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Dyscalculia

Dyscalculia    is a disability resulting in difficulty learning or comprehending arithmetic, such as difficulty in understanding numbers, learning how to manipulate numbers, performing mathematical calculations, and learning facts in mathematics. It is sometimes colloquially referred to as "math dyslexia", though this analogy can be misleading as they are distinct syndromes.

Dyscalculia is associated with dysfunction in the region around the intraparietal sulcus and potentially also the frontal lobe. Dyscalculia does not reflect a general deficit in cognitive abilities or difficulties with time, measurement, and spatial reasoning. Estimates of the prevalence of dyscalculia range between 3 and 6% of the population. In 2015 it was established that 11% of children with dyscalculia also have ADHD. Dyscalculia has also been associated with Turner syndrome and people who have spina bifida.

Mathematical disabilities can occur as the result of some types of brain injury, in which case the term acalculia is used instead of dyscalculia, which is of innate, genetic or developmental origin.

Signs and symptoms
The earliest appearance of dyscalculia is typically a deficit in subitizing, the ability to know, from a brief glance and without counting, how many objects there are in a small group. Children as young as five can subitize six objects, especially while looking at the dots on the sides of dice. However, children with dyscalculia can subitize fewer objects and even when correct take longer to identify the number than their age-matched peers. Dyscalculia often looks different at different ages. It tends to become more apparent as children get older; however, symptoms can appear as early as preschool. Common symptoms of dyscalculia are having difficulty with mental math, trouble analyzing time and reading an analog clock, struggle with motor sequencing that involves numbers, and often counting on fingers when adding numbers.

Persistence in children
Although many researchers believe dyscalculia to be a persistent disorder, evidence on the persistence of dyscalculia remains mixed. For instance, in a study done by Mazzocco and Myers (2003), researchers evaluated children on a slew of measures and selected their most consistent measure as their best diagnostic criterion: a stringent 10th-percentile cut-off on the TEMA-2. Even with their best criterion, they found dyscalculia diagnoses for children longitudinally did not persist; only 65% of students who were ever diagnosed over the course of four years were diagnosed for at least two years. The percentage of children who were diagnosed in two consecutive years was further reduced. It is unclear whether this was the result of misdiagnosed children improving in mathematics and spatial awareness as they progressed as normal, or that the subjects who showed improvement were accurately diagnosed, but exhibited signs of a non-persistent learning disability.

Persistence in adults
There are very few studies of adults with dyscalculia who have had a history of it growing up, but such studies have shown that it can persist into adulthood. It can affect major parts of an adult's life. Most adults with dyscalculia have a hard time processing math at a 4th-grade level. For 1st–4th grade level, many adults will know what to do for the math problem, but they will often get them wrong because of "careless errors", although they are not careless when it comes to the problem. The adults cannot process their errors on the math problems or may not even recognize that they have made these errors. Visual-spatial input, auditory input, and touch input will be affected due to these processing errors. Dyscalculics may have a difficult time adding numbers in a column format because their mind can mix up the numbers, and it is possible that they may get the same (wrong) answer twice due to their mind processing the problem incorrectly. Dyscalculics can have problems determining differences in different coins and their size or giving the correct amount of change and if numbers are grouped together, it is possible that they cannot determine which has less or more. If a dyscalculic is asked to choose the greater of two numbers, with the lesser number in a larger font than the greater number, they may take the question literally and pick the number with the bigger font. Adults with dyscalculia may struggle with directions while driving and with controlling their finances, leading to difficulties on a day-to-day basis.

College students or other adult learners
College students particularly may have a difficult time due to the fast pace and change in difficulty of the work they are given. As a result of this, students may develop much anxiety and frustration. After dealing with their anxiety for a long time, students can become averse to math and try to avoid it as much as possible, which may result in lower grades in math courses. Students with dyscalculia, however, can also do exceptionally well in writing, reading, and speaking.

Causes
Both domain-general and domain-specific causes have been put forth. With respect to pure developmental dyscalculia, domain-general causes are unlikely as they should not impair one's ability in the numerical domain without also affecting other domains such as reading.

Two competing domain-specific hypotheses about the causes of developmental dyscalculia have been proposed – the magnitude representation (or number module deficit hypothesis) and the access deficit hypothesis.

Magnitude representation deficit
Dehaene's "number sense" theory suggests that approximate numerosities are automatically ordered in an ascending manner on a mental number line. The mechanism to represent and process non-symbolic magnitude (e.g., number of dots) is often known as the "approximate number system" (ANS), and a core deficit in the precision of the ANS, known as the "magnitude representation hypothesis" or "number module deficit hypothesis", has been proposed as an underlying cause of developmental dyscalculia.

In particular, the structural features of the ANS are theoretically supported by a phenomenon called the "numerical distance effect", which has been robustly observed in numerical comparison tasks. Typically developing individuals are less accurate and slower in comparing pairs of numbers closer together (e.g., 7 and 8) than further apart (e.g., 2 and 9). A related "numerical ratio effect" (in which the ratio between two numbers varies but the distance is kept constant, e.g., 2 vs. 5 and 4 vs. 7) based on Weber's law has also been used to further support the structure of the ANS. The numerical ratio effect is observed when individuals are less accurate and slower in comparing pairs of numbers that have a larger ratio (e.g., 8 and 9, ratio = 8/9) than a smaller ratio (2 and 3; ratio = 2/3). A larger numerical distance or ratio effect with comparison of sets of objects (i.e., non-symbolic) is thought to reflect a less precise ANS, and the ANS acuity has been found to correlate with math achievement in typically developing children and also in adults.

More importantly, several behavioral studies have found that children with developmental dyscalculia show an attenuated distance/ratio effect than typically developing children. Moreover, neuroimaging studies have also provided additional insights even when behavioral difference in distance/ratio effect might not be clearly evident. For example, Gavin R. Price and colleagues found that children with developmental dyscalculia showed no differential distance effect on reaction time relative to typically developing children, but they did show a greater effect of distance on response accuracy. They also found that the right intraparietal sulcus in children with developmental dyscalculia was not modulated to the same extent in response to non-symbolic numerical processing as in typically developing children. With the robust implication of the intraparietal sulcus in magnitude representation, it is possible that children with developmental dyscalculia have a weak magnitude representation in the parietal region. Yet, it does not rule out an impaired ability to access and manipulate numerical quantities from their symbolic representations (e.g., Arabic digits). Moreover, findings from a cross-sectional study suggest that children with developmental dyscalculia might have a delayed development in their numerical magnitude representation by as much as five years. However, the lack of longitudinal studies still leaves the question open as to whether the deficient numerical magnitude representation is a delayed development or impairment.

Access deficit hypothesis
Rousselle & Noël propose that dyscalculia is caused by the inability to map preexisting representations of numerical magnitude onto symbolic Arabic digits. Evidence for this hypothesis is based on research studies that have found that individuals with dyscalculia are proficient on tasks that measure knowledge of non-symbolic numerical magnitude (i.e., non-symbolic comparison tasks) but show an impaired ability to process symbolic representations of number (i.e., symbolic comparison tasks). Neuroimaging studies also report increased activation in the right intraparietal sulcus during tasks that measure symbolic but not non-symbolic processing of numerical magnitude. However, support for the access deficit hypothesis is not consistent across research studies.

Diagnosis
At its most basic level, dyscalculia is a learning disability affecting the normal development of arithmetic skills.

A consensus has not yet been reached on appropriate diagnostic criteria for dyscalculia. Mathematics is a specific domain that is complex (i.e. includes many different processes, such as arithmetic, algebra, word problems, geometry, etc.) and cumulative (i.e. the processes build on each other such that mastery of an advanced skill requires mastery of many basic skills). Thus dyscalculia can be diagnosed using different criteria, and frequently is; this variety in diagnostic criteria leads to variability in identified samples, and thus variability in research findings regarding dyscalculia. Other than using achievement tests as diagnostic criteria, researchers often rely on domain-specific tests (i.e. tests of working memory, executive function, inhibition, intelligence, etc.) and teacher evaluations to create a more comprehensive diagnosis. Alternatively, fMRI research has shown that the brains of the neurotypical children can be reliably distinguished from the brains of the dyscalculic children based on the activation in the prefrontal cortex. However, due to the cost and time limitations associated with brain and neural research, these methods will likely not be incorporated into diagnostic criteria despite their effectiveness.

Types
Research on subtypes of dyscalculia has begun without consensus; preliminary research has focused on comorbid learning disorders as subtyping candidates. The most common comorbidity in individuals with dyscalculia is dyslexia. Most studies done with comorbid samples versus dyscalculic-only samples have shown different mechanisms at work and additive effects of comorbidity, indicating that such subtyping may not be helpful in diagnosing dyscalculia. But there is variability in results at present.

