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Milo Đukanović

Milo Đukanović (, ; born 15 February 1962) is a Montenegrin politician who served as the President of Montenegro from 2018 to 2023, previously serving in the role from 1998 to 2002. He also served as the Prime Minister of Montenegro (1991–1998, 2003–2006, 2008–2010 and 2012–2016) and was the long-term president of the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro, originally the Montenegrin branch of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, which governed Montenegro alone or in a coalition from the introduction of multi-party politics in the early 1990s until its defeat in the 2020 parliamentary election. He is the longest-ruling contemporary politician in Europe, having held key positions in the country for over 33 years. However, he was defeated by the 36-year-old centrist former economy minister, Jakov Milatović, after the presidential run-off held on 2 April 2023.

When Đukanović first emerged on the political scene, he was a close ally of Slobodan Milošević during the anti-bureaucratic revolution (1988–1989) and the dissolution of SFR Yugoslavia (1991–1992). His cabinet actively participated in the siege of Dubrovnik (1991–1992). Đukanović supported Momir Bulatović's agreement on Lord Carrington's terms, which resulted in the 1992 Montenegrin independence referendum, where voters decided to remain in FR Yugoslavia. In 1996, however, Đukanović distanced himself from Milošević and the federal government, abandoning the traditional joint Serbian and Montenegrin vision in favour of Montenegrin nationalism, which supported state independence and a separate Montenegrin identity. That led to the division of the party and the split of Bulatović's pro-unionist faction. Shortly afterward, Đukanović defeated Bulatović in the 1997 presidential election by a thin margin. In 1999, he negotiated with Western countries in an attempt to limit airstrikes in Montenegro during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, while later Đukanović oversaw the implementation of the Deutsche Mark as the new currency in Montenegro, replacing the Yugoslav dinar.

Following the overthrow of Milošević (2000), he signed an agreement with the new Serbian government that led to the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro (2003), which allowed for Montenegrin independence. Three years later, the 2006 independence referendum led to a formal separation from the state union and the proclamation of the new Constitution of Montenegro (2007). Đukanović has pursued NATO and EU accession policy, resulting in Montenegro's NATO membership in 2017. Over the course of his premiership and presidency, he oversaw the privatization of public companies to foreign investors and firms. Several corruption scandals of the ruling party triggered 2019 anti-government protests, while a controversial religion law sparked another wave of protests. For the first time in three decades, in the 2020 parliamentary election, the opposition won more votes than Đukanović's ruling party and its partners.

Some observers have described Đukanović's rule as authoritarian or autocratic, as well as a kleptocracy. *
 * His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in privatisations, while his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, the Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on British Virgin Islands.
 * His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in privatisations, while his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, the Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on British Virgin Islands.
 * His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in privatisations, while his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, the Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on British Virgin Islands.
 * His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in privatisations, while his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, the Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on British Virgin Islands.
 * His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in privatisations, while his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, the Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on British Virgin Islands.
 * His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in privatisations, while his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, the Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on British Virgin Islands.
 * His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in privatisations, while his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, the Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on British Virgin Islands.
 * His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in privatisations, while his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, the Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on British Virgin Islands.
 * His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in privatisations, while his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, the Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on British Virgin Islands.

Early life
Đukanović was born in Nikšić on 15 February 1962, to Radovan and Stana Đukanović (Maksimović). His given name is derived from that of a paternal relative who had fought alongside Đukanović's grandfather Blažo during World War I; the name was selected by Đukanović's paternal grandmother. Đukanović's paternal ancestors, members of the Ozrinići tribe who hailed from the village of Čevo, had settled in the Nikšić area following the Battle of Vučji Do in 1876. Prior to the birth of Đukanović's older sister Ana in 1960, Đukanović's father had worked as a judge in Bosnia and Herzegovina, before relocating to Nikšić with his family and taking up residence in the Đukanović family's ancestral village, Rastovac. Đukanović's mother was a nurse. His younger brother Aleksandar Đukanović (Aco) was born in 1965. Đukanović completed his primary and secondary education in Nikšić, before relocating to Titograd to attend Veljko Vlahović University's Faculty of Economics. He graduated in 1986 with a diploma in tourism studies. Đukanović was an avid basketball player in his youth.

Early activism
In 1979, while still in high school, Đukanović joined the Yugoslav Communist League (SKJ), the only political party allowed by law in the Yugoslavian one-party political system. His father Radovan was already an influential member within the party's Montenegrin branch, which initially opened many doors for him. By 1986, he was a presidency member of Socialist Youth Alliance's (SSO) Montenegrin branch as well as the presidency member of its federal-level parent organization.

As a member of the party's various youth bodies he quickly stood out from the pack, earning a nickname Britva ('Straight razor') for his direct and forceful rhetoric. Progressing steadily up the party ladder, by 1988 Đukanović became a member of the League's highest decision-making body, the Central Committee of the 13th Congress (CK SKJ). It turned out to be the committee's last sitting and he became its youngest member ever.

Within days in January 1989, the trio ousted Miljan Radović, the chairman of the Montenegrin Communist League and Božina Ivanović, the Presidents of the Presidency of Montenegro, replacing them with politically obedient confidants Veselin Vukotić and Branko Kostić, respectively. President of the Executive Council Vuko Vukadinović initially survived the coup d'etat, but within months he was on his way out as well, to be replaced with Radoje Kontić. Đukanović and the others galvanized public opinion within the republic by organizing workers and bussing them to the capital Titograd to protest in front of the Assembly.

First three terms as Prime Minister of Montenegro (1991–1998)
The 1990 Montenegrin parliamentary election in early December resulted in a remarkable victory for the League of Communists of Montenegro, who won 83 parliament seats out of the total 125. On 15 February 1991, Đukanović was, somewhat surprisingly, appointed Prime Minister of the first democratically elected government by President Momir Bulatović and with the blessing of Serbian President Slobodan Milošević.

Later in 1991, the Montenegrin Communist League finished its transformation into the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (DPS). Đukanović's office was secured after the 1992 parliamentary election. Held in December, they were called early due to the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the formation of a new state entity, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In the elections, the DPS won an absolute majority, 46 seats out of the total 85.

Đukanović's government sent troops to fight seceding Croatia as he opposed the fallout of Yugoslavia caused by Slovenian independence and rebellions in other areas. Đukanović's cabinet actively participated in the siege of Dubrovnik from the autumn of 1991 until spring 1992, which resulted in the city suffering heavy structural damage. The surrounding area of Konavli also suffered due to looting raids. During this period Đukanović was one of the most vociferous hawks in the Montenegrin government. Some of his notable statements from this period include a proclamation about "starting to hate chess because of the šahovnica (the chequerboard Croatian coat-of-arms)".

Đukanović campaigned for the modification of the internal borders of the ex-Yugoslav republics saying: "it's time to once and for all establish the firmest border possible with Croatia, but it will be a border a lot more just and realistic than the existing one that was drawn-up by Bolshevik map makers".

On the domestic political front in 1992, Đukanović became involved in a fierce political clash with Montenegrin artist and antiwar activist Jevrem Brković, which resulted in Brković's exile to Croatia, which lasted until 1998. On this occasion, Đukanović stated: "Every smart Montenegrin and every honest man in this land mentions the name of the traitor Jevrem Brković with hatred, who in pure vanity betrayed his people and knowingly spreads anti-Yugoslav speeches across Zagreb, while the Ustašas, again like in 1941, bleed the defenseless Serbian civilians."

Carrington's proposal and crises in 1992
The siege of Dubrovnik had enormous consequences for Yugoslavia's international standing. The European Economic Community invited Lord Carrington and representatives from Yugoslavia to negotiate the Carrington plan on 19 October 1991, in The Hague. Milošević rejected the proposal of a "loose federation of independent states", and preferred a centralized Yugoslavia with institutional powers in Belgrade. However, in open defiance to Milošević, Đukanović supported Momir Bulatović's agreement on Carrington's terms. Yet in a sharp turn, the Narodna Stranka (People's Party) called for an emergency session in the Montenegrin parliament, during which Bulatović was accused of treason. Đukanović defended Bulatović in the parliamentary hearing. As Bulatović's deputy, Đukanović was invited to negotiations with Milošević and Borisav Jović, after which a clause was added to the Carrington proposal such that a republic could decide to stay in Yugoslavia through a referendum. This resulted in the referendum on 1 March 1992, where voters in Montenegro decided to remain in Yugoslavia.

