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Information metabolism

Information metabolism, sometimes referred to as informational metabolism or energetic-informational metabolism, is a psychological theory of interaction between biological organisms and their environment, developed by Polish psychiatrist Antoni Kępiński.

Overview
Kępiński described his psychological theory in several books but the most detailed description is given in his 1974 book Melancholy (in Polish: "Melancholia"). In order to explain psychological phenomena encountered in humans, he borrowed many concepts from the field of cybernetics which gained popularity in Poland at that time, thanks to the works of Marian Mazur (the father of the Polish school of cybernetics). Kępiński starts with the consideration of most basic organisms and how they are different from inanimate matter. First of all, any organism may be treated as an autonomous but open system, separated from its environment by means of a boundary (skin or cell membrane). As an open system, it is engaged in a continual exchange with its surroundings. That exchange may be regarded as twofold i.e. energetic and informational. For the sake of analysis, one may think of energy metabolism and information metabolism as separate processes. Kępiński postulates that life is sustained if both metabolisms are occurring, and it stops if one of them is ceased.

The energy metabolism concept is relatively easy to understand. The molecules of the body are continually replaced. Catabolic and anabolic processes occur in cells. Information metabolism is the other side of the same process, but it concerns the structural aspect (i.e. how matter and energy is organized) and how control is executed. During the energy exchange, the organism strives to maintain its characteristic order (negentropy) and projects that order onto the surroundings. Due to that, the order of the surroundings is destroyed. By contrast, inanimate matter does not have the ability to raise or even maintain its negentropy, because spontaneous natural processes are always accompanied by entropy generation.

Two biological laws
Information metabolism may be generally seen as the exchange of signals between the organism and its environment, but also as the processing of signals originating in the organism. These signals must be interpreted in relation to some goals. For all organisms these goals are predicated on two biological laws: the first law states that an organism must be oriented towards its own survival. The second law states that the preservation of the species is equally important. Kępiński noticed that these objectives are conflicting. The conflict between the two biological laws is often the source of ethical dilemmas. There are times when the organism needs to sacrifice its life in order to save its offspring. Sometimes it is forced to fight with the representatives of its own species, in order to protect itself. The first biological law is egoistic and related with withdrawal from reality (escape, destruction of reality etc.). The second biological law is altruistic and requires turning towards the reality (sexual reproduction requires union with the partner).

In case of humans, the connection between the goals of various everyday actions and two biological laws is less direct, nevertheless these laws still motivate us. Humans are able to project themselves into the future, think abstractly and consciously and therefore their goals may possess transcendent and symbolic character. This fact is typically expressed as belief in a higher good or an afterlife.

The hierarchy of value
It is impossible to keep track of all information generated by various processes occurring in reality. As organisms strive to fulfill two biological laws, proper selection of signals becomes a central problem. According to Kępiński, a hierarchy of value is necessary in order to integrate information. In humans, that hierarchy comprises three levels i.e. biological, emotional and sociocultural. The first two levels are handled subconsciously. The third level, by contrast, is associated with consciousness. From the biological perspective, the number of processes occurring simultaneously in the organism and its physical surroundings is virtually infinite. There is also infinite number of ways in which these processes may be framed. That complexity must be reduced, as only selected signals may be sensed and processed in the nervous system. Moreover, the signals must be ordered according to their present and future relevance. The structure of the body and locations of various receptors are evolutionally adapted to assure isolation of the most relevant signals from the surrounding environment. The internal structure of the body is adjusted to ensure proper integration of information. Of all signals collected by the receptors, only the most important ones reach the level of subjective experience. At the level of signals reaching the field of subjective experience, attention is actively directed (with the help of emotions) towards those related with two biological laws. Perception is not passive and inclusive, but anticipatory and selective. Above biological and emotional levels of signal interpretation, there is the frame of social and cultural norms of the community, which serves as reference for conscious decisions. The sociocultural background plays significant role in people's lives.

Two phases of information metabolism
The division of information metabolism into two phases is loosely based on the analysis of the orienting response. Information metabolism is initiated by the perception of a change in the internal or external environment of the organism. In the first phase, the organism seeks to obtain direct information about the perceived phenomenon. Because of that, it must turn its attention 'outside' to the reality. The perceived phenomenon is then subconsciously evaluated. The result of that evaluation manifests itself as an emotion. The sign of the invoked emotion may be positive or negative. This emotion, arising quickly and automatically, serves as the background for the second phase of information metabolism.

