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Caddo

The Caddo people comprise the Caddo Nation of Oklahoma, a federally recognized tribe headquartered in Binger, Oklahoma. They speak the Caddo language.

The Caddo Confederacy was a network of Indigenous peoples of the Southeastern Woodlands, who historically inhabited much of what is now northeast Texas, west Louisiana, southwestern Arkansas, and southeastern Oklahoma. Prior to European contact, they were the Caddoan Mississippian culture, who constructed huge earthwork mounds at several sites in this territory, flourishing about 800 to 1400 CE. In the early 19th century, Caddo people were forced to a reservation in Texas. In 1859, they were removed to Indian Territory.

Government and civic institutions
The Caddo Nation of Oklahoma was previously known as the Caddo Tribe of Oklahoma. The tribal constitution provides for election of an eight-person council, with a chairperson.

Some 6,000 people are enrolled in the nation, with 3,044 living within the state of Oklahoma. Individuals are required to document at least 1/16 Caddo ancestry in order to enroll as citizens.

In July 2016, Tamara M. Francis was re-elected as the Chairman of the Caddo Nation. Chairman Tamara Francis is the daughter of the first elected female chairman, Mary Pat Francis. She was the fourth elected female leader of the Caddo Nation.

As of 2021 the tribal council consists of:

 * Chairman: Bobby Gonzalez
 * Vice-chairman: Kelly Howell Factor
 * Secretary: Jennifer Reeder
 * Treasurer: Verna Castillo
 * Anadarko Representative: Phillip Martin
 * Binger Representative: Travis Threlkeld
 * Fort Cobb Representative: Arlene Kay O'Neal
 * Oklahoma City Representative: Jennifer Wilson.

The tribe has several programs to invigorate Caddo culture. It sponsors a summer culture camp for children. The Hasinai Society and Caddo Culture Club both teach and perform Caddo songs and dances to keep the culture alive and pass it on to the next generations. The Kiwat Hasinay Foundation is dedicated to preserving and increasing use of the Caddo language.

Archaeology

The Caddo are thought to be an extension of Woodland period peoples, the Fourche Maline and Mossy Grove cultures, whose members were living in the area of Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and Texas areas between 200 BCE and 800 CE. The Wichita and Pawnee are also related to the Caddo, since both tribes historically spoke Caddoan languages.

By 800 CE, this society had begun to coalesce into the Caddoan Mississippian culture. Some villages began to gain prominence as ritual centers. Leaders directed the construction of major earthworks known as platform mounds, which served as temple mounds and platforms for residences of the elite. The flat-topped mounds were arranged around leveled, large, open plazas, which were usually kept swept clean and were often used for ceremonial occasions. As complex religious and social ideas developed, some people and family lineages gained prominence over others.

By 1000 CE, a society that is defined by archaeologists as "Caddoan" had emerged. By 1200, the many villages, hamlets, and farmsteads established throughout the Caddo world had developed extensive maize agriculture, producing a surplus that allowed for greater density of settlement. In these villages, artisans and craftsmen developed specialties. The artistic skills and earthwork mound-building of the Caddoan Mississippians flourished during the 12th and 13th centuries.

The Spiro Mounds, near the Arkansas River in present-day southeastern Oklahoma, were some of the most elaborate mounds in the United States. They were made by Mississippian ancestors of the historic Caddo and Wichita tribes, in what is considered the westernmost area of the Mississippian culture. The Caddo were farmers and enjoyed good growing conditions most of the time. The Piney Woods, the geographic area where they lived, was affected by the Great Drought from 1276 to 1299 CE, which covered an area extending to present-day California and disrupted many Native American cultures.

Archeological evidence has confirmed that the cultural continuity is unbroken from prehistory to the present among these peoples. The Caddoan Mississippian people were the direct ancestors of the historic Caddo people and related Caddo-language speakers, such as the Pawnee and Wichita, who encountered the first Europeans, as well as of the modern Caddo Nation of Oklahoma.

Religion

The Caddo creation story, as told in their oral history, says the tribe emerged from a cave, called Chahkanina or "the place of crying," located at the confluence of the Red River of the South and Mississippi River (in northern present-day Louisiana). Their leader, named Moon, instructed the people not to look back. An old Caddo man carried a drum, a pipe, and fire, all of which have continued to be important religious items to the people. His wife carried corn and pumpkin seeds. As people and accompanying animals emerged, the wolf looked back. The exit from the underground closed to the remaining people and animals.

The Caddo peoples moved west along the Red River, which they called Bah'hatteno in Caddo. A Caddo woman, Zacado, instructed the tribe in hunting, fishing, building dwellings, and making clothing. Caddo religion focuses on Kadhi háyuh, translating to "Leader Above" or "Leader in the Sky." In early times, the people were led by priests, including a head priest, the xinesi, who could commune with spirits residing near Caddo temples. A cycle of ceremonies developed around important periods of seasonal corn cultivation. Tobacco was also cultivated, and was and is used ceremonially. Early priests drank a purifying sacrament drink made of wild olive leaves.

Territory
Centuries before extensive European contact, some of the Caddo territory was invaded by migrating Dhegihan Siouan–speaking peoples: the Osage, Ponca, Omaha, Quapaw, and Kaw. They moved west beginning about 1200 CE after years of warfare with the Haudenosaunee nations in the Ohio River area of present-day Kentucky. The powerful Iroquois took control of hunting grounds in the area.

The Osage in particular fought the Caddo, pushed them out of some former territory, and became dominant in the region of present-day Missouri, Arkansas, and eastern Kansas. These tribes had become settled in their new territory west of the Mississippi prior to mid-18th-century European contact.

Most of the Caddo historically lived in the Piney Woods ecoregion of the United States, divided among the state regions of East Texas, southern Arkansas, western Louisiana, and southeastern Oklahoma. This region extends up to the foothills of the Ozarks. The Piney Woods are a dense forest of deciduous and pinophyta flora covering rolling hills, steep river valleys, and intermittent wetlands called "bayous". Caddo people primarily settled near the Caddo River.

When they first encountered Europeans and Africans, the Caddo tribes organized themselves in three confederacies: the Natchitoches, Hasinai, and Kadohadacho. They were loosely affiliated with other neighboring tribes including the Yowani Choctaw. The Natchitoches lived in now northern Louisiana, the Haisinai lived in East Texas, and the Kadohadacho lived near the border of Texas, Oklahoma, and Arkansas.

The Caddo people had a diet based on cultivated crops, particularly maize (corn), but also sunflower, pumpkins, and squash. These foods held cultural significance, as did wild turkeys. They hunted and gathered wild plants, as well.

Culture
The Caddo Native Americans had a culture that consisted of the hunting and gathering dynamic. The men hunted year round, while the young and healthy women were responsible for the gathering of fruits, seeds, and vegetables for the tribe. Elderly women planted and cultivated the seeds for the season's crop. Gathered items included corn, sunflowers, beans, melons, tobacco, and squash during the warm seasons. Acorns and roots were gathered and processed to provide food other than meat in the cold seasons when crops did not grow.

The men used handcrafted bows and arrows to hunt animals such as wild turkey, quail, rabbits, bears, and bison during winter months. Most tools and items were made by women. They made wooden mortars, as well as pots and other utensils out of clay. These wood and clay tools were carved and molded to help with daily jobs like cooking meals for the tribe. These tools were viewed with such reverence that men and women were buried with the items that they had made.

The Caddo also decorated their bodies. Men favored body modifications and ornamentation such as the painting of skin, jewelry, ear piercing, and hair decorations, like braids, adorned with bird feathers or animal fur. While the women of the tribe wore some jewelry and styled their hair similarly to men, most used the art of tattooing to decorate their bodies. Such tattoos covered most of the body, including the face.

Post-contact history
The Caddo first encountered Europeans and Africans in 1541 when the Spanish Hernando de Soto Expedition came through their lands. De Soto's force had a violent clash with one band of Caddo Indians, the Tula people, near present-day Caddo Gap, Arkansas. This historic event has been marked by the modern town with a monument.

The Spanish were considered outsiders. All Franciscan missions were set up in peripheral locations in relation to temples complexes which were the center of the Caddo's world. The Caddos didn't want to move near the missions because they would abandon their sacred fires. According to Fray Isidro Felix de Espinosa, the Caddo believed "our [Spanish] fire is different." On a deeper level the security of the Caddo relied on centuries of living in dispersed settlements. French explorers in the early 18th century encountered the Natchitoche in northern Louisiana. They were followed by fur traders from French outposts along the Gulf Coast. Later Catholic missionaries from France and Spain also traveled among the people. The Europeans carried infections such as smallpox and measles, because these were endemic in their societies. As the Caddo peoples had no acquired immunity to such new diseases, they suffered epidemics with high fatalities that destroyed the tribal populations. Influenza and malaria were additional new diseases that caused many deaths among the Caddo.

French traders built their trading posts and associated forts near Caddo villages. These were already important hubs in the Great Plains trading network well before the 18th and 19th centuries. These stations attracted more French and other European settlers. Among such settlements are the present-day communities of Elysian Fields and Nacogdoches, Texas, and Natchitoches, Louisiana. In the latter two towns, early explorers and settlers kept the original Caddo names of the villages.

Having given way over years before the power of the former Ohio Valley tribes, the later Caddo negotiated for peace with the waves of Spanish, French, and finally Anglo-American settlers. After the 1803 Louisiana Purchase, by which the United States took over the former French colonial territory west of the Mississippi River, the US government sought to ally with the Caddo peoples. During the War of 1812, American generals such as William Henry Harrison, William Clark, and Andrew Jackson crushed pro-British uprisings among other Southeast Indians, in particular the Creek, also known as Muscogee. Tensions within their tribe resulted in near civil war among the Creek.