Due to high comorbidity with other disabilities such as dyslexia and ADHD, some researchers have suggested the possibility of subtypes of mathematical disabilities with different underlying profiles and causes. Whether a particular subtype is specifically termed "dyscalculia" as opposed to a more general mathematical learning disability is somewhat under debate in the scientific literature.
 * Semantic memory: This subtype often coexists with reading disabilities such as dyslexia and is characterized by poor representation and retrieval from long-term memory. These processes share a common neural pathway in the left angular gyrus, which has been shown to be selective in arithmetic fact retrieval strategies and symbolic magnitude judgments. This region also shows low functional connectivity with language-related areas during phonological processing in adults with dyslexia. Thus, disruption to the left angular gyrus can cause both reading impairments and difficulties in calculation. This has been observed in individuals with Gerstmann syndrome, of which dyscalculia is one of constellation of symptoms.
 * Procedural concepts: Research by Geary has shown that in addition to increased problems with fact retrieval, children with math disabilities may rely on immature computational strategies. Specifically, children with mathematical disabilities showed poor command of counting strategies unrelated to their ability to retrieve numeric facts. This research notes that it is difficult to discern whether poor conceptual knowledge is indicative of a qualitative deficit in number processing or simply a delay in typical mathematical development.
 * Working memory: Studies have found that children with dyscalculia showed impaired performance on working memory tasks compared to neurotypical children. Furthermore, research has shown that children with dyscalculia have weaker activation of the intraparietal sulcus during visuospatial working memory tasks. Brain activity in this region during such tasks has been linked to overall arithmetic performance, indicating that numerical and working memory functions may converge in the intraparietal sulcus. However, working memory problems are confounded with domain-general learning difficulties, thus these deficits may not be specific to dyscalculia but rather may reflect a greater learning deficit. Dysfunction in prefrontal regions may also lead to deficits in working memory and other executive function, accounting for comorbidity with ADHD.

Studies have also shown indications of causes due to congenital or hereditary disorders, but evidence of this is not yet concrete.

Treatment
To date, very few interventions have been developed specifically for individuals with dyscalculia. Concrete manipulation activities have been used for decades to train basic number concepts for remediation purposes. This method facilitates the intrinsic relationship between a goal, the learner's action, and the informational feedback on the action. A one-to-one tutoring paradigm designed by Lynn Fuchs and colleagues which teaches concepts in arithmetic, number concepts, counting, and number families using games, flash cards, and manipulables has proven successful in children with generalized math learning difficulties, but intervention has yet to be tested specifically on children with dyscalculia. These methods require specially trained teachers working directly with small groups or individual students. As such, instruction time in the classroom is necessarily limited. For this reason, several research groups have developed computer adaptive training programs designed to target deficits unique to dyscalculic individuals.

Software intended to remediate dyscalculia has been developed. While computer adaptive training programs are modeled after one-to-one type interventions, they provide several advantages. Most notably, individuals are able to practice more with a digital intervention than is typically possible with a class or teacher. As with one-to-one interventions, several digital interventions have also proven successful in children with generalized math learning difficulties. Räsänen and colleagues have found that games such as The Number Race and Graphogame-math can improve performance on number comparison tasks in children with generalized math learning difficulties.

Several digital interventions have been developed for dyscalculics specifically. Each attempts to target basic processes that are associated with maths difficulties. Rescue Calcularis was one early computerized intervention that sought to improve the integrity of and access to the mental number line. Other digital interventions for dyscalculia adapt games, flash cards, and manipulables to function through technology.

While each intervention claims to improve basic numerosity skills, the authors of these interventions do admit that repetition and practice effects may be a factor involved in reported performance gains. An additional criticism is that these digital interventions lack the option to manipulate numerical quantities. While the previous two games provide the correct answer, the individual using the intervention cannot actively determine, through manipulation, what the correct answer should be. Butterworth and colleagues argued that games like The Number Bonds, which allows an individual to compare different sized rods, should be the direction that digital interventions move toward. Such games use manipulation activities to provide intrinsic motivation toward content guided by dyscalculia research. One of these serious games is Meister Cody – Talasia, an online training that includes the CODY Assessment – a diagnostic test for detecting dyscalculia. Based on these findings, Dybuster Calcularis was extended by adaptation algorithms and game forms allowing manipulation by the learners. It was found to improve addition, subtraction and number line tasks, and was made available as Dybuster Calcularis.

A study used transcranial direct current stimulation (TDCS) to the parietal lobe during numerical learning and demonstrated selective improvement of numerical abilities that was still present six months later in typically developing individuals. Improvement were achieved by applying anodal current to the right parietal lobe and cathodal current to the left parietal lobe and contrasting it with the reverse setup. When the same research group used tDCS in a training study with two dyscalculic individuals, the reverse setup (left anodal, right cathodal) demonstrated improvement of numerical abilities.

Epidemiology
Dyscalculia is thought to be present in 3–6% of the general population, but estimates by country and sample vary somewhat. Many studies have found prevalence rates by gender to be equivalent. Those that find gender difference in prevalence rates often find dyscalculia higher in females, but some few studies have found prevalence rates higher in males.

History
The term dyscalculia was coined in the 1940s, but it was not completely recognized until 1974 by the work of Czechoslovakian researcher Ladislav Kosc. Kosc defined dyscalculia as "a structural disorder of mathematical abilities." His research proved that the learning disability was caused by impairments to certain parts of the brain that control mathematical calculations and not because symptomatic individuals were "mentally handicapped". Researchers now sometimes use the terms "math dyslexia" or "math learning disability" when they mention the condition. Cognitive disabilities specific to mathematics were originally identified in case studies with patients who experienced specific arithmetic disabilities as a result of damage to specific regions of the brain. More commonly, dyscalculia occurs developmentally as a genetically linked learning disability which affects a person's ability to understand, remember, or manipulate numbers or number facts (e.g., the multiplication tables). The term is often used to refer specifically to the inability to perform arithmetic operations, but is also defined by some educational professionals and cognitive psychologists such as Stanislas Dehaene and Brian Butterworth as a more fundamental inability to conceptualize numbers as abstract concepts of comparative quantities (a deficit in "number sense"), which these researchers consider to be a foundational skill upon which other mathematics abilities build. Symptoms of dyscalculia include the delay of simple counting, inability to memorize simple arithmetic facts such as adding, subtracting, etc. There are few known symptoms because little research has been done on the topic.

Etymology
The term dyscalculia dates back to at least 1949.

Dyscalculia comes from Greek and Latin and means "counting badly". The prefix dys- comes from Greek and means "badly". The root calculia comes from the Latin calculare, which means "to count"; it is also a cognate of calculation and calculus.

title: Dyscalculia


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User talk:Hella~enwiki

Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called Hella. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name Hella~enwiki that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name. If you think you might own all of the accounts with this name and this message is in error, please visit Special:MergeAccount to check and attach all of your accounts to prevent them from being renamed.

Your account will still work as before, and you will be credited for all your edits made so far, but you will have to use the new account name when you log in.

Sorry for the inconvenience.

Yours, Keegan Peterzell Community Liaison, Wikimedia Foundation 00:31, 20 March 2015 (UTC)

Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 13:44, 22 April 2015 (UTC)

I am Hella, but my old edits run currently under the Name Hella~enwiki ...
don't be confused, I am Hella in de,en,meta and commons ... — Preceding unsigned comment added by Hella (talk • contribs) 07:27, 27 October 2015 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:Hella~enwiki


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User:Wehrmann

Dr. Michael Wehrmann
ist der wissenschaftliche Leiter des Instituts für Mathematisches Lernen in Braunschweig, er promovierte über das Thema „Qualitative Diagnostik im Grundlagenbereich Arithmetik“ (erschienen bei Köster, Berlin, ISBN 3-89574-474-3). Zu erreichen ist er unter der E-Mail-Adresse [mailto:Wehrmann@iml-braunschweig.de Wehrmann@iml-braunschweig.de] oder unter der Telefonnummer +49-531-12167750.

title: User:Wehrmann


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Queens Center Mall

Queens Center Mall is an urban shopping mall in Elmhurst, Queens, New York City, on Queens Boulevard between 57th Avenue and Woodhaven Boulevard. Queens Center Mall is the largest mall in Queens. It is currently owned and managed by The Macerich Company, who purchased the mall in the 1990s. The mall features Primark (coming soon), JCPenney and Macy's.

The mall has a gross leasable area of 966499 sqft and 198 stores.

The mall is adjacent to the Woodhaven Boulevard station on the IND Queens Boulevard Line of the New York City Subway. It is across the street from the former St. Johns Hospital and the Rock Church. It is also off Exit 19 on the Long Island Expressway.