On 6 August 1992, a local warlord named Milika "Čeko" Dačević occupied police headquarters in Pljevlja after a vehicle used by his personal envoy was seized. In what quickly developed into an emergency, over half of the city's police surrendered to Dačević. As a result, Đukanović and Bulatović participated in negotiations with Dobrica Ćosić and Života Panić. One of Dačević's accomplices from Čajniče, Duško Kornjača, threatened to kill all of the Muslims in Pljevlja unless Dačević was released. During the meeting, Đukanović asked whether Montenegro could rely on the Army of Yugoslavia to protect the Muslims in Pljevlja. Đukanović and Bulatović ultimately negotiated the disarmament of Dačević's men. However, Pljevlja's Muslims were subject to multiple incidents up to 1995, particularly in the village of Bukovica where 6 Muslim inhabitants were killed from 1992.

Split from Yugoslav leadership
In November 1995, Đukanović and Svetozar Marović visited the Pentagon at the invitation of the United States, where they allegedly offered the Port of Bar as a logistics venue for international peacekeeping in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The meeting at the Pentagon was criticized by Yugoslavia's ruling parties at the time. The vice-chairman of the Serbian Radical Party, Milinko Gazdić, claimed that his party had proof that Đukanović and Marović were appealing to the United States for Montenegro's eventual secession from Yugoslavia. This did not deter Đukanović from visiting Bill Clinton during his re-election campaign for the 1996 presidential elections in the United States. Some of Đukanović's critics claimed that he discussed donating to Clinton's campaign that year.

Đukanović's communication with Milošević began to deteriorate after a disagreement on how to address the hyperinflation of the Yugoslav dinar in 1993. He then expressed opposition to the Dayton Agreement, which he criticized as being anti-Serb. In what was his most open criticism to date, he publicly blasted Milošević in an interview with the Belgrade weekly Vreme, calling him "a man of obsolete political ideas".

As a war of words erupted with Milošević and his wife Mira, Đukanović wrote a letter of support to the students demonstrating in the 1996–97 protests in Serbia. In a stark contrast, Momir Bulatović refused to attack Milošević. This set the stage for the split between Đukanović and Bulatović, whose partnership had stood remarkably strong up to that point. In spite of the initial disconnect in the DPS leadership, the party overwhelmingly won the 1996 parliamentary election.

On 10 March 1997, after a trip to Washington, D.C. for Montenegro's Trade Mission by the initiative of Ratko Knežević, The Washington Times published a letter allegedly written by Đukanović to congressmen Nick Rahall and Bruce Vento. Congressmen Rahall and Vento had traveled to Belgrade during the student protests, even appearing in a Zajedno opposition meeting. A week after The Washington Times publication, Politika ran the letter on its front page on 18 March, adding the title: "Milo Đukanovic continues endeavoring to break up FR Yugoslavia and Serbia." Even though the letter did not actually mention Montenegrin secession, Đukanović denied writing the letter and said it was a forgery.

Another development which further distanced Đukanović from Milošević and Bulatović was his friendship with Vukašin Maraš, with whom he worked in the Automotive Association of Yugoslavia as a secondary job. On 28 July 1994, customs inspector Pavle Zelić informed the Federal Assembly of Yugoslavia that approximately 4–5 million DM was found in boxes in AMSJ's office, and that he was not given a chance to count the money. In 1997, DT Magazin published a story reporting that the money was a part of a laundering operation involving the importing of cigarettes, whisky, oil, and other scarce goods during the sanctions against Yugoslavia, although most of the report could not be proven with the exception of the fact that the customs had been terminated after an agreement with Montenegrin customs chief Radosav Sekulić, Maraš, Đukanović, and Ana Begović. The AMSJ affair was one of the early points in the breakup of Đukanović's affair with Bulatović.

In a more serious affair, in January 1996, Đukanović and Maraš met with MI6 agent Joseph "Joe" Busby in Hotel Yugoslavia in Belgrade, where the idea of Montenegro declaring independence from the state union with Serbia was first mentioned to a foreign representative.

On at least two occasions, in 1996 and in May 1997, Bulatović requested the resignation of Maraš. Instead, Đukanović kept Maraš as a security assistant to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Maraš initiated Operation Ljubović, an overnight raid of the Ljubović hotel in Podgorica five days before the 1997 election in which Đukanović ran, incriminating Bulatović's campaign of recruiting racketeers. Those arrested were released after the election and relieved of all charges by 2002.

Bulatović's actual departure from the DPS took place on 11 July 1997, when the DPS GO ("Glavni odbor") committee held a closed doors session, selecting Milica Pejanović-Đurišić to replace Bulatović as the party president. The party split had enormous implications, ultimately setting the stage for a confrontation between Đukanović and Bulatović inevitable. This manifested in the 1997 Montenegrin presidential election held in October, which Đukanović won by a thin margin. Clinton envoy Robert Gelbard testified about meeting Đukanović before and after the election in front of the U.S. Senate during the "Prospects for Democracy in Yugoslavia" hearings on 29 July 1999. Initially demanding greater autonomy, Đukanović and his supporters advocated Montenegrin nationalism, which supported independence and a separate Montenegrin identity. The key point for an active change of policy towards independence is the deprivation of Montenegro's federal rights by the Milošević federal regime.

Presidency during the Kosovo War

Shortly after his inauguration in 1998, Đukanović told Gelbard and some foreign ambassadors about his vision of an independent Montenegro in the Gorica villa. Đukanović said that Gelbard and the ambassadors disagreed with him at the time, as they preferred Đukanović to work with the opposition in Belgrade.

On 24 March 1999, NATO began bombing Yugoslavia. During the bombings, Jean-David Levitte claimed that Đukanović asked Bill Clinton for airstrikes to remove Milošević. Curious about Levitte's claim, Jacques Chirac called Đukanović to ask if the Clinton requests were true. Đukanović told Chirac that "every bomb that fell in Montenegro threatened to weaken my government." Chirac subsequently contacted Clinton and arranged limitations on airstrikes in Montenegro. Shortly after the bombings ceased, Đukanović oversaw the implementation of the Deutsche Mark as the new currency in Montenegro, replacing the Yugoslav Dinar.

In a speech in June 2016, Đukanović told an audience that "1999 was a year of critical importance for the choice of an independent Montenegrin way. That meaning the rejection of the self-destructive war with NATO, and secondly, the implementation of the Deutsche Mark a few months later."

Transition from Yugoslavia

In June 2000, he apologised to Croatia for the Montenegrin participation in the siege of Dubrovnik, saying: "On my own behalf and on behalf of all the citizens of Montenegro I want to apologise to all citizens of Croatia, particularly in Konavli and Dubrovnik for all the pain and material damage inflicted by any member of the Montenegrin people."

After the overthrow of Milošević, Đukanović faced a dilemma as he no longer could use Milošević's international standing to argue for Montenegro's independence from Yugoslavia. In early 2002, Đukanović was subject to an investigation on international cigarette trafficking by the public prosecutor Giuseppe Scelsi of Bari. Simultaneously, he was involved in negotiations ahead of the Belgrade agreement, and Javier Solana tried persuading him to abstain from independence at least temporarily and that Montenegro should remain in Yugoslavia. After the meetings with Solana, Đukanović signed the Belgrade Agreement on 14 March 2002, in addition to the signatures of Filip Vujanović, Zoran Đinđić, Vojislav Koštunica, and Miroljub Labus. The agreement led to the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro. It mandated that after a period of three years, Montenegro could hold a referendum on the question of independence. In a bid to prolong his executive powers, Đukanović and Prime Minister Vujanović agreed a job-swap that same year. Đukanović did not run for president in the 2002 election and Vujanović replaced him as the DPS candidate. On 25 November 2002, Đukanović resigned as president, several months before the end of his term, in order to become prime minister again. Vujanović, who had resigned as prime minister at the start of the month to become Speaker of the Montenegrin Parliament, was sworn in as acting president. Đukanović took office as prime minister on 8 January 2003. Vujanović succeeded him as president on 22 May 2003.