Due to the Caddo's neutrality and their importance as a source of information for the Louisiana Territory government, the US forces left them alone. But following Congressional passage of the Indian Removal Act of 1830 under President Andrew Jackson, the federal government embarked on a program of removal of tribes from the Southeast in order to enable European-American settlement. Land-hungry migrants pressed from the east.

In 1835 the Kadohadacho, the northernmost Caddo confederacy, signed a treaty with the US to relocate to independent Mexico (which then included present-day Texas). The area for their reservation in East Texas had been lightly settled by Mexican colonists, but there was rapidly increasing immigration of European Americans here. In 1836, the Anglo-Americans declared independence from Mexico and established the Republic of Texas, an independent nation. The name "Texas" is derived from the Hasinai word táysha, through the Spanish Tejas, meaning "friend".

On December 29, 1845, the US admitted Texas as a state. At that time, the US federal government forced the Hasinai and the Kadohadacho, as well as remnants of allied Delaware (Lenape) and Yowani to relocate onto the Brazos Reservation. White settlers increased pressure for the Brazos Reservation Indians to move north to Indian Territory. White Texans violently attacked a Caddo encampment just off the reservation on December 26, 1858. Captain Peter Garland from Erath County led this vigilante group. Choctaw Tom led the Caddo. Married to a Hasinai woman, Tom was killed in this fight, along with 27 Caddo. In 1859, many of the Caddo were relocated to Indian Territory north of Texas (which became as state of Oklahoma in 1907). After the Civil War, the Caddo were concentrated on a reservation located between the Washita and Canadian rivers in Indian Territory.

In the late 19th century, the Caddo adopted the Ghost Dance religion, which was widespread among American Indian nations in the West. John Wilson, a Caddo/Delaware medicine man who spoke only Caddo, was an influential Ghost Dance leader. Practitioners believed that the dance would help them return to their traditional ways and to stop European-American intrusions into their land and culture. In 1880, Wilson became a peyote roadman. The tribe had known the Half Moon peyote ceremony, but Wilson introduced the Big Moon ceremony to them. The Caddo Nation remains very active in the Native American Church today.

Late 19th century to present

Congress passed the Dawes Act to promote assimilation of tribes in Indian Territory and to extinguish Indian land claims to enable admission of the territory as a state. It authorized the break up and distribution of tribal communal landholdings into 160-acre allotments for individual households in order for them to establish subsistence family farms along the European-American model. Any tribal lands remaining after such allotments were to be declared "surplus" and sold, including to non-Native Americans. At the same time, tribal governments were to be ended, and Native Americans were to be accepted as US citizens, subject to state and federal laws. Numerous European Americans had already settled outside the tribal territories.

The Caddo vigorously opposed allotment. Whitebread, a Caddo leader, said, "because of their peaceful lives and friendship to the white man, and through their ignorance were not consulted, and have been ignored and stuck away in a corner and allowed to exist by sufferance." Tribal governments were dismantled at this time, and Native Americans were expected to act as state and US citizens. After some period, the adverse effects of these changes were recognized. The Caddo and other Native American peoples suffered greatly from the disruption of their traditional cultures, and lost much of their lands in the decades after allotment.

20th-century reorganization
Under the federal Indian Reorganization Act of 1934 and the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act of 1936, the Caddo restored their tribal government. They adopted a written constitution and a process of electing officials. They organized in 1938 as the 'Caddo Indian Tribe of Oklahoma.' They ratified their constitution on 17 January 1938. In 1976, they drafted a new constitution, which continues elected representative government.

During the 20th century, Caddo leaders such as Melford Williams, Harry Guy, Hubert Halfmoon, and Vernon Hunter have helped shape the tribe. In the early 1980s, Mary Pat Francis was the first woman to be elected as tribal chair. Her daughter, Tamara Michele Francis, was elected in 2015, following a time of high divisions. She was re-elected in 2016.

In a special election on June 29, 2002, the tribe adopted six amendments to the constitution. Tribal enrollment is open to individuals with a documented minimum of 1/16 degree Caddo blood quantum.

21st-century tribal issues
Sometimes, severe disagreements have developed among factions of the tribe that have not been resolved in elections. In August 2013, a group led by Philip Smith attempted to recall Brenda Shemayme Edwards, the chairman of the Tribal Council. This faction conducted a new election, but the victor stepped down, and Edwards refused to leave office. In October 2013, Smith and his supporters broke into the Caddo Nation headquarters. They chained the front doors from the inside and blocked the entrance to the administration building. The opposition called the Bureau of Indian Affairs Police.

Operation of the tribe was split between two factions. The Court of Indian Offenses, which had been overseeing issues for a year because of the internal conflict, in October 2014 ordered a new election for all positions.

In the January 2015 elections, all the top tribal positions were won by women: Tamara Michele Francis as chair, Carol D. Ross as vice chair, Jennifer Reeder as secretary, and Wildena G. Moffer as treasurer.

In July 2016, Tamara M. Francis was re-elected as the Chairman of the Caddo Nation. The Council consists of Chairman Francis, Vice Chairman Carol D. Ross, Acting Secretary Philip Martin, Treasurer Marilyn McDonald, Oklahoma City Representative Jennifer Wilson, Binger Representative Marilyn Threlkeld, Fort Cobb Representative Maureen Owings.

Chairman Francis is the daughter of the first elected female chairman, Mary Pat Francis (who was elected in the 1980s). Tamara Francis is the fourth elected female leader of the Caddo Nation.

Notable people

 * T. C. Cannon, Kiowa/Caddo painter and printmaker
 * Raven Halfmoon, sculptor and painter
 * LaRue Parker, tribal chairperson
 * Jeri Redcorn, Caddo/Potawatomi ceramic artist
 * Louis Weller (1904–1979), professional American football player
 * John Wilson, Peyote roadman

General and cited references

 * Bolton, Herbet E. The Hasinais: Southern Caddoans As Seen by the Earliest Europeans. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2002. ISBN 978-0-8061-3441-3.
 * Carter, Cecile Elkins. Caddo Indians: Where We Come From, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2001. ISBN 0-8061-3318-X
 * Fford, Cressida, Jane Hubert, and Paul Turnbull. The Dead and their Possessions: Repatriation in Principle, Policy and Practice, New York: Routledge, 2004. ISBN 978-0-415-34449-4.
 * Stewart, Omer Call. Peyote Religion: A History. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1993. ISBN 978-0-8061-2457-5.
 * Sturtevant, William C., general editor and Raymond D. Fogelson, volume editor. Handbook of North American Indians: Southeast. Volume 14. Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution, 2004. ISBN 0-16-072300-0.

title: Caddo


text:
Marine VHF radio

Marine VHF radio is a worldwide system of two way radio transceivers on ships and watercraft used for bidirectional voice communication from ship-to-ship, ship-to-shore (for example with harbormasters), and in certain circumstances ship-to-aircraft. It uses FM channels in the very high frequency (VHF) radio band in the frequency range between 156 and 174 MHz, designated by the International Telecommunication Union as the VHF maritime mobile band. In some countries additional channels are used, such as the L and F channels for leisure and fishing vessels in the Nordic countries (at 155.5–155.825 MHz). Transmitter power is limited to 25 watts, giving them a range of about 100 km.

Marine VHF radio equipment is installed on all large ships and most seagoing small craft. It is also used, with slightly different regulation, on rivers and lakes. It is used for a wide variety of purposes, including marine navigation and traffic control, summoning rescue services and communicating with harbours, locks, bridges and marinas.

Background
Marine radio was the first commercial application of radio technology, allowing ships to keep in touch with shore and other ships, and send out a distress call for rescue in case of emergency. Guglielmo Marconi invented radio communication in the 1890s, and the Marconi Company installed wireless telegraphy stations on ships beginning around 1900. Marconi built a string of shore stations and in 1904 established the first Morse code distress call, the letters CQD, used until 1906 when SOS was agreed on. The first significant marine rescue due to radio was the 1909 sinking of the luxury liner RMS Republic, in which 1,500 lives were saved. This and the 1912 RMS Titanic rescue brought the field of marine radio to public consciousness, and marine radio operators were regarded as heroes. By 1920, the US had a string of 12 coastal stations stretched along the Atlantic seaboard from Bar Harbor, Maine to Cape May, New Jersey.

The first marine radio transmitters used the longwave bands. During World War I amplitude modulation was developed, and in the 1920s spark radiotelegraphy equipment was replaced by vacuum tube radiotelephony allowing voice communication. Also in the 1920s, the ionospheric skip or skywave phenomenon was discovered, which allowed lower power vacuum tube transmitters operating in the shortwave bands to communicate at long distances.

Hoping to foil German detection during the World War II Battle of the Atlantic, American and British convoy escorts used Talk-Between-Ships (TBS) radios operating on VHF.

Types of equipment
Sets can be fixed or portable. A fixed set generally has the advantages of a more reliable power source, higher transmit power, a larger and more effective antenna and a bigger display and buttons. A portable set (often essentially a waterproof, VHF walkie-talkie in design) can be carried on a kayak, or to a lifeboat in an emergency, has its own power source and is waterproof if GMDSS-approved. A few portable VHFs are even approved to be used as emergency radios in environments requiring intrinsically safe equipment (e.g. gas tankers, oil rigs, etc.).

Voice-only
Voice only equipment is the traditional type, which relies totally on the human voice for calling and communicating. Many lower priced handheld units are voice only as well as older fixed units.

