text:
Talk:Transpose

Note
Another note -- should mention that the generalization of the notion of transpose to complex matrices is to make element (i,j) equal to the conjugate of the (j,i) element. I agree with Chris W that the notation A' should be mentioned as an alternative. Wile E. Heresiarch 08:39, 11 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Differentiation of transposed matrices
I was trying to understand what the derivative of a transposed matrix is with respect to that matrix? So something like $$ \frac{\mathrm{d}A \Theta}{\mathrm{d}\Theta}$$ where both are matrices.

yanneman 13:26, 20 November 2006 (UTC)

Transpose of linear maps
In the Transpose of linear maps section, the article had read:
 * If f : V→W is a linear map between vector spaces V and W with dual spaces W* and V*, we define the transpose of f to be the linear map tf : W*→V* with

{}^t f (\phi) = \phi\circ f\,$$  for every $$\ \phi$$ in W*.

An anonymous user changed that to
 * If f : V→W is a linear map between vector spaces V and W with dual spaces W* and V*, we define the transpose of f to be the linear map fT : W*→V* with

f (\phi)^{\mathrm{T}} = \phi\circ f\,$$  for every $$\ \phi$$ in W*.

Now, I think that's confusing (it's f that's transposed, not f(φ)), and it would be better to write

f^{\mathrm{T}}(\phi) = \phi\circ f\,$$  for every $$\ \phi$$ in W*. But even that seems ambiguous; is this "transpose f" or "f to the T power"? But I'm unfamiliar with this notation, and I certainly don't have the same objection to T used with matrices. So, are there any experts who could weigh in with the most common usage in this area? (I'm not proposing to change the T notation used in the earlier sections, just to keep the t notation in this one section.) --Quuxplusone 21:14, 8 August 2005 (UTC)

 * Putting the T in front sounds like a worthy experiment. In general though, you have to realise that mathematics notation is never anywhere near as rigorous as people would like to think. A classic example is -1 designates both the inverse and the reciprocal. Cesiumfrog (talk) 04:52, 11 May 2010 (UTC)

 * What about using $$f^\top(\phi)$$? —Ben FrantzDale (talk) 12:40, 11 May 2010 (UTC)

hermitian transpose?
hermitian transpose = conjugate transpose? --Moala 09:23, 20 December 2005 (UTC)

Transpose on tensors...
I'm confused. It seems like much of linear algebra glosses over the meaning of transposition and simply uses it as a mechanism for manipulating numbers, for example, defining the norm of v as $$\|v\| = \sqrt{v^\top v}$$.

In some linear-algebra topics, however, it appears that column and row vectors have different meanings (that appear to have something to do with covariance and contravariance of vectors). The transpose of a column vector, c, gives you a row vector -- a vector in the dual space of c. I think the idea is that column vectors would be indexed with raised indices and row vectors with lowered indices with tensors.

Here's my confusion: If row vectors and column vectors are in distinct spaces (and they certainly are in that you can't just add them), then taking the transpose of a vector isn't just some notational convenience, it is an application of a nontrivial function, $$f(v)=v^\top:V\rightarrow V^*$$. To do something like this in general, we can use any bilinear form, but that involves more structure than just

So:
 * 1) Is it correct that there are are two things going on here: (1) using transpose for numerical convenience and (2) using rows versus columns to for indicateng co- versus contravariance?
 * 2) Isn't the conventional Euclidean metric defined with a contravariant metric tensor: $$\|v\|=\sqrt{g_{ij}v^iv^j}$$? Doesn't that not involve any transposition in that both vs have raised indices?

Thanks. —Ben FrantzDale (talk) 05:00, 11 November 2009 (UTC)

Transpose and tensors
I posed a question on Talk:Transpose that didn't get any responses there. Perhaps this is a better audience since it's a bit of an essoteric question for such an elementary topic; Here's the question again:

 * I'm confused. It seems like much of linear algebra glosses over the meaning of transposition and simply uses it as a mechanism for manipulating numbers, for example, defining the norm of v as $$\|v\| = \sqrt{v^\top v}$$.

 * In some linear-algebra topics, however, it appears that column and row vectors have different meanings (that appear to have something to do with covariance and contravariance of vectors). In that context, the transpose of a column vector, c, gives you a row vector -- a vector in the dual space of c. I think the idea is that column vectors would be indexed with raised indices and row vectors with lowered indices with tensors.

