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 —Riccall Dam—is pasture land, and will never be available for growing corn, as it is subject to floods. It is close to the village, and is constantly used for cricket. The chief objection to its present condition is that the existing rights of turning out cattle upon it are improperly used, an evil which it is admitted could be remedied by regulation. If such an open space is to be inclosed, it is difficult to conceive what rural common, in the opinion of the Inclosure Commissioners, would be a fit subject for regulation.

The conviction is forced upon us that, unless the Inclosure Commissioners insist upon regulation wherever it is practicable, there will be little prospect of this part of the recent Act having a fair trial. Those who are pecuniarily interested in the commons the lords of the manors and the commoners will, as a rule, prefer inclosure to regulation, and the bias of the


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 will probably be in the same direction ; and if the option rests only with them there is little doubt which course will be preferred.

It behoves, then, the Commissioners to carry out the intentions of Mr. Cross, and to refuse inclosure in any case where regulation may be applicable, and not to act only upon the instance and preferment of those interested. The failure so far of the regulating clauses of the Act of 1876 bears out the views of those who opposed the Act, and who, while conceding the good intents of the promoters, pointed out that the regulating clauses were so hampered by the necessity of consents that they practically presented no alternative to inclosure, and who predicted that few, if any, schemes would ever come before Parliament under this part of the Act.

It has been shown that in all probability thirty-seven schemes for inclosure come before Parliament next session. Many thousands of acres now open will be subjected to

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 under these schemes, and they will form the precedent for dealing with others in the future. They will come before Parliament; but the evidence in each case is heard only by a small committee; and there are but few outside that committee who will notice or care anything about each scheme as it successively comes forward. And yet, if the schemes are all carried out, England will have next year from this cause alone thirty-seven fewer open spaces than she has hitherto possessed. A great deal of this land might be saved if public attention were aroused, and aroused in time. On the next two or three years the fate of our commons will mainly depend. For seven years past, pending legislation, it has been possible to resist all schemes for inclosure; but since the passing of the Act of 1876 postponement of action is no longer possible, and each scheme must be dealt with immediately, and on its own merits.

There is danger lest, as the schemes may


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 relate each to a small area, and may not come before the public simultaneously, the gravity of the issue may not be generally perceived. It is no less a one than what proportion of the soil of England—of its commons, charts, and forests, its scars, fells, and moorlands—shall be retained to be used in common by her people as open unappropriated space both now and in the time to come.

Such, however, has been the growth of public opinion, that we may assume that Parliament would not sanction the inclosure of a common in the near neighbourhood of any large and populous town. But there seems some danger lest our legislators and the public should not duly consider how rapid is the growth of many towns, and that some which are not large and closely packed now may in a few years become so, and may need commons in their vicinity; nor how in many places suburb stretches beyond suburb as year succeeds year,


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 and thus the town approaches the commons which once were rural. Increased facilities of swift and inexpensive travelling, and the opening of new lines of railway, make many a common once out of reach of the dwellers in town practically easy of access.

And there is a reason why even, the still more distant rural commons should if possible be saved from inclosure. Every year, in many country neighbourhoods, population is increasing, and houses for letting are being built; more and more the field-paths by the river-side are being closed, and the walks through the cornfields or bright upland meadows are being shut. The hedge through the many gaps of which it was easy once to step into the roadside-wood and to gather primroses in thousands is now stoutly repaired, and new boards are put up warning trespassers that they "will be prosecuted." In self-defence the landowners erect barriers and warn off the public wherever that public becomes numerous.


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 The field shut up for hay in the remote country has so small a chance of being trampled on, that the farmer, hospitably or carelessly, leaves the gate unlocked; but as the neat little rows of lodging-houses come to be built near it, or as substantial villas multiply in the neighbourhood, and the buttercups tempt the more numerous little children to run in among the tall grass near the path, or the great boughs of may induce the big boys to make long trampled tracks beside the hedge, the farmer is obliged to lock his gate, put up his notices, or, if "right of way" exist, erect a fence which should leave the narrowest admissible pathway for the public. So it is, so it will be, year by year increasingly, with all private property. It is not only the artisan who, on his day's holiday, will depend more and more on the common or public park; the professional man, the shopkeeper who is able to take a house or lodgings for a few weeks in August or September for his family, will


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 also depend more and more each year on finding some neighbourhood where there is a heath, or forest, or moor which is public. He does not take his wife and children away only to breathe fresher air, nor is the small lodging-house garden all they want to spend the day in. To walk merely along the roads, if these roads pass between parks or fields barricaded from entrance, frets the human love of freedom which makes us want to wander farther, to escape the dusty prescribed track, to break away over the hills, or pause in the meadow by the pool or the river, or gather the flowers in the wood. The more these are and must be closed, the more intensely precious does the common or forest, safe for ever from inclosure, become. It is not only the suburban common, it is the rural also which is of value to us as a people.

Nor does the allotment scheme, admirable as it is in giving the landless classes a share in our common soil, in the least degree meet


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 the need for beauty. Under all the schemes for inclosing rural commons, it is probable that henceforward provision will be made for field-gardens. This is excellent. But do not let it be supposed that such allotments compensate for the entire loss of all open unappropriated land.

It is, moreover, possible that allotments might, as time goes on, be provided from quite other sources than our commons. The very considerable area held in trust for charitable purposes may well furnish ground for the purpose. Moreover, future changes which should facilitate the transfer of land, and should enable men to buy or rent it in small quantities, would meet the demand for allotments. Such changes might easily be effected when Englishmen come to the conclusion that small gardens are desirable for the people. If the allotments are not made now we may still hope for them in the future; but if we lose our open spaces now, shall


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 we ever recover them? Think of the cost of purchasing them back! Think of the compulsory powers to compel sale of contiguous plots! Think of the impossibility of breaking them ever again into uneven surface of woodland, dingle, or old quarry, or getting the forest trees on them again; and pause before you barter them for a few cultivated gardens, rented at high rates to a small group of men valuable as field-gardens in themselves maybe.

Note, too, by-the-way, what is done in giving them. For allotments, working-men will pay four or five times the agricultural value and have done so, under the old Inclosure Acts. That proves them to be appreciated. Under the recent Act the amount of payment is limited. But is it not strange to take away free enjoyment from many, and to offer in exchange, at any money payment, a privilege to the few?

We have mentioned the schemes of inclosure now coming before the Legislature, but


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 besides these there is another extensive process of inclosure going on for which the Legislature is not responsible. It is that which is silently pursued by lords of manors, without any distinct legal settlement of rights. They may be taking only their due; they may be taking more. In some cases they are offering to the commoners, or to the poor, where lands are left for their benefit, gifts of money or land or coals, in lieu of their old rights of cutting fuel or turning out a cow. Perhaps the coals are quite equivalent to the value of the fuel to the individual cottager; but they depend often on the will of squire or lord, are administered by churchwardens to the needy, and become a form of dole instead of a birthright. Again, all land in England is increasing in value. Why should the ignorant agricultural labourer be induced, by the gift of a few poles of land, to part with the valuable inheritance of his descendants? Why should the lord absorb to himself alone the "unearned increment of the


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 land?" It ought not to be left to any private person to make such terms with his tenants, still less ought he to be allowed to decide, by high-handed erection of fence, how much is his and how much is theirs. Yet there are numbers of such inclosures silently going on throughout England in districts where there is no one powerful enough, rich enough, or with knowledge enough to carry the matter into a court of law, or watch effectually that justice be done. Such suits are very costly; the law in such cases is often complicated; a large amount is needed to secure the plaintiff against loss should he not have costs awarded him; and landowners, knowing that these difficulties prevent their being opposed when they inclose the tempting ground adjoining their park, and give a little bit of it to all neighbours likely to be troublesome, too often exercise a power which there is no one at hand to prevent.

Even the metropolitan commons, which might


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 have been thought to be already secured by the Metropolitan Commons Act of 1866, are not absolutely safe. No one now would apply for leave to inclose one of these into to, but there is hardly a company advocating a scheme for a reservoir or sewage farm, sidings for a railway or what not, that does not cast longing eyes on the cheap common land, one little bit of which it is supposed will hardly be missed. Accordingly, application is made to Parliament for compulsory power to take a small portion. So our metropolitan commons even may be nibbled away, and polluted and spoilt by the proximity of objectionable buildings or works. No less than five such schemes came before the public in 1877 affecting Barnes, Mitcham, and Hampstead.

The reader will perceive from what has been said that three distinct dangers threaten our common land:—

1st. That due use should not be made of the powers given by the Act of last year, to


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 matter of precedent. The plan of operation of any body of men which, like the Commons Preservation Society, should examine the rights of the public and uphold them by law, is much to be preferred to the purchase scheme, though this may be more acceptable to large landowners, and have more appearance of magnificence.

To sum up. It is by watchful care that every scheme under the new Act can be well considered and wisely decided when it is brought before Parliament; it is by steady co-operation to bring to a legal issue every unauthorised inclosure that a share in our common land can alone be preserved for the landless classes. Shortly—before, perhaps, as a Nation, we awake to its importance—will this great question be permanently decided.

