 July 1873, on retiring from the turf, he sold his racing stud for 23,575 guineas.

Although ardently devoted to the turf, Hawley was a great bookworm, and the library he collected at Leybourne Grange, near Maidstone, was probably the most valuable in Kent. He died at 34 Eaton Place, London, on 20 April 1875. His wife, whom he married on 18 June 1839, was Sarah Diana, third daughter of General Sir John Crosbie, G.C.H., of Watergate, Sussex; she died 9 March 1881. He left two daughters.

 HAWLEY, THOMAS (d. 1557), Clarenceux king-of-arms, was nominated Roseblanche pursuivant in the reign of Henry VII, and in him this title expired. He was messenger of the chamber to Henry VIII, who appointed him Rougecroix pursuivant on 20 Aug. 1509. In the latter capacity he accompanied the English army sent in 1511, under the command of the Earl of Surrey, against James IV of Scotland. The earl employed him in the protracted negotiations with the Scottish king previous to the battle of Flodden. Hawley's discretion is noticed in contemporary chronicles, and in the ballad of ‘The Battle of Flodden.’ In 1513 he


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement/Wilde, Oscar O'Flahertie Wills