 * Here's my confusion: If row vectors and column vectors are in distinct spaces (and they certainly, even in elementary linear algebra in that you can't just add a column to a row vector because they have different shapes), then taking the transpose of a vector isn't just some notational convenience, it is an application of a nontrivial function, $$f(v)=v^\top:V\rightarrow V^*$$. To do something like this in general, we can use any bilinear form, but that involves more structure than just

 * So:
 * Is it correct that there are are two things going on here: (1) using transpose for numerical convenience and (2) using rows versus columns to for indicateng co- versus contravariance?
 * Isn't the conventional Euclidean metric defined with a contravariant metric tensor: $$\|v\|=\sqrt{g_{ij}v^iv^j}$$? Doesn't that not involve any transposition in that both vs have raised indices?

 * Thanks. —Ben FrantzDale (talk) 14:16, 23 November 2009 (UTC)

 * I guess it depends on how we define vectors. If we consider a vector as just being an n by m matrix with either n=1 or m=1, then transposition is just what it is with any other matrix - a map from the space of n by m matrices to the space of m by n matrices. --Tango (talk) 14:38, 23 November 2009 (UTC)
 * Sure. I'm asking because I get the sense that there are some unwritten ruels going on. At one extreme is the purely-mechanical notion of tranpose that you describe, which I'm happy with. In that context, transpose is just used along with matrix operations to simplify the expression of some operations. At the other extreme, rows and columns correspond to co- and contra-variant vectors, in which case transpose is completely non-trivial.
 * My hunch is that the co- and contravariance convention is useful for some limited cases in which all transformations are mixex of type (1,1) and all (co-) vectors are either of type (0,1) or (1,0). But that usage doesn't extend to problems involving things like type-(0,2) or type-(2,0) tensors since usual linear algebra doesn't allow for a row vector of row vectors. My hunch is that in this case, transpose is used a kludge to allow expressions like $$g_{ij} v^i v^j$$ to be represented with matrices as $$v^\top g v$$. Does that sound right, or am I jumping to conclusions? If this is right, it could do with some explanation somewhere. —Ben FrantzDale (talk) 15:13, 23 November 2009 (UTC)

Using an orthonormal basis, $$\scriptstyle g_{ij}=\delta_{ij}\,$$, and $$\scriptstyle g_{ij} v^i v^j=(g_{ij} v^i) v^j=(\delta_{ij} v^i) v^j=v^\top_j v^j=v^\top v.$$ That "usual linear algebra doesn't allow for a row vector of row vectors" is the reason why tensor notation is used when a row vector of row vectors, such as $$\scriptstyle g_{ij}\,$$, is needed. Bo Jacoby (talk) 16:53, 23 November 2009 (UTC).

 * Also note that there is no canonical isomorphism between V and V* if V is a plain real vector space of finite dimension >1, with no additional structure. What is of course canonical is the pairing VxV* → R. Fixing a base on V is the same as fixing an isomorphism with Rn, hence produces a special isomorphism V→V*, because Rn does possess a preferred isomorphism with its dual, that is the transpose, if we represent n-vectors with columns and forms with rows. Fixing an isomorphism V→V* is the same as giving V a scalar product (check the equivalence), which is a tensor of type (0,2), that eats pairs of vectors and defecates scalars. --pma (talk) 18:46, 23 November 2009 (UTC)

 * Those are great answers! That clarifies some things that have been nagging me for a long time! I feel like It is particularly helpful to think that conventional matrix notation doesn't provide notation for a row of row vectors or the like. I will probably copy the above discussion to Talk:Transpose for postarity and will probably add explanation along these lines to appropriate articles.
 * I haven't worked much with complex tensors, but your use of conjugate transpose reminds me that I've also long been suspiscious of its "meaning" (and simply that of complex conjugate) for the same reasons. Could you comment on that? In some sense $$c^*c$$ on a complex number, $$c=a+bi$$ is the same operation as $$v^\top v$$ on a vector, using conjugate transpose as a mechanism to compute $$c^*c=a^2+b^2$$. For a complex number, I'm not sure what would generalize to "row vector" or "column vector"... I'm not sure what I'm asking, but I feel like there's a little more that could be said connecting the above great explanations to conjugate transpose. :-) —Ben FrantzDale (talk) 19:19, 23 November 2009 (UTC)
 * A complex number (just as a real number) is a 1-D vector, so rows and columns are the same thing. The modulus on $$\Complex$$ can be thought of as a special case of the norm on $$\Complex^n$$ (ie. for n=1). From an algebraic point of view, complex conjugation is the unique (non-trivial) automorphism on $$\Complex$$ that keeps $$\R$$ fixed. Such automorphisms are central to Galois theory. I'm not really sure what the importance and meaning is from a geometrical or analytic point of view... --Tango (talk) 19:41, 23 November 2009 (UTC)