In England there is a very small and continually decreasing number of landowners. We have no peasant proprietors as in France; and few tenants of small holdings, as in


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 and members of the Board proposed to make the Board the central authority to protect and preserve commons; they asked for large taxing powers in order to raise money sufficient to buy up all rights of the lords of the manors and commoners, and to sell parts of the metropolitan commons for building, in order in some degree to recoup the ratepayers. The committee of the House of Commons which was then considering the question rejected this scheme of the Metropolitan Board, holding that the rights of commoners being amply sufficient to keep the commons open, purchase was unnecessary. This opinion has since been repeatedly confirmed by decisions in the law courts. There seems no reason to suppose that Hampstead Heath, for which the Metropolitan Board gave nearly £50,000, might have not been kept open without purchase had the matter been carried to an issue. The question is an important one as far as the ratepayers are concerned; it is also very important as a


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 commoners have been adjudged sufficient to preserve them from inclosure. It is therefore deeply to be regretted that last session the Board of Works again resorted to their old practice of purchasing these rights; they gave £5,000 for Bostal Heath, near Woolwich. The purchase was clearly unnecessary in this case, because a decree of the Court of Chancery exists preventing the inclosure of the heath. The Board probably took this step from a dislike to the trouble of defending their scheme for regulation. Such a practice must heavily burden the ratepayers of London, already quite sufficiently taxed. And this is done in order to secure for them that which there seems no reason to suppose could not be secured without any such expenditure, open spaces having already been legally preserved without purchase in the cases of Epping, Coulsden, Berkhampstead, and others. It is an old idea of the Metropolitan Board, and not a harmless one. In 1865, the


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 the case of rural commons) to watch each scheme that may be brought forward, and thus to let Parliament see that the matter is one about which the Nation cares. The schemes previously referred to, relating to commons at Barnes, Mitcham, and Hampstead, were only defeated by strenuous public opposition. Under these schemes it was actually proposed to take four acres of Barnes Common for a sewage farm, and to widen the railway that crosses it by additional sidings and coal depots; to cut up Mitcham Common with additional lines of railway, and to take 100 acres of it for sewage purposes, and to surround and partly undermine Hampstead Heath with a railway provided with three or four stations situated on some of its prettiest spots!

One other point bearing on the question of metropolitan commons may be noted here. Whenever the question of their inclosure has come up before the courts of law to be tried, it has been hitherto found that the rights of


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 promote regulation rather than inclosure, and that in the separate schemes about to be presented to Parliament no weight whatever should be given to the growing importance of wild open spaces free to all.

2nd. That illegal inclosure should take place unnoticed, or be unopposed, for want of legal knowledge or money to organise resistance.

3rd. That the commons already protected by the Metropolitan Commons Act should be injured by the action of bodies applying for compulsory powers of purchase for small portions of them.

It remains only to consider what can be done to meet these three dangers.

First. Let the public take care that they thoroughly understand the bearings of every scheme submitted to Parliament. Let due notice be taken that the proportion of land allotted to the public be adequate, and that the situation of it be well selected. Much depends also on its character. To revert to


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 the parallel of the disposition of land made by the owner of an estate, who certainly would not place his kitchen - garden in the loveliest part of his park, do not let the Nation surrender forest or hillside, but, preserving them intact, apportion for purposes of cultivation the less beautiful, flatter, and probably more productive ground. Let the public watch how many of the schemes brought forward relate to regulation, not inclosure. Mr. Cross announced, as we have said, that his Bill was intended to promote regulation; let us watch that its intention is thoroughly fulfilled. The machinery of the Act to regulate commons being now provided, it remains for those who care for open space to see that it is not used to promote inclosure.

Second. The high-handed inclosures for which no Parliamentary sanction is sought, are more difficult to meet. The expense of opposing is considerable; the legal questions complicated. Few individuals can deal with the problem


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 single-handed. Here again, however, happily, the machinery exists ready to our hands. The Commons Preservation Society was founded twelve years ago with the express object of watching over the interests of the public in the remaining commons of England in Parliament and in the courts of law. How much this was needed will be seen when we consider that about 5,000,000 acres have been inclosed since the reign of Queen Anne, and that there remain only 1,524,648 acres of open land, according to the Domesday-book, for all present and future needs. The Committee of this Society gives advice (free from all cost), to those who wish to consult them respecting the course to be adopted when open spaces in their neighbourhood are threatened with in closure. If the neighbourhood is poor, and legal resistance is the only way to meet the difficulty, the society will, to the best of its means, aid with money and influence.


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 It appears to me that the objects of this Society are so important and far-reaching that it ought to be a large national union, every one joining it as members and supporting it to the utmost of their power. It is not a question which ought longer to be left to a comparatively few zealous men; it ought to be supported by, and its machinery used by, everyone who cares to keep the common land open. If legal decisions are to be arrived at, if landowners are to be made to feel that they will be called to account for any inclosures made by them, the matter cannot be left in the hands of individuals, and it is only by combination, and under good legal advice, that the undertakings can be rightly and wisely begun and brought to a successful issue.

To meet the third danger—that arising from attempts to obtain compulsory power to purchase small portions of the metropolitan commons supposed to be protected under the Act of 1866—it is important (equally as in


text: Our Common Land (and other short essays)/Chapter 8


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Rh his sources; in other cases, as in that of Gideon- Jerubbaal, he united as best he could two somewhat discrepant accounts; in still other cases it is difficult to decide whether the lack of unity and directness in the narrative is to be ascribed to the attempt to combine different versions, or to editorial amplification, or to subsequent interpolations and glosses.

These phenomena are so much like those with which we are familiar in parts of the Hexateuch where the Yahwistic and Elohistic narratives (J and E) have been united by a later writer (Rje) into one composite history, that we can hardly fail to ask the question whether the similarity is not really identity; that is, whether the pre-Deuteronomic Judges was not a part of the great prophetic history which critics designate by the symbol JE, and its sources J and E. That this is the case was affirmed by Schrader, who attempted to separate the two chief sources from each other and from the Deuteronomic elements. More recently Böhme and Stade have demonstrated the affinity of parts of the book to J and E respectively; while Budde has taken up the problem which Schrader first attacked, and with great acuteness has worked out an analysis of the entire book. On the other hand, Kuenen maintains a sceptical attitude toward all attempts to identify the sources of Judges with J and E in the Hexateuch, and Kittel combats the hypothesis, arguing that such resemblances as exist are less decisive than the countervailing differences.

Budde's hypothesis is not intrinsically improbable. There is the best reason to believe that neither J nor E ended with the conquest of Canaan, but that both brought the history down to a much later time, if not to their own day. The parting speech of Joshua, Jos. 24 (substantially E), looks not only backward but forward; it is the end of a book, not of the historical work of which it formed a part; and Jud. 26–10 (Jos. 2428-31), from the same hand, is unmistakably the transition to the subsequent history.


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xxvi Jud. 1, J's account of the conquest and settlement of Canaan, is certainly not the end of his work; 21a, 5b here also lead over to the following period. It is antecedently more probable that these books furnished the author of Judges with his material than that they altogether disappear at the beginning of this period, their place being taken by two unrelated sources having a certain resemblance to J and E respectively. It must be acknowledged that the resemblances are less marked than might be expected, and are accompanied by noticeable differences. But it should be observed, first, that the ultimate sources, the popular traditions from which the tales of the judges are drawn, naturally had a different origin and character from the legends of the patriarchs in Genesis or the narratives of the Mosaic age; and, second, that the symbols J and E represent, not individual authors, but a succession of writers, the historiography of a certain period and school. The differences upon which Kittel and König have laid stress are, it appears to me, critically of less significance than the admitted resemblances. Moreover, the problem of the sources in Judges cannot be separated from the same question in Samuel, and in the latter the indicia point to J and E more clearly, perhaps, than in Judges.

For these reasons I have used the symbols J and E in the commentary, to distinguish the two chief sources from which the narratives appear to be derived, though I am fully aware that the question of their identity is by no means beyond controversy. Those of my readers who are not convinced of this identity may regard the letters J and E as equivalent to X and Y, two otherwise unknown sources, of which X (J) is almost everywhere manifestly the older and historically the more valuable. The author who united them and composed the pre-Deuteronomic Book of Judges was probably one of that school of prophetic historians


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Rh who are commonly represented by the signature Rje. His hand may be most distinctly recognized in 230–36, where the conflicting representations of J and E are worked into one another with free additions by the redactor in a way with which we are familiar in JE in the Hexateuch.

The age of the two chief sources in Judges 26–1631 cannot be very definitely fixed. There are, in this part of the book, no allusions to historical events of later times which might serve us as a clew. Almost the only criterion which we possess is their relation to the religious development. In those parts of the book which are attributed to J, the standpoint of the narrator is that of the old national religion of Israel; there is no trace of prophetic influence, and we can have no hesitation in ascribing this source to a time before the great prophetic movement of the 8th century. Other indications point to a considerably higher antiquity. The stories are manifestly drawn from a living tradition, not from antiquarian lore; they reproduce the state of society and religion in the early days of the settlement in Palestine with a convincing reality which is of nature, not of art, and exhibit a knowledge of the conditions of the time which can hardly have been possessed by an author of the 8th century, after the changes which two centuries of the kingdom and of rapidly advancing civilization had wrought. On such grounds we should be inclined to assign this source to the first half of the 9th century, a date which is entirely compatible with our identification of it with J.