Digital selective calling
DSC equipment, a part of the Global Maritime Distress Safety System (GMDSS), provides all the functionality of voice-only equipment and, additionally, allows several other features:
 * The ability to call another vessel using a unique identifier known as a Maritime Mobile Service Identity (MMSI). This information is carried digitally and the receiving set will alert the operator of an incoming call once its own MMSI is detected. Calls are set up on the dedicated VHF channel 70 which DSC equipment must listen on continuously. The actual voice communication then takes place on a different channel specified by the caller.
 * A distress button, which automatically sends a digital distress signal identifying the calling vessel and the nature of the emergency
 * A built in GPS receiver or facility to connect an external GPS receiver so that the user's location may be transmitted automatically along with a distress call.

When a DSC radio is bought new the user will get the opportunity to program it with the MMSI number of the ship it is intended to be used on. However to change the MMSI after the initial programming can be problematic and require special proprietary tools. This is allegedly done to prevent theft.

Automatic identification system
More advanced transceiver units support AIS. This relies on a GPS receiver built into the VHF equipment or an externally connected one by which the transceiver obtains its position and transmits this information along with some other details about the ship (MMSI, cargo, draught, destination and some others) to nearby ships. AIS operates as a mesh network and full featured units relay AIS messages from other ships, greatly extending the range of this system; however some low-end units are receive only or do not support the relaying functionality.

AIS data is carried on dedicated VHF channels 87B and 88B at a baud rate of 9,600bit/s using GMSK modulation and uses a form of time-division multiplexing.

Text messaging
Using the RTCM 12301.1 standard it is possible to send and receive text messages in a similar fashion to SMS between marine VHF transceivers which comply with this standard. However, as of 2019 very few transceivers support this feature. The recipient of the message needs to be tuned to the same channel as the transmitting station in order to receive it.

Regulation
In the United States, any person can legally purchase a Marine VHF radio and use it to communicate without requiring any special license as long as they abide by certain rules, but in a great many other countries a license is required to transmit on Marine VHF frequencies.

In the United Kingdom and Ireland and some other European countries both the operator and the equipment must be separately licensed. A Short Range Certificate is the minimum requirement to use an installed marine VHF radio. This is usually obtained after completing a course of around two days and passing an exam. This is intended for those operating on lakes and in coastal areas whereas a Long Range Certificate is usually recommended for those operating further out as it also covers HF and MF radios as well as INMARSAT systems. Installations fixed on a particular vessel require a Ship Radio License. Portable equipment that could be used in multiple craft, dinghys etc required a Ship Portable Radio Licence.

Automatic Transmitter Identification System (marine)
For use on the inland waterways within continental Europe, a compulsory Automatic Transmitter Identification System (ATIS) transmission conveys the vessel's identity after each voice transmission. This is a ten-digit code that is either an encoded version of the ship's alphanumeric call sign, or for vessels from outside the region, the ship MMSI prefixed with "9". The requirement to use ATIS in Europe, and which VHF channels may be used, are strongly regulated, most recently by the Basel agreements.

Channels and frequencies
A marine VHF set is a combined transmitter and receiver and only operates on standard, international frequencies known as channels. Channel 16 (156.8 MHz) is the international calling and distress channel. Transmission power ranges between 1 and 25 watts, giving a maximum range of up to about 60 nautical miles (111 km) between aerials mounted on tall ships and hills, and 5 nmi between aerials mounted on small boats at sea level. Frequency modulation (FM) is used, with vertical polarization, meaning that antennas have to be vertical in order to have good reception. For longer range communication at sea, marine MF and marine HF bands and satellite phones can be used.

Half-duplex channels here are listed with the A and B frequencies the same. The frequencies, channels, and some of their purposes are governed by the ITU. For an authoritative list see. The original allocation of channels consisted of only channels 1 to 28 with 50 kHz spacing between channels, and the second frequency for full-duplex operation 4.6 MHz higher.

Improvements in radio technology later meant that the channel spacing could be reduced to 25 kHz with channels 60 to 88 interspersed between the original channels.

Channels 75 and 76 are omitted as they are either side of the calling and distress channel 16, acting as guard channels. The frequencies which would have been the second frequencies on half-duplex channels are not used for marine purposes and can be used for other purposes that vary by country. For example, 161.000 to 161.450 MHz are part of the allocation to the Association of American Railroads channels used by railways in the US and Canada.

Operating procedure
Marine VHF mostly uses half-duplex non-relayed transmission. Ship to ship communication is over a single radio frequency, while ship to shore uses two frequencies, but typically only one of the parties can transmit at a time. (Not to be confused with simplex communication, for example radio broadcasting, where one party transmits always transmits.) The transceiver is normally in receive mode; to transmit the user presses a "push to talk" button on the set or microphone which turns the transmitter on and the receiver off. Some channels, however, are "duplex" transmission channels where communication can take place in both directions simultaneously when the equipment on both ends allow it. Each full-duplex channel has two frequency assignments. Duplex channels can be used to place calls over the public telephone network for a fee via a marine operator. When full-duplex is used, the call is similar to one using a mobile phone or landline. When half-duplex is used, voice is only carried one way at a time and the party on the boat must press the transmit button only when speaking. This facility is still available in some areas, though its use has largely died out with the advent of mobile and satellite phones. Marine VHF radios can also receive weather radio broadcasts, where they are available.

The accepted conventions for use of marine radio are collectively termed "proper operating procedure". These international conventions include:
 * Stations should listen for 30 seconds before transmitting and not interrupt other stations.
 * Maintaining a watch listening on Channel 16 when not otherwise using the radio. All calls are established on channel 16, except for distress working switch to a working ship-to-ship or ship-to-shore channel. (procedure varies in the U.S. only when calls can be established on Ch. 9)
 * During distress operations silence maintained on ch. 16 for other traffic until the channel is released by the controlling station using the pro-word "Silence Fini". If a station does use Ch. 16 during distress operations controlling station issues the command "silence mayday".
 * Using a set of international "calling" procedures such as the "Mayday" distress call, the "Pan-pan" urgency call and "Sécurité" navigational hazard call.
 * Using "pro-words" based on the English language such as Acknowledge, All after, All before, All stations, Confirm, Correct, Correction, In figures, In letters, Over, Out, Radio check, Read back, Received, Say again, Spell, Standby, Station calling, This is, Wait, Word after, Word before, Wrong (local language is used for some of these, when talking to local stations)
 * Using the NATO phonetic alphabet: Alfa, Bravo, Charlie, Delta, Echo, Foxtrot, Golf, Hotel, India, Juliett, Kilo, Lima, Mike, November, Oscar, Papa, Quebec, Romeo, Sierra, Tango, Uniform, Victor, Whiskey, X-ray, Yankee, Zulu
 * Using a phonetic numbering system based on the English language or a combination of English and Roman languages: Wun, Too, Tree, Fow-er, Fife, Six, Sev-en, Ait, Nin-er, Zero, Decimal; alternatively in marine communication: unaone, bissotwo, terrathree, kartefour, pantafive, soxisix, setteseven, oktoeight, novenine, nadazero

Slightly adjusted regulations can apply for inland shipping, such as the Basel rules (de:Regionale Vereinbarung über den Binnenschifffahrtsfunk) in Western Europe.

Future
In 2022, the ETSI issued a proposal for implementing the use of FDMA protocols on the band in response to increasingly scarce availability of voice channels in some circumstances owing to the widespread use of systems such as AIS. The plan includes significantly narrower 6.25 kHz channel spacing, and would support voice and data applications.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Marine VHF radio


text:
Talk:Calibration

Untitled
Rewrite completed. All of the old article follows "Additional Information" so that anyone who is interested can see other points of view and subject matter I didn't include. George5530 (talk) 21:01, 23 January 2009 (UTC)

Just if someone likes simple definitions, I added this to URBAN DICTIONARY:

1. The process of data acquisition (obtained by comparison against standards) able to anticipate the behavior of something. 2. The data so obtained. 3. The final report or documentation showing such data. 4. The stage in which something is, regarding the level of its calibration knowledge.

Adjustment is not calibration. When we adjust something we change its behavior (usually to move it closer to standards aiming a better performance); when we calibrate we just understand and certify its behavior so that we can compensate or even adjust it.

--Arturo Cortijo 19:01, 21 May 2008 (UTC)Artcort.fis

These comments were at the end of the text:

Please add references to standards organizations in other countries. Other definitions and/or views on traceability also welcome.

Please add mention of instruments that are commonly calibrated. A discussion of statistical error would also be appreciated.

Definition
Hi. I've learned that NIST defines calibration as strictly the determination of the instrument's precision, comparing it to a higher standard, and not it's adjustment to enhance it's precision. Does someone know about this? I'm going to check this out, and if it's the case I will change the article to this more formal definition...