History
Queens Center Mall opened on September 12, 1973, on land previously occupied by a children's amusement park named Fairyland,  a supermarket, and automobile parking. The original anchor tenants were Abraham & Straus and Ohrbach's. The mall underwent a major expansion from 2002 to 2004, nearly doubling in size as the original mall was renovated and another wing was added to the east of 92nd Street.

The mall's current anchor tenants are Macy's and JCPenney. In addition, it has a large food court in the basement.

For a limited time during the 2006 Christmas shopping season, the Macy's location in Queens Center was open 24 hours a day, becoming the first to do so. Since then, it has had all-day operating hours during every Christmas shopping season.

On March 8, 2019, the mall was evacuated when an appearance by rapper A Boogie wit da Hoodie was canceled and fans rioted and looted stores, including the Foot Locker. The mall reopened the next day.

Current

 * JCPenney (Opened in 1989)
 * Macy's (Opened in 1995)
 * Primark (Coming Soon)

Former

 * Ohrbach's (Opened in 1973. Closed in 1987. Replaced by Steinbach)
 * Steinbach (Opened in 1987. Closed in 1990. Replaced by JCPenney)
 * Abraham & Straus (Opened in 1973. Closed in 1995. Replaced by Macy's)

title: Queens Center Mall


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Talk:Al Gore's views

Archive: Talk:Al Gore's views/subpage discussion

copyvio
Can you give the full list of pages so we can begin to fix any copyright problems? --AaronSw 21:24, 17 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * How would a full list of pages help you fix copyright problems? If you want to fix the copyright problems, it's best you never look at the copyrighted material in the first place. Anthony DiPierro 21:26, 17 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Well, I was going to see what was salvagable. Anyway, it's practically impossible to figure out what Al Gore's views are without being exposed to some copyrighted material -- if we already have a list of good ones, it'd save me the trouble of finding others. --AaronSw 21:28, 17 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * If you want, I'll put the list of topics on the temp page. That's probably not copyrightable.  Taking the list from issues2002 will surely save a lot of trouble, but it would also be a copyright infringement.  Since the vast majority of the list is from there, it would be best to start from scratch.

 * In fact, if you'll agree, I'll start transferring over topics to the temp page and you can start phrasing them in your own words. You can ask me questions if you want about the specifics.  This way I think we'll get around this being a copyright infringment.  Let me know if you agree to this.  Anthony DiPierro 21:35, 17 Mar 2004 (UTC)

While we're at it, might as well get some references to back up the claims that Gore held these positions. Anthony DiPierro 21:44, 17 Mar 2004 (UTC)

The page, if it survives the copyright debate, it seems to me it should be retitled to Al Gore's political views or some other title that expresses the narrow scope of this content. Qaz 21:41, 17 Mar 2004 (UTC)

We really should be putting all this work into someone whose views matter, like for instance John Kerry. Oh well... Anthony DiPierro 23:44, 17 Mar 2004 (UTC)

You all should take a look at how many "views of" pages that wikipedia has, and ask yourself if you think it would be encyclopedic that each article for a person with "views" has a separate and full article. In the case of "Kerry's views," they are not material for an article, rather come in the context of his campaign. If you guys want to belatedly add Al Gore's views (and GWB's in paralell) to the 2000 campaign articles, knock yourselves out. Dont follow leaders, and watch your parking meters.- SV (talk) 03:16, 18 Mar 2004 (UTC) PS. If there are enough K in "views" text to warrant a split of the Kerry campaign article, then there very well ought be the same in the Bush article. Not for sake of paralellism, but because a representative imbalance can be a form of implied POV. -sv

 * Gore once received an 84% approval rating from the National Right to Life League
 * Gore now says that he supports a "woman's right to choose" abortion
 * Gore has been accused of flip-flopping on the issue of abortion
 * He claims that his views on abortion have "never changed"

I added this, for the sake of neutrality, and can't see any reason to remove them. Anthony DiPierro 03:35, 18 Mar 2004 (UTC)

For the sake of neutrality you added a myth to the page which contains actual facts? That makes no sense. Go look at any issues page, they do not list myths such as "FLIP FLOPPING". Remove. ChrisDJackson 03:38, 18 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Which part are you claiming is a myth? Flip-flopping were not my words, however I've changed them to "being inconsistent" anyway. If that was your only problem, why did you delete all of it, rather than that one thing? Anthony DiPierro 03:40, 18 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Because you should not include opinions and such in a issues and views page. That would be like adding lies George Bush said in the lead up to war under a Foriegn Policy section. What would you put there? George Bush has been accussed of being inconsistent on foriegn policy? NO! Politicans are always going to be labeled flip floppers on about every issue. To single one out is stupid and to add all is just insane. Just add their stated views, that is it.ChrisDJackson 03:43, 18 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Chris, it is a fact that Gore was accused of flip-flopping. It is not an opinion. Anthony DiPierro 03:46, 18 Mar 2004 (UTC)

No it is not, it is just what he said: Gore was attacked for having said as a congressman in 1987 that abortion was ?the taking of a human life.? Gore insisted that he is strongly in favor of abortion rights. He said that his position on federal funding of abortions, which he initially opposed in Congress, has ?evolved.? Gore retracted his 13-year-old statement equating abortion with the taking of a human life. He said: ?Yes, my position has changed. I strongly support a woman?s right to choose.?

Opinions change and evolve with new technology and inovations. You can not simply put he flip flopped and it be NPOV. You may put his exact words. But I disagree adding any of this because on no one elses views page is the accusations of flip flopping and such. Also, why are you so into Al Gore? ChrisDJackson 03:48, 18 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Your latest edits are fine. As for "no one elses views page" having accusations of flip-flopping, perhaps, but the Dennis Kucinich page does say "Kucinich has been criticized for flip-flopping on the issue of abortion."

title: Talk:Al Gore's views


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Staten Island Mall

Staten Island Mall is a shopping mall in New Springville, Staten Island, New York City, opened in 1973. It is the only indoor shopping mall in the borough. It is the largest retail center on the island and is the site of the island's third-largest public transit hub after the St. George Terminal and Eltingville Transit Center, with numerous bus routes that connect to the periphery of the mall area. It is the second largest shopping center in New York City. The mall features Primark, JCPenney, and Macy's, in addition to an 11-screen dine-in AMC Theatres.

Description
The mall is owned by Brookfield Properties of Chicago, Illinois, itself a division of Brookfield Asset Management, whose U.S. operations are based in Manhattan. The mall has 200 stores employing approximately 3,000 people. Anchor tenants include JCPenney, Macy's, Lidl, and Primark. The Food District also has anchors of Dave and Buster's and an AMC Theatres dine-in cinema. A carnival by Reithoffer Shows was held from 1998 through 2018, bringing rides, games, and food stands into the parking lots of the mall. Amusements of America took the place of Reithoffer starting in 2019. The mall also has a strip mall called The Crossing, which features multiple shops and a restaurants.

History
Prior to the construction of the mall, the land was occupied by the Staten Island Airport, which opened in 1941. The site was sold in 1955 with a shopping and amusement center envisaged, known as the Staten Island Center. In 1964 it was announced that Macy's and Abraham & Straus (A&S) would open stores across from E. J. Korvette. Construction of the mall commenced in 1970 and it opened on August 9, 1973, with Macy's and Sears. The A&S store was not built on the property as announced years earlier. The shopping center was developed by Feist and Feist Realty Corp. and sold to the Rouse Company in 1980. Rouse remodeled the mall by removing the small shops in the center court known as the "Honeycomb", adding escalators to the original six, and installing additional trees and several new fountains throughout the mall.

The mall was renovated and expanded in 1993 when the JCPenney wing was completed. JCPenney relocated to the mall from its longtime occupancy at the Forest Avenue Shoppers Town. The mall was originally a two-story building shaped like a letter "T", with a large outdoor plaza on the Richmond Avenue side, gross leasable area (GLA) of 1,274,000 ft2 and a tenant GLA of 622,000 ft2.

By the mid-2010, higher-end shops such as Michael Kors, Pandora, and Armani Exchange opened for business, and by 2011, numerous new brands (Adidas, Love Culture, etc.) were relocating or updating their looks while new tenants continued to revive the mall's image.

The mall was expanded by 242,000 square feet between 2016 and 2019, which included the addition of a new retailers including Zara, Ulta Beauty, Dave & Buster's, Barnes & Noble, Lidl, and AMC Theatres. The food court was moved from its former area into the newly expanded area in the mall, renamed the "Food District". On March 15, 2017, Primark opened one of its first American locations. Sears closed, but The Container Store opened on an out parcel.