The 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum resulted in Montenegro declaring independence from the state union with Serbia. After the declaration of independence, Montenegro's Parliament appointed Đukanović as the first Minister of Defense. Đukanović also acted as the president of the National Council for Sustainable Growth, a member of the Council for European Integration, and the president of the Agency for Promotion of Foreign Investment's managing board. After independence had been achieved, Đukanović's brand of Montenegrin nationalism was no longer useful.

Resignation and first retirement (2006–2008)
On 3 October 2006, it was announced that Đukanović was stepping down as prime minister, despite the victory of his Coalition for a European Montenegro in the September 2006 parliamentary election, although he would remain leader of the Democratic Party of Socialists. On 4 October, he endorsed Željko Šturanović as his successor. The choice of Šturanović was considered a compromise between Đukanović and Svetozar Marović, as Đukanović's first candidate was Igor Lukšić, the Minister of Finance.

Đukanović formally ceased to be the Prime Minister on 10 November 2006, as the new Government was elected by Parliament of Montenegro. He cited his reasons for stepping down as "being tired of politics", and wishing to try himself out as a businessman. Đukanović served as a member of Parliament from October 2006 to February 2008. He announced that he might be willing to run in the April 2008 presidential election but eventually decided against it, allowing Vujanović to easily win a second term.

Đukanović headed the proclamation of the new Constitution of Montenegro on 22 October 2007. He received support from almost all DPS municipal boards and committees. Since 2006, Đukanović has opened five private businesses, the latest called Global Montenegro on 25 February 2008, and bought actions in his brother's bank, altogether amassing property worth millions of euros. His other four companies are: Universitas, Capital Invest, Primary Invest, and Select Investments.

Fifth term as prime minister (2008–2010)
On 20 February 2008, President Vujanović nominated Đukanović as prime minister after Šturanović resigned due to illness. He was accordingly elected as prime minister on 29 February 2008. His party won the 2009 parliamentary election.

From 2008, Đukanović's time in the office was marked with advancing EU and NATO integration processes, in which Montenegro mostly went ahead of its neighbors. In the meantime, on 9 October 2008, Montenegro recognized Kosovo's independence, becoming the fourth former Yugoslav republic to recognize Kosovo. In the 2009 parliamentary election, Đukanović's coalition again won a majority of seats.

Montenegro submitted its application for EU membership in December 2008. On 22 July 2009, EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn handed over the commission's Questionnaire to Đukanović in Podgorica and on 9 December 2009, Đukanović delivered to Rehn Montenegro's replies to the commission's Questionnaire in Brussels. Later that year Montenegro achieved visa liberalisation with the EU. On 1 May 2010, the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) entered into force. On 17 December 2010, Montenegro became an official EU candidate. As for Montenegro's NATO accession bid, the Allies decided to grant its request to join the Membership Action Plan (MAP) in December 2009.

Resignation and second retirement (2010–2012)
After giving indications he would step down once the European Union granted official candidate status to Montenegro's membership application, which it did on 17 December 2010, Đukanović resigned as prime minister on 21 December 2010. His party's leadership proposed Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Igor Lukšić to lead the new government. Lukšić was confirmed as the new prime minister by the Parliament of Montenegro on 29 December 2010.

Just like when he stepped down last time, Đukanović again retained the DPS party chairmanship. Furthermore, he did not rule out possible future campaigns for public office, including a 2013 run for President of Montenegro or a run for another tenure as prime minister.

Sixth term as prime minister (2012–2016)

After the parliamentary election on 14 October 2012, Đukanović informed President Vujanović that he was capable of forming a government. His cabinet was approved by Parliament on 4 December 2012 and Đukanović returned to the office of prime minister on the same day. Together with Viktor Orbán of Hungary, Đukanović was a runner-up to Vladimir Putin for the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project's 2014 "Person of the Year in Organized Crime" award, recognizing "the person who does the most to enable and promote organized criminal activity." He later won the award in 2015.

In 2016, following 2016 Montenegrin parliamentary election, Đukanović retired for a third time and stepped down as prime minister. However, he still remained the leader of DPS.

Re-election to presidency (2018)

In 2018, it was announced Đukanović would be his party's candidate for the 2018 presidential election. It was the second time Đukanović ran for president, the last time having been in the controversial 1997 election. He won the election by a large margin, as opposition parties by and large campaigned for independent campaign Mladen Bojanić.

In 2020, the Freedom House reported that years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović have tipped his country over the edge – for the first time since 2003, Montenegro is no longer categorized as a democracy and became a hybrid regime.

2020 election
For the first time in three decades and for the first time since the introduction of multi-party politics in Montenegro, the opposition won more votes than Đukanović's ruling DPS. The OSCE and the ODIHR announced in preliminary findings that the 2020 elections were competitive and held in a highly polarized atmosphere especially regarding issues of church and national identity. They further concluded the election date had not been held in accordance with the Constitution, there had been no independent campaign coverage, and the ruling party had profited unjustifiably through widespread abuse of office and state resources.

On 1 September 2020, Đukanović accused Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro, as well of alleged trying to revive a "Greater Serbia policy".

Economic policy
Its economic policy is focused on the development of tourism and privatisation. The Tivat shipyard, which was the pride of the Yugoslav navy, was bought by Canadian billionaire Peter Munk after Montenegro's independence and converted into a marina for rich foreigners. The Podgorica aluminium smelter – the country's only major industry – was sold in 2005 to Russian businessman Oleg Deripaska, who also joined forces with British banker Jacob Rothschild and French oligarch Bernard Arnault in a project to build "a new Monaco" on the shores of the Adriatic. Much of the former military land has been sold to investors, including the children of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Egyptian billionaire Samih Sawiris, who are building a luxury complex and residences. Criminal networks have also taken advantage of the frenetic development of tourist activities and invested in hotel, casino and leisure park projects. The Splendid Hotel, the most emblematic of these constructions, hosted the lavish weddings of the children of Montenegro's most powerful "godfather", Branislav Mićunović, in the presence of the country's elites.

Privatisation has encouraged corruption and enriched those close to the government. Thus, according to Milka Tadić Mijović, president of the Centre for Journalistic Investigation, "those at the top take the biggest share of the corruption. Over the past thirty years, most of the state-owned companies have been privatised in a covert way. Ðukanović and his family have become the richest people in the country. His brother Aleksandar, who was unemployed, controls the capital of the largest financial institution in Montenegro, Prva Banka. His sister Ana, who was a judge during the privatisations, owns one of the biggest law firms. A foreign investor who does not want to have problems will be well advised to use the services of this firm.

This policy has also contributed to reinforcing regional disparities and social inequalities. Unemployment rises to 36.6% in the northern part of the country, compared to 3.9% in the coastal region, while a quarter of the population lives below the poverty line (2018).

Timeline
The chart below shows a timeline of the offices held by Đukanović and the Montenegro status. The left bar shows president and all prime ministers terms of Đukanović, and the right bar shows the country status of Montenegro at that time.

Allegations of tobacco smuggling
In July 2003, the prosecutor's office in Naples linked Đukanović with an organised crime racket worth billions of euros. Đukanović called a press conference in Podgorica to deny the allegations as a "loathsome political trick", aimed at criminalising him and his country. Djukanovic has long been dogged by suspicions that he was involved in tobacco smuggling in Italy.