 * I would agree that calibration does not need to include any adjustment. An obvious example of this would be the calibration of an artifact standard that can't be adjusted because it has a fixed length or mass or whatever. I suspect that you really need to look at the VIM (and maybe the GUM) to get the official metrology definition of calibration (see refs 4 and 5 in here) Metrology in Short. This document is a fairly good in itself though. If I'm feeling inspired over Xmas I may do this myself and some similar edits on traceability, metrology etc. etc. JMiall 18:23, 22 December 2005 (UTC)

When I was calibrating instruments over the summer calibration was the process of taking the readings (e.g. putting in 5.00 volts and SEEING what the instrument said it was) and if it was too far out (as defined by the manual and the standard of calibration used e.g. in-house, UKAS). The process of changing the output of the instrument so it was not out was called adjusting. --Elfwood 19:21, 13 August 2006 (UTC)

The International Vocabulary of Basic and General Terms in Metrology is an ISO copyrighted document that defines calibration. The current definition is pretty close to what I wrote. Establishing the relationship between the measuring devise and a system of units. A new draft dated April 2004 is also pretty close to what I wrote but added that an evaluation of the measurement uncertainty is also necessary. So only the new draft addresses precision in the definition. Neither definition requires an adjustment with the calibration. *I think the draft ISO uncertainty requirement needs to be address separately from a general definition of calibration as calibration are not always done to satisfy the ISO community. I think what is needed is a general definition of calibration without the precision part, a simple example of a calibration say a measuring stick to a ruler, the current VIM's definition,and finally the draft definition. Bestshot (talk) 14:21, 29 March 2008 (UTC)

There is something missing: calibration process also involves calculating and documenting the accuracy, and uncertainty, and stability (implied by the calibration period). Sometimes the documentation is the most important part. The user of the equipment needs to know. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Adam.ratcliff (talk • contribs) 00:24, 22 October 2010 (UTC)

Cleanup 1
I changed the definition given. Calibration does not consist of adjustment, however, I acknowledge that many people believe so, especially in the U.S. Some other incorrect and sloppy statements were corrected or removed.Dalle 19:50, 5 September 2006 (UTC)

As you said, calibration does not consist of adjustment - the two are separate processes. However in the main page it says "In non-specialized use, calibration is often regarded as including the process of adjusting....". This should be reworded to say that the word is often misused to include adjustment. Otherwise there are two confusing meanings of the same word - the wrong one which includes adjustment should be discouraged. I think your wording is still confusing - what does non-specialized use mean - this indicates that it's ok to use the wrong meaning.

Stockdam 14:33, 22 August 2007 (UTC) guys that's a good definition —Preceding unsigned comment added by 82.44.253.94 (talk) 21:49, 15 November 2007 (UTC)

Snipers and Calibration
I came here from Sniper, which links here, looking to see what zeroing (Calibration) does for them. However, this page is complexly missing this information. Someone really does need to work on this, or remove the link that connects this page to Sniper, since this page is irrelevant as is.

Needs more detail
I am not expert enough to help here, but this article needs help. Need to address this: http://www.hartscientific.com/publications/17025.htm and calibration for test equipment end-users. Also, there is a military standard for calibration which should be discussed. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Mcttocs (talk • contribs) 18:12, 9 June 2009 (UTC)

Required Accuracy
May I suggest to add some words in the direction that the using organization determines the required accuracy, and that one result of the calibration might be to confirm whether the device fulfills those requirements. Stefanhanoi (talk) 02:09, 3 November 2009 (UTC)

Calibration of measuring and testing equipment by an outside lab
When a piece of equipment is sent out for Calibration to an outside lab or testing agency - it is calibrated - which generally includes confirmation if it meets with its published calibration accuracy specifications. It is to the user to define if he wants a 5 point or a ten point calibration otherwise the lab will use its own norms, which may not even be clearly stated, If the user needs to know this information he has to request as received Calibration data otherwise none may be supplied. When an item is adjustable the lab will attempt to put it back within calibration specifications and issue an as shipped data sheet if one is requested. In some cases if the instrument has failed a repair may also be required.

All in all the Calibration precision requirements have to be user defined otherwise the calibration lab may only attempt to put it marginally within specifications. For a more detailed study of calibration requirements refer to ISA 51.1-1979 (re-affirmed 1993, ), SAMA-PMC 20.2 -1970 documentation.

The importance of calibration is determined by the kind of assurance you need or the level of uncertainty you can live with without losing your sleep over it, thinking of an impending disaster.

70.50.246.68 (talk) 14:29, 22 September 2010 (UTC)

This definition for the calibration "term" is NOT correct.
The definition on 02/04/2012 is simply not correct. The problem lies with the question "is Wikipedia defining the "term" calibration or the calibration "process"? The calibration process usually involves much more the just what the term calibration means.

I would recommend as a definition of the term calibration, "An instrument calibration establishes the relationship between what the instrument measures and a unit of measure (meter, gram, second, joule, etc.). See " ". This defines the term.

This is typically done by using the instrument to measure a standard (an object, devise or material) where the magnitude of the measurement unit for the standard is well known." This defines the process. What is wrong with the definition?

1) Discussion on the "Calibration is a comparison between measurements" part of the definition.

An average and standard deviation are comparisons between multiple measurements. And although this is often done during a calibration is is not required for a calibration. A calibration can be done with a single comparison to a standard where the magnitude of the desired measurement unit is well known.

Furthermore, how do you calibrate the first instrument? The definitions of all the units of measure have been defined intrinsically save one, the kilogram. This means for example, to measure time, an instrument (atomic clock) can be built and calibrated without comparison to another instrument or standard. The clock is calibrated by virtue of its ability to meet the definition of the measurement unit, second. This is in fact what is done to establish the primary standards around the world. To be sure these primary standards are compared to each other as a quality control measure or as secondary calibrations. But the primary and first calibration is by means of establishing the relationship between the measuring devise and a system of units.

2) As for the part, "...one of known magnitude or correctness..." the term "correctness" implies precision and uncertainty. Strictly speaking only the magnitude is required for a calibration. Neither precision or uncertainty is part of the "calibration" term. The quality of the calibration or measurement i.e. the precision and uncertainty are part of the "traceability" term.  Clearly for most "calibration processes" traceability is a critical part of the process.  Traceability is not part of the calibration term.  But calibrations are part of the traceability term.

3)As for the part, "... one ... made or set with one device and another measurement made in as similar a way as possible with a second device." The sentence is not clear and needs help "one made or set with one device"

The use of one instrument to is calibrate another through a transfer standards is a common way to create a measurement standard. Because the first instrument device is already calibrated and traceable (well known) it is considered correct and is call a standard. It can be used to measure something. Once this measurement is done and the uncertainty of that measurement determined, that something becomes well known and can be used as a measurement standard. A 2nd instrument can then be calibrated using the "something" measurement standard. Again once this measurement is done and the uncertainty of that measurement determined, the 2nd instrument becomes well known and can be used as a measurement standard. And on it goes.

This is not the only way to create standards. As I said above the Primary Standards are calibrated intrinsically by the definitions of the measurement unit.

You can purchase standards that were created as described.

Again the term calibration does not speak to the pedigree, quality, accuracy, or precision. The term calibration speaks only to establishing the relationship to a unit of measure. The pedigree, quality, accuracy, and precision of a calibration can be extremely poor and still be called a calibration. The pedigree, quality, accuracy, and precision are part of the "traceability" of the calibration or measurement and not the calibration or measurement themselves.

It is up to the individual or organization utilizing the calibrations and measurement to establish requirement and tolerances for the pedigree, quality, accuracy, and precision.

Example A stick is marked with a 1 meter length. The relationship of the measurement device (the stick) to a unit of measure (meter) is established. The instrument is "calibrated". No statement about the pedigree, quality, accuracy, and precision are necessary.

Stick ORG101112 was compared to NIST Standard meter ABC1234 on Jan 4, 2012. The meter mark on Stick ORG101112 was found to be within +/-2% at a 95% confidence level. The pedigree, quality, accuracy, and precision of a calibration are determined and stated, therefore traceability of the calibration has been established.

The organization has established a requirement that measurement sticks must be traceable through NIST and a tolerance for the accuracy of 0.1% at a 95% confidence level. In this case the accuracy of our calibration does not meet the organizations tolerances. Although it is a traceable calibration it is NOT acceptable for use by the organization. Bestshot (talk) 19:13, 4 February 2012 (UTC)

Vacuums don't pull
"unknown vacuum pulls the liquid up the tube, as shown" - sheer nonsense. Vacuums don't pull. The best they can do is fail to push. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 213.150.228.38 (talk) 14:30, 6 February 2013 (UTC)

Calibration versus metrology
The terms Calibration and Metrology have very different meanings. Metrology applies to calibration as well as to any other measurement. This section is misleading and I proposed to delete it. SV1XV (talk) 14:55, 17 April 2013 (UTC)

ITAR
The image of the F18 NA test set may be an ITAR violation. It is an image of portions of a test set used to manufacture US military equipment and is owned by the US government. There may be restrictions against displaying and storing an image of the equipment. I'm not an expert just putting it out there.... — Preceding unsigned comment added by 205.175.225.23 (talk) 15:18, 6 March 2014 (UTC)

Unreferenced
There are not nearly enough references for an article of this length, and the four that are offered are not supporting most of the contents of the article. The "refimprove" tag should be kept on until someone can support this long chatty personal essay with some citations. --Wtshymanski (talk) 20:19, 2 September 2014 (UTC)

Definition of "uncertainty"?
What is the definition of "uncertainty"

Is "uncertainty" a synonym for the standard deviation of a random variable? Or are there different definitions for "uncertainty" depending on the type of equipment being calibrated? 216.223.227.115 (talk) 18:49, 23 January 2015 (UTC)

Why not look in Wikipedia?? Measurement Uncertainty--Cms metrology (talk) 16:21, 15 June 2015 (UTC)

Modern Calibration
The changes made 29 April 2015 by Shefes, while adding content are full of grammatical mistakes and could definitely use a facelift. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 184.69.155.202 (talk) 15:56, 8 June 2015 (UTC)

 * Found the source, for the material you refer to, to be strongly related to NABL and FCRI accreditation standards in India. Accordingly, I made a copyedit by putting it in context of international standards and copyedited the section. Hope this helps. ← scribble ink  ᗧHᗣT 21:33, 14 June 2015 (UTC)

Possible Caption Mistake in "Manual and automatic calibrations" Section
There appears to be misalignment between a picture caption and what it shows. In the "Manual and automatic calibrations" section, the first picture has a caption that partially reads, "Manual calibration - US serviceman calibrating a temperature gauge". But the details associated with the picture indicate "Fireman Joshua Morgan, of Waco, Texas, calibrates a Engineering pressure gage". If the caption were edited to read "pressure" instead of "temperature", this would also help align with the first sentence under the "Manual" heading in the same section that reads "The first picture shows a U.S. Navy Airman performing a manual calibration procedure on a pressure test gauge." Rez Evans (talk) 19:29, 28 December 2016 (UTC)

title: Talk:Calibration


text:
PFP (enzyme)

Diphosphate—fructose-6-phosphate 1-phosphotransferase also known as PFP is an enzyme of carbohydrate metabolism in plants and some bacteria. The enzyme catalyses the reversible interconversion of fructose 6-phosphate and fructose 1,6-bisphosphate using inorganic pyrophosphate as the phosphoryl donor:

 * diphosphate + D-fructose 6-phosphate $$\rightleftharpoons$$ phosphate + D-fructose 1,6-bisphosphate

In plants, the PFP is located in the cytosol of the cell and is strongly activated by the signal molecule fructose 2,6-bisphosphate.