By 2023, Staten Island Mall had announced several newest additions, among them are Newbury Comics, Miniso, Charlotte Russe, Sugar Bear, Hobby Lobby, and Rainbow.

A Krispy Kreme outparcel near the mall's main entrance, the first Krispy Kreme on the island was opened in 2022.

Transportation
Several local, select and express New York City Transit Authority buses stop and either travel through or on the perimeter (where park and ride facilities exist) of the mall's campus. They include the local buses/limited counterparts, the  buses with no corresponding limited buses, the  Select Bus Service route, and the  express buses.

title: Staten Island Mall


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John White (surgeon)

John White (c. 1756 – 20 February 1832) was an Irish surgeon and botanical collector.

Biography
White was born in the townland of Drumaran, near Belcoo, in County Fermanagh in Ulster, the northern province in Ireland, about 1756,   and not, as stated in the Dictionary of Australian Biography and the Australian Dictionary of Biography, in Sussex, England. On 18 June 1778 John White qualified as a surgeon's mate, first rate, following examination at the Company of Surgeons in London. He entered the Royal Navy on 26 June 1778 as surgeon's mate aboard HMS Wasp (1749). He was promoted surgeon in 1780, serving aboard HMS Irresistible (1782) until 1786 when Sir Andrew Hamond recommended him as principal naval surgeon for the voyage of the First Fleet to Australia.

In March 1787 White joined the First Fleet at Plymouth as surgeon for the convict transport Charlotte, where he found that the convicts had been living for some time on salt meat, a bad preparation for a long voyage. He succeeded in obtaining supplies of fresh meat and vegetables for them, and arranged that they should be allowed up on deck in relays to obtain fresh air. On arrival in Australia, White engaged one of the convicts, Thomas Barrett, to engrave a silver medallion to mark the occasion. The medallion, or "Charlotte Medal", is displayed in Australia's National Maritime Museum.

In 1788 White was appointed Surgeon-General of New South Wales and organised a hospital for the new colony, somewhat hampered by a lack of medical supplies. He became interested in the native flora and fauna of the new land and investigated the potential of Australian plants for use as medicine. He observed the olfactory qualities of eucalyptus and distilled eucalyptus oil in 1788.

White wrote A Journal of a Voyage to New South Wales (1790), which described many Australian species for the first time. Journal had 65 copper-plate engravings of birds, animals and plants, many of which were based on the water colour paintings of Sarah Stone, and during the next five years was translated into German and French. It is believed (by his unnamed biographer) that Thomas William Parr was employed as a sketch artist by White to produce natural history drawings as a starting point for development and colouring by other artists. White was the first to describe Litoria caerulea, a species of frog endemic to Australia and New Guinea, which has several common names, including "White's tree frog". In 1792, Thomas Watling a convict artist newly arrived to the colony was appointed by the government to assist John White in the production of copies of illustrations of various plants, insects and animals. A portrait of John White, a miniature on ivory, signed by Thomas Watling and dated "N.S.Wales 1792" was sold at auction in December 2006.

According to his journal, White severely disliked Australia, describing it as: "a country and place so forbidding and so hateful as only to merit execration and curses." He applied for leave of absence in 1792, and received it in 1794, sailing for England on 17 December 1794 and later travelled to Ireland. In 1796 he resigned his position when given the option of returning to Australia. Earlier in 1796, White was elected a Fellow of the Linnean Society of London, and on 10 March 1797, the Senate of the University of St Andrews conferred the degree of Doctor of Medicine on him. White was a surgeon on HMS Royal William, and for 20 years he was stationed first at Sheerness from 1799 and then at Chatham Dockyard from 1803. He retired on a half pension in 1820, and died in Worthing, England in 1832.

Legacy
Sydney's White Bay is named in his honour.

John White is commemorated in the scientific name of a species of Australian lizard, Egernia whitii.

title: John White (surgeon)


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Dumbing down

Dumbing down is the deliberate oversimplification of intellectual content in education, literature, cinema, news, video games, and culture. Originating in 1933, the term "dumbing down" was movie-business slang, used by screenplay writers, meaning: "[to] revise so as to appeal to those of little education or intelligence". Dumbing-down varies according to subject matter, and usually involves the diminishment of critical thought by undermining standard language and learning standards, thus trivializing academic standards, culture, and meaningful information, as in the case of popular culture.

In Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (1979), the sociologist Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002) proposed that, in a society in which the cultural practices of the ruling class are rendered and established as the legitimate culture, said distinction then devalues the cultural capital of the subordinate middle- and working- classes, and thus limits their social mobility within their own society.

Education
In the late 20th century, the proportion of young people attending university in the UK increased sharply, including many who previously would not have been considered to possess the appropriate scholastic aptitude. In 2003, the UK Minister for Universities, Margaret Hodge, criticised Mickey Mouse degrees as a negative consequence of universities dumbing down their courses to meet "the needs of the market": these degrees are conferred for studies in a field of endeavour "where the content is perhaps not as [intellectually] rigorous as one would expect, and where the degree, itself, may not have huge relevance in the labour market": thus, a university degree of slight intellectual substance, which the student earned by "simply stacking up numbers on Mickey Mouse courses, is not acceptable".

In Dumbing Us Down: The Hidden Curriculum of Compulsory Schooling (1991, 2002), John Taylor Gatto presented speeches and essays, including "The Psychopathic School", his acceptance speech for the 1990 New York City Teacher of the Year award, and "The Seven-Lesson Schoolteacher", his acceptance speech upon being named as the New York State Teacher of the Year for 1991. Gatto writes that while he was hired to teach English and literature, he came to believe he was employed as part of a social engineering project. The "seven lessons" at the foundation of schooling were never explicitly stated, Gatto writes, but included teaching students that their self-worth depended on outside evaluation; that they were constantly ranked and supervised; and that they had no opportunities for privacy or solitude. Gatto speculated:

In examining the seven lessons of teaching, Gatto concluded that "all of these lessons are prime training for permanent underclasses, people deprived forever of finding the center of their own special genius". That "school is a twelve-year jail sentence, where bad habits are the only curriculum truly learned. I teach school, and win awards doing it. I should know."

Mass communications media
In France, Michel Houellebecq has written (not excluding himself) of "the shocking dumbing-down of French culture and intellect as was recently pointed out, [2008] sternly but fairly, by Time magazine".

In popular culture
The science fiction film Idiocracy (2006) portrays the U.S. as a greatly dumbed-down society 500 years in the future, in which low culture and philistinism were unintentionally achieved by eroding language and education coupled with dysgenics, where people of lower intelligence reproduced faster than the people of higher intelligence. Similar concepts appeared in earlier works, notably the science fiction short story "The Marching Morons" (1951), by Cyril M. Kornbluth which also features a modern-day protagonist in a future dominated by low-intelligence persons. Moreover, the novel Brave New World (1931), by Aldous Huxley, discussed the ways a utopian society was deliberately dumbed down in order to maintain political stability and social order by eliminating complex concepts unnecessary for society to function (e.g., the Savage tries reading Shakespeare to the masses and is not understood). More malevolent uses of dumbing down to preserve the social order are also portrayed in The Matrix, Nineteen Eighty-Four and many dystopian movies.

The social critic Paul Fussell touched on these themes ("prole drift") in his non-fiction book Class: A Guide Through the American Status System (1983) and focused on them specifically in BAD: or, The Dumbing of America (1991).

title: Dumbing down


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Wanker

Wanker is slang for "one who wanks (masturbates)", but is most often used as a general insult. It is a pejorative term of English origin common in Britain and other parts of the English-speaking world (mainly Commonwealth of nations), including Ireland, Australia and New Zealand. It is synonymous with the insult tosser.

Meaning
The terms wank and wanker originated in British slang during the late 19th and early 20th century. In modern usage, it is usually a general term of contempt rather than a commentary on sexual habits. Wanker has similar meanings and overtones to American pejoratives like jerk or jerk-off. More generally, wanker can carry suggestions of egotistical and self-indulgent behaviour and this is the dominant meaning in Australia and New Zealand.

Wanker may be indicated by a one-handed gesture, usually to an audience out of hearing range. It is performed by curling the fingers of the hand into a loose fist and moving the hand back and forth to mime male masturbation, which is equivalent to saying, "that person is a wanker".

In the United States, the term is understood but rarely used.

Related are terms such as "wanker's colic", for an undiagnosed visceral pain, and "wanker's doom", for excessive masturbation, from slang used in the RAF and British prisons since the 1920s.

Differences in perceived levels of offensiveness
In December 2000, the Advertising Standards Authority published research on attitudes of the British public to pejoratives. It ranked wanker as the fourth most severe pejorative in English. The BBC describes it as "moderately offensive" and "almost certain" to generate complaints if used before the watershed.

In Australia, it is considered mildly offensive but is widely accepted and used in the media.