The second main source from which the tales of the Judges are derived (E) appears, wherever direct comparison is possible, as in the histories of Gideon and Abimelech, to be younger than J. It is, however, not all of the same age. The older stratum does not differ very greatly from J, and is also, in all probability, preprophetic; the later stratum is strongly tinged with prophetic ideas, and in its judgement of the religious offences of the people prepares the way for the pragmatism of the Jehovistic (JE) and Deuteronomic History of the Judges. So closely, indeed, does


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28

Who is there to make ready now the pit, The house that will content from this day forth Its easy tenant? Who in vestments fit Shall swathe the sleeper for his bed of earth, Now tractable as when a babe at birth? Who now the ample funeral urn shall knead, And burying it beneath his proper hearth Deposit there with careful hands the dead, And lightly then relay the floor above his head?

Unwept, unshrouded, and unsepulchred, The hammock where they hang, for winding sheet And grave suffices the deserted dead: There from the armadillo's searching feet Safer than if within the tomb's retreat. The carrion birds obscene in vain essay To find that quarry: round and round they beat The air, but fear to enter for their prey. And from the silent door the jaguar turns away.

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 было поместить? Where do you think we could put him up? □ Он поместил несколько статей в журнале. He had several articles printed in magazines.

-ся to be put up. Я пока помещусь у товарища. In the meantime, I'll be put up at a friend's house. • to fit. Мой вещи не поместятся в этом чемодане. My things will not fit into this suitcase.

пометка note. Делайте ваши пометки на полах. Маке your notes in the margins.

помешать (pct of мешать) to prevent. Я хотел кончить книгу сегодня, но мне помешали. I wanted to finish the book today, but I was prevented from doing so. • to disturb. Я вам не помешаю? Am I disturbing you? • to stir. Помешайте ложкой, сахар на дне. Stir it with a spoon; the sugar is still on the bottom.

помещать (dur of поместить) to put. Я помещаю свой сбережения в сберкассу. I put my savings in a savings bank. □ Наши газеты не помещают четных объявлений. Our newspapers don't publish private advertisements.

-ся to fit. В машине помещается только шесть человек. Only six people can fit in the car. • to be (located). Наше учреждение (помещается) в большом доме на окраине города. Our office is (located) in a large building at the edge of town.

помещение quarters. Это здание можно будет использовать, как жилое помещение. This building could be used as living quarters. • place. Это неподходящее помещение для большого собрания. This place isn't suitable for a large meeting.

помещу See поместить.

помещусь See поместиться.

помидор tomato.

помимо (/cf мимо/) despite. Всё это произошло помимо его желания. All this happened despite his wishes. • besides. Помимо всего прочего, он мне ещё нагрубил. Besides everything else, he was rude to me.

поминутный. □ поминутно every minute. Нам поминутно кто-нибудь мешал. We were disturbed every minute.

помирить (pct of мирить) to make peace. Я вас сейчас помирю. I'll make peace between you.

-ся to make up. Они уже давно помирились. They've made up long ago. □ Помиритесь наконец. Kiss and make up!

помнить to remember. Вы меня помните? Мы с вами встречались в прошлом году. Do you remember me? We met last year. — Я себя помню с трёх лет. I remember my life ever since I was three. • to keep in mind. Я об этом помню, не беспокойтесь. Don't worry; I'm keeping it in mind. □ Он себя не помнил от радости. He was beside himself with joy.

помог See помочь.

помогать (dur of помочь) to help. Я помогаю им по мере возможности. I help them as much as I can. • to assist. Я помогаю профессору в его опытах. I'm assisting the professor in his experiments.

помогу See помочь.

по-моему (/cf мой/).

поможешь See помочь.

помои (помоев P) slop. Куда вы выливаете помои? Where do you pour the slop? — Это не суп, а помои. This isn't soup; it's slop.

помойка garbage. Выкиньте это на помойку. Throw it in the garbage.

помолчать (-чу, -чит; pct) to keep quiet. Помолчите немного! Keep quiet for a, while.

помочь (-могу, -может; p -мог, могла, -о, -и; pct of помогать) to help. Ему уже ничем нельзя помочь. He can't be helped any more. — Буду рад вам помочь. I'll be glad to help you. • to do good. Это лекарство вам поможет. This medicine will do you good.

помощник ([-šnj]) assistant. Вы были мне очень хорошим помощником. You were a very good assistant to me. — Он помощник редактора. He's assistant editor.

помощница ([-šnj-]) assistant F. Она была помощницей начальницы школы. She was the assistant principal of the school.

помощь (F) help. Мы слышали, как кто-то звал на помощь. We heard someone cry for help. • aid. В трудную минуту он всегда приходил мне на помощь. He always came to my aid when things were tough. — Кто тут может оказать первую помощь раненому? Which one of you can give first aid to the injured person? — Семьям бойцов оказывалась бесплатная юридическая помощь. Soldiers' families got free legal aid. • assistance. Он уже может вставать с постели без посторонней помощи. He can get out of bed without anybody's assistance. □ карета скорой помощи ambulance. Вызовите карету скорой помощи. Call an ambulance.

помою See помыть.

помоюсь See помыться.

помыть (-мою, -моет; ppp -мытый; pct of мыть) to wash. Давайте, я помою посуду. Let me wash the dishes.

-ся to wash up. Где здесь можно помыться? Where can I wash up around here?

понадеяться (-надеюсь, -надеется; pct) to count on. Я понадеялся на него, а он ничего не сделал. I counted on him but he didn't do a thing.

понадобиться (pct of надобиться) to need. Какая сумма вам понадобится? How much money will you need? — Эти документы вам могут понадобиться. You may need these papers. — Если вам понадобится моя помощь, я к вашим услугам. If you should need my help, I'm at your service.

по-нашему See наш.

поневоле against one's will. Мне поневоле пришлось согласиться. I had to agree against my will. □ К этому шуму поневоле приходится привыкать. You've got to get used to this noise whether you like it or not. • Под эту музыку поневоле запляшешь. This music starts your feet tapping.

понедельник Monday.

понемногу little by little. Наш город понемногу отстраивается. Our city is being rebuilt little by little. — Мы уже начинаем понемногу говорить по-английски. We're beginning to talk English now little by little. • gradually. Гости начали понемногу расходиться. The guests began to leave gradually.

понемножку (/cf немножко/) a little. Он знает обо всём понемножку. He knows a little of everything. □ "Как поживаете?" "Спасибо, понемножку." "How are you?" "Getting along, thanks."


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Rh

But nature for her universal law Hath other surer instruments in store, Whom from the haunts of men no wonted awe Withholds as with a spell. In swarms they pour From wood and swamp: and when their work is o'er On the white bones the mouldering roof will fall; Seeds will take root, and spring in sun and shower; And Mother Earth ere long with her green pall, Resuming to herself the wreck, will cover all.

Oh! better thus with earth to have their part, Than in Egyptian catacombs to lie, Age after age preserved by horrid art. In ghastly image of humanity! Strange pride that with corruption thus would vie! And strange delusion that would thus maintain The fleshly form, till cycles shall pass by, And in the series of the eternal chain. The spirit come to seek its old abode again.

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xxviii this element (E2) approach the standpoint of the latter authors that it is difficult, if not impossible, to decide whether certain passages or verses should be attributed to the one or the other. Fortunately, the similarity which makes the analysis uncertain makes it also of less importance. The author of the later element in E (E2) may have lived toward the end of the 8th century or in the first half of the 7th.

The Triumphal Ode, ch. 5, is much older than the corresponding prose narrative, or than any other of the stories in the book. Whether it was included in J, or in E, or in both of them, cannot be certainly determined. The closing formula, 531b, may have been added or transposed by an editor. The Ode was in all probability preserved in one of the collections of old Hebrew poetry, such as the Book of Jashar, or the Book of the Wars of Yahweh; but, like other poems from those collections, may early have been incorporated into the prose histories.

The brief notices of the so-called Minor Judges (101–5 128–15) begin and close with formulas which, while they have a certain likeness to those which introduce and conclude the stories of the other judges, have also a distinctive difference. Of each of the five we read that he "judged Israel" so many years, but of the oppressions and deliverances which in the rest of the book alternate with such regularity nothing is said; of their exploits there is no record; indeed, beyond the places where they were buried and perhaps the number of their posterity, nothing whatever is narrated of them. Most, if not all, the names of these "judges " appear to be those of clans rather than individuals; and the years of their rule seem to be independent of the chronological scheme of the book and to disturb its symmetry. It has been conjectured that the names were introduced by an editor to make up the number of twelve judges; and Wellhausen has strengthened this hypothesis by the observation that the sum of the years of the


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30

One pair alone survived the general fate; Left in such drear and mournful solitude, That death might seem a preferable state. Not more deprest the Arkite patriarch stood, When landing first on Ararat he view'd, Where all around the mountain summits lay, Like islands seen amid the boundless flood! Nor our first parents more forlorn than they. Thro' Eden when they took their solitary way.

Alike to them, it seem'd in their despair. Whither they wander'd from the infected spot. Chance might direct their steps: they took no care; Come well or ill to them, it matter'd not! Left as they were in that unhappy lot, The sole survivors they of all their race. They reck'd not when their fate, nor where, nor what. In this resignment to their hopeless case. Indifferent to all choice or circumstance of place.

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Rh

That palsying stupor past away ere long, And as the spring of health resumed its power, They felt that life was dear, and hope was strong. What marvel! 'Twas with them the morning hour, When bliss appears to be the natural dower Of all the creatures of this joyous earth; And sorrow fleeting like a vernal shower Scarce interrupts the current of our mirth; Such is the happy heart we bring with us at birth.