PFP is an exclusively cytosolic enzyme that catalyses the phosphorylation of fructose-6-phosphate to fructose-1,6-bisphosphate in the glycolytic direction, and the de-phosphorylation of fructose-1,6-bisphosphate to fructose-6-phosphate in the gluconeogenic reaction. Reeves first isolated PFP from Entamoeba histolytica, a lower eukaryote. The first plant PFP isolated was from the leaves of pineapples by Carnal and Black and it has since been isolated from a variety of plant species and tissues.

Nomenclature
This enzyme belongs to the family of transferases, specifically those transferring phosphorus-containing groups (phosphotransferases) with an alcohol group as acceptor. The systematic name of this enzyme class is diphosphate:D-fructose-6-phosphate 1-phosphotransferase. Other names in common use include:
 * 6-phosphofructokinase (pyrophosphate),
 * inorganic pyrophosphate-dependent phosphofructokinase,
 * inorganic pyrophosphate-phosphofructokinase,
 * pyrophosphate-dependent phosphofructo-1-kinase, and
 * pyrophosphate-fructose 6-phosphate 1-phosphotransferase,
 * pyrophosphate-fructose 6-phosphate phosphotransferase

title: PFP (enzyme)


text:
Sacral

Sacral may refer to:

 * Sacred, associated with divinity and considered worthy of spiritual respect or devotion
 * Of the sacrum, a large, triangular bone at the base of the spine

title: Sacral


text:
Talk:Logo

Other kinds of branding
There's logotype, isotype, imagotype, and isologo. Source: https://lorartist.com/do-you-know-the-difference-between-logo-isotype-imagotype-and-isologo

Wikipedia has no articles about any of those, and this article never mentions any of those Rudxain (talk) 22:26, 28 November 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Logo


text:
Sling (furniture)

Sling furniture is usually a suspended, free-swinging chair, bed, or hammock that is made of a framework connected to hanging straps or rope. When attached to poles or a frame for carrying, a sling becomes a stretcher, a simple form of litter.

title: Sling (furniture)


text:
Media Lens

Media Lens is a British media analysis website established in 2001 by David Cromwell and David Edwards. Cromwell and Edwards are the site's editors and only regular contributors. Their aim is to scrutinise and question the mainstream media's coverage of significant events and issues and to draw attention to what they consider "the systemic failure of the corporate media to report the world honestly and accurately".

Media Lens is financed by donations from website visitors. The editors issue regular "Media Alerts" concentrating on mainstream media outlets such as the BBC and Channel 4 News which are legally obliged to be impartial or on outlets such as The Guardian and The Independent which are usually considered left-leaning. The site's editors frequently draw attention to what they see as the limits within which the mainstream media operates, and provide "a riveting exposé of the myth of liberal media based on a variety of empirical case studies", according to Graham Murdock and Michael Pickering.

Media Lens is admired by John Pilger, who has called the website "remarkable" and described the writers as "the cyber guardians of honest journalism". Other journalists, in particular Peter Oborne, have also made positive comments about the group, although it has come into conflict with other journalists. The Observer's foreign editor Peter Beaumont asserted that the group ran a "campaign" against John Sloboda and the Iraq Body Count for underestimating the number of deaths in Iraq. George Monbiot wrote that Media Lens was "belittling the acts of genocide" in their defence of Edward S. Herman, who had questioned the number of deaths in the Srebrenica massacre.

Foundation and influences

By the late 1990s, David Edwards had concluded that there was a "media suppression of the truth about the effect of the sanctions" against Iraq, and an indifference to climate change: "the media were still celebrating the idea that Britain might soon be blessed with a Mediterranean climate". Another motivation came from interviewing Denis Halliday, former head of the UN’s humanitarian aid program, after concluding its actions in Iraq were "genocidal".

Meanwhile, David Cromwell had found coverage of certain issues to be "paltry", and had gained a negligible response from the newspapers to which he had written. The two men first met in 1999, and Edwards suggested beginning a collaborative website.

Central to Media Lens analysis is the Propaganda model, first developed by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky, in their book Manufacturing Consent (1988). The theory posits that the way in which news media is structured (through advertising, media ownership, government sourcing and others) creates an inherent conflict of interest which leads to systemic bias and propaganda for undemocratic forces. Edwards has also cited Erich Fromm, who thought "a society that subordinates people and planet to profit is inherently insane and toxic", and his practice of Buddhism as influences.

Media Lens has expressed admiration for Australian born journalist John Pilger on several occasions. Around 2006, Media Lens said The Guardian would not publish Pilger "because he’s honest about the media" and "draws attention to the vital role of the entire liberal media establishment in crimes against humanity. So he is persona non grata". In a 2007 interview, Media Lens said Pilger was a "huge inspiration" and, while discussing his work in the mainstream media, stated that "on the one hand, his work has a tremendous effect in enlightening a lot of people. On the other hand, his work is used to strengthen the propaganda system‘s false claims of honesty and openness".

Writing in Z Communications in May 2014, Elliot Murphy said that Media Lens pay careful attention to the writings of George Orwell, "noting the prevalence of clichés which should arouse suspicion in any reader of the press or listener of parliamentary debates. These include 'at a time when', 'demands difficult choices', 'pivotal moment', 'towards', 'inextricably linked', 'courage', 'human being', 'some people say that', 'left of centre', and 'history tells us'. Cromwell and Edwards observe that 'it is not important to make sense in the media; it is important only to be able to bandy the jargon of media discourse in a way that suggests in-depth knowledge: Iran-Contra, IMF, G8, the "roadmap to peace", "UN resolution 1441", and so on' ".

Activities and main arguments
In 2001, Media Lens began issuing regular online Media Alerts, scrutinising media coverage, the arguments used, source selection, and the framing of events to highlight bias, omissions and direct lies. The media alerts are distributed without charge by email to an international readership. According to Media Lens, the readership was around 14,000 people in 2009. Funding is through reader subscriptions and donations.

The editors engage in email and Twitter exchanges with British journalists and editors. They also invite their readers to challenge journalists, editors and programme producers directly via email, specifically discouraging abusive contact.

According to Cromwell and Edwards, journalists in the mainstream media articulate an "'official' version of events ... as Truth. The testimony of critical observers and participants" and "especially those on the receiving end of Western firepower – are routinely marginalised, ignored and even ridiculed". The editors "reject all conspiracy theories. Instead, we point to the inevitably corrupting effects of 'market forces' operating on, and through, media corporations seeking profit in a society dominated by corporate power ... Media employees are part of a corporate system that, unsurprisingly, selects for servility to the needs and goals of corporate power". They believe that mainstream journalists gradually absorb an unquestioning corporate mindset as their careers progress, becoming unwilling to question their occupations or governments claims, but not consciously lying. They also say that the limitations of the corporate media are not unexpected as "[w]e did not expect the Soviet Communist Party's newspaper Pravda to tell the truth about the Communist Party, why should we expect the corporate press to tell the truth about corporate power?"

In Cromwell and Edwards' opinion, western government actions have followed an "historical pattern of deception" going back several centuries, and "the corporate media is the source of some of the greatest, most lethal illusions of our age". Edwards wrote that, because of these corporate distortions, "we believe, society is not told the truth about the appalling consequences of corporate greed for poor people in the Third World, and for the environment".

According to Cromwell and Edwards, the centre-left wing of the mainstream media are gatekeepers "of acceptable debate from a left or Green perspective, 'thus far and no further'" and that dissenting views have difficulty gaining attention in a corporate system. They have contrasted positive comments the mainstream media make about western leaders, with the epithets used to describe politicians such as Hugo Chávez, Venezuela's former President.

In 2013, Media Lens described the corporate media as "an extremist fringe" from which progressives should completely dissociate themselves.

In May 2011, and more extensively in January 2015, Media Lens advocated "a collective of high-profile writers and journalists willing to detach themselves from corporate and state media, and to place themselves entirely at the mercy of the public" with their output freely available "from a single media outlet" and financed by donations. "The support would be vast, if the initiative was posited as an alternative to the biocidal, corruption-drenched corporate media", they said in an interview with The Colossus website in January 2016.

Cromwell wrote in 2016 that, to find coverage of the Yemeni Civil War, "[n]ot unusually, one has to go to media such as" the Russian television network RT and the Iranian news network Press TV, which are "so often bitterly denigrated as 'propaganda' operations by corporate journalists".