On 16 April 2003, the Judge for Preliminary Inquiries in Naples rejected the Antimafia Commission's request for a warrant for Đukanović's arrest, claiming him to be immune from arrest as Prime Minister of Montenegro. The commission had been investigating him for some time, since at least May 2002 and had further requested his arrest as a precautionary measure.

The case was appealed to the Naples Court of Review, which ruled in Đukanović's favor. Besides claiming his immunity, he was described as not socially dangerous as well as ignorant that he was committing crimes. The case was then once again appealed, to the Court of Cassation (Corte di Cassazione). On 28 December 2004, this court ruled in favor of the Antimafia Commission. It argued that as Montenegro was not a sovereign state, Đukanović had no diplomatic immunity.

After the independence referendum, Đukanović's lawyer, Enrico Tuccillo, said that "The referendum has confirmed the premise of the Prime Minister, Milo Đukanović, about the sovereignty of Montenegro: therefore no doubt can now remain about the immunity, granted to heads of state and of government, which Đukanović enjoyed and enjoys."

On 27 March 2008, Đukanović made a low-profile visit to the prosecutor's office in Bari. He was questioned for six-and-a-half hours and answered about 80 prosecutor's questions regarding the accusations against him. On this occasion, Đukanović's lawyer said that he had written evidence proving that, at the time when his client submitted the request to give a statement to the Italian prosecution authorities in Bari, he did not occupy any public office whatsoever and, therefore, had no intention of hiding behind immunity in the first place. In April 2009, the prosecution authorities finally dropped the case against Đukanović.

According to court documents, "Montenegro has been a haven for illegal trafficking, where criminals acted with impunity, while the ports of Bar and Kotor were used as logistic bases for motor boats, with protection which was guaranteed by the government." In December 2009, Francesco Forgione, a former Italian MP who led the Italian Parliament's Anti-Mafia Commission from 2006 to 2008, published a book titled Mafia Export which cited the Montenegrin mafia and Djukanovic as one of the organisers of international cigarette smuggling between 1994 and 2000. By 2000, the illegal trade was worth several billion dollars annually, according to EU and US agencies.

Pandora Papers and malversation
Đukanović was featured in the Pandora Papers, a leak of financial documents which were published in early October 2021. It was reported that Đukanović and his son Blažo have been passing money to offshore accounts since 2012, when they established secret asset management agreements behind a network of companies in more than five countries. He and his son established two trusts namely the Victoria Trust and Capecastel Trust. Đukanović admitted that he founded Victoria Trust while he was not a public office holder, that he had no business transactions or open bank accounts, and he claimed that at the end of the year, he transferred the ownership of his trust to Blažo. Đukanović's cabinet also stated that this leak is "a part of series of attempts to discredit Đukanović and his family members" and that the trusts only existed "on paper". Similar to this case, Đukanović previously denied owning businesses in other countries.

Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapić called for investigation of Đukanović's family, while the Foreign Affairs Minister Đorđe Radulović commented on this situation by saying that "Đukanović misused his diplomatic passport when opening his private companies". Đukanović was also mentioned in a money laundering affair in which Rezart Taçi intervened with Đukanović for a transfer from the "president's bank".

Smears against journalists
Đukanović has a track record of attacking critical journalists and media outlets, smearing them as a "media mafia", claiming they are linked to organised crime, and calling them "rats", "monsters", "enemies of the state".

Anti-government riots
In 2015, the investigative journalists' network OCCRP has named Milo Đukanović "Person of the Year in Organized Crime". The extent of Đukanović's corruption led to street demonstrations and calls for his removal.

Several thousand protesters demanding the resignation of Milo Đukanović and the formation of an interim government marched in the centre of the capital Podgorica on the evening of 25 October 2015. Montenegrin police fired tear gas at opposition supporters, while chasing away the demonstrators with armored vehicles.

Sandžak
Muamer Zukorlić stated that Milo Đukanović previously promised that Bosniaks will have their autonomy within Montenegro, but that he went on to break their deal and that therefore his "conscience is not clear".

Religion law
As of December 2019 Montenegrin parliament proclaimed a controversial religion law which de jure transfers the ownership of church buildings and estates from the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro to the Montenegrin state. In February 2020 Đukanović called the citizens protesting against the newly proclaimed religion law "a lunatic movement". The religion law is seen as a major factor in Đukanović and the DPS' defeat during the 2020 elections.

Cetinje enthronement crisis
After it was announced that the enthronement ceremony of Joanikije Mićović of the Serbian Orthodox Church as the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral would be held in Cetinje, the Church's ecclesiastical seat, on 5 September 2021, Đukanović called for the ceremony to be held elsewhere and stated that he would be present at the protest that day unless this was done. On 26 August, he chaired a session of the Defence and Security Council with all top officials of Montenegro attending. The Council session addressed the "security challenges caused by the announced enthronement of the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral" and urged "all socio-political actors" to keep peace and respect the Constitution and laws. On 4 September, on the eve of the scheduled enthronement, Đukanović arrived in the town of Cetinje along with some of his DPS colleagues. Both the Metropolitan and the Patriarch were flown to Cetinje by helicopter and then led into the monastery by heavily armed riot police holding bulletproof vests over their bodies to protect them, as riot police used tear gas to disperse protesters who hurled rocks and bottles at them and fired guns into the air. No fewer than 20 people were injured and police arrested more than a dozen people, including the security advisor to Đukanović, Veselin Veljović. Following the enthronement, Đukanović, called it the government's Pyrrhic victory and "a great embarrassment of the Serbian Church and the government of Montenegro"; he later elaborated saying that the enthronement came as another one in a series of episodes in the renewed offensive of Serbian nationalism on Montenegro, the Krivokapić administration being "in the service of the Church of Serbia, which is an instrument for implementing the "Greater Serbia project", the official state policy of Belgrade". Montenegrin officials accused Đukanović and his party of an "attempted coup" following the riots. On 22 September, the Montenegrin parliament launched an inquiry to the Constitutional Court to rule if Đukanović had violated constitutional articles by backing the protesters. The Constitutional Court ultimately judged him not guilty on 4 February 2022.

Honours and awards

 * ALB National Flag Order.png Albanian National Flag Order received on 12 July 2016.
 * National Order of Merit (Paraguay) - ribbon bar.png Collar of the National Order of Merit of Paraguay on 23 December 2018.
 * SMR Order of Saint Marinus - Grand Cross BAR.png Grand Cross of the Order of San Marino received on 4 March 2022.

title: Milo Đukanović


text:
Chiac

Chiac (or Chiak, Chi’aq), is a patois of Acadian French spoken mostly in southeastern New Brunswick, Canada. Chiac is often characterized and distinguished from other forms of Acadian French by its borrowings from English, and is thus often mistakenly considered a form of Franglais.

The word "Chiac" can also sometimes be used to describe an ethnic Acadian of rural southeastern New Brunswick, which are not considered French Canadian historically and ethnically, due to having their separate and distinctive history, they are considered ethnically as "Chiac-Acadian" or simply "Chiac".

Characteristics
As a major modern day variety of the Acadian-French language, Chiac shares most phonological particularities of the dialect. However, Chiac contains far more English loanwords compared to other Canadian French dialects. Many of its words also have roots in the Eastern Algonquian languages, most notably Mi'kmaq. These loanwords generally follow French conjugation patterns; "Ej j'va aller watcher un movie" uses the English derived loanword "watch" as if it were an -er verb. The most common loans are basic lexical features (nouns, adjectives, verb stems), though there are a couple conjunctions and adverbs borrowed from English (but, so, anyway).

History
Chiac originated in the community of specific ethnic Acadians, known as "Chiacs, Chiaks or Chi'aq", living on the southeast coast of New Brunswick, specifically near the Shediac Bay area.

While some believe that Chiac dates back as far as the 17th or 18th century, others believe it developed in the 20th century, in reaction to the dominance of English-language media in Canada, the lack of French-language primary and secondary education, the increased urbanization of Moncton, and contact with the dominant Anglophone community in the area. The origin of the word "Chiac" is not known; some speculate that it is an alteration of "Shediac" or "Es-ed-ei-ik".