In the second phase, the organism executes a locomotor reaction to the phenomenon. Motion towards the source of the stimulus is performed if the stimulus signifies a positive possibility. If the stimulus was evaluated negatively in the first phase, then it is likely that the executed reaction will take the form of escape, fight or immobilization. During the second phase, the organism is primarily occupied by its own actions. It observes their effect and makes adjustments (which forms a feedback loop). Despite the feedback, its connection with reality is less intensive than during the first phase. The separation from reality in the second phase of information metabolism is greater in complex animals and reaches its maximum in humans.

Functional structures
The term functional structure was used by Kępiński to denote two phenomena. Firstly, the term was used to denote the reaction of an organism to a stimulus. Secondly, it denoted the model of reality generated in the mind in the second phase of the information metabolism. In the case of humans, the number of possible functional structures associated with the first phase of information metabolism is limited. These include, for example, endocrine reactions of the autonomous nervous system and basic locomotor patterns.

The range and complexity of functional structures generated in the second phase is much broader. Humans possess the ability to generate many possible models of reality in response to a newly perceived phenomenon. Functional structures can be relatively complex. They include predictions regarding the behavior of objects in the environment as well as the planned sequence of actions of the individual. Typically, multiple functional structures are generated in the second phase of information metabolism, but only one is embodied (executed). The ones that were generated but rejected, gradually fall into the unconscious and form the Jungian shadow. If particular structure is embodied, the probability of its selection in the future increases. Forgotten structures may manifest themselves in the least expected moment. That situation is known as the possession by the Shadow. Kępiński mentioned that the embodied reaction is a signal to other organisms. It always takes the form of motion (or lack of it). In case of humans, it may be speech (according to Kępiński, speech is the highest form of motion ).

Emotional coloration
Emotional coloration manifests in the first phase of information metabolism. It signifies the general attitude of the organism towards the stimulus. This attitude may be either positive or negative. It depends on the nature of the stimulus and on the physical condition of the organism in the moment of perception. The individual has very little conscious control over the feeling that arises. It is selected at lower levels of neurophysiological operation. Selection of an attitude in the first phase (positive or negative) limits the character of functional structures generated in the second phase. Although typically there are many possible ways of reacting, they are limited by the emotional background appearing in the first phase.

The reality is not static but it always evolves, even though some regularities and laws may be identified. Due to that, the effort associated with organizing the world adequately to our own needs continues through the whole life. It cannot be ceased because of the second law of thermodynamics. In order to decrease its own entropy and the entropy of its immediate surroundings, the organism must expend energy. This is subjectively experienced as the feeling of difficulty, effort or burden. Integrative effort is inherent to life. This effort is rewarded by positive emotional state – the feeling of satisfaction associated with the overcoming of obstacles and advancing towards important goals. By contrast, negative feelings, such as anxiety or fear, signify danger. In case of anxiety, this danger is typically distant in time and space and not known precisely. Fear, on the contrary, signifies close and specified threat to the integrity of the organism.

In healthy individuals, the balance between negative and positive emotions is on the side of the positive. They are more willing to engage in the exchange of information with the environment and to undertake tasks associated with the integrative effort. By contrast, depressive patients withdraw from reality, which lowers their rate of information metabolism. In many cases, the predisposition to depression is caused by the lack of warm and friendly maternal environment during childhood. The presence of friendly and safe maternal environment during childhood is crucial for the development of the general positive attitude towards the environment. If the childhood environment is hostile, the attitude of withdrawal is reinforced and becomes automated.

The problem of authority
Life may be seen as conflict between two orders – the order of the individual and the order of the environment. As a process placed between these two orders, information metabolism becomes the tool for establishing the right balance of authority ("I am in control" versus "I am controlled"). In pathological cases, the individual may aim to gain absolute control over their environment, or quite contrarily, to fully submit to some external power (i.e. their partner, a political group etc.). The need for an absolute control cannot be fulfilled, therefore it frequently takes the form of fantasy, which sometimes becomes indistinguishable from reality (e.g. in schizophrenia). Many individuals submit to revolutionary movements, promising a utopian future, and to social ideologies which offer simple answers to complex life problems. They give up their individual responsibility to find relief from the burdens of life. In his reflections on information metabolism, Kępiński tried to explain psychological mechanisms which made the atrocities of the Second World War possible.