Mary Cresswell, an American etymologist, describes "wanker" as "somewhat more offensive in British use than Americans typically realize". The word was used twice to comic effect in The Simpsons episode "Trash of the Titans", which caused no offence to American audiences, but prompted complaints on occasions when the episode was broadcast unedited in the United Kingdom.

In popular culture
"The Winker's Song (Misprint)" by Ivor Biggun is one of many songs about masturbation. It describes the singer: "I'm a wanker, I'm a wanker. And it does me good like it bloody well should", and it reached number 22 in the 1978 UK charts. It was banned by BBC Radio 1 and every national radio and television service.

Phil Collins used the word in his 1984 cameo appearance on Miami Vice and has sometimes been credited with introducing the word to America.

In the film This Is Spinal Tap, David St. Hubbins and Nigel Tufnel both use the word out of earshot to describe fellow rock star Duke Fame after a chance encounter.

On the American television show Married... with Children, Peggy Bundy's maiden name is Wanker and her family is from the fictional Wanker County.

On the British television quiz show Countdown, contestants have to form the longest word possible from nine randomly selected letters. On one occasion, the letters permitted the spelling of "wanker" (or "wankers") and both contestants replied with the word, leading one to quip "we've got a pair of wankers". The sequence was edited out of the show (as is common with risqué words), but has been shown as an outtake on other shows. However, on a later occasion, "wanker" was offered, and this instance was left in and broadcast unedited.

During the New Zealand national cricket team's tours of Australia in the mid-1980s, Australian crowds extensively chanted "Hadlee's a wanker" while New Zealand fast bowler Richard Hadlee was bowling, supported by hand-written banners. The reference even continued after Hadlee had retired, including a "Hadlee's a wanker" banner appearing at an Australia v Croatia soccer game during the 2006 World Cup finals.

The comedy show Mork & Mindy featured a character named Mr. Wanker who was Mindy's landlord. This was broadcast on American TV and later British TV.

Australian band TISM released an album in 1998 entitled www.tism.wanker.com (which was an active website for a few months after its release). One of the themes in its lyrics is breaking down male society into two distinct cultures: Yobs (the subject of the first single released from the album) and wankers. Its third single, "Whatareya?", offers examples of differences between the types and tells the listener to decide which one he is.

Hard rock (formerly glam metal) band Vixen's 1998 album Tangerine contains a hidden instrumental track titled "Swatting Flies in Wanker County", written by then-member Gina Stile.

In February 2009, U2 member Bono called Chris Martin a wanker live on air during Jo Whiley's Radio 1 show.

During a live radio debate on 28 May 2010, the future President of Ireland, Michael D. Higgins, urged conservative American radio host Michael Graham to "be proud to be a decent American rather than being just a wanker whipping up fear."

When acting as the ombudsman on Red Eye w/Greg Gutfeld in 2011, Mike Baker presented a graph of the "wanker gap" for the first half of the program. Baker has never given an explanation of the meaning of the "wanker gap."

Jack Vance wrote a science fiction book entitled Servants of the Wankh in 1969. The title was changed to The Wannek due to its sounding like wanker.

Iron Maiden's song "El Dorado" contains a veiled reference to the term in the line "I'm a clever banker's face, with just a letter out of place." In live performances, singer Bruce Dickinson would change to an explicit mention: "I'm a clever wanker's face, just a banker out of place."

In January 2015 the then Mayor of London Boris Johnson described British-born jihadists as "pornography-obsessed inadequates who only turn to radical Islam when they fail to make it with girls...They are literally wankers".

Cockney Wanker is a long running character in Viz, based on a stereotypical male Cockney.

Inspired by controversy about The White Stripes' 2003 song "Seven Nation Army" connected to Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign, the British composer Ben Comeau wrote, in the style of J. S. Bach, a four-part fugue on the riff of that song to the words "Donald Trump is a wanker."

title: Wanker


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Yvonne Georgi

Yvonne Georgi (29 October 1903 – 25 January 1975) was a German dancer, choreographer and ballet mistress. She was known for her comedic talents and her extraordinary jumping ability. In her roles as a dancer, choreographer, and ballet mistress, she was an influential figure in dance for decades.

Biography
Georgi was born in Leipzig, Germany on 29 October 1903 to a French-Algerian mother and German father. She did not have any formal training in dance until she was seventeen and was "discovered" during a performance at a friend's home. Though she had initially planned to study librarianship, she soon realized She went on to study at the Dalcroze Institute in Hellerau in 1920 and then the Wigman School in Dresden in 1921. Along with Gret Palucca and Hanya Holm, she was one of the best-known students of Mary Wigman and Robert Gergi.

Georgi debuted in Leipzig in 1923, touring as a soloist across Europe and North America. In 1924, she joined Münster, one of Kurt Jooss's companies.

In 1925, Georgi began her career as a ballet mistress in Gera. While there, she choreographed her first ballets, including Saudades do Brazil to music by Darius Milhaud. These works quickly brought her notability.

From 1926 to 1931, Georgi was the ballet master for Staatsoper Hannover, and was one of the only choreographers to try to combine balletic and modern movement. Her first ballet evening Petrouchka and Pulcinella (1926), was highly successful, and the beginning of a long relationship with guest performer Harald Kreutzberg. Georgi and Kreutzberg performed as a duo across Germany and other countries, including a performance in New York in 1928. Their partnership ended with Le Train Bleu at the Berlin State Opera in 1931.

In 1931, Georgi founded what became the Ballets Yvonne Georgi in Amsterdam. In 1932, Georgi married Lodewijk Arntzenius, a Nazi sympathizer in Holland. From 1933 to 1935, Georgi served as the ballet director in Hanover and toured extensively. During this time, she began working with Henk Badings, who she continued to collaborate with throughout her career.

Georgi returned to the Netherlands during World War II. After the Nazis invaded Holland, Georgi ran the occupation government's dance division until the war ended and she was forced to step down.

After the war, Georgi choreographed the film Ballerina in Paris. In 1951, she returned to Germany, where she directed the Abraxas Company and the Düsseldorf Opera Ballet. She then directed ballet in Hanover, and served as the director of the dance department at Hochschule für Musik, Theater und Medien Hannover until 1973.

Georgi had numerous première performances, among them the Electronic Ballet in 1957 to the music of Henk Badings. Her 1962 ballet Metamorphosen is considered one of the best German ballets of its time.

Georgi died in Hannover on January 25, 1975.

title: Yvonne Georgi


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Talk:Type design

"Someone who designs type is called a type designer, not a font designer, nor a fontologist, nor an alphabetician". LOL how about a "fontographer"? ;) Theanthrope 20:25, 17 Mar 2004 (UTC)

I've never heard anyone called a 'fontographer' - surely this is a joke. Type designer, typographer or typographic designer, sure. 'Fontographer' is just one application that some people may use (although possibly not purists). Agendum 08:07, 29 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Agreed. I don't think there is a difference b/w type designer and typographer either, typographer being the more correct term. Clubmarx 20:02, Nov 24, 2004 (UTC)

"Typography is the art and technique of setting written subject matter in type using a combination of fonts, font size, line length, leading (line spacing) and individual and overall letter spacing. Typography is performed by typesetters, compositors, typographers, graphic artists, art directors, clerical workers, lay users and children. Until the Digital Age typography was a specialized occupation. Digitization opened up typography to lay users and new generations of visual designers."(from typography)

so, i think the meaning of the concepts of ´typography design(-er)´ and´typographer´ is much wider and different from designing a single ´font´ or a ´font family´. typography is an area of a layout designer or graphic designer or an art director. ´type design´ is more comprehensible, but i think the right answer is "Typeface design".Ciup 21:52, 15 September 2006 (UTC)

Small Improvements?
It might be better to add some notable type designers of different era's under 'Profession' as some examples along with the name of the typeface they created or help contribute to. I think that some images of typefaces or possibly some design works with different type designs incorporated in it would help liven the page up. Rl081289 (talk) 00:43, 22 September 2011 (UTC)

some more info?

 * If I could suggest adding more to the principles section. There isn't really much to describe how type design is done. It is more of a description of what may happen in general. Perhaps some examples?

Ellebrager (talk) 04:01, 6 October 2011 (UTC)

title: Talk:Type design


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Interference theory

The interference theory is a theory regarding human memory. Interference occurs in learning. The notion is that memories encoded in long-term memory (LTM) are forgotten and cannot be retrieved into short-term memory (STM) because either memory could interfere with the other. There is an immense number of encoded memories within the storage of LTM. The challenge for memory retrieval is recalling the specific memory and working in the temporary workspace provided in STM. Retaining information regarding the relevant time of encoding memories into LTM influences interference strength. There are two types of interference effects: proactive and retroactive interference.