Geographic distribution
Chiac is mostly spoken by native Acadian French speakers in the southeast region of New Brunswick. Its speakers are primarily located in the Westmorland County of southeastern New Brunswick. Further north along the coast, Acadian French resembling Québécois French is more common as one approaches the border with Quebec. To the immediate east, west and south, fully bilingual speakers of French and English are found, and beyond are typically unilingual Anglophones.

In culture
Acadian writers, poets and musicians such as Lisa LeBlanc, Radio Radio, Fayo, Cayouche, Les Hay Babies, 1755, Antonine Maillet and many others have produced works in Chiac.

Chiac is also featured in Acadieman, a comedy about "The world's first Acadian Superhero" by Dano Leblanc.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Chiac


text:
1971 in LGBT rights

This is a list of notable events in the history of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) rights that took place in the year 1971.

Events

 * Frank Kameny becomes the first openly gay candidate for the United States Congress when he runs in the first election for the District of Columbia's non-voting delegate to Congress.
 * The Front homosexuel d'action révolutionnaire (Homosexual Front for Revolutionary Action) forms in France.

March

 * 18 — Idaho decriminalizes homosexual acts between consenting adults, but the repeal is itself repealed before taking effect.
 * 24 — In a case granting citizenship to a Cuban man, a federal judge rules that homosexuality alone cannot bar a person from becoming a United States citizen.

April

 * 1 — The French magazine Tout is seized by police, who characterize its call for sexual liberation in that country an "outrage to public morals".

May

 * 15 — The first Gay Power march in Europe takes place in Örebro, Sweden, by a group called sv:Gay Power Club.

July

 * 1
 * The Gay Alliance Toward Equality is founded as Canada's first gay rights organization.
 * In the United Kingdom, the International Times loses an appeal on indecency charges for running personal ads for gay men.
 * 10 — Austria decriminalizes homosexual acts between consenting adults.
 * 21 — George Klippert is released from prison, two years after homosexuality was decriminalized in Canada.

October

 * 1 — Connecticut decriminalizes homosexual acts between consenting adults.
 * 12 — The New York City Department of Consumer Affairs recommends the repeal of a city law banning homosexuals from working in or going to bars.

November

 * 1 — The Body Politic, Canada's first gay rights magazine, hits newsstands.

December

 * 14 — The U.S. gay rights activist group Gay Activists Alliance protest in front of the Suffolk County, New York, police headquarters after two members were arrested for sodomy.

title: 1971 in LGBT rights


text:
Talk:Richard Leakey

Turkana Boy
I saw the discovery of Turkana Boy also attributed to Kamoya Kimeu. If anyone knows for sure, they should clear it up here and on the Turkana Boy page. -- Walt Pohl 02:47, 2 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Turkana Boy was discovered by Kamoya Kimeu. This is widely acknowledged. --Ezeu 07:50, 9 November 2005 (UTC)

Kenyan vs British
Vis-à-vis the (almost) revert war about Leakeys nationality, we need to claritfy some issues. Richard Leakey was born in Nairobi, Kenya. He holds a Kenyan passport. He lives in Kenya, and is a civil servant of the Kenyan government. He has done all the work he is renowned for in Kenya. His father was born in Kabete, Kenya (and was a British citizen because of geopolitics). His mother was a resident of Kenya. Insisting on calling Richard Leakey British only reveals the contributor's national, ideological and racial bias. --Ezeu 04:33, 5 November 2005 (UTC)
 * "...national, ideological and racial bias"? Grow up. Such accusations only reveal the contributor's immaturity and undeveloped mind.  62.25.106.209 (talk) 18:44, 26 August 2009 (UTC)

Richard Leakey might be able to claim British citizenship by descent from grand-parents born in Britain. I don't know if Kenya allows dual nationality. I think not. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 94.30.71.244 (talk) 12:50, 16 April 2011 (UTC)
 * Richard's mother seems to have been born in England. This would give Richard another claim to British citizenship. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 94.30.71.244 (talk) 12:56, 16 April 2011 (UTC)

Until last year the Kenyan constitution prohibited dual citizenship and Kenyan citizens with dual nationality upon reaching adulthood had to either renounce their other citizenships or lose their Kenyan citizenship. Timrollpickering (talk) 16:07, 27 July 2011 (UTC)

In 2 Nov 2015 interview with Stephen Sakur on BBC's "HARDtalk," Leakey said that the only people who consider him British are those from the northern latitudes. (Link is only good for 12 months.) He considers himself Kenyan with no hyphenations. Filé gumbo (talk) 09:47, 2 November 2015 (UTC)

Question about categories
Should he also be listed under all those British:Archelogist, British:Anthropologists, etc. categories? Thaths 04:54, 9 November 2005 (UTC)
 * No, he shouldnt. --Ezeu 07:00, 9 November 2005 (UTC)

Richard's siblings
Opening snippet says that Richard is the "second of the three sons" of Louis Leakey and the younger brother of Colin Leakey. Colin's wiki entry says that he is the son of Louis and Frida Leakey. Wouldn't that make Colin the half-brother of Richard?

Biography paragraph says that he grew up with "his two brothers, Jonathan and Philip". Either the opening snippet is incorrect about "second of the three sons" or one of Richard's siblings is incorrectly identified by name in this section. -- Thaths 22:13, 4 March 2007 (UTC)

A better photo of the subject?
There has to be a better photo of the subject around that is not copyright encumbered. -- Thaths 20:23, 14 March 2007 (UTC)

Convert

 * In one of his books, Richard Leakey depicts himself as a convert to atheism. He says he rebelled against his grand-father's Protestant opinions but Harry Leakey died in 1940, before Richard's birth. Richard Leakey says he rebelled against his mother's former Catholicism, but this seems to have been abandoned before his time. He was sent to a non-catholic school in about 1955.

—The preceding unsigned comment was added by 87.194.4.21 (talk) 09:46, 2 May 2007 (UTC).

Fair use rationale for Image:Richard Leakey on Time.jpg
Image:Richard Leakey on Time.jpg is being used on this article. I notice the image page specifies that the image is being used under fair use but there is no explanation or rationale as to why its use in this Wikipedia article constitutes fair use. In addition to the boilerplate fair use template, you must also write out on the image description page a specific explanation or rationale for why using this image in each article is consistent with fair use.

Please go to the image description page and edit it to include a fair use rationale. Using one of the templates at Fair use rationale guideline is an easy way to insure that your image is in compliance with Wikipedia policy, but remember that you must complete the template. Do not simply insert a blank template on an image page.

If there is other other fair use media, consider checking that you have specified the fair use rationale on the other images used on this page. Note that any fair use images uploaded after 4 May, 2006, and lacking such an explanation will be deleted one week after they have been uploaded, as described on criteria for speedy deletion. If you have any questions please ask them at the Media copyright questions page. Thank you.BetacommandBot 05:14, 6 June 2007 (UTC)

Not clear

 * It is not clear what was broken, a leg or the skull, in the fall from the horse.
 * Consistency has now appeared, from the University of Toronto.

Marriages?
In the article there is a section about a marriage to a Margaret Cropper, but no mention of Meave Leakey with whom he has (at least) a daughter Louise Leakey (b. 1972). It looks like there is a big chunk missing out of his life. --j 22:02, 8 August 2007 (UTC)

Well, now Maeve is mentioned with no info on what happened to his marriage with Margaret Cropper. It's not that I truly care but it makes the narrative choppy. 22 September 2008 —Preceding unsigned comment added by 140.211.112.103 (talk) 16:23, 22 September 2008 (UTC)

Archeologist or paleoanthropologist?
You state that Richard Leaky was an Archeologist but I think he is actually a paleoanthropologist as he studied the evolution of Hominids rather than ancient human civilisations (see the Leaky Foundation website). —Preceding unsigned comment added by 81.153.251.25 (talk) 21:56, 4 October 2007 (UTC)

"Leakey stated in his autobiography that he is an atheist.[12]"
Why is this in a section with the title "Opinion"? Would an entry about a persons Christian or Jewish beliefs be in a section titled "Opinion"?