Reception
In December 2002, eighteen months after the site's creation, Australian journalist John Pilger described Media Lens as "becoming indispensable". In a New Internationalist interview in 2010, Pilger said Media Lens "has broken new ground with the first informed and literate analysis and criticism of the liberal media". Regarding their work on the invasion and occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan, he wrote that "Without [Media Lens'] meticulous and humane analysis, the full gravity of the debacles of Iraq and Afghanistan might have been consigned to bad journalism's first draft of bad history". In a 2007 article about them, John Pilger mentioned their first collaborative book, Guardians of Power (2006), and wrote that "not a single national newspaper reviewed the most important book about journalism I can remember", including the left-wing Morning Star. The Morning Star did review their second book, Newspeak In The 21st Century, in 2009.

Peter Barron, former editor of the BBC's Newsnight commented in 2005: "In fact I rather like them. David Cromwell and David Edwards, who run the site, are unfailingly polite, their points are well-argued and sometimes they're plain right."

In June 2006, Peter Beaumont wrote in The Observer that Media Lens "insist that the only acceptable version of the truth is theirs alone and that everybody else should march to the same step", and described them as "controlling Politburo lefties". He likened the group's email campaigns to "a train spotters' club run by Uncle Joe Stalin". Media Lens responded that "Beaumont was unwilling to challenge even one of the thousands of arguments and facts published in 2,000 pages of Media Alerts and in our book Guardians Of Power – so, instead, our 'nastiness' was the focus of attention".

The journalist Peter Wilby, wrote in January 2006 that "their basic critique is correct" and he occasionally commissioned Cromwell and Edwards while he was editor of the New Statesman. He also wrote that "the Davids are virtually unknown; as leftist critics, they are marginalised." Writing in The Guardian in July 2008, Wilby described Media Lens as "formidably researched. It avoids easy targets, such as the Mail and Sun, and criticises the Guardian, Independent, Times and Telegraph, arguing the "liberal media" isn't as liberal as it thinks it is. Edwards and Cromwell might be described as early examples of citizen journalists".

In his 2007 book The Triumph of the Political Class, journalist Peter Oborne wrote that while researching media coverage of the Iraq war, he had found the site "extremely useful". Media Lens are "often unfair but sometimes highly perceptive".

On 2 December 2007, Edwards and Cromwell were awarded the Gandhi International Peace Award. The award was presented by Denis Halliday, the former United Nations Humanitarian Co-ordinator in Iraq, and himself a recipient of the award in 2003.

Oliver Boyd-Barrett, an academic specialising in Communications Studies, said in 2010 that Media Lens possess a "relentless commitment" to assessing the media "on criteria of rationality and humanity, for what they write and fail to write, and doing so in a tone that is determinedly polite and respectful, even when the content is highly critical".

In February 2011, John Rentoul wrote about his interactions with what he called Media Lens "adherents". He said an email exchange,"'may continue until journalist is too busy to reply or until the snarl of Chomskian-Pilgerism is unwittingly betrayed and journalist realises he or she has not been engaging with a reasonable person. At this point, Media Lens adherent then posts the email chain on the sect's website, without notice or permission [beginning a thread]. This is supposed to embarrass the apologist for the corporate media/torture/Tony Blair and expose him to ridicule by other sect members'."

In January 2012, The Guardian's Michael White, accused Media Lens of suggesting the newspaper's two most left-wing writers, Milne and George Monbiot "trim their sails and pull their punches to accommodate their paymasters". He added: "Media Lens doesn't do subtle. Nor do its more acceptable heroes, such as John Pilger or [The Independent's] Robert Fisk". Media Lens responded that corporate journalists did more than merely “trim sails”. There were “whole areas of thought and discussion are demonstrably off the agenda” and “the corporate nature of the mass media tends to produce performance that defends and furthers the goals of the corporate system”. In May 2016, White wrote that their work suggests "their own editing priorities may be as partisan and un-self-aware as the corporates they so severely condemn".

In February 2012, the philosopher Rupert Read criticised Media Lens' use of Michel Chossudovsky and articles by Robert Dreyfuss and Aisling Byrne as sources for the situation in Syria. Specifically Read was responding to a two-part alert ( and ) These alerts were reprinted on the New Internationalist website here and here. Media Lens responded to Rupert Read on their forum on 21 February. (Archived from the (unavailable) original on 27 March 2012.) A later version of Read's piece: was partially disowned by NI. Read had written about Media Lens use of sources earlier in

In May 2014, Elliot Murphy wrote in ZNet that Media Lens "have carefully exposed the shortcomings and lies of the press" and "their Alerts are invariably well researched, well argued, and often entertaining". He described their book Guardians of Power: The Myth of the Liberal Media as a brilliant assessment of the "balance of reporting when it comes to ‘our’ crimes versus ‘theirs’". He criticised them for generally confining their suggested actions to email campaigns rather than "direct action, non-violent civil disobedience, or even the odd promotion of an upcoming rally or lecture" and suggested that they "rethink their tactics when trying to influence, typically through electronic means, the actions and thoughts of other political writers and their general readership". Regarding Media Lens’ criticism of left-wing sources, Murphy wrote: "Writing detailed critiques of corporate media reports is admirable, but isolating yourself from those who could not only help you out, but who may in fact also need your help in undermining the very corporate media forces you’re attempting to expose as fundamentally subservient to power, is not the action of an organisation trying to improve the world".

In August 2015, Helen Lewis, deputy editor of the New Statesman wrote about an interview she had with Yvette Cooper. Media Lens messaged Lewis on twitter asking why she had not mentioned that Cooper had voted in favour of wars that "wrecked" Iraq and Libya. Media Lens said that Lewis did not reply but New Statesman columnist Sarah Ditum wrote an article in which she said Media Lens are "largely engaged in an endless project of separating the anti-war sheep from the goats to be purged". In response to Ditum, Edwards wrote: "Cooper’s voting record of course has grave implications for the near-certainty of future wars waged on more states around the world. Any reasonable commentator understands the need to pay careful attention to the candidates’ record and thinking on war".

David Wearing, writing in openDemocracy in September 2015, commented that while the group has "a vocal, dedicated following", it also has "a long record of alienating potential allies with their purity tests and aggressive oversimplifications".

In February 2016, Oliver Kamm described Media Lens as a "far-left pressure group" who are "doughty defenders of Venezuela's revolutionary regime".

In March 2016, journalist Owen Jones wrote that the editors' "attack me with even more force than writers who actually defend the status quo. Those writers confirm their analysis, after all: my presence disrupts it, and therefore I’m actually arguably worse", accusing them of "once tweeting a paragraph I wrote summing up the arguments of those who attacked critics of Obama, and pretending those arguments were what I actually thought".

Padraig Reidy wrote in an August 2016 piece for Little Atoms, that Media Lens "is only ever asking questions it thinks it already knows the answer to".

When one of the Media Lens' editors suggested on twitter in 2018 that young writers should "follow your bliss" (a term coined by the American writer Joseph Campbell) and contribute "what you absolutely love to write to inspire and enlighten other people" rather than bothering about prestige or financial reward, extensive responses were posted on the social media platform. Journalist James Ball responded that writers should try the mainstream first to gain attention for their work as "virtually all of the best journalism comes out of 'corporate' or 'mainstream' media", such as the parliamentary expenses scandal, "the exposure of offshore leaks", "Iraq War Logs", "Libor rigging", and "dozens of other major pieces of accountability stories".

Justification for war
In 2002, prior to the Iraq War, Media Lens argued that it was fraudulent for the UK and US governments to justify a war on the basis that Iraq still possessed a credible Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) threat and had an active WMD programme. Media Lens cited the work of former chief UN arms inspector Scott Ritter, who had stated 4 years previously that a thorough investigation by UN inspectors had found that Iraq had "fundamentally disarmed" with 90–95 per cent of its WMD capability eliminated. Media Lens further cited Ritter's opinion that it would have been impossible for Iraq to rearm "from scratch" within the four years since the UN had left, given the level of scrutiny they were under.

A 30 April 2003 Media Lens database search, covering the period leading up to and including the invasion of Iraq found that, of the 5,767 articles published by The Guardian and its sister paper The Observer, only twelve made any mention of Scott Ritter. According to Edwards, this constituted "a shocking suppression of serious and credible dissident views", which he said were "soon to be entirely vindicated". Eddie Girdner agreed with Media Lens and cited it as one of the few who had drawn this conclusion before the war began.

According to Richard Alexander, writing in 2010 about the Iraq war, Edwards and Cromwell "trenchantly dissected the servant role the British media played in bolstering the lies to the British public purveyed by the UK government". After referring to the "mountain of evidence" assembled by Cromwell and Edwards for their argument, John Jewell wrote for The Conversation website: "It must be remembered that the press was not completely united in its support for Blair" pointing to the opposition of the Daily Mirror to the invasion of Iraq as an example. Jewell's assertion about the "anti-war" Mirror was not entirely shared by Media Lens who criticised its respect for Blair's "patent sincerity".

Nick Robinson in Live From Downing Street (2012), refers to an exchange between Media Lens and then Head of BBC News Richard Sambrook in late 2002 a few months before the invasion of Iraq:"'[W]e believe you are a sincere and well-intentioned person ... but you are at the heart of a system of lethal, institutionalised deception. Like it or not, believe it or not, by choosing to participate in this propaganda system, you and the journalists around you may soon be complicit in mass murder. As things stand, you and your journalists are facilitating the killing and mutilation of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands, of innocent men, women and children'." Robinson responded to this argument: "It is absurd – not to mention offensive – to suggest that journalists who report both the case for war and the case against it are morally responsible for those who die in it".