History
John A. Bergström is credited with conducting the first study regarding interference in 1892. His experiment was similar to the Stroop task and required subjects to sort two decks of cards with words into two piles. When the location was changed for the second pile, sorting was slower, demonstrating that the first set of sorting rules interfered with learning the new set. German psychologists continued in the field with Georg Elias Müller and Pilzecker in 1900 studying retroactive interference. To the confusion of Americans at a later date, Müller used "associative Hemmung" (inhibition) as a blanket term for retroactive and proactive inhibition.

The next major advancement came from American psychologist Benton J. Underwood in 1957. Underwood revisited the classic Ebbinghaus learning curve and found that most of the forgetting was due to interference from previously learned materials.

In 1924, John G. Jenkins and Karl Dallenbach showed that everyday experiences can interfere with memory, employing an experiment that showed that retention was better throughout sleep than over the same amount of time devoted to the activity. The United States again made headway in 1932 with John A. McGeoch suggesting that decay theory should be replaced by an interference theory. The most recent major paradigm shift came when Underwood proposed that proactive inhibition is more important or meaningful than retroactive inhibition in accounting for forgetting.

Proactive interference
Proactive interference is the interference of older memories with the retrieval of newer memories. Of the two effects of interference theory, proactive interference is the less common and less problematic type of interference compared to retroactive interference. Previously, it had been hypothesized that forgetting working memories would be nonexistent if not for proactive interference.

Context
Proactive interference build-up occurs with memories being learned in similar contexts. A common example is observing previous motor abilities from one skill interfering with a new set of motor abilities being learned in another skill from the initial. Proactive interference is also associated with poorer list discrimination, which occurs when participants are asked to judge whether an item has appeared on a previously learned list. If the items or pairs to be learned are conceptually related to one another, then proactive interference has a greater effect. Delos Wickens discovered that proactive interference build-up is released when there is a change to the category of items being learned, leading to increased processing in STM. Presenting new skills later in practice can considerably reduce proactive interference desirable for participants to have the best opportunity to encode fresh new memories into LTM.

Brain structures
The leading experimental technique for studying proactive interference in the brain is the “recent-probes” task. Initially, this is when participants must commit a set of items to memory. They then ask them to recall a specific item. Assessing them is shown by a probe. Thus, using recent-probes task and fMRIs, the brain mechanisms involved in resolving proactive interference identify as the ventrolateral prefrontal cortex and the left anterior prefrontal cortex.

With lists
Researchers have studied the joint influence of proactive and retroactive interference using a list of items to be remembered. As expected, the recall was hampered by increasing the number of items in a given list. Proactive interference also affected learning when dealing with multiple lists. Researchers had participants learn a list of ten paired adjectives. The experimenters would consider a list to be learned if the participant could correctly recall eight of the ten items. After two days, participants could recall close to 70% of the items. However, those asked to memorize a new list the day after learning the first one had a recall of only 40%. Those who learned a third list recalled 25% of the items. Therefore, proactive interference affected the correct recall of the last list learned, because of the previous one, or two. In terms of forgetting, the effect of proactive interference was supported by further studies using different methods. The effect of proactive interference was reduced when the test was immediate and when the new target list was different from the previously learned lists.

Span performance
Span performance refers to working memory capacity. It is hypothesized that span performance is limited in language comprehension, problem-solving, and memory. Proactive Interference affects susceptibility to span performance limitations, as span performance in later experimental trials were worse than performance in earlier trials. With single tasks, proactive interference had less effect on participants with high working memory spans than those with low ones. With dual tasks, both types were similarly susceptible.

To differ, others have tried to investigate the relation of proactive interference when cued to forget. Turvey and Wittlinger designed an experiment to examine the effects of cues such as "not to remember" and "not to recall" with currently learned material. While "not to remember" had a significant effect in reducing proactive interference, cued to "not to recall" previously encoded and stored information did not significantly reduce the effect. Therefore, these associated cues do not directly control the potential effect of proactive interference on short-term memory span.

Proactive interference has shown an effect during the learning phase in terms of stimuli at the acquisition and retrieval stages with behavioral tasks for humans, as found by Castro, Ortega, and Matute. With 106 participants, they investigated two main questions: if two cues are learned as predictors of the same outcome (one after the other), would the second-cue outcome association be retarded? And secondly, once the second association is fully learned, will there still be an effect on subsequent trials? The research, as predicted, showed retardation and impairment in associations, due to the effect of Proactive Interference.

Retroactive interference
Retroactive interference, also known as Retroactive inhibition, is the interference of newer memories with the retrieval of older memories. In other words, subsequently learned memories directly contributes to the forgetting of previously learned memories. The effect of retroactive interference takes place when any type of skill has not been rehearsed over long periods. Of the two effects of interference theory, retroactive interference is considered the more common and more problematic type of interference compared to proactive interference.

RI is a classic paradigm that was first officially termed by Muller. These memory research pioneers demonstrated that filling the retention interval (defined as the amount of time that occurs between the initial learning stage and the memory recall stage) with tasks and material caused significant interference effects with the primary learned items.

As compared to proactive interference, retroactive interference may have larger effects because there is not only competition involved but also unlearning.

Modified (free) recall
Briggs's (1954) study modeled McGeoch's work on interference by setting the stage for a classic design of retroactive interference. In his study, participants were asked to learn 12 paired associates to a criterion of 100%. To ensure parsimony, these pairs can be labeled as A1-B1-, A2-B2-...AI-BI (also called AB/AC paradigm). Briggs used a "modified free recall" technique by asking participants to recall an item when cued with BI. Over multiple anticipation trials, participants learned BI items through the prompt of BI items. After perfecting AI- BI learning, participants were given a new list of paired associates to learn; however BI items were replaced with CI items (now given a list of A1-C1-, A2-C2-...AI-CI). As the learning of AI-CI pairs increased, the learning of AI-BI pairs decreased. Eventually recalling the CI items exceeded the recall of the BI items, representing the phenomenon of retroactive interference. A significant part of Briggs's (1954) study was that once participants were tested after a delay of 24 hours the Bi responses spontaneously recovered and exceeded the recall of the Ci items. Briggs explained the spontaneous recovery illustration as an account of AI-BI items competing with AI-CI items or, as McGeoch would define it: "a resultant [of] momentary dominance".

Modified modified free recall
J.M. Barnes and B.J. Underwood (1959) expanded Briggs's (1954) study by implementing a similar procedure. The main difference in this study, however, was that, unlike Briggs's (1954) "modified free recall" (MFR) task where participants gave one-item responses, Barnes and Underwood asked participants to give both List 1 and List 2 responses to each cued recall task. Participants’ ability to recall both items was termed the "modified modified free recall" (MMFR) technique. Equivocally to Briggs's (1954) results, RI occurred when CI recalled responses gradually came to exceed BI responses. Barnes and Underwood argued that because there was "unlimited recall time" to produce multiple-item responses, the fact that AI-CI responses still trumped AI-BI responses represented an account of unlearning.

Forgetting
Since German psychologist H. Ebbinghaus (1885, 1913) made the first scientific studies on forgetting in the late nineteenth century, further research on the rate of forgetting presented information was found to be steep. While a variety of factors play a role in affecting the rate of forgetting, the general conclusion made is that 70% of originally recalled information is initially forgotten in 24 hours after a session of practice, followed by 80% of information forgotten within 48 hours. Afterwards, forgetting diminishes at a gradual rate, which leaves about 5% to 10% of retained information available for learners to access from practice until the next session. Despite the numbers, retroactive interference can be reduced significantly by implementing over-learning practice schedules, periodic refresh sessions when practicing skills, and skill rehearsal time for the inactive periods of practicing. Continuous skills are more resistant to the rate of forgetting compared to discrete skills, which indicates that the types of skills being practiced and retroactive interference significantly interact with one another.

Theories
The phenomenon of retroactive interference is highly significant in the study of memory as it has sparked a historical and ongoing debate in regards to whether the process of forgetting is due to the interference of other competing stimuli, or rather the unlearning of the forgotten material. The important conclusion one may gain from RI is that "forgetting is not simply a failure or weakness of the memory system" (Bjork, 1992), but rather an integral part of our stored knowledge repertoire. Although modern cognitive researchers continue to debate the actual causes of forgetting (e.g., competition vs. unlearning), retroactive interference implies a general understanding that additional underlying processes play a role in memory.

Competition
A standard explanation for the cause of RI is Competition. New associations compete with older associations and the more recent association would win out making it impossible to remember earlier associations. Spontaneous Recovery in MFR supports the claim of competition since after a rest period participants spontaneously remembered original pair associations that they were not able to remember right after the second test.