"Leakey stated in his autobiography that he is an atheist.[12]" — Preceding unsigned comment added by 23.24.63.177 (talk) 12:54, 6 February 2013 (UTC)

In BBC "HARDtalk" interview with Stephen Sakur, 2 Nov 2015, Leakey was introduced as the new "Chairman of the Kenya Wildlife Service." In the interview, Leakey said President Kenyatta appointed him under the condition that he "clean it up." He also said he has the full support of the cabinet. However, i see nothing about the appointment in the news or contacts sections of the KWS website. Consequently, i didn't try to update this article. Filé gumbo (talk) 10:03, 2 November 2015 (UTC)

Intro revision
I put some essential facts into the intro. I believe he was briefly Secretary of the Kenyan Cabinet as stated in the text, but that needs to be substantiated in the body of the article. His life has been so extraordinary that the intro can only list some of the landmarks. There is scarcely anything he has done which is not notable, including staying alive!

The article is still under-referenced, and also there is a problem with the constantly changing titles of the Kenyan organisations.

Her's a link to a journalistic article with some biog info not in our article:

Macdonald-ross (talk) 11:46, 2 August 2017 (UTC) -

title: Talk:Richard Leakey


text:
Erma Franklin

Erma Vernice Franklin (March 13, 1938 – September 7, 2002) was an American gospel and soul singer. Franklin recorded the original version of "Piece of My Heart", written and produced by Bert Berns, in 1967, for which she was nominated for a Grammy Award. A cover version of the same song was recorded the following year by Big Brother and the Holding Company, with the lead vocal by Janis Joplin. Franklin was the elder sister of American singer/musician Aretha Franklin.

Early life and family
Erma Franklin was born in Shelby, Mississippi, United States, the oldest daughter of Barbara (née Siggers) and the Reverend C. L. Franklin. She was raised in Detroit, Michigan, where her father was pastor of the New Bethel Baptist Church. She was raised by both parents until the age of 10, when her parents separated for the final time. Her mother took her eldest sibling, half-brother Vaughn, with her to Buffalo, New York, in 1948. Barbara Siggers-Franklin died four years later, on March 7, 1952, in Buffalo.

Franklin studied Business at Clark Atlanta University (then named Clark College).

Career
During her childhood, Erma and her sisters Aretha and Carolyn sang at New Bethel Baptist Church. When Aretha became a recording artist, Erma provided backing vocals and toured with her. Erma sang backup for her sister Aretha on Aretha's signature tune "Respect".

In 1967, Erma Franklin sang the original version of "Piece of My Heart", which was a top 10 soul hit in the U.S. and rose to number 62 on the U.S. Billboard Hot 100 chart. The track was co-written and produced by Bert Berns. In the UK, Franklin's version was used in a Levi's jeans commercial ("Cinderella" AKA "Night and Day"), leading to a resurgence of interest in the song. The single was re-released in the UK in 1992 and peaked on the UK Singles Chart at number 9.

Franklin told an interviewer that when she first heard Janis Joplin's version on the radio, she did not recognize it because of the vocal arrangement.

In the mid-1970s, Franklin left the music industry, apart from occasional engagements with her sister. She was one of the special guests on Aretha's 1986 Showtime cable television special — filmed at Detroit's Music Hall — and also performed on June 28, 1990, at Nelson Mandela's rally at Tiger Stadium.

Personal life and death
Franklin married Thomas Garrett and gave birth to their two children: Thomas Jr. and Sabrina. For 25 years, Franklin worked for the Boysville Holy Cross Community Center, a Detroit organization that helps homeless and disadvantaged minority children. Franklin died of cancer in Detroit, on September 7, 2002, aged 64. She is interred at Detroit's historic Woodlawn Cemetery.

Singles

 * (Take a Little) Piece of My Heart did not chart in the UK until 1992, therefore the peak recorded here occurred on 31st October 1992

title: Erma Franklin


text:
Turkana Boy

Turkana Boy, also called Nariokotome Boy, is the name given to fossil KNM-WT 15000, a nearly complete skeleton of a Homo ergaster youth who lived 1.5 to 1.6 million years ago. This specimen is the most complete early hominin skeleton ever found. It was discovered in 1984 by Kamoya Kimeu on the bank of the Nariokotome River near Lake Turkana in Kenya.

Estimates of the individual's age at death range from 7 to 11 years old.

Adolescence and maturity
Although the specimen is largely considered male due to the shape of the pelvis, the sex is ultimately undetermined due to its prepubescent age. Estimates of the age at death depend on whether the maturity stage of the teeth or skeleton is used, and whether that maturity is compared to that of Homo sapiens or to chimpanzees. A key factor is that modern humans have a marked adolescent growth spurt, whereas chimpanzees do not. Initial research assumed a modern human type of growth, but recent evidence from other fossils suggests this was less present in early hominins. This difference affects the estimates of both the age and the likely stature of the specimen as a fully grown adult.

Alan Walker and Richard Leakey in 1993 estimated the boy to have been about 11–12 years old based on known rates of bone maturity. Walker and Leakey (1993) said that dental dating often gives a younger age than a person's actual age.

Christopher Dean (M. C. Dean) of University College London, in a 2009 Nova special, estimated that the Turkana Boy was 8 years old at death.

Morphology
The specimen comprises 108 bones, making it the most complete early human skeleton discovered. The Smithsonian estimates that he was 1.6m tall and weighed 48 kg when he died, and may have been close to his adulthood height. In adulthood, Turkana Boy might have reached 185 cm tall and massed 68 kg. The pelvis is narrower than in Homo sapiens, which is most likely for more efficient upright walking. This further indicates a fully terrestrial bipedalism, which is unlike older hominin species that show a combined feature of bipedalism and tree climbing. The Boy was relatively tall, which increased his body surface area that would enhance heat dissipation and prevent heat stress under the hot sun.

The overall KNM-WT 15000 skeleton still had features (such as a low sloping forehead, strong brow ridges, and the absence of a chin) not seen in H. sapiens. However, there are significant defining characters, such as bigger brain size (880 cc). The arms and legs are slightly longer indicating effective bipedality. The nose is projecting like those of humans rather than the open flat nose seen in other apes. Body hair may also have been thinner (most likely naked) and possibly with increased sweat glands to hasten cooling. However, despite the appearance shown in the reconstruction of Turkana Boy, it's unlikely he actually had dark skin. The emergence of skin pigmentation in the genus Homo dates to about 1.2 million years ago. Genetic analysis suggests that high activity in the melanocortin 1 receptor, which produces dark skin, dates back to approximately that time.

Vocal capabilities
The fossil skeleton and other fossil evidence, such as Acheulean stone tools, prompt the majority of scientists to conclude that Homo ergaster and Homo erectus – unlike their more primitive ancestors – became efficient hunters. The social structure would probably have become more complex with a larger brain volume; the Broca's area of the brain allows speech and is noted by a slight slant on the cranium. Turkana Boy's thoracic vertebrae are narrower than in Homo sapiens. This would have allowed him less motor control over the thoracic muscles that are used in modern humans to modify respiration to enable the sequencing upon single exhalations of complex vocalisations.

Disease
Early studies indicated that Turkana Boy suffered from a congenital disorder, either dwarfism or scoliosis. This was because the rib bones appeared asymmetrical to the spine, at the time attributed to skeletal dysplasia. However, in 2013, a study showed that when the rib bones were rearranged, they became symmetrical against the spine, and that an unusual structure of the vertebrae was characteristic of the early hominins. However, the fossil definitely showed lumbar disc herniation, an injury implicated with the specimen's death. The specimen also had a diseased mandible.

title: Turkana Boy


text:
User talk:VeryVeripee

Thanks for experimenting with Wikipedia. Your test worked, and has been reverted or removed. Please use the sandbox for any other tests you want to do. Take a look at the welcome page if you would like to learn more about contributing to our encyclopedia. Thanks. - BCorr ¤ Брайен 02:55, Mar 2, 2004 (UTC)

title: User talk:VeryVeripee


text:
User talk:Coconut~enwiki

MOnkeys are fun

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Renamed
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title: User talk:Coconut~enwiki


text:
Talk:Ōmi Province

The ukiyoe print:
Not pronounced Yahashi. Do your research. If you're not qualified or don't know, don't write mistaken information.