Tho' of his nature and his boundless love Erring, yet tutor'd by instinctive sense. They rightly deem'd the Power who rules above Had saved them from the wasting pestilence. That favouring power would still be their defence: Thus were they by their late deliverance taught To place a child-like trust in Providence, And in their state forlorn they found this thought Of natural faith with hope and consolation fraught.

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32

And now they built themselves a leafy bower, Amid a glade, slow Mondai's stream beside, Screen'd from the southern blast of piercing power: Not like their native dwelling, long and wide, By skilful toil of numbers edified, The common home of all, their human nest. Where threescore hammocks pendant side by side Were ranged, and on the ground the fires were drest; Alas that populous hive hath now no living guest!

A few firm stakes they planted in the ground, Circling a norrow space, yet large enow; These strongly interknit they closed around With basket-work of many a pliant bough. The roof was like the sides; the door was low, And rude the hut, and trimm'd with little care, For little heart had they to dress it now; Yet was the humble structure fresh and fair, And soon its inmates found that Love might sojourn there.

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Rh

Quiara could recall to mind the course Of twenty summers; perfectly he knew Whate'er his fathers taught of skill or force. Right to the mark his whizzing lance he threw, And from his bow the unerring arrow flew With fatal aim: and when the laden bee Buzz'd by him in its flight, he could pursue Its path with certain ken, and follow free Until he traced the hive in hidden bank or tree.

Of answering years was Monnema, nor less Expert in all her sex's household ways. The Indian weed she skilfully could dress; And in what depth to drop the yellow maize She knew, and when around its stem to raise The lighten'd soil; and well could she prepare Its ripen'd seed for food, her proper praise; Or in the embers turn with frequent care Its succulent head yet green, sometimes for daintier fare.

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34

And how to macerate the bark she knew, And draw apart its beaten fibres fine, And bleaching them in sun, and air, and dew; From dry and glossy filaments entwine With rapid twirl of hand the lengthening line; Next interknitting well the twisted thread, In many an even mesh its knots combine, And shape in tapering length the pensile bed, Light hammock there to hang beneath the leafy shed.

Time had been when expert in works of clay She lent her hands the swelling urn to mould, And fill'd it for the appointed festal day With the beloved beverage which the bold Quaff'd in their triumph and their joy of old: The fruitful cause of many an uproar rude, When in their drunken bravery uncontroll'd, Some bitter jest awoke the dormant feud, And wrath and rage and strife and wounds and death ensued.

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Rh

These occupations were gone by: the skill Was useless now, which once had been her pride. Content were they, when thirst impell'd, to fill The dry and hollow gourd from Mondai's side; The river from its sluggish bed supplied A draught for repetition all unmeet; Howbeit the bodily want was satisfied; No feverish pulse ensued, nor ireful heat, Their days were undisturb'd, their natural sleep was sweet.

She too had learnt in youth how best to trim The honoured Chief for his triumphal day, And covering with soft gums the obedient limb And body, then with feathers overlay, In regular hues disposed, a rich display. Well-pleased the glorious savage stood and eyed The growing work; then vain of his array Look'd with complacent frown from side to side, Stalk'd with elater step, and swell'd with statelier pride.

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36

Feasts and carousals, vanity and strife, Could have no place with them in solitude To break the tenor of their even life. Quiara day by day his game pursued, Searching the air, the water, and the wood, With hawk-like eye, and arrow sure as fate; And Monnema prepared the hunter's food: Cast with him here in this forlorn estate, In all things for the man was she a fitting mate.

The Moon had gather'd oft her monthly store Of light, and oft in darkness left the sky, Since Monnema a growing burthen bore Of life and hope. The appointed weeks go by; And now her hour is come, and none is nigh To help: but human help she needed none. A few short throes endured with scarce a cry, Upon the bank she laid her new-born son. Then slid into the stream, and bathed, and all was done.

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Rh

Might old observances have there been kept, Then should the husband to that pensile bed, Like one exhausted with the birth have crept, And laying down in feeble guise his head, For many a day been nursed and dieted With tender care, to childing mothers due. Certes a custom strange, and yet far spread Thro' many a savage tribe, howe'er it grew, And once in the old world known as widely as the new.

This could not then be done; he might not lay The bow and those unerring shafts aside; Nor thro' the appointed weeks forego the prey, Still to be sought amid those regions wide, None being there who should the while provide That lonely household with their needful food: So still Quiara thro' the forest plied His daily task, and in the thickest wood Still laid his snares for birds, and still the chace pursued.

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38

But seldom may such thoughts of mingled joy A father's agitated breast dilate, As when he first beheld that infant boy. Who hath not prov'd it, ill can estimate The feeling of that stirring hour,—the weight Of that new sense, the thoughtful, pensive bliss. In all the changes of our changeful state, Even from the cradle to the grave, I wis, The heart doth undergo no change so great as this.

A deeper and unwonted feeling fill'd These parents, gazing on their new born son. Already in their busy hopes they build On this frail sand. Now let the seasons run, And let the natural work of time be done With them,—for unto them a child is born: And when the hand of Death may reach the one, The other will not now be left to mourn A solitary wretch, all utterly forlorn.

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Rh

Thus Monnema and thus Quiara thought, Tho' each the melancholy thought represt; They could not chuse but feel, yet uttered not The human feeling, which in hours of rest Often would rise, and fill the boding breast With a dread foretaste of that mournful day, When, at the inexorable Power's behest, The unwilling spirit, called perforce away, Must leave, for ever leave its dear connatural clay.

Link'd as they were, where each to each was all, How might the poor survivor hope to bear That heaviest loss which one day must befall, Nor sink beneath the weight of his despair. Scarce could the heart even for a moment dare That miserable time to contemplate, When the dread Messenger should find them there, From whom is no escape,—and reckless Fate, Whom it had bound so close, for ever separate.

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40

Lighter that burthen lay upon the heart When this dear babe was born to share their lot; They could endure to think that they must part. Then too a glad consolatory thought Arose, while gazing on the child they sought With hope their dreary prospect to delude, Till they almost believed, as fancy taught, How that from them a tribe should spring renew'd, To people and possess that ample solitude.

Such hope they felt, but felt that whatsoe'er The undiscoverable to come might prove, Unwise it were to let that bootless care Disturb the present hours of peace and love. For they had gain'd a happiness above The state which in their native horde was known: No outward causes were there here to move Discord and alien thoughts; being thus alone From all mankind, their hearts and their desires were one.

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Rh

Different their love in kind and in degree From what their poor depraved forefathers knew, With whom degenerate instincts were left free To take their course, and blindly to pursue, Unheeding they the ills that must ensue, The bent of brute desire. No moral tie Bound the hard husband to his servile crew Of wives; and they the chance of change might try, All love destroy'd by such preposterous liberty.

Far other tie this solitary pair Indissolubly bound; true helpmates they, In joy or grief, in weal or woe to share, In sickness or in health, thro' life's long day; And reassuming in their hearts her sway Benignant Nature made the burthen light. It was the Woman's pleasure to obey, The Man's to ease her toil in all he might, So each in serving each obtain'd the best delight.

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42

And as connubial, so parental love Obey'd unerring Nature's order here, For now no force of impious custom strove Against her law;—such as was wont to sear The unhappy heart with usages severe, Till harden'd mothers in the grave could lay Their living babes with no compunctious tear, So monstrous men become, when from the way Of primal light they turn thro' heathen paths astray.

Deliver'd from this yoke, in them henceforth The springs of natural love may freely flow: New joys, new virtues with that happy birth Are born, and with the growing infant grow. Source of our purest happiness below Is that benignant law which hath entwined Dearest delight with strongest duty so That in the healthy heart and righteous mind Ever they co-exist, inseparably combined.

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Rh

Oh! bliss for them when in that infant face They now the unfolding faculties descry, And fondly gazing, trace—or think they trace The first faint speculation in that eye, Which hitherto hath roll'd in vacancy! Oh! bliss in that soft countenance to seek Some mark of recognition, and espy The quiet smile which in the innocent cheek Of kindness and of kind its consciousness doth speak!

For him, if born among their native tribe, Some haughty name his parents had thought good, As weening that therewith they should ascribe The strength of some fierce tenant of the wood, The water, or the serial solitude, Jaguar or vulture, water-wolf or snake. The beast that prowls abroad in search of blood, Or reptile that within the treacherous brake Waits for the prey, upcoil'd, its hunger to aslake.

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Now soften'd as their spirits were by love, Abhorrent from such thoughts they turn'd away; And with a happier feeling, from the dove, They named the child Yeruti. On a day When smiling at his mother's breast in play, They in his tones of murmuring pleasure heard A sweet resemblance of the stock-dove's lay, Fondly they named him from that gentle bird, And soon such happy use endear'd the fitting word.

Days pass, and moons have wex'd and waned, and still This dovelet nestled in their leafy bower Obtains increase of sense, and strength and will, As in due order many a latent power Expands,—humanity's exalted dower: And they while thus the days serenely fled Beheld him flourish like a vigorous flower Which lifting from a genial soil its head By seasonable suns and kindly showers is fed.

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Rh

Ere long the cares of helpless babyhood To the next stage of infancy give place, That age with sense of conscious growth endued, When every gesture hath its proper grace: Then come the unsteady step, the tottering pace; And watchful hopes and emulous thoughts appear; The imitative lips essay to trace Their words, observant both with eye and ear, In mutilated sounds which parents love to hear.