Reporting of conflict
In 2003, Media Lens compared the BBC's reporting on the Iraq war to "Boys' Own war pornography". They cited a rhetorical question posed by BBC correspondent Bridget Kendall in 2006, about whether the Iraq war was "justified" or a "disastrous miscalculation" as a demonstration of personal bias, and not meeting the requirement for reporting to be impartial. In their opinion, Kendall's question excluded the view, held by the anti-war movement and ex-UN secretary general Kofi Annan, that the war was "an illegal war of aggression".

Media Lens cited comments made by Andrew Marr in 2003, while he was the BBC's political editor, in support of their argument that journalists regularly present inflated assessments of the accomplishments of western politicians. They considered Marr to be overtly sympathetic to Tony Blair. In 2003, Cromwell and Edwards said that "there never was an Iraqi threat" and "If Tony Blair and George W. Bush are not guilty of war crimes, who is?"

Casualty figures
Media Lens has challenged the mainstream media coverage of the effect of the 2003 invasion of Iraq and subsequent occupation on the Iraqi mortality rate.

The Lancet surveys
The Lancet published two peer-reviewed studies of the effect of the 2003 invasion and occupation on the Iraqi mortality rate at two separate points in time. Both surveys used recognised statistical methods. The first survey was published in 2004 and estimated an excess death rate of 100,000 Iraqis as a result of the invasion and occupation of Iraq up to that time. The second Lancet survey, published in 2006, estimated that, as at the end of June 2006, 655,000 more deaths had occurred since the invasion, than would have been expected in the absence of conflict.

The 2004 Lancet survey was discussed by mathematician John Allen Paulos in an article published in The Guardian. Following criticism of the article by Media Lens, Paulos acknowledged he had been wrong to use a "largely baseless personal assessment", to call into question the findings of The Lancet study.

In 2005, Media Lens challenged The Independent's senior leader writer on foreign affairs, Mary Dejevsky, to explain why an editorial in the paper said the results of the 2004 Lancet study were obtained "by extrapolating from a small sample" and that "[w]hile never completely discredited, those figures were widely doubted". Dejevsky responded that, while the sample may have been standard, it seemed small from her "lay perspective". Her main point "was less based on my impression than on the fact that this technique exposed the authors to the criticisms/dismissal that the govt duly made, and they had little to counter those criticisms with, bar the defence that their methods were standard for those sort of surveys". The response was considered incoherent by Edward Herman who called it "Massive incompetence in support of a war-apologetic agenda". According to Mukhopadhyay, the exchange was evidence that journalists, who do not have the statistical expertise to evaluate technical reports, "do not always take the obvious step of seeking expert advice". Reviewing Media Lens' engagement with press coverage of The Lancet study, Arvind Sivaramakrishna drew a similar conclusion stating, "Political correspondents are clearly ignorant of sampling frames and techniques, confidence limits, significance levels, likelihood estimators, and so on."

The 2004 survey findings were described as exaggerated and flawed by the US and UK governments which cited a much lower figure, a position which was largely supported in US and UK media coverage. Media Lens said the media "fell into line" with the governments' view despite earlier accepting the estimates from a similar study by the same researchers, using the same methods, which had estimated 1.7 million deaths in the Congo.

The Iraq Body Count
The Iraq Body Count project (IBC) was set up by Hamit Dardagan and John Sloboda as an attempt to record civilian deaths resulting from the US-led 2003 invasion of Iraq. Project volunteers examined news stories for reports of civilian casualties. Each incident reported by at least by two independent news sources was included in a database. As at the middle of 2006, the IBC study estimated between 38,725 and 43,140 civilian deaths arising from the 2003 invasion.

Starting in January 2006, Media Lens began examining the IBC project. Its criticisms were that IBC results were not produced by experts in epidemiology and were not peer reviewed, unlike the two Lancet surveys. They also said that studies similar to that of the IBC had been found to only capture a fraction of actual deaths. The lower count produced by the IBC’s method was, Media Lens argued, used by politicians and journalists "particularly of the pro-war variety" (they named Herald Sun journalist Adam Bolt(sic) and the Liberal Democrats as their examples) to "downplay the tragedy of the civilian death toll" and "suggest, for example, that the results of the invasion have been far less severe than the consequences of leaving Saddam Hussein in power".

In April 2006, David Fuller, a BBC Newsnight journalist, wrote about Media Lens' four campaigns against the IBC project's methods on the BBC website. The Media Lens editors refused two invitations to appear on Newsnight as they did not believe they would be treated fairly on the programme. In response Fuller accused them of "[refusing] to engage in any way that does not allow them total control of the interaction". In an interview with Fuller, Sloboda said Media Lens was "a pressure group that use[s] aggressive and emotionally destructive tactics". He acknowledged that Iraq Body Count were "amateurs" but stated this did not have any negative connotations for their work. Also in April, Iraq Body Count published a paper defending its work against criticism. It described the criticism of Media Lens and others as "inaccurate and exaggerated, personal, offensive, and part of a concerted campaign to undermine IBC's reputation among those who use our data".

In June 2006, Peter Beaumont, foreign affairs editor for The Observer newspaper, accused the Media Lens editors' of a "campaign apparently designed to silence" John Sloboda and the Iraq Body Count project, because it produced a victim count lower than The Lancet study.

Srebrenica: Chomsky and others
On 31 October 2005, The Guardian newspaper published an interview with Noam Chomsky conducted by Emma Brockes. Chomsky complained about the interview in a letter to the readers’ editor, Ian Mayes, on 3 November 2005, after which Media Lens responded with their first article on this issue on 4 November. Within a few weeks, The Guardian apologised to Chomsky for three significant errors in the story including that Brockes had misrepresented Chomsky's views on the Srebrenica massacre and the nature of his support for Diana Johnstone. The Guardian also wrote that "[n]either Prof Chomsky nor Ms Johnstone have ever denied the fact of the massacre". Media Lens responded to The Guardian's apology in a second article posted on 21 November. The repercussions of the Brockes interview continued for some time. Ian Mayes, then the readers' editor of The Guardian, wrote on 12 December 2005 that he and Brockes had received "several hundred" emails from Media Lens followers, who were protesting about Chomsky’s treatment.

In December 2009, Media Lens removed Edward S. Herman and David Peterson’s article, Open Letter To Amnesty International from its site. It explained to its readers that the removal was in response to "ill-tempered" comments from some readers and to avoid "publishing defamatory statements from either side". Soon after, Kamm wrote in his blog for The Times newspaper that the article Media Lens had removed repeated false claims about Serb-run detention camps in Bosnia which had led in 2000 to a successful libel action brought against LM magazine (originally Living Marxism) by ITN.

In 2009, Media Lens summarised Herman and Peterson’s articles on Srebrenica by saying that, although Herman and Peterson were "not denying that mass killings took place at Srebrenica", they "do not accept the figure cited by Kamm and others, but that they are perfectly entitled to do". In June 2011, George Monbiot wrote that Media Lens "maintained that Herman and Peterson were 'perfectly entitled' to talk down the numbers killed at Srebrenica". He also wrote that Herman and Media Lens had taken "the unwarranted step of belittling the acts of genocide committed by opponents of the western powers". In response, Media Lens said their argument had been that Herman and Peterson were "perfectly entitled" to debate the facts not that "they are entitled to falsify, mislead, wilfully deceive, or whatever 'talk down' was intended to suggest". They also wrote that journalists reporting on the effects of the Iraq war were not accused of ‘genocide denial’ if they chose to use the IBC’s estimate of 100,000 deaths over the Lancet study’s estimate of 655,000 Iraqi dead in 2006. They said "typically, someone is adjudged guilty of ‘genocide denial’ only when they question accounts of crimes committed by official enemies of the West". Regarding the use of the term 'genocide' they wrote:

"To be clear, we reject the right of any court, any government, indeed anyone, to apply labels like 'genocide' to historical events and then, not merely argue but demand that they be accepted. The assumption that human institutions are in possession of Absolute Truth belongs to the era of The Inquisition, not to serious debate."

Kamm wrote in October 2012: "The International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) has revealed the identity of 6,598 people missing since the fall of Srebrenica, through DNA analysis of human remains in mass graves. It estimates the total number of victims as around 8,100. If ML maintains that deniers [Herman and Peterson] are 'perfectly entitled' to their position, it must believe that the ICMP has faked that analysis". In his opinion, Media Lens "stands with genocide deniers" in its connection with Herman and his colleague, David Peterson, both of whom he linked in their statements about Srebrenica with Holocaust deniers.

Syria
Rupert Read, an academic and Green Party politician said that Media Lens tends to talk up the numbers of victims of western actions but minimise those of governments in conflict with the west, such as those of Bashar al-Assad in Syria and Slobodan Milošević. He described the articles by Aisling Byrne and Robert Dreyfuss, which Media Lens had used as sources for fatalities in the conflicts in Syria, as "dubious". He said the effect of this is "tacitly to increase the credibility of Assad's black propaganda". David Edwards responded that there was already enough media coverage of the "crimes of official enemies" which, he said, tended to empower the "US-UK war machine". He said Media Lens preferred to "challenge the false assumption of US-UK benevolent intentions, the hypocrisy in media reporting, and the belief that war is the only alternative".

In May 2012, Media Lens had an exchange on twitter with cartoonist and writer Martin Rowson. Rowson had published a cartoon after the Houla massacre depicting a bloodstained Bashar al-Assad. The cartoon also depicted "Angela Merkel and Christine Lagarde lashing a pile of human bones with euro-laden cats-o’-nine-tails". Media Lens asked Rowson what evidence about the massacre he had used in drawing his cartoon. When Rowson replied that he had "no more evidence than media & UN reports, like anyone else. Also used cartoonist’s hunch", Media Lens asked whether he would "rely on a “hunch” in depicting Obama and Cameron with mouths smeared with the blood of massacred children?" Tribune magazine published an article by Howson about the exchange in which he asked why Media Lens had not sought his "evidence for alleging that Merkel and Lagarde have really truly desecrated corpses, as depicted in my cartoon". He said one possible reason was they were "shilling for tyrants".