The Ii family did not control the whole province. There were Miyagawa-han, Minakuchi-han, Zeze-han, etc. --Nanshu 02:59, 2 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * Oops, my bad. I'm not a history scholar, so it's easy for me to get this stuff wrong. --Sekicho 05:58, Mar 2, 2004 (UTC)

Sengaku House Codes
Possibly appropriate addition to this article -- but perhaps better placed elsewhere? Just another possibility not yet fully realized .... --Ooperhoofd 21:22, 6 September 2007 (UTC)
 * 1567: Rokkaku Yoshikata issues Rokkaku-shi shikimoku.
 * 1567: Rokkaku Yoshiharu re-issues Rokkaku-shi shikimoku?

title: Talk:Ōmi Province


text:
1972 in LGBT rights

This is a list of notable events in the history of LGBT rights that took place in the year 1972.

Events

 * San Francisco prohibits employment discrimination based on sexual orientation in the public sector. The city also prohibits companies that have contracts with the city from discriminating based on sexual orientation.
 * The U.S. state of Ohio repeals its sodomy law.

January

 * 1 — U.S. state of Hawaii repeals its sodomy law.

March

 * 7 — East Lansing, Michigan, becomes the first United States city to ban discrimination against homosexuals in housing, public accommodation, and employment.

April

 * 1 — U.S. state of Delaware decriminalizes consensual homosexual acts between adults.

June

 * 27 — Gay News, the first gay magazine in the United Kingdom, publishes its first issue.

July

 * 1 — The U.K. Gay Liberation Front holds the first ever U.K. Gay Pride in London.
 * 12 — Delegates Jim Foster and Madeline Davis become the first openly LGBT people to address a major U.S. political party's convention at the 1972 Democratic National Convention.
 * 24 — Peter Maloney announces his candidacy for the Toronto Board of Education in the Toronto municipal election, 1972, becoming Canada's first known openly gay political candidate.

October

 * 10 — The United States Supreme Court issues its ruling in Baker v. Nelson, in which the plaintiffs sought to have Minnesota's restriction of marriage to different-sex couples declared unconstitutional. The Court dismisses the case "for want of a substantial federal question".

Deaths

 * August 2 — Paul Goodman, U.S. poet, writer, and public intellectual. The freedom with which Goodman revealed, in print and in public, his homosexual life and loves proved to be one of the many important cultural springboards for the emerging gay liberation movement of the early 1970s.
 * December 31 — Henry Gerber, German-born American LGBT rights activist. Founded the Society for Human Rights, the first LGBT organization in the United States.

title: 1972 in LGBT rights


text:
Steiner tree problem

In combinatorial mathematics, the Steiner tree problem, or minimum Steiner tree problem, named after Jakob Steiner, is an umbrella term for a class of problems in combinatorial optimization. While Steiner tree problems may be formulated in a number of settings, they all require an optimal interconnect for a given set of objects and a predefined objective function. One well-known variant, which is often used synonymously with the term Steiner tree problem, is the Steiner tree problem in graphs. Given an undirected graph with non-negative edge weights and a subset of vertices, usually referred to as terminals, the Steiner tree problem in graphs requires a tree of minimum weight that contains all terminals (but may include additional vertices) and minimizes the total weight of its edges. Further well-known variants are the Euclidean Steiner tree problem and the rectilinear minimum Steiner tree problem.

The Steiner tree problem in graphs can be seen as a generalization of two other famous combinatorial optimization problems: the (non-negative) shortest path problem and the minimum spanning tree problem. If a Steiner tree problem in graphs contains exactly two terminals, it reduces to finding the shortest path. If, on the other hand, all vertices are terminals, the Steiner tree problem in graphs is equivalent to the minimum spanning tree. However, while both the non-negative shortest path and the minimum spanning tree problem are solvable in polynomial time, no such solution is known for the Steiner tree problem. Its decision variant, asking whether a given input has a tree of weight less than some given threshold, is NP-complete, which implies that the optimization variant, asking for the minimum-weight tree in a given graph, is NP-hard. In fact, the decision variant was among Karp's original 21 NP-complete problems. The Steiner tree problem in graphs has applications in circuit layout or network design. However, practical applications usually require variations, giving rise to a multitude of Steiner tree problem variants.

Most versions of the Steiner tree problem are NP-hard, but some restricted cases can be solved in polynomial time. Despite the pessimistic worst-case complexity, several Steiner tree problem variants, including the Steiner tree problem in graphs and the rectilinear Steiner tree problem, can be solved efficiently in practice, even for large-scale real-world problems.

Euclidean Steiner tree
The original problem was stated in the form that has become known as the Euclidean Steiner tree problem or geometric Steiner tree problem: Given N points in the plane, the goal is to connect them by lines of minimum total length in such a way that any two points may be interconnected by line segments either directly or via other points and line segments.

While the problem is named after Steiner, it has first been posed in 1811 by Joseph Diez Gergonne in the following form: "A number of cities are located at known locations on a plane; the problem is to link them together by a system of canals whose total length is as small as possible".

It may be shown that the connecting line segments do not intersect each other except at the endpoints and form a tree, hence the name of the problem.

The problem for $S1$ has long been considered, and quickly extended to the problem of finding a star network with a single hub connecting to all of the N given points, of minimum total length. However, although the full Steiner tree problem was formulated in a letter by Gauss, its first serious treatment was in a 1934 paper written in Czech by Vojtěch Jarník and Miloš Kössler. This paper was long overlooked, but it already contains "virtually all general properties of Steiner trees" later attributed to other researchers, including the generalization of the problem from the plane to higher dimensions.

For the Euclidean Steiner problem, points added to the graph (Steiner points) must have a degree of three, and the three edges incident to such a point must form three 120 degree angles (see Fermat point). It follows that the maximum number of Steiner points that a Steiner tree can have is $S2$, where N is the initial number of given points. (all these properties were established already by Gergonne.)

For N = 3 there are two possible cases: if the triangle formed by the given points has all angles which are less than 120 degrees, the solution is given by a Steiner point located at the Fermat point; otherwise the solution is given by the two sides of the triangle which meet on the angle with 120 or more degrees.

For general N, the Euclidean Steiner tree problem is NP-hard, and hence it is not known whether an optimal solution can be found by using a polynomial-time algorithm. However, there is a polynomial-time approximation scheme (PTAS) for Euclidean Steiner trees, i.e., a near-optimal solution can be found in polynomial time. It is not known whether the Euclidean Steiner tree problem is NP-complete, since membership to the complexity class NP is not known.

Rectilinear Steiner tree
The rectilinear Steiner tree problem is a variant of the geometric Steiner tree problem in the plane, in which the Euclidean distance is replaced with the rectilinear distance. The problem arises in the physical design of electronic design automation. In VLSI circuits, wire routing is carried out by wires that are often constrained by design rules to run only in vertical and horizontal directions, so the rectilinear Steiner tree problem can be used to model the routing of nets with more than two terminals.

Steiner tree in graphs and variants
Steiner trees have been extensively studied in the context of weighted graphs. The prototype is, arguably, the Steiner tree problem in graphs. Let $N = 3$ be an undirected graph with non-negative edge weights c and let $N − 2$ be a subset of vertices, called terminals. A Steiner tree is a tree in G that spans S. There are two versions of the problem: in the optimization problem associated with Steiner trees, the task is to find a minimum-weight Steiner tree; in the decision problem the edge weights are integers and the task is to determine whether a Steiner tree exists whose total weight does not exceed a predefined natural number k. The decision problem is one of Karp's 21 NP-complete problems; hence the optimization problem is NP-hard. Steiner tree problems in graphs are applied to various problems in research and industry, including multicast routing and bioinformatics.