Serenely thus the seasons pass away; And, oh! how rapidly they seem to fly With those for whom to-morrow like to-day Glides on in peaceful uniformity! Five years have since Yeruti's birth gone by, Five happy years;—and ere the Moon which then Hung like a Sylphid's light canoe on high Should fill its circle, Monnema again Laying her burthen down must bear a mother's pain.

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 понимать (dur of понять) to understand. Вы понимаете по-русски? Do you understand Russian? — Я вас плохо понимаю. I don't understand you very well. — Я понимаю только когда говорят медленно. I understand only when you speak slowly. — Я не понимаю, когда говорят так быстро. I don't understand when you speak so quickly. — Мы хорошо понимаем друг друга. We understand each other very well. — Не понимаю, чего вы от меня хотите. I don't understand what you want of me. — Он, понимаете, не хочет больше об этом говорить. He doesn't want to talk about it any more, you understand. — Этот термин можно понимать по-разному. This term can be understood in different ways. □ Они меня понимает с полуслова. She knows what I'm going to say before I half finish. • Вот это я понимаю — настоящая дружба! That's what I call a real friendship!

понос diarrhea.

понравиться (pct) to like. Скажите правду, она вам очень понравилась? Tell me the truth, did you like her very much? □ Они сразу друг другу понравились. They took to each other immediately,

понюхать (pct of нюхать) to smell. В этой бутылке, кажется, уксус — понюхайте! It seems there's vinegar in this bottle. Smell it!

понятливый bright. Он очень понятливый мальчик. He's a very bright boy.

понятный understandable. Это вполне понятное желание. It's a very understandable desire. □ понятно clearly. Он говорил просто и понятно. He spoke simply and clearly. • it's apparent. Понятно, почему я согласился на его предложение. It's apparent why I agreed to his proposition. □ Эта книжка написана ясным, понятным каждому языком. The book is written in a way everybody can understand. • Она понятное дело, сейчас же в слёзы. As expected, she immediately burst into tears.

понять (-пойму, -мёт; p понял, поняла, поняло, -и; ppp понятый, sh F -та; pct of понимать) to understand. Он меня неправильно понял. He understood me the wrong way. — Я что-то не пойму, куда он гнёт. Somehow I can't understand what he's driving at. □ дать понять to give to understand. Она дала мне понять, что я ей нравлюсь. She gave me to understand that she likes me. □ Это расписание составлено так, что ничего не поймёшь. This timetable is so arranged that you can't make head or tail of it.

пообедать (pct of обедать) to eat dinner. Мы сегодня пообедали в заводской столовой. We ate dinner in the factory dining room today. • to have dinner. Где бы нам пообедать? Where shall we have dinner?

поочерёдно. □ Мы будем сидеть в Кассе поочерёдно. We'll take turns at the box office.

попадать (dur of попасть) to hit. Он легко попадает в центр мишени на расстоянии ста метров. He easily hits the center of the target at a hundred meters. • to get. Как вы ухитряетесь так поздно вставать и всё-таки попадать на работу во-время? How do you manage to get up so late and yet get to work on time?

попаду See попасть.

попал See попасть.

попасть (-паду, -дёт; p -пал; pct of попадать) to hit. В этот дом попал снаряд. This house was hit by a shell. • to get. Мы попали домой поздно вечером. We got home late at night. — Я не попал в театр. I didn't get to the theater. — Он страшно гордится тем, что его имя попало в газету. He's very proud of the fact that he got his name in the paper. • to find (oneself). На-днях я пошёл гулять и попал в зоологический сад. I went for a walk the other day and found myself at the Zoo. • to step into. Осторожно! Вы попадёте в лужу. Be careful! You'll step into a puddle. • to come across. К с частью, вы попали на порядочного человека. You were lucky to have come across a decent man. □ как попало hit or miss. Я не подготовился к экзамену и отвечал как попало. I didn't study for my exam and answered hit or miss. куда попало in any old place. Кладет вещи куда попало, попробуй потом найти! They put things away in any old place; and then just try to find them! попасть впросак to pull a boner. *Я ничего об этом не знаю и боюсь попасть впросак. I don't know anything about this and I'm afraid of pulling a boner. попасть в точку to hit right. Это вы в точку попали. You've hit it right. что попало any old thing. За ним там никто не следит, и он ест, что попало. He eats any old thing because nobody looks after him over there. □ Он никак не может попасть им в тон. He's always out of step with them. • Как это вы попали в переводчики? How come you became a translator? • Как вы сюда попали? How did you happen to come here? • Ну и попадёт же ему за это! He'll get it for this! • *Не дай бог попасть ему на зубок, God help you if he starts talking about you. • *Ну и попали пальцем в небо! You're way off the mark!

поперёк crosswise, across. Детей можно будет положить поперёк кровати. You can put the children crosswise on the bed. — Почему вы поставили машину поперёк дороги? Why did you park the car across the middle of the road? □ Он изъездил всю страну вдоль и поперёк. He traveled all over the country. • *Эта работа у меня поперёк горла стоит. I'm fed up to here with this job.

попеременно alternative, by turns. Мы попеременно ухаживали за больным товарищем. We took turns caring for our sick friend.

пополам (/cf пол) in half. Разрежьте яблоко пополам. Cut the apple in half. • half-and-half. Давайте купим радио пополам. Let's go half-and-half on a radio. □ У них там продают молоко пополам с водой. They sell milk that's half water. • *Я говорю по-английски с грехом пополам. I can just manage to make myself understood in English.

пополудни (/cf полдень/) P.M. Пароход уходит ровно в три часа пополудни. The steamer leaves at exactly three P.M.

поправить (pct of поправлять) to fix. Пошлите нам монтёра поправить электричество. Send us an electrician to fix our electric light. — Поправьте галстук. Fix your tie. • to correct. Этот перевод надо поправить. This translation has to be corrected. • to improve. Вам необходимо поправить здоровье. It's absolutely necessary for you to improve your health. • to straighten out. Теперь уж дела не


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Science and Citizenship of the older spiritual communities the event here, too, is celebrated by a particular ceremony of initiation. The scientific ritual of initiation has two well-marked stages. The first consists in the contribution of a memoir to the proceedings of the relevant society. The second consists of a copious baptism, in the form of a cold-water douche of criticism, from his brother scientists.

XX If the foregoing analysis has suggested a fanciful analogy between religious and scientific experience, it has entirely failed in its purpose. The intention has been not to suggest an analogy, but to indicate an essential similarity, indeed, a partial identity of type. In the language not of psychology, but of sociology, the contention is that the scientific and religious groups are vitally related in their social origins and functions. Addressing an audience of biologists one would probably convey the intended impression by saying that science and religion are social organs which are in part both homologous and analogous. But the rightly discredited usage of biological terminology in social science prohibits recourse to that language. The argument is that science has its social as well as its logical and psychological aspects, and that from the former point of view a scientific society is manifestly to be classed amongst the social institutions. And that, moreover, in the wide and varied range of social institutions the place of a scientific society is, it is affirmed, alongside of the church. The 44

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 поправишь. Now there's no way to straighten out the matter.

-ся to correct oneself. Он неправильно произнёс это слово, но сразу же поправился. He pronounced the word the wrong way but immediately corrected himself. • to improve. Когда его здоровье поправится, он приедет в Москву. When his health improves he'll come to Moscow. □ *Умел ошибиться, умей и поправиться. It's your mistake; now get out of it.

поправка correction. Поправка тетрадей отнимает у меня много времени. Correction of notebooks takes a lot of my time. • amendment. Его резолюция была принята с небольшими поправками. His resolution was accepted with few amendments. • recuperation. Его послали в Крым на поправку. He was sent to the Crimea for recuperation. □ Она уже идёт на поправку. She's on the mend now.

поправлять (dur of поправить) to correct. Я не обижаюсь, когда меня поправляют. I'm not offended when I'm corrected. — Пожалуйста, поправляйте мой ошибки в русском языке. Please correct my mistakes in Russian.

-ся to get well. Поправляйтесь и приезжайте поскорее обратно! Get well and come back as soon as you can. • to recover. Больной медленно поправляется. The patient is slowly recovering.

попрежнему as before. После возвращения из-за границы у нас всё пошло попрежнему. After we returned from abroad everything went on as before. • still. Вы попрежнему собираетесь в клубе по воскресеньям? Do you still meet in the club Sundays? □ Мы с ним попрежнему друзья. We're friends just as we always were.

попробовать (pct of пробовать) to try. Я попробую устроить вас на работу. I'll try to get you a job. — Попробуйте, может быть дверь не заперта. Try it; maybe the door isn't locked. • to taste. Попробуйте моего пирога! Taste some of my pie.

попросить (-прошу, -просит; pct: просить) to ask. Попросите его войти. Ask him to come in. □ Можно попросить ещё кусочек? May I have another piece?

попросту (/cf простой) simply. Он не болен, а попросту утомлён. He isn't sick, but simply tired. □ попросту говоря in plain words. Попросту говоря, это наглость. In plain words, it's just impudence. □ Заходите к нам попросту. Drop in to see us; don't stand on ceremony.

попрошу See попросить.

попрощаться (pct of прощаться) to say good-by. Я пришёл с вами попрощаться. I come to say good-by to you.

попугай parrot. Какой у вас красивый попугай. What a beautiful parrot you have! — Что ты, как попугай, повторяешь одно и то же! Why do you keep repeating like a parrot?