The anatomical basis of information metabolism
It is traditionally assumed that functional structures associated with the subjective experience of emotions and moods (the first phase of information metabolism) are controlled by phylogenetically older parts of the brain (diencephalon and rhinencephalon), while those generated in the second phase of information metabolism, subjectively experienced as thoughts, are associated with the neocortex.

The mathematical character of information metabolism
The mathematical character of information metabolism is twofold. Receptors, acting as inputs for the metabolized signals, operate analogically to analog electronic devices. The processing of signals in the remaining part of the nervous system is binary (the response of a neuron may be twofold: null – no response, or 1 – when the action potential is released). Due to these characteristics, organisms may be considered analogous to digital systems.

Reception
Kępiński's books are regarded as classics of Polish psychiatric and philosophical literature. Because of the interest in his work, his most important books have been reissued several times (recently in 2012–2015 by Wydawictwo Literackie ). Kępiński's work was evaluated by the reviewers as insightful, comprehensive and unique. Nevertheless, his concept of information metabolism has been criticized as controversial by some scholars. The controversy was related with the fact that some elements of the theory cannot be verified by the scientific method because it is hard to design appropriate experiments. In response to these objections, psychiatrist Jacek Bomba pointed out that information metabolism was never meant to be a scientific theory, but rather an anthropological model, which accurately integrates the findings of neurophysiology, psychology, social science and medicine.

Philosopher Jakub Zawiła-Niedźwiecki noted that current reading of Kępiński has to correct for his work mostly being pre-scientific from before the evidence-based medicine, modern philosophy of the mind and cognitive psychology era. He enlisted two Kępiński's propositions that are currently considered incorrect i.e. the proposition that information metabolism has its control center (the homunculus argument) and the view that brain is only used in 30%. Nevertheless, as noted by Zawiła-Niedźwiecki, these concepts were not central in Kępiński's theory and can be safely rejected. He also reminded that Kępiński was sceptical about methods that lacked strong scientific basis, e.g. psychoanalysis, and rejected magical thinking in general.

During his life, Kępiński mentioned that his model of information metabolism is not complete. The work upon it was interrupted by his illness and death. Some researchers took his work and developed their own theories based on it. Kokoszka used the conception of information metabolism as the basis of his model of the states of consciousness. Struzik proposed that information metabolism theory may be used as an extension to Brillouin's negentropy principle of information.

Based on the Kępiński's work and Jungian typology, Lithuanian economist Augustinavičiūtė proposed her pseudoscientific theory of information metabolism in human mind and society, known as socionics.

title: Information metabolism


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Harrington Lake

Harrington Lake (La résidence du lac Mousseau) is the summer residence and all-season retreat of the prime minister of Canada, and also the name of the land which surrounds it. The farm that surrounded most of the lake was the property of Margaret and John Harrington. John could not farm the land and moved to the local town of Iron Sides (now Old Chelsea). The family stayed on the farm for many years and eventually moved to old Ottawa. The property is located near Meech Lake—where the Meech Lake Accord was negotiated in 1987—approximately 35 kilometres northwest of Ottawa, in Gatineau Park, amidst the Gatineau Hills in Quebec. The property is not open to the public, but the Mackenzie King Estate, the retreat of Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King at Kingsmere, is a tourist attraction located 2 kilometres south in the park.

Description
Since 1986, the 5.4-hectare (13-acre) property at Harrington Lake has been managed by the National Capital Commission. The property includes four recreational buildings; the land, which formerly consisted of cultivated fields, has reverted to secondary forest.

In addition to the main cottage with its view over the lake, the Harrington estate includes the following structures:
 * staff cottage
 * upper guest cottage
 * lower guest cottage
 * boat house and paddleboat dock
 * long dock (located the northeast of the retreat)

The lake itself and the area around it are referred to as Lac Mousseau. The French name Mousseau comes from another early settler to the area, Louis Mousseau, who bought property in 1867.