Associative unlearning
The associative unlearning hypothesis explains RI by saying that new associations replace the old associations in memory causing the participant to forget the initial associations. Barnes and Underwood argued that AI-CI responses still outnumber AI-BI responses after the delay period supports the Associative Unlearning Hypothesis over Competition.

Brain structures
Retroactive Interference has been localized to the left anterior ventral prefrontal cortex by magnetoencephalography (MEG) studies investigating Retroactive Interference and working memory in elderly adults. The study found that adults 55–67 years of age showed less magnetic activity in their prefrontal cortices than the control group. Executive control mechanisms are located in the frontal cortex and deficits in working memory show changes in the functioning of this brain area.

Pitch perception
Retroactive Interference has also been investigated using pitch perception as the learning medium. The researcher found that the presentation of subsequent stimuli in succession causes a decrease in recalled accuracy. Massaro found that the presentation of successive auditory tones, confused perceptual short-term memory, causing Retroactive Interference as the new tone inhibits the retrieval of previously heard tones.

Motor movement
Wohldmann, Healey, and Bourne found that Retroactive Interference also affects the retention of motor movements. Researchers found that retroactive interference affects the performance of old motor movements when newly acquired motor movements are practiced. Physical practice of newly executed motor movements decreased the retention and recall of previously learned movements. Despite the retroactive interference noted by Wohldmann et al., researchers noted that mental practice decreased the amount of retroactive interference, suggesting that mental practice is more flexible and durable over time. This study of the superiority effect of physical practice is similar to the Word Superiority Effect made famous by Cattell.

Word tasks
Retroactive Interference increases when the items are similar, therefore increasing association between them as shown by spreading activation. Barnes and Underwood found that when participants in the experimental condition were presented with two similar word lists, the recollection of the first-word list decreased with the presentation of the second-word list. This finding contrasts the control condition as they had little Retroactive Inference when asked to recall the first-word list after a period of unrelated activity.

Output interference
Output Interference occurs when the initial act of recalling specific information interferes with the retrieval of the original information. An example scenario in which Output Interference might occur would be if one had created a list of items to purchase at a grocery store, but then, neglected to take the list when leaving home. The act of remembering a couple of items on that list decreases the probability of remembering the other items on that list.

Short-term memory
Henry L. Roediger III and Schmidt found that the act of retrieval can serve as the source of the failure to remember, using multiple experiments that tested the recall of categorized and paired associative lists. Three experiments were carried out where subjects were first presented with category lists, and then, asked to recall the items in the list after being shown the category name as a cue. The further the test position from the category resulted in a decline of the recall of words. A fourth experiment revealed that only recent items were present in output interference in paired associative lists.

Long-term memory
Smith found that if categories with corresponding items were successfully recalled, a systematic decline would occur when recalling the items in a category across the output sequence. He conducted multiple experiments to determine the input conditioned necessary to produce Output Interference. In his first experiment word recall per category was greater at 60 sec than 30 sec when taking the last input category out to prevent recency effect. In his second experiment he changed the instructions, words used, and nature of the retention test, and showed with the recognition procedure, there was Output Interference but the effect was limited to the first three output positions. Even if retrieving items is necessary for a recall, it is not crucial to performance in a recognition tack. Recall of the organized information from long-term memory hurt the following item recalled. In long-term memory, Smith suggests that Output Interference has effects on extra-core material, which is represented as contextual information, rather than the core material, which is highly available as a result of organization.

Effects of age
In both short-term memory and long-term memory Smith measured output interference in three age groups (aged 20–39, 40–59, 60–80 years). The results of recall performance revealed significant differences due to age where the older group recalled fewer items than the middle group who recalled fewer items than the youngest group. Overall Smith concluded that memory decline appears with increased age with long-term memory forgetting rather than short-term memory forgetting and short-term memory was unaffected by age. However, output interference was unable to explain the memory deficit seen in older subjects.

Recent research of adults free recall and cognitive triage displayed similar findings of recall performance being poorer in older adults compared to younger adults. Although it was also indicated that older adults had an increased susceptibility to output interference compared to younger adults and the difference increased as additional items were recalled.

Decay theory
Decay theory outlines that memories weaken over time despite consolidation and storage. This is to say that although you remember a specific detail, over time you may have greater difficulty retrieving the detail you encoded. It has been suggested that the time interval between encoding and retrieval determines the accuracy of recall.

A practical example of decay theory is seen in the financial sector. If you open a bank account and do not deposit or withdraw money from the account, after some time, the bank will render the account dormant. The owner of the account, then, has to reopen the account for it to remain active. The bank account (the memory) is rendered dormant (the memory weakened) over time if there is no activity on the account (if the memory is not retrieved after some time).

Similarities
Decay theory is similar to interference theory in the way that old memories are lost over time. Memories are lost in Decay Theory by the passing of time. In Interference Theory, memories are lost due to newly acquired memories. Both Decay and Interference Theories are involved in psychological theories of forgetting.

Differences
Decay and interference theory differ in that Interference Theory has a second stimulus that impedes the retrieval of the first stimulus. Decay Theory is caused by time itself. Decay Theory is a passive method of forgetting as no interference is produced. Interference Theory is an active process because the act of learning new information directly impedes the recollection of previously stored information.

Dual task interference
Dual-task interference is a kind of interference that occurs when two tasks are attempted simultaneously. Harold Pashler wrote a paper summing up the theoretical approaches to dual-task interference. The basis of his research looked at when one attempts two or more tasks at the same time, why in some cases is one successful in completing their task and in other cases not.

Capacity sharing
Pashler proposed that the brain contains one mental entity where all tasks must be carried out. A real-life example of this could be going to the dentist; the only place to have cavities filled is at a dentist's office. When the brain is attempting to complete two tasks, both tasks are present in the same mind area and compete for processing ability and speed. This relates to interference theory as the tasks compete. Interference theory says that the learning of new information decreases the retrieval of older information, and this is true for dual-task interference. The dominant task of the two inhibits the other task from completion. It is presumed that the dominant task would be a new task as a previously accomplished task would already be stored in memory. The new task would, then, be completed successfully as more mental effort is required to complete a novel task, and the previously completed task would not be completed as the new task dominated the mental capacity. Just as Interference Theory states, the completion of new tasks inhibits the completion of previously completed tasks due to capacity sharing.

Cross talk models
Cross-talk is the communication between sensory inputs, processing, and the thoughts of the individual. The theory is that if two processes are being activated, and they are not similar in any way (making cookies and going on vacation), the brain will be confused as separate cognitive areas are being activated, and there is conflicting communication between the two. Contrastingly, if the two processes are similar (making cookies and pouring milk), there will be less crosstalk and more productive and uninterrupted cognitive processing.

Crosstalk is used by engineers to discuss the degradation of communication channels due to context dependence.

Navon and Miller claim that Dual-Task Interference is caused by an outcome conflict, which is a result of one task producing, "outputs, throughputs, or side effects that are harmful to the processing of the [another task]". This is the concept of Interference Theory. The thoughts, outputs, and side effects of one task either affect the previous or subsequent recall.

Stroop and Simon task
The performance of Stroop and Simon tasks were monitored on 10 healthy young adults using magnetic resonance image (MRI) scanning. Functional images were acquired at specific time intervals during each subject's scan. Brain activation during the Stroop and Simon task was remarkably similar including anterior cingulate, supplementary motor cortex, visual association cortex, inferior temporal cortex, inferior parietal cortex, inferior frontal cortex, dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, and caudate nuclei. Interference effects in the Stroop and Simon tasks activate similar brain regions at similar time distributions.

Advertising
It has been demonstrated that recall will be lower when consumers have afterward seen an ad for a competing brand in the same product class. Exposure to later similar advertisements does not cause interference for consumers when brands are rated on purchasing likelihood. This shows that information processing objective can moderate the effects of interference of competitive advertising. Competitive brand advertising not only interferes with consumer recall of advertising in the past but also interferes with learning new distinctive brand information in the future.