попусту (/cf пустой/). □ Нечего попусту время тратить. Why waste time?

попутчик fellow traveler. Вы тоже в Москву? Значит, мы попутчики. Are you going to Moscow too? Then we're fellow travelers. — Он не член партии, а из тех, кого называют попутчиком. He's not a party member but what is known as a fellow traveler.

попутчица fellow traveler F.

попытаться (pct of пытаться) to try. Я попытаюсь достать билеты на сегодняшний спектакль. I'll try to get tickets for today's show.

попытка attempt. Когда была сделана первая попытка перелететь через Атлантический океан? When was the first attempt made to fly across the Atlantic Ocean? □ Я уж не раз делал попытки с вами созвониться. I tried to reach you by phone more than once. • Он был убит при попытке к бегству. He was killed while trying to escape. • *Что ж, попытка не пытка! It never hurts to try.

пора (a пору) time. Мы жили в ту пору ещё в Киеве. We still lived in Kiev at that time. □ до каких пор how long. До каких пор вы намерены это терпеть? How long are you going to stand for it? до поры до времени for some time to come. До поры до времени нам придётся с этим примириться. We'll have to comply for some time to come. до сих пор up to now. Я до сих пор об этом не слышал. I haven't heard about it up to now. • up to here. Нам задано выучить до сих пор. We have to learn it up to here. на первых порах at the beginning. На первых порах мне здесь было трудно. At the beginning it was difficult for me here. с тех пор since then. С тех пор я его больше не видал. Since then I haven't seen him any more.

пора it's time. Давно пора было бы это кончить. It's high time this was finished. □ Ну, мне пора. Well, I've got to go.

поработать (pct) to work. Я ещё успею немного поработать до обеда. I can still work a bit before dinner.

порадовать (pct of радовать). □ Ну, чем вы нас порадуете? Well, what good news have you for us?

поражать (dur of поразить) to amaze. Меня всегда поражало его спокойствие. I was always amazed at how calmly he takes things.

поражение defeat. Неприятель потерпел поражение. The enemy suffered defeat. □ Доктор опасается поражения зрительного нерва. The doctor is afraid that the nerve of the eye was damaged.

поражу See поразить.

поразительный striking. Какое поразительное сходство! What a striking resemblance! • marvelous. У него по-разительная память. He has a marvelous memory. • wonderful. Её выносливость поразительна. She has wonderful endurance. □ поразительно remarkably. Он поразительно быстро овладел русским языком. He mastered the Russian language remarkably fast.

поразить (pct of поражать) to surprise. Её ответ меня очень поразил. Her answer surprised me very much. □ У него поражено левое лёгкое. His left lung is affected.

порвать (-рву, -рвёт; p -рвала; pct of порывать) to tear. (no dur) Осторожно, не порвите платья — тут гвоздь. Careful, don't tear your dress; there's a nail here. — (no dur) Где это вы так порвали костюм? Where did you tear your suit like that? • to break up. Когда она порвала с ним? When did she break up with him? • to sever. Дипломатические сношения между этими странами порваны. Diplomatic relations between these countries were severed.

порежу See порезать.

порезать (-режу, -режет; pct) to cut. Я порезал себе ногу


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Science and Citizenship characteristics possessed in common by the religious and scientific community can be traced out in detail. If, for instance, the scientist resorts to a public library to read the journal of his favourite society, he is obviously paralleling the tendency of the laxer churchman to escape the monthly collection for what in certain nonconformist churches is called the sustentation fund. But minute detail and formal aspect apart, what is it that constitutes the essential similarity of type in the religious and scientific group?

The immense multiplication of religious sects in the present day, and in history, is popularly accounted one of the least creditable features of civilisation. The sceptics deprecate it as a bad habit, like alcoholism and immorality, into which the uncultivated man is prone to fall. But in itself, and apart from its secondary effects, the mere proliferation of sectionally religious bodies is simply an expression of spiritual freedom. In joining this, that, or the other church, in remaining within its fold, or in leaving it, the individual believes himself to be actuated by non-material motives. He believes that he is uninfluenced alike by the parliaments that make laws, the bureaucracies that administer them, and the judges that interpret or misinterpret them. He believes that his religious life is unconditioned by the policeman visible at the street corner, by the sovereign invisible on his throne, and the soldiers that display his royal uniform. In brief, the member of a religious community believes himself to have risen into a world 45

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Science and Citizenship of spiritual freedom, untrammelled by the prohibition and compulsion which in civil history are called law and politics; in natural history, tooth and claw. How far this belief in a life of spiritual freedom is real, and how far it is illusory, matters not for the moment. The point of insistence is that the members of a religious community are bound together by similarity of ideas and feelings, and not by bonds which rest upon a potential recourse to physical force. In other words, the social influences immediately operative upon and amongst a religious community are mental, moral, and aesthetic. They are not legal and political. And in this respect at least it is sufficiently manifest that the scientific community resembles a religious one.

XXI It is one of the merits of Comte to have aided the progress of thought by generalising under the one conception of Spiritual Powers all those agencies and institutions which influence men by mental, moral, and aesthetic considerations. His corresponding conception of Temporal Powers generalises agencies and institutions which operate on or influence conduct by an actual or potential recourse to physical force. The Spiritual Powers thus seek to substantiate or to modify belief—using that term in its broadest sense—having as their instruments ideas and emotions. Temporal Powers seek to determine conduct by using material rewards as impulse, and physical fear as deterrents. 46

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148 stood out in so unsightly a manner. They answered that it was possible to remove, it, but the operation would be exceedingly painful, much more so than any which he had before undergone. He nevertheless directed them to cut it out, that he might have his will, and (as he himself related in my hearing, says Ribadeneira,) that he might wear fashionable and well-fitting boots. Nor could he be dissuaded from this determination. He would not consent to be bound during the operation, and went through it with the same firmness of mind which he had manifested in the former operations. By this means the deformity of the bone was removed. The contraction of the leg was in some degree relieved by other applications, and especially by certain machines, with which during many days, and with great and continual pain, it was stretched; nevertheless it could not be so extended, but that it always remained something shorter than the other."—Ribadeneira, Vita S. Ignatii Loyolœ, Acta SS. Jul. t. 7. p. 659.

A close fitting boot seems to have been as fashionable at one time as close fitting innominables of buckskin were about the year 1790: and perhaps it was as severe an operation to get into them for the first time. "The greasy shoemaker," says Tom Nash, "with his squirrel's skin, and a whole stall of ware upon his arm enters, and wrencheth his legs for an hour together, and after shows his tally. By St. Loy


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Science and Citizenship The popular distinction between State and Church may be regarded as a particular case of the wider popular distinction between the Law and the Gospel; and this again is a particular case of the larger scientific generalisation of Temporal and Spiritual Powers. There are, of course, practical advantages which prompt the popular mind to extend its widening circles of general concepts, which again are further refined and developed by science. The general concept is to a mere collection of facts what regimentation is to a mob of men. It enables one to neglect individual eccentricities and predict the collective behaviour of the group, whether the group consists of items called facts or items called men. The inducement to widen the generalisation is, that the larger its scope the broader are the limits of prediction. The assumption made is that the process of generalisation is a gradual one, and that the steps from the concrete facts up to the largest generalisation are all traceable without a break. In other words, a generalisation must be of a kind which in science is called verifiable—that is to say, the prediction based upon it must refer to a course of future events, which must either happen or not happen at a given place and within a given and finite time. And this proviso of verifiability gives a definiteness and fixity to scientific generalisations, which is often absent from those alike of the popular mind or of the poetic imagination.

47

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Science and Citizenship XXII There are those who tell us, that there is no proper science of society because there are no known sociological laws. Others go still further, and say that the nature of human society is such that no social laws are discoverable, that there is no science of human society, that sociology not only does not, but never will exist. This is a mode of argument well known to historians of scientific thought. It has been used at every epochal advance by the obscurantists to justify their ignorance and soothe their vanity. It belongs, in fact, to the self-protective devices so common everywhere throughout the organic world, and especially amongst the higher animals. Probably the most effective reply to this sort of criticism is for the scientific observer to ignore it, and to continue without interruption his observations and generalisations of them. If those who tell us there are no laws in social science would say instead that they themselves do not know any such laws, we might be happy to agree with them. And if those who say there never can be any such laws would say instead that they themselves are determined never to know any such laws, we might reasonably leave them in possession of the ignorance to which they have pinned their faith, with such a noble assurance that it will last their time. In point of fact, what generalisations, in the nature of scientific law, are there at the disposal of the sociologist who wishes to predict the future 48

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Science and Citizenship of an incipient Spiritual Power? A full stocktaking of resources would here disclose a considerable number of working formulæ, which resume a vast mass of experience as to the origin, growth, and decay of various forms of spiritual power.

But for the present purpose the following generalisations especially serve, viz.:—

I. That Spiritual Powers in the! course of their historical development gradually conceive and formulate a Social Ideal, and this Social Ideal tends to be in conflict with the existing Temporal Power.

II. That each Spiritual Power tends to develop two types of organised community—a type predominantly passive and contemplative, and a type predominantly active and militant.

III. That the active type of Spiritual community endeavours to generate a congruent form of Temporal Power as the material embodiment and mundane expression of its particular Social Ideal.

IV. That in this endeavour various institutions are developed, which help to determine each era of city development, both in respect of buildings and of civic policy.