In February 2017, Media Lens compared the media coverage of comments made on Syria by Jeremy Corbyn’s spokesperson Seumas Milne in October 2016 with the coverage of UK foreign secretary Boris Johnson’s comments in January 2017. Media Lens wrote that Johnson’s change in policy, announced in January 2017, to accept that President Bashar al-Assad should be allowed to stand for election and remain in power, was the result of newly elected President Trump’s opposition to Obama’s war for regime change in Syria. They said Milne’s comments were "not defending Assad, merely calling for greater attention to US-UK atrocities". They described the media reaction as "ferocious criticism of Milne’s innocuous comments and the complete absence of any criticism of Johnson’s policy shift". According to them, the reason for the difference was that "the corporate media system is ideologically aligned against an authentically left-wing Labour leader, is working to undermine his reputation, and to protect the reputation of the Conservative government". Media Lens described the media’s "supposed compassion for the Syrian people" as "manufactured, fake".

In June 2017, the German newspaper Die Welt published an article by Seymour Hersh in which he said the attack by the Syrian government at Khan Shaykhun in April 2017 did not involve sarin and that US intelligence knew this. Hersh wrote that his sources said the attack struck a building which housed "fertilisers, disinfectants and other goods". Media Lens tweeted that their search of a newspaper database showed no mention of Hersh’s report. In June 2017, journalist Brian Whitaker criticised Media Lens for being unconcerned that Hersh had not provided the sources for his story. Whitaker wrote that Media Lens had previously criticised The Guardian for quoting "unnamed American officials" in a story about Iraq.

title: Media Lens


text:
Euhemerus

Euhemerus (also spelled Euemeros or Evemerus; Εὐήμερος Euhēmeros, "happy; prosperous"; late fourth century BC) was a Greek mythographer at the court of Cassander, the king of Macedon. Euhemerus' birthplace is disputed, with Messina in Sicily as the most probable location, while others suggest Chios or Tegea.

The philosophy attributed to and named for Euhemerus, euhemerism, holds that many mythological tales can be attributed to historical persons and events, the accounts of which have become altered and exaggerated over time.

Euhemerus's work combined elements of fiction and political utopianism. Early Christian writers, such as Lactantius, used Euhemerus's belief that the ancient gods were originally human to confirm their inferiority regarding the Christian God.

Life
Little is known about Euhemerus's life, and his birthplace is disputed. Classical writers such as Diodorus Siculus, Plutarch, and Polybius, maintained that Euhemerus was a Messenian, but did not specify whether he came from the Peloponnesian or the Sicilian Messene, which was an ancient Greek colony. Other ancient testimonies placed his birth at Chios, Tegea (Pseudo-Plutarch, Plac. Phil.), or Agrigentum (Clement of Alexandria, Protrept.; Arnobius, Adv. Gent.). Most modern scholars, however, generally agree that Euhemerus came from the Sicilian Messene (Messina).

Diodorus Siculus is one of the very few sources who provide other details about Euhemerus' life. According to Diodorus, Euhemerus was a personal friend of Cassander, king of Macedonia (c. 305 – 297 BC) and the most prominent mythographer for the Macedonian court. Sometime in the early third century BC Euhemerus wrote his main work "Sacred History" ("Hiera Anagraphê").

Euhemerus' Sacred History
Only quoted fragments remain from Euhemerus' main work, Sacred History. Diodorus Siculus included fragments from Euhemerus’ writings in the Arabian geography of his fifth book and in the mythology of his sixth book.

The sixth book of Diodorus’ Bibliotheca is lost, but Eusebius cites a fragment from it at length in his Praeparatio evangelica. The ancient Roman writer Ennius first translated Euhemerus' work into Latin, but this translation also is lost. Lactantius however in the third century AD included substantial references to Ennius' translation in the first book of his Divine Institutes. Various other fragments of importance are also found in the later literature of Augustine of Hippo. From these extant fragments and references, modern scholars have been able to "compile what is presumably a fairly complete picture of Euhemerus’ work".

Euhemerus' work may have taken the form of a philosophical fictionalized travelogue, universally accepted today as a philosophical Romance, incorporating imagined archaic inscriptions, which his literary persona claimed to have found during his travels. Euhemerus claims to have traveled to a group of islands in the waters off Arabia. One of these, Panchaea, being home to a utopian society made up of a number of different ethnic tribes. His critique of tradition is epitomized in a register of the births and deaths of many of the deities, which his narrator persona discovered inscribed on a golden pillar in a temple of Zeus Triphylius on the invented island of Panchaea; he claimed to have reached the island on a voyage down the Red Sea round the coast of Arabia, undertaken at the request of Cassander, according to the Christian historian of the fourth century AD, Eusebius.

Euhemerus refers to a rational island utopia. The ancient Hellenic tradition of a distant Golden Age, of Hesiod's depiction of human happiness before the gift of Pandora, of the mythic convention of idealized Hyperboreans, made concrete in the legendary figure of the Scythian philosopher-hero Anacharsis, or the idealized "Meropes" of Theopompus had been recently enriched by contacts with India. Euhemerus apparently systematized a method of interpreting the popular myths, which was consistent with the attempts of Hellenistic culture to explain traditional religious beliefs in terms of a naturalism. Euhemerus asserted that the Greek gods originally had been kings, heroes, and conquerors, or benefactors to the people, who had thus earned a claim to the veneration of their subjects. According to him, for example, Zeus was a king of Crete, who had been a great conqueror; the tomb of Zeus was shown to visitors near Knossos, perhaps engendering or enhancing among the traditionalists the reputation of Cretans as liars.

Euhemerism
Euhemerus has become known chiefly for a rationalizing method of interpretation, known as "euhemerism", which treats mythological accounts as a reflection of historical events, or mythological characters as historical personages, but which were shaped, exaggerated, or altered by retelling and traditional mores. In more recent literature of myth, such as in Bulfinch's Mythology, euhemerism is called the "historical interpretation" of mythology. Euhemerism is defined in modern academic literature as the theory that myths are distorted accounts of real historical events. Euhemerus was not the first to attempt to rationalize mythology through history, as euhemeristic views are found in earlier writers, including Xenophanes, Herodotus, Hecataeus of Abdera, and Ephorus, however, Euhemerus is credited as having developed the theory in application to all myths, considering mythology to be "history in disguise".

title: Euhemerus


text:
Talk:Touch (command)

name
Any idea why its called "touch" ? Jay 11:57, 6 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * Because you "touch" the file. You don't change it at all, it's as if you reached out and touched it with one finger rather than grabbed it and moulded it into a different shape. Not easy to explain, but the concept works perfectly for me, and presumably for a lot of other Unix geeks too. PeteVerdon — Preceding undated comment added 20:37, 25 May 2005

 * You can also think of it as if you were "touching" the file system - almost as if you were to "prod" it there so that if a file didn't already exist, it now does, and if one previously existed, then it would look new. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 216.199.190.150 (talk) 20:48, 10 August 2005 (UTC)

 * I think that the name is a pun to Michaelangelos work `The Creation of Adam' where God creates Adam with a touch of the finger. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Cluzz (talk • contribs) 15:33, 25 April 2020 (UTC)

Examples
Maybe we should reconsider the date and time in the examples? It seems kind of morbid. 'Net 22:51, 10 April 2007 (UTC)
 * Changed.--Unixguy 10:32, 15 April 2007 (UTC)

windows version
Is there a Windows cmd under DOS that does the same thing? 65.65.71.253 (talk) 16:45, 25 June 2009 (UTC)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Touch_%28Unix%29#External_links

Prompt in Examples Section
Isn't the # a prompt for the superuser? I'd think it should be a $, the prompt for normal users in Bourne shells. —Preceding unsigned comment added by BZRatfink (talk • contribs) 01:55, 15 August 2010 (UTC)
 * Agreed. I did not see your comment before editing the page, but I have changed it to $. Excessive use of the root account is very common in hobbyist Linux users, but far less so by professional system admins, especially those who first learned their skills on true Unix operating systems like AIX, HP-UX, Solaris etc. Drkirkby (talk) 09:14, 20 February 2012 (UTC)

Is there a way to modify the creation date of symbolic links?
'touch' does not work on links, but is there any way to change the creation date of links? Drkirkby (talk) 09:15, 20 February 2012 (UTC)
 * The simple way to change the date on a link is to remove it and recreate it. There is some controversy over the concept of a creation date for Unix files.  It's really not the creation date of the file or link, it's the inode modification date.

This does not describe the Unix touch command
Many of the examples given will not work on Solaris, which is a certified Unix operating system. The reason for this is that many of the examples are making use of GNU extensions, which are not in the Unix standard. Here is the specification of touch http://pubs.opengroup.org/onlinepubs/7990989775/xcu/touch.html

I will remove the non-standard examples. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 109.145.45.146 (talk) 20:08, 26 January 2014 (UTC)

title: Talk:Touch (command)


text:
User talk:SteffenB~enwiki

Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called SteffenB. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name SteffenB~enwiki that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name. If you think you might own all of the accounts with this name and this message is in error, please visit Special:MergeAccount to check and attach all of your accounts to prevent them from being renamed.

Your account will still work as before, and you will be credited for all your edits made so far, but you will have to use the new account name when you log in.

Sorry for the inconvenience.

Yours, Keegan Peterzell Community Liaison, Wikimedia Foundation 03:11, 20 March 2015 (UTC)

Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 19:12, 22 April 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:SteffenB~enwiki