Reducing competitive ad interference
Repetition improves brand name recall when presented alone. When competitive advertising was presented, it was shown that repetition provided no improvement in brand name recall over a single exposure. The competitive ads interfered with the added learning from repetition. However, when the target brand name was shown using varying ad executions interference was reduced. Presenting ads in multi-modalities (visual, auditory) will reduce possible interference because there are more associations or paths to cue recall than if only one modality had been used. This is the principle of multimedia learning. Also, interference is increased when competing ads are presented in the same modality. Therefore, by presenting ads in multiple modalities, the chance that the target brand has unique cues is increased.

title: Interference theory


text:
Talk:Holotype

untitled
Perhaps reference to the official definitions will be more clear about this - but there is a subtle difference betweeen how a neotype is defined in this article and how it is defined in biological types - Marshman 20:33, 17 Mar 2004 (UTC)

human
Who is the human holotype? 86.9.73.56 16:22, 13 February 2006 (UTC)

 * What a great question. So sorry no one bothered to answer you sooner.  Only specimens named after 1931 are required to have holotypes, so there might not be one.  I will have to search around and see if I can find out what the holotype for Homo sapiens sapiens Linnaeus, 1758 is.  Thanks for posing the question. KP Botany 19:20, 3 October 2006 (UTC)

 * I've come across the statement that it is Carl Linnaeus himself, but don't know if this is a formal designation or just someone's joke - MPF 13:43, 4 October 2006 (UTC)

 * Well, we know he's responsible for the original description, so if he's the holotype, it must have been one of the one's added later, you know the mistake-o-correctiontype made a holotype because there's a missing holotype. Conceptually interesting if it's him, where's he housed?  I'll look up his grave.  I did ask the ICZN folk, hopefully they answer. I will certainly post if I find out.  Still, it's a shame such a brilliant question was ignored for so long.  This is one thing about encyclopedias, what is fundamental knowledge?  I read articles all the time and find things included I never thought of asking. KP Botany 18:10, 4 October 2006 (UTC)

 * There is no actual holotype for H. sapiens. There are a few people who have recently attempted to designate them (the most notorious case involves E.D. Cope's skull), but these designations were not validly done. Article 75.3 of the ICZN Code explicitly states there must be "an exceptional need" and the express purpose of "clarifying the taxonomic status". There is ZERO ambiguity about the identity of our own species, so we do not NEED to have a holotype. Since we do not need a type specimen, no one is allowed to designate one. That is how the code is written, and - quite significantly - WHY it is written that way; to avoid unscientific non-issues like "Who is the holotype of Homo sapiens?

 * However, this is not the code, this is Wikipedia. Article 75.3 explicitly states there must be "an exceptional need" for what?  For designation of a holotype when one does not exist?  For using a holotype at all in zoology? You're missing part of your sentence.  So, were holotypes not used for animal species in the 18th century?  Are they a modern aspect of zoology?  Are they used now for zoology?  Weren't Linnaeus's original specimens used for describing the species the holotypes for various other species?  Does it say that in the code, that the purpose for requiring a that there be an exception need to clarify taxonomic status is because unscientific non-issues might arise?  It seems that taxonomy might be immune to this, as most non-taxonomists would not be in the position of demanding the designation of a holotype. KP Botany 22:05, 4 October 2006 (UTC)

 * An exceptional need for clarification of a species' identity. In other words, there must be two taxa which are believed to be distinct, and one of which presumably belongs to the taxon which has no holotype. A holotype is needed in such a case to "fix" the species concept, but there is no requirement that species (described prior to 2000) must have a holotype. There are hundreds of species described prior to 2000 in existence which have no holotype and never will, because no one is confused about their identity. We haven't discovered another species of humans which might be confused with H. sapiens (without a designated type to compare to), so no neotype can be validly designated. Linnaeus did not refer to any identifiable specimen(s) in his description of H. sapiens, nor did several other early zoologists at various times - the whole concept of a holotype appeared much, much later. So, (1) even though Stearn designated that Linnaeus himself was the "lectotype", this was technically incorrect (a lectotype can only be designated from among a syntype series), and (2) Bakker never did publish a paper declaring Cope's skull as the type, and (3) the present Code prohibits any future designations from being recognized. Thus, no validly-designated type for our species exists, or is possible, because we really don't NEED one. Dyanega 16:43, 19 October 2006 (UTC)

 * PS Thanks for pointing to the Cope article. KP Botany 22:10, 4 October 2006 (UTC)

confusing
As this is phrased to cover more than one Code of nomenclature, this remains a nightmare, full of confusing weasel words. It really should be split. Brya 08:54, 9 October 2006 (UTC)

Merge
Wouldn't this info be better off if merged with type specimen? FunkMonk (talk) 19:32, 1 November 2011 (UTC)

isotype
Isotype redirects here, but it isn't mentioned anywhere. Can someone add something or otherwise remove the redirect? Jalwikip (talk) 14:32, 5 January 2012 (UTC)

Confusion over definition
I'm confused about the definition. These statements are made:

 * a) A holotype is an example known to have been used when the species (or lower-ranked taxon) was formally described.

 * b) A holotype is not necessarily "typical" of that taxon, although ideally it should be.

Is it also true that a holotype is not necessarily typical of the species?

 * c) Even if a better specimen is subsequently found, the holotype is not superseded.

 * d) A holotype can be superseded if it turns out to lack important diagnostic features.

Statements c and d contradict.

 * e) Above, in section "human", editor Dyanega states that there is no need for a holotype, for example when "no one is confused about their identity".

It's difficult to tell what's going on. Are holotypes necessary or not? Can the specimens be changed or not? Can someone, for example, decide to create a holotype to anticipate a future need? Leptus Froggi (talk) 04:19, 29 July 2012 (UTC)

Linnaeus as type specimen for H. sapiens
Page watchers are invited to weigh in at the discussion at Talk:Carl Linnaeus regarding the type specimen of H. sapiens. Umimmak (talk) 09:07, 3 December 2018 (UTC)

so a holotype is the first recorded discovery of something, whether it's dead or alive.
the first paragraph says a holotype can be one thing or one of many parts of things, and later the article says like a dinosaur leg fossil can be a holotype, and in this instance, since holotype is so limited, neotypes and other types can be established for research. so was the dinosaur leg just part of that whole dino's body, and the parts were all found in the same place at the same time, and the leg was the best preserved of all the parts found and chosen as the holotype for that reason?

and then on the last or second last paragraph, it says a holotype can be an individual (article uses noun usage of the word 'individual' incorrectly to describe a creature also here), living creature, and that holotypes can be lost for this reason (if the creature is left and lost in the wild for instance). I can only imagine that living creature in this case would.be designated the holotype because it was the first instance.of that creatures discovery? right?

if im right, the "first" discovery aspect of what a holotype is should be elaborated on a little. if im wrong, this article makes very little sense at all. 2600:1700:DF50:A1F0:D95F:DBDA:BF23:39E1 (talk) 17:50, 8 October 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Holotype


text:
Copp's Hill

Copp's Hill is an elevation in the historic North End of Boston, Massachusetts. It is bordered by Hull Street, Charter Street and Snow Hill Street. The hill takes its name from William Copp, a shoemaker who lived nearby. Copp's Hill Burying Ground is a stop on the Freedom Trail.

Early history
Like all of the Shawmut Peninsula, the hill was Algonquian territory before the establishment of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. The first English settlers to the hill arrived in the 1630s and built a windmill atop the hill to grind grain.

Copp's Hill Burying Ground

Founded by the town of Boston in 1659, Copp's Hill Burying Ground is the second oldest burying ground in the city. The cemetery's boundaries were extended several times, and the grounds contain the remains of many notable Bostonians in the thousands of graves and 272 tombs.

Among the Bostonians buried here are the original owner, William Copp, his children, Increase Mather, Cotton Mather, Robert Newman, John Pulling, (the patriots who placed the signal lanterns in the steeple of Old North Church for Paul Revere's midnight ride to Lexington and Concord), Prince Hall (the father of Black Freemasonry), and many unmarked graves of the African Americans who lived in the "New Guinea" community at the foot of the hill. The cemetery was not an official stop on the Freedom Trail when it was created in 1951, but it has since been added and is much-frequented by tourists and photographers.

Revolutionary War
During the Revolutionary War, the British used the hill to train artillery onto Charlestown during the Battle of Bunker Hill. For several years starting in 1806, soil was taken from the top of Copp's Hill to increase the available building land by filling the Mill Pond. This removal reduced the height of the hill by about 7 feet (about 2 meters).

Skinny House

Across Hull street from the Copp's Hill Burying Ground is an extremely narrow four-story spite house built shortly after the Civil War. Only 10.4 ft wide at its widest point, the house is reported by the Boston Globe as having the "uncontested distinction of being the narrowest house in Boston."

The vista
Copp's Hill is the highest point in the North End and is the third highest hill in Boston after Beacon Hill and Fort Hill. As such, Copp's Hill provides a view of numerous local landmarks. The Old North Church stands at one end of Hull Street. In the opposite direction, the Leonard P. Zakim Bunker Hill Memorial Bridge and the TD Garden are visible not far away. Over local rooftops the upper levels of Custom House Tower, One International Place, and other buildings in the Financial District can be glimpsed. Beyond the other side of the hill, across the Charles River in Charlestown, the USS Constitution and the USS Cassin Young may be seen docked at Boston Navy Yard with the Bunker Hill Monument in the distance.

title: Copp's Hill