XXIII The conflict and interaction between temporal and spiritual ideals in the history of Western Europe during the Christian period is, of course, one of the commonplaces of social discussion. But the detailed influences and reactions, especially on city development, of the respective ideals 49

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Science and Citizenship of the Law and the Gospel have not been sufficiently worked out. The system of feudal law, which still encrusts occidental civilisation, has its animating principle in the mediaeval maxim, nulle terre sans seigneur, which might be conveniently translated as, in the social sense. No spot without its despot; and in the civil sense, No foot of soil without its functionary. The contrast of these ideals with that of Christian ethics—the kingdom of God is within you—is sufficiently obvious. But what the student of city development has to do, is to decipher and work out the expression and interaction of these conflicting ideals in each successive phase of civic architecture and civic policy. Thus, for instance, in the case of London the sociologist is to see how the Tower and Windsor Castle are the expression and embodiment of certain political ideals, and he is to trace throughout the history of London the influences and ramifications of the Tower and the Castle, and follow their line of direct descent down to the existing institutions which are their functional analogue—these presumably being the contemporary Functionary-factories of Whitehall. In the same way, he is to see how Westminster Abbey and St. Paul's are the culminating expression and embodiment of certain spiritual ideals; and their influence and reaction on civic life and architecture is likewise to be traced through successive stages of city development, and the analogous types of institutions to-day have to be discovered and described alike in their structural 50

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 NOTES. 149 that draws deep." — JVash^s Lenten Stuff. Had. Miscel. vol. ii. p. 289. 8vo edition. The operation of fittmg a Spanish dandy with short laced quarter boots is thus minutely described by Juan de Zavaleta, who was historiographer at the commencement of Carlos the Second's reign. Entra el zapatero oHendo a cansado. Saca de las homias los zapatos, con tanta dificuUad como si desolla- ra las hormas. Sientase en una silla el galan; hincase el zapatero de rodUlas, apoderase de una pierna con tan- tos tirones y desagrados, como si le embiaran a que le diera tormento. Mete un calzador en el talon del zapato, tncapillale otro en la punta del pie, y luegO empieza a guiar el zapato por encima del calzador. Apenas ha caminado poco mas que los dedos del pie, quando es me- nester arrastrarle con unas tenazas, y aun arrastrado se resiste. Ponese en pie el paciente fatigado, pero contento de que los zapatos le vengan angostos ; y de orden del zapatero da tres 6 quatro patadas en el suelo, con tanta fuerza, que pues no se quiehra, deve de ser de bronze. Acozeados dan de si el cordovan y la suela ; pellejos en fin de animales, que obedecen a golpes. Buelvese a sentar el tal senor, dobla dziafuera el copete del zapato, cogele con la boca de las tenazas, hinca el oficial junto a el entrambas rodillas, afirmase en el suelo con la mano izquierda, y puesto de bruzas sobre el pie, hecho arco los dos dedos de la mano derecha que forman el jeme, va ron ellos ayudando a llevar por el empeine arnba el cor- ns


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 150 NOTES. dovan, de quien lira con las tenazas su dueno. Buelve d ponerse en una rodilla, como primero estava ; empuna con la una mano la punta del pie, y con la palma de la otra da sohre su mano tan grandes golpes como si los diera con una pala de jugar a la pelota ; que es la ne- cessidad tan discreta, que se haze el pobre el mal a si mismo, por no hazersele a aquel de quien necessita. Ajustado ya la punta del pie, acude al talon ; hume- dece con la lengua los remates de las costwas, porque no falseen las costuras de secas por los remates. Tremenda vanidad, sufrir en sus pies un hombre la boca de otro hombre, solo por tener alinados los pies ! Desdobla el zapatero el talon, dase una buelta con el calzador a la mano, y empieza a encaxar en el pie la segunda porcion del zapato. Manda que se baxe la punta, y hazese lo que manda. Llama dzia a si el zapato con tal fuerza, que entre su cuerpo y el espaldar de la silla abrevia torpe y desalinadamente al que calza. Dizele luego que haga ta- lon, y el hombre obedece como un esclavo. Ordenale des- pues que de en el suelo una patada, y el da la patada, como se le ordena. Buelve a sentarse ; saca el cruel min- istro el calzador del empeine, y por donde salio el calzador mete un palo, que llaman cost a, y contra el buelve y rebuel- ve el sacabocados, que saca los bocados del cordovan, para que entren las cintas ; y dexa en el empeine del pie un dolor, y unas senates, como si huviera sacado de alii los bocados. Agujerea las orejas, passa la cinta con una Gguja, lleva las orejas a que cierren el zapato, ajustalos,


text: Chronological Table and Index of the Statutes/Chronological Table/Hen3


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NOTES. y da luego con tanta fuerza el nudo, que si pudieran ahogar a un hombre por la garganta del pie, le ahoga- ra. Haze la rosa despues con mas cuydado que graria. Buelve a devanarse a la mano el calzador, que esta col- gando del talon ; lira del como quien retoca, da con la otra mano palmadas en la planta, como quien assienta, y saca el calzador, echandose todo ctzia atras. Pone el galan el pie en el suelo, y quedase mirandole. Levantase el zapatero, arrasa con el dedo el sudor de lafrente, y queda respirando como si huviera corrido. Todo esto se ahorrava con hazerse el zapato un poco mayor que el pie. Padecen luego entrambos otro tanto con el pie segundo. Llega el ultimo yfiero trance de dark el dinero. Recoge el ojicial sus baratijas. Recibe su estipendio, sale por la puerta de la sala mirando si es buena la plata que le han dado, dexando a su dueno de movimientos tan tor- jies como si le huviera echado unos grillos. Si pensaran los que se calzan apretado que se achican el pie. Si lo piensan se cnganan. Los huessos no se pueden meter unos en otros : con esto es fuerza que si le quitan de lo largo at zapato, se doble el pie por las coy- unturas, y crezca dzia arriba lo que le menguan de ad- elante. Si le estrechan lo ancho, espreciso que se alargue aquella came oprimida. Con la misma cantidad de pie que se tenian, se quedan los que calzan sisado. Lo que hazen es atormentarse, y dexar los pies de peor hechura. El animal a quien mas largos pies did la naturaleza segun su cantidad, es el hombre; porque, como ha de


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Science and Citizenship and functional aspects. And every city has for the sociologist its corresponding problems of factual observation, of historical analysis, and of scientific interpretation. All these again, to be sure, assume their place as specialist researches within the larger problems of general sociology.

Now, if we apply the four-fold sociological formulæ above indicated to the present and future phases of science, considered as a spiritual power, what inferences may we legitimately draw? The existing groups of science, whether or not organised in definite societies, are comparable, we have seen, to the various sects of the religious community. Now these numerous and varying sects, like their more archaic religious types, have their rivalries, jealousies, feuds and bickerings. The mathematicians, for instance, are apt to form an exclusive caste apart, holding no converse with groups which know not their particular shibboleths. Again, the spectacle might have been seen, at a recent meeting of the British Association, of rival biological factions warmly anathematising each other. A momentous and historic instance of scientific sectionalism is seen in a work now in progress, which is probably the largest co-operative enterprise yet undertaken by modern scientists. A few years ago the Royal Society convened in London a great gathering—a sort of Council of Trent—of scientific fathers, representing all the leading academies and societies of Europe and America. The purpose of this great gathering was to decide upon an authorised canon of the 51

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Science and Citizenship sacred texts. A momentous decision was reached. It was concluded that a sufficient degree of traditional sanctity did not attach to the writings of the economists, the psychologists, the sociologists, and some other orders. The writings of these were accordingly omitted from that authorised canon, which is now in course of actual compilation under the title of "The International Catalogue of Scientific Papers." It is clear from these evidences of internal disruptiveness, that science as a whole does not at the present moment possess that cohesiveness and unity of aim which are vital to a period of demiurgic spiritual effort.

XXIV On the evidence of internal disintegration one would infer that science has either passed, or has not yet reached, its constructive synthetic era. But are there not signs around us which point to a coming and even incipient period, in which science will develop its doctrine of human life as a great spiritual power? The clearest notes in this scientific chord which is beginning to sound are perhaps the geographical and the biological ones.

We have seen how the geographer, no longer merely interpreting the present by the aid of the past, is beginning to have visions of the future. In seeing the city as the realisation of regional potencies, he cannot but feel also an ideal impulse towards organising the city as an optimum adaptation of the regional environment to human life. 52

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Science and Citizenship The geographer's social ideal is indeed in process of explicit formulation, and that on many sides. And in its application to a particular city, the most notable perhaps of these formulations may be found in one of the books indicated for reading in connection with this paper. It is Professor Geddes' "City Development." Here indeed the ideal of city development is by no means confined to that of the geographer, but the civic policy here enunciated has its definite starting-point in the geographer's vision of the city. And other similar initiatives are visible in many different directions. The Garden City movement is essentially geographical in its point of departure from traditional civic policies. And the same may be said of Mr. H. G. Wells' Utopist writings (in which the biological note is also sounded); and indeed of all those who advocate a certain ruralisation of the city, whether by the development of parks and gardens, or by other means. However much all these differ from one another in other points, they agree in their emphasis and insistence on a better regional adaptation to city life. It is clear in fact that we are here in the presence of a movement towards an Applied Geography. The division of science into pure and applied is a familiar one up to a certain point, but we may more readily apprehend its significance, if we view it as comparable to the distinction between the Regular and the Secular orders in religious communities. Like the Regular orders, the cultivators of pure science concern themselves mainly with doctrine, while the applied scientists, 53

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152 ''andar todo el cuerpo sobre ellos, y no son mas de dos, quiso que anduviesse seguro. El que se los quiere abreviar, gana parece que tiene de caer, y de caer en los vicios, donde se hará mayor mal, que en las piedras. La parte que le puso Dios al hombre en la fabrica de su cuerpo mas cerca de la tierra, son los pies: quiso sin duda que fuera la parte mas humilde de su fabrica: pero los galanes viciosos les quitan la humildad con los aliños, y los ensobervecen con el cuydado. Enfada esto á Dios tanto, que aviendo de hazer al hombre animal que pisasse la tierra, hizo la tierra de tal calidad, que se pudiesse imprimir en ella la huella del hombre. Abierta dexa su sepultura el pie que se levanta, y parece que se levanta de la sepultura. Tremenda crueldad es enloquecer con el adorno al que se quiere tragar la tierra á cada passo''.—El dia de Fiesta. Obras de D. Juan de Zavaleta, p. 179—180.