The retreat is accessed by Chemin de Lac Meech with a gatehouse, staffed by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police Protective Policing Service, at the driveway of the retreat. The prime minister's motorcade accesses Harrington Lake from Ottawa via Quebec Autoroute 5.

History
Several families came in the 19th century to settle the Harrington Lake area, including the Harrington and the Mousseau families. The lake eventually became known as "Harrington Lake" in English and "lac Mousseau" in French. The Mousseau family had built a farm on the shores of the lake, which remained in the family for several decades. Since the land was not suitable for farming, the lumber industry replaced it as the primary economic activity. In the early 20th century, two Americans, W. A. Drum and W. L. Donnelly, built a sawmill at Harrington Lake to serve the lumber industry.

In the 1920s, Lieutenant Colonel Cameron Macpherson Edwards, a member of a prominent lumbering family in Ottawa, inherited part of the property from his uncle, Senator William Cameron Edwards (who had owned 24 Sussex Drive). He recognized the value of the land for recreation, as well as for lumber. He purchased more land around the lake, expanding his total holdings to some 1,200 hectares (3,000 acres). He also ordered the demolition of the mill buildings at Harrington Lake, and replaced them with a 16-room cottage that was designed in the Colonial Revival style, very common in the 1920s according to the NCC, but with the addition of large fieldstone chimneys.

In 1951, the lake and the property (including neighbouring land belonging to William Duncan Herridge and Stanley Healey) were acquired by the King in Right of Canada to build up preserves of natural areas around the capital. In 1959, supporters of Prime Minister John Diefenbaker suggested that he needed a quiet place to go fishing, not too far from Ottawa. Later that year, Harrington Lake was chosen as the site for an official country residence and the buildings were formally designated as a secure residence for Canada’s prime ministers.

During the first prime ministership of Pierre Trudeau, his then-wife, Margaret, added a vegetable garden; according to Kim Campbell's autobiography Time and Chance, the garden still provided the house with fresh produce at the time of that writing. Campbell was the only prime minister to have spent her entire term in office residing at Harrington Lake. Initially, Campbell took up residence at Harrington Lake so that her predecessor, Brian Mulroney, could continue to reside at 24 Sussex Drive until renovations on his new private residence in Montreal were completed. Once Mulroney vacated 24 Sussex, Campbell had not finished moving to that address before her party was defeated in the 1993 election.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Harrington Lake


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Toda people

Toda people are a Dravidian ethnic group who live in the State of Tamil Nadu in southern India. Before the 18th century and British colonisation, the Toda coexisted locally with other ethnic communities, including the Kota, Badaga and Kurumba. During the 20th century, the Toda population has hovered in the range 700 to 900. Although an insignificant fraction of the large population of India, since the early 19th century the Toda have attracted "a most disproportionate amount of attention from anthropologists and other scholars because of their ethnological aberrancy" and "their unlikeness to their neighbours in appearance, manners, and customs". The study of their culture by anthropologists and linguists proved significant in developing the fields of social anthropology and ethnomusicology.

The Toda traditionally live in settlements called mund, consisting of three to seven small thatched houses, constructed in the shape of half-barrels and located across the slopes of the pasture, on which they keep domestic buffalo. Their economy was pastoral, based on the buffalo, whose dairy products they traded with neighbouring peoples of the Nilgiri Hills. Toda religion features the sacred buffalo; consequently, rituals are performed for all dairy activities as well as for the ordination of dairymen-priests. The religious and funerary rites provide the social context in which complex poetic songs about the cult of the buffalo are composed and chanted.

Fraternal polyandry in traditional Toda society was fairly common; however, this practice has now been totally abandoned, as has female infanticide. During the last quarter of the 20th century, some Toda pasture land was lost due to outsiders using it for agriculture or afforestation by the State Government of Tamil Nadu. This has threatened to undermine Toda culture by greatly diminishing the buffalo herds. Since the early 21st century, Toda society and culture have been the focus of an international effort at culturally sensitive environmental restoration. The Toda lands are now a part of The Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve, a UNESCO-designated International Biosphere Reserve; their territory is declared UNESCO World Heritage Site.