A special case of this problem is when G is a complete graph, each vertex $G = (V, E)$ corresponds to a point in a metric space, and the edge weights w(e) for each e ∈ E correspond to distances in the space. Put otherwise, the edge weights satisfy the triangle inequality. This variant is known as the metric Steiner tree problem. Given an instance of the (non-metric) Steiner tree problem, we can transform it in polynomial time into an equivalent instance of the metric Steiner tree problem; the transformation preserves the approximation factor.

While the Euclidean version admits a PTAS, it is known that the metric Steiner tree problem is APX-complete, i.e., unless P = NP, it is impossible to achieve approximation ratios that are arbitrarily close to 1 in polynomial time. There is a polynomial-time algorithm that approximates the minimum Steiner tree to within a factor of $$\ln(4) + \varepsilon\approx1.386$$; however, approximating within a factor $$96/95\approx 1.0105$$ is NP-hard. For the restricted case of Steiner Tree problem with distances 1 and 2, a 1.25-approximation algorithm is known. Karpinski and Alexander Zelikovsky constructed PTAS for the dense instances of Steiner Tree problems.

In a special case of the graph problem, the Steiner tree problem for quasi-bipartite graphs, S is required to include at least one endpoint of every edge in G.

The Steiner tree problem has also been investigated in higher dimensions and on various surfaces. Algorithms to find the Steiner minimal tree have been found on the sphere, torus, projective plane, wide and narrow cones, and others.

Other generalizations of the Steiner tree problem are the k-edge-connected Steiner network problem and the k-vertex-connected Steiner network problem, where the goal is to find a k-edge-connected graph or a k-vertex-connected graph rather than any connected graph. A further well-studied generalization is the survivable network design problem (SNDP) where the task is to connect each vertex pair with a given number (possibly 0) of edge- or vertex-disjoint paths.

The Steiner problem has also been stated in the general setting of metric spaces and for possibly infinitely many points.

Approximating the Steiner tree
The general graph Steiner tree problem can be approximated by computing the minimum spanning tree of the subgraph of the metric closure of the graph induced by the terminal vertices, as first published in 1981 by Kou et al. The metric closure of a graph G is the complete graph in which each edge is weighted by the shortest path distance between the nodes in G. This algorithm produces a tree whose weight is within a $S ⊆ V$ factor of the weight of the optimal Steiner tree where t is the number of leaves in the optimal Steiner tree; this can be proven by considering a traveling salesperson tour on the optimal Steiner tree. This approximate solution is computable in O(|S| |V|²) polynomial time by first solving the all-pairs shortest paths problem to compute the metric closure, then by solving the minimum spanning tree problem.

Another popular algorithm to approximate the Steiner tree in graphs was published by Takahashi and Matsuyama in 1980. Their solution incrementally builds up the Steiner tree by starting from an arbitrary vertex, and repeatedly adding the shortest path from the tree to the nearest vertex in S that has not yet been added. This algorithm also has O(|S| |V|²) running time, and produces a tree whose weight is within $v ∈ V$ of optimal.

In 1986, Wu et al. improved dramatically on the running time by avoiding precomputation of the all-pairs shortest paths. Instead, they take a similar approach to Kruskal's algorithm for computing a minimum spanning tree, by starting from a forest of |S| disjoint trees, and "growing" them simultaneously using a breadth-first search resembling Dijkstra's algorithm but starting from multiple initial vertices. When the search encounters a vertex that does not belong to the current tree, the two trees are merged into one. This process is repeated until only one tree remains. By using a Heap (data structure) to implement the priority queue and a disjoint-set data structure to track to which tree each visited vertex belongs, this algorithm achieves O(|E| log |V|) running time, although it does not improve on the $2 − 2/t$ cost ratio from Kou et al.

A series of papers provided approximation algorithms for the minimum Steiner tree problem with approximation ratios that improved upon the $2 − 2/|S|$ ratio. This sequence culminated with Robins and Zelikovsky's algorithm in 2000 which improved the ratio to 1.55 by iteratively improving upon the minimum cost terminal spanning tree. More recently, however, Byrka et al. proved an $$\ln(4) + \varepsilon \le 1.39$$ approximation using a linear programming relaxation and a technique called iterative, randomized rounding.

Parameterized complexity of Steiner tree
The general graph Steiner tree problem is known to be fixed-parameter tractable, with the number of terminals as a parameter, by the Dreyfus-Wagner algorithm. The running time of the Dreyfus-Wagner algorithm is $$3^{|S|} \text{poly}(n)$$, where $A$ is the number of vertices of the graph and $B$ is the set of terminals. Faster algorithms exist, running in $$c^{|S|} \text{poly}(n)$$ time for any $$c > 2$$ or, in the case of small weights, $$2^{|S|} \text{poly}(n) W$$ time, where $C$ is the maximum weight of any edge. A disadvantage of the aforementioned algorithms is that they use exponential space; there exist polynomial-space algorithms running in $$2^{|S|} \text{poly}(n) W$$ time and $$(7.97)^{|S|} \text{poly}(n) \log W$$ time.

It is known that the general graph Steiner tree problem does not have a parameterized algorithm running in $$2^{\epsilon t} \text{poly}(n)$$ time for any $$\epsilon < 1$$, where $A$ is the number of edges of the optimal Steiner tree, unless the Set cover problem has an algorithm running in $$2^{\epsilon n} \text{poly}(m)$$ time for some $$\epsilon < 1$$, where $B$ and $C$ are the number of elements and the number of sets, respectively, of the instance of the set cover problem. Furthermore, it is known that the problem does not admit a polynomial kernel unless $$\textsf{coNP} \subseteq \textsf{NP/poly}$$, even parameterized by the number of edges of the optimal Steiner tree and if all edge weights are 1.

Parameterized approximation of Steiner tree
While the graph Steiner tree problem does not admit a polynomial kernel unless $$\textsf{coNP} \subseteq \textsf{NP/poly}$$ parameterized by the number of terminals, it does admit a polynomial-sized approximate kernelization scheme (PSAKS): for any $$\varepsilon>0$$ it is possible to compute a polynomial-sized kernel, which looses only a $$1+\varepsilon$$ factor in the solution quality.

When parameterizing the graph Steiner tree problem by the number $S$ of non-terminals (Steiner vertices) in the optimum solution, the problem is W[1]-hard (in contrast to the parameterization by the number of terminals, as mentioned above). At the same time the problem is APX-complete and thus does not admit a PTAS, unless P = NP. However, a parameterized approximation scheme exists, which for any $$\varepsilon>0$$ computes a $$(1+\varepsilon)$$-approximation in $$2^{O(p^2/\varepsilon^4)}n^{O(1)}$$ time. Also a PSAKS exists for this parameterization.

Steiner ratio
The Steiner ratio is the supremum of the ratio of the total length of the minimum spanning tree to the minimum Steiner tree for a set of points in the Euclidean plane.

In the Euclidean Steiner tree problem, the Steiner ratio is conjectured to be $$\tfrac{2}{\sqrt{3}}\approx 1.1547$$, the ratio that is achieved by three points in an equilateral triangle with a spanning tree that uses two sides of the triangle and a Steiner tree that connects the points through the centroid of the triangle. Despite earlier claims of a proof, the conjecture is still open. The best widely accepted upper bound for the problem is 1.2134, by.

For the rectilinear Steiner tree problem, the Steiner ratio is exactly $$\tfrac{3}{2}$$, the ratio that is achieved by four points in a square with a spanning tree that uses three sides of the square and a Steiner tree that connects the points through the center of the square. More precisely, for $$L_1$$ distance the square should be tilted at $$45^{\circ}$$ with respect to the coordinate axes, while for $$L_{\infty}$$ distance the square should be axis-aligned.

title: Steiner tree problem