"In comes the shoemaker in the odour of haste and fatigue. He takes the shoes off the last with as much difficulty as if he were skinning the lasts. The gallant seats himself upon a chair; the shoemaker kneels down, and takes possession of one foot, which he handles as if he were sent there to administer the torture. He puts one shoeing skin in the heel of


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Rh the shoe, fits the other upon the point of the foot, and then begins to guide the shoe over the shoeing skin. Scarcely has it got farther than the toes when it is found necessary to draw it on with pincers, and even then it is hard work. The patient stands up, fatigued with the operation, but well pleased that the shoes are tight: and by the shoemaker's directions he stamps three or four times on the floor, with such force that it must be of iron if it does not give way.

"The cordovan and the souls being thus beaten, submit; they are the skins of animals who obey blows. Our gallant returns to his seat, he turns up the upper leather of the shoe, and lays hold on it with the pincers; the tradesman kneels close by him on both knees, rests on the ground with his left hand, and bending in this all-four's position over the foot, making an arch with those fingers of the right hand which form the span, assists in drawing on the upper part of the cordovan, the gallant pulling the while with the pincers. He then puts himself on one knee, lays hold of the end of the foot with one hand, and with the palm of the other strikes his own hand, as hard as if he were striking a ball with a racket. For necessity is so discreet that the poor man inflicts this pain upon himself that he may give none to the person of whose custom he stands in need.

"The end of the foot being thus adjusted he repairs to the heel, and with his tongue moistens the


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Science and Citizenship like the Secular orders, have their main interest in the application of doctrine to the needs of daily life.

XXV Amongst existing groups of scientists which are the Seculars, which the Regulars? In the Physical Sciences it is easy to recognise actual or incipient Regular orders, in mathematicians, in students of heat, light, electricity, chemistry, &c. On the practical side there is the great body of engineers, with its numerous subdivisions, there are manufacturing chemists, the brewers, the opticians, &c.—are these the Secular orders in the physical group? Before answering that question we must discriminate. The differences of type are very great. It is, for instance, a far cry from the stoker, or even the driver, of a coal engine at the one end of the scale, to, at the other, the active partner in the firm of Messrs. White & Co., electricians and instrument makers; for the active partner in that firm is, or was. Lord Kelvin. It will be urged that Lord Kelvin as instrument maker and electrical engineer is merged and sunk in Lord Kelvin the professor, the investigator, the theorist. But the opposite interpretation would be equally true and equally false. The essential point is to see that it is the very coincidence and alternation of theory and practice, of science and art, of thought and action, that above all, differentiate and mark off the Seculars of science from those of other varieties of Spiritual Power. And applying this distinction, we readily 54

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Science and Citizenship recognise that the great majority of engineering occupations do not-really belong to science at all in the proper sense, but are persistent survivals of a pre-scientific age. The empirical rule-of-thumb types of engineer are still predominant, but they essentially belong to a pre-scientific order that has been well called Palæotechnic. They do not possess the physicist's vision of the world, still less therefore do they seek to apply it to life. The physical scientist in his cosmic mood sees the world as an automatic system of energies, with a tendency to run down and without a discoverable means of winding it up again; while as to the why and wherefore of its being originally set going, the data of his science give him no clue. Looking at the same phenomena in his humanist mood, he sees the flux and transformation of forces take on and assume a definite design and purpose, which the very logic of his science compels him to postulate as an inherent potency in the very system of energies. He sees every form of energy a potential slave of man. He sees the cities scattered over the face of the globe, as the supreme, the collective, the ceaseless effort of the race to realise this potency of energy, to harness it in the service of man. The type of physical scientist in whom the cosmic mood is habitual and dominant is the actual or incipient Regular. But where the grand and inspiring ideal of realising for man the potency of world energies animates the physical scientist, there clearly we have the possibility of great Secular orders. And that such orders are everywhere incipient and 55

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Science and Citizenship rapidly developing, there are many evidences to show. These evidences are vividly depicted in the sociological writings of Mr. H. G. Wells, who more than any one else perhaps in the English-speaking world has seen, or at least expressed for us in literature, the incipient changes in city development which are being effected by these new Secular orders of applied physical science.

The new type of engineer is tending more and more to assume control of the communications of our cities, their factories and workshops, the great public works of water supply, lighting, drainage, &c. And thus gradually determining for us the material conditions of life, the new engineer acquires social status and prestige. And in pursuance of the well-known sociological law, that those who have social power tend also to get civil and political power, we are bound to assume that the engineer types, as they are already tending to control civic policy, will sooner or later seek to control national and even world policy. And that these higher aspirations are already well on the way towards achievement is seen in the influence now being exercised by the railway kings of America, not only in their own country but also in world politics. With the advantages brought about by the activities of these new Secular orders, there are of course corresponding disadvantages. The conception of a city held by the railway engineer is, we have already seen, not that of a city at all, but that of a town. And this limitation applies throughout the whole sphere of thought and action belonging to this 56

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Science and Citizenship phase of life. It manifests itself even in Mr. Wells' Utopist pictures of the cities of the future. For in these idealist cities, is it not the case that the in habitants, notwithstanding their manifold cultural activities, have still their main interests in the material aspects and conditions of things. Are they not, in fact, townsmen first and only citizens thereafter?

XXVI If the foregoing criticism is a just one, the cause of the limitation is doubtless to be sought in some arrestment of normal scientific development. The physical scientist who remains such falls a long way short of repeating and resuming the normal racial development. For above and beyond the physical group of sciences, the race has conquered or is conquering for science higher domains. Immediately above the physical sciences is the biological group. Here, who are the Regulars and who the Seculars? It is not difficult to see the regular type in anatomist and taxonomist, in physiologist and œcologist, in embryologist and palæontologist, in ontogenist and phylogenist. These, or some of them, are doubtless strange names, unfamiliar to the public, even to that small section of the public which enjoys a classical culture. But the groups of scientists thus characterised nevertheless exist, and that moreover in growing numbers and influence, all over the western world. They are organised into bodies 57

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Science and Citizenship which are essentially Regular orders of an incipient Spiritual Power, and as such they are silently preparing a great moral revolution. Where are we to look for the Secular orders who will be their active instruments of temporal change? The occupations concerned with the biological or organic side of civilisation are, of course, those of peasant and farmer, of gardener and stock-raiser, along with medical doctors and surgeons, not to mention the herbalists and the nurses, the barbers and the hairdressers, the gymnasts and all the lower and older groups of occupations, from and through which the medical profession has risen to its present summit. Which amongst all these are the Secular orders of science, and which the empirical survivals of a pre-scientific age? To answer that, we must first ask what is the special vision of the world which animates the biologist? and further, we must ask what militant groups are there whom this vision stimulates into practical activity? The biologist, like other scientists, has his cosmic and his humanist mood. In the former he sees an endless chain of developing life beginning he knows not how or why, and tending he knows not whither. In his humanist mood he sees the same unbroken chain that links together the whole series of organic beings; but now sees in it evidence at every point, from lowest to highest, of the promise and the potency of a supreme culmination. And in the most beautiful and noblest of human beings he sees a form which, by taking thought, the whole race may reach and surpass. 58

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Science and Citizenship To the biologist the city is thus no mass of mere inorganic structures, but a group of organic beings which individually pass away but racially abides, continues and develops towards a definite ideal or degenerates to its opposite. And the ideal of the city is therefore to the biologist the full realisation of racial potency. Who amongst biologists are stimulated into activity by this vision of civic potency? Increasingly large numbers of the medical profession are animated by the ambition of preventing rather than curing diseases. The noblest instances of missionary enterprise are paralleled by the self-sacrificing adventures and exploits which daily engage the lives of the enthusiasts of the newer medicine. The missions that go out from the Pasteur Institute in Paris to study (say) typhoid fever in Brazil, or from the Institute of Tropical Medicine in Liverpool to investigate (say) yellow fever in New Orleans, are merely conspicuous instances of a heroic activity that is normal in that increasing wing of the medical profession beginning to be called the hygienists. Of these many are already organised into large and well-established Secular orders, such as the various institutes of public health, sanitation, &c., to be found in every large city. Others, less directly but still more vitally, are beginning to influence both civic and national policy through great institutions of the more regular type of order, such as the Pasteur Institute, and similar organisations incipient elsewhere.

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