Population
According to M. B. Emeneau in 1984, the successive decennial Census of India figures for the Toda are: 1871 (693), 1881 (675), 1891 (739), 1901 (807), 1911 (676) (corrected from 748), 1951 (879), 1961 (759), 1971 (812). In his judgment, these records "'justif[y] [sic] concluding that a figure between 700 and 800 is likely to be near the norm, and that variation in either direction is due on the one hand to epidemic disaster and slow recovery thereafter (1921 (640), 1931 (597), 1941 (630)) or on the other hand to an excess of double enumeration (suggested already by census officers for 1901 and 1911, and possibly for 1951). Another factor in the uncertainty in the figures is the declared or undeclared inclusion or exclusion of Christian Todas by the various enumerators ... Giving a figure between 700 and 800 is highly impressionistic, and may for the immediate present and future be pessimistic, since public health efforts applied to the community seem to be resulting in an increased birth rate and consequently, one would expect, in an increased population figure. However, earlier predictions that the community was declining were overly pessimistic and probably never well-founded.'"

Culture and society

The Toda are most closely related to the Kota both ethnically and linguistically.

Clothing
The Toda dress consists of a single piece of cloth, which is worn wrap over a dhoti for men and as a skirt for women along with shawlwrap.

Economy
Their sole occupation is cattle-herding and dairy-work. Holy dairies are built to store the buffalo milk.

Marriage
They once practiced fraternal polyandry, a practice in which a woman marries all the brothers of a family, but no longer do so. All the children of such marriages were deemed to descend from the eldest brother. The ratio of females to males is about three to five. The culture historically practiced female infanticide. In the Toda tribe, families arrange contracted child marriage for couples.

Houses
The Todas live in small hamlets called munds. The Toda huts, called dogles, are of an oval, pent-shaped construction with sliding door. This sliding door is placed inside the hut, and is arranged and fixed on two stout stakes, as to be easily moved back and forth. These huts called dogles are usually 10 ft high, 18 ft long and 9 ft wide. They are built of bamboo fastened with rattan and are thatched. Thicker bamboo canes are arched to give the hut its basic bent shape. Thinner bamboo canes (rattan) are tied close and parallel to each other over this frame. Dried grass is stacked over this as thatch. Each hut is enclosed within a wall of loose stones.

The front and back of the hut are usually made of dressed stones (mostly granite). The hut has a tiny entrance at the front, about 3 ft wide and 3 ft tall, through which people must crawl to enter the interior. This unusually small entrance is a means of protection from wild animals. The front portion of the hut is decorated with the Toda art forms, a kind of rock mural painting.

Food
The Todas are vegetarians and do not eat meat, eggs that can hatch, or fish. The buffalo were milked in a holy dairy, where the priest/milkman also processed their gifts. Buffalo milk is used in a variety of forms: butter, butter milk, yogurt, cheese and drunk plain. Rice is a staple, eaten with dairy products and curries.

Religion
Toda religious life and practices stem from a pantheon of gods. The heads of this pantheon are the goddess Tökisy and the god of the underworld Ön. These two deities form the basis of many religious practices and rituals, but each Toda clan has their own nòdrochi, a deity seen as that clan’s ruler during the time that the Todas and gods lived together. In total, there are between 1,600 and 1,800 gods.

According to the Toda religion, Ön and his wife Pinârkûrs went to a part of the Nilgiri hills, known as the Kundahs, and set up an iron bar from one end to the other. Ön stood at one end and pulled buffalos out from the earth, which became the sacred buffalos. Pinârkûrs stood on the other end, and she pulled out the buffalos that would form the ordinary herd. The first Toda man also came from the earth, holding onto the tail of the last buffalo Ön pulled out. He then pulled out a rib from the man and created the first Toda woman.

The mountains and hills of their home region are a large part of their religion for two reasons: the importance of grass for buffalo herds and the belief that the hills are the homes of the gods. There is a belief that the gods lived on the hills prior to the creation of the Todas, and that special meetings would take place on a single hill. Each hill associated with a god features a stone circle called a pun. It is unknown who created the puns, but it seems that the Todas did not due to their lack of traditions associated with the stone monuments.

Toda religious tradition is directly tied to the buffalo herding practices. Every part of the dairy process is ritualized including “the twice daily milking and churning of butter to the great seasonal shifting of pastures, the burning over of the dry pastures, and the giving of salt to the herd.” Dairies take up the role of temples in Toda religion. At the dairies, the milk of the buffalos is separated into two qualities: low grade milk, called tarvali, and high grade milk, called kudrpali. There is not a distinction between what buffalos can produce tarvali or kudrpali other than a sacred bell worn by buffalos used to make kudrpali. Additionally, the Todas practice ritual calf sacrifice. The practice is derived from a story where the god Kwoto tricked the gods into eating the flesh of a slain buffalo calf. Since then, this ceremony has taken place every year.

Funerals in the Toda religion are far more celebratory compared to western funerals. The dead are prepared with slaughtered buffalo to accompany them to the afterworld. The buffalos for this process are chased and captured before slaughter as an opportunity for the men to demonstrate their prowess. People also gather in their best clothes for festivities and dancing. There are specific areas dedicated to funeral ceremonies separated for men and women. A hut is made in these areas where the body is prepared. Due to the celebratory nature of Toda funerals, outsiders are typically invited to participate in the festivities.

In Toda religion, divination exists as a separate entity from the buffalo centric practices. Diviners work in pairs and explain misfortunes that have occurred in the Toda villages like the burning down of a dairy. The reasons typically would be that the one seeking explanation committed some offense or that a sorcerer caused the misfortune. In the case of one committing an offense, the diviner would offer a ritual or prayer to make amends for their offense. In the case of a sorcerer, the diviner would identify which sorcerer cast the spell that caused the misfortune. Information about sorcery and sorcerers is limited as it seems to be a taboo practice in Toda culture. However, sorcery is believed to be a familial practice that is passed down from father to son. Toda sorcery is feared by the Todas themselves as well as other tribes like the Badagas.

The Toda religion exalted high-class men as holy milkmen, giving them sacred status as priests of the holy dairy. According to Sir James Frazer in 1922 (see quote below from Golden Bough), the holy milkman was prohibited from walking across bridges while in office. He had to ford rivers by foot, or by swimming. The people are prohibited from wearing shoes or any type of foot covering.

Toda temples are distinct from Hindu temples and are constructed in a circular pit lined with stones. They are similar in appearance and construction to Toda huts. Women are not allowed to enter or go close to these huts that are designated as temples.

Language
The Toda language is a member of the Dravidian family. The language is typologically aberrant and phonologically difficult. Linguists have classified Toda (along with its neighbour Kota) as a member of the southern subgroup of the historical family proto-South-Dravidian. It split off from South Dravidian, after Kannada, but before Malayalam. In modern linguistic terms, the aberration of Toda results from a disproportionately high number of syntactic and morphological rules, of both early and recent derivation, which are not found in the other South Dravidian languages (save Kota, to a small extent.)

Culture
The forced interaction with other peoples with technology has caused a lot of changes in the lifestyle of the Todas. They used to be primarily a pastoral people but now, they are increasingly venturing into agriculture and other occupations. They used to be strict vegetarians but now, some people eat meat.

Although many Toda abandoned their traditional distinctive huts for houses made of concrete, in the early 21st century, a movement developed to build the traditional barrel-vaulted huts. From 1995 to 2005, forty new huts were built in this style, and many Toda sacred dairies were renovated. Each has a narrow stone pit around it and the tiny door is held shut with a heavy stone. Only the priest may enter it. It is used for storage of sacred buffalo milk.

Embroidery
Registrar of Geographical Indication gave GI status for this unique embroidery, a practice which has been passed on to generations. The status ensures uniform pricing for Toda embroidery products and provides protection against low-quality duplication of the art.

title: Toda people


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Talk:USS Cole bombing

Amount of explosives used -- disagreement between Wiki article and cited reference
This article notes that "Around 400 to 700 pounds (180 to 320 kg) of explosive were used" and points to reference 7 for that claim. Reference 7 is Whitaker, Brian . "Bomb type and tactics point to al-Qaida". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 11 July 2009. That article notes that 1,000 lbs of explosive were used for a bombing of UN headquarters in Iraq, but never mentions the amount/size of the explosive used in the Cole attack. The only reference is later in the article where they note "the explosive used against the UN building was C4, which has no non-military uses. C4 was used in al-Qaida's attack on the USS Cole in Aden harbour, Yemen, three years ago." Wondamike7 (talk) 19:14, 18 August 2023 (UTC)
 * - w o lf  21:19, 18 August 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:USS Cole bombing