Let V and W be two vector spaces, and ƒ : V → W be a linear map. Let F be the matrix representation of ƒ with respect to some bases {vi} and {wj}. I seem to recall, please do correct me if I'm wrong, that F : V → W and FT : W* → V* where V* and W* are the dual spaces of V and W respectively. In this setting vT is dual to v. So the quantity vTv is the evaluation of the vector v by the covector vT. Dr Dec  (Talk)   23:26, 23 November 2009 (UTC)

Orthogonal Matrices
In the "Special transpose matrices" section, the writing implies that an orthogonal matrix G is defined as one for which GT=G-1. Thus I was going to change the "if" in "...that is, G is orthogonal if..." to "iff" but I was unsure if this was really a fundamental definition. The "Orthogonal Matrix" page does the same as this one.

It seems like a decent definition of an orthogonal matrix could be a G such that GGT and GTG are (one or both) diagonal or something. Not necessarily that one, but it's enough to make me suspect there's a more general definition some people might use.

Hopefully someone better versed in (multi-)linear algebra literature comes along and knows if there's a more general definition. If there isn't, or if it's still fully compatible, let's change the "if" to "iff" here and possibly in the "Orthogonal Matrix" page too. --Horn.imh (talk) 19:20, 16 June 2011 (UTC)

 * I'm pretty sure you are right and that it is iff. Suppose G is not orthogonal. Then two columns of G aren't orthogonal (or a column doesn't have norm of one). Then $$G^\top G$$ will not be diagonal (because off-diagonal terms are inner products of columns with different columns) in the case that the columns aren't orthogonal, and it will have something other than one on the diagonal in the case that any columns don't have norm of one (because the diagonals are the inner products of columns with themselves). QED. —Ben FrantzDale (talk) 20:05, 16 June 2011 (UTC)

Notation in 'Transpose of Linear Maps'
$$o$$ is a terrible notation for anything because it looks like a zero. We should change this to $$w$$ or something. Is the author trying to suggest an $$\omega$$? Because then they should just use the $$\omega$$...

Also, we need to be consistent for our transpose notation. Should it be $$\textstyle{^t}v$$ $$\textstyle{^T}v$$ $$v^T$$ or $$v^t$$? We use three of the four possibilities here.

129.32.11.206 (talk) 19:16, 10 October 2012 (UTC)

Transpose of linear maps: why defined in terms of a bilinear form?
In the section Transpose of linear maps, the abstract definition of a transpose is in principle independent of any bilinear form. This was stated in this way until changed by this edit (which may have been taken from Linear Algebra Quick Study Guide for Smartphones and Mobile Devices). This fundamentally changes the definition of a transpose in the abstract context. It would make more sense to me if it were defined primarily in the metric-free context, and (if desired) related to the concept defined in the section at present when suitable bilinear forms are available. I suggest reverting this section to the earlier form, with the approach using bilinear forms omitted. Does anyone with more familiarity of the area know what the most generally accepted definition is? — Quondum 14:02, 1 June 2013 (UTC)

 * I would call what is described in that section of the article the adjoint rather than the transpose, although I'm not sure whether there is a universally accepted definition. It would make sense to me to define the transpose in a metric free setting and define the adjoint as a generalization.  I'm a little surprised that we don't already have an article on the adjoint (except for the special case hermitian adjoint.)  Sławomir Biały  (talk) 14:59, 1 June 2013 (UTC)

 * Thanks. It is a pity that the definitions seem to be a little variable (gauging from the few references I've browsed).  I'll make a change along these lines in the next week or so, any comment from other editors being welcome.  — Quondum 11:07, 2 June 2013 (UTC)
 * I've made some comprehensive changes to the section, criticism welcome. I also removed a misguided association of the transpose of a coordinate vector and the more abstract concept of a transpose from Dual basis.  — Quondum 02:00, 5 June 2013 (UTC)

Error in definition of Hermitian matrix?
States $$\mathbf{A}^{\mathrm{T}} = \mathbf{A}^{*}$$ but I think it should be $$\mathbf{A}^{\mathrm{T}} = \overline{\mathbf{A}}$$. I think this is also what user Moala pointed out below way back in 2005. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2601:9:2C80:464:809A:FAF:9F56:4439 (talk) 03:42, 19 May 2014 (UTC)

 * I think this is a matter of notation: sometimes the star is used to denote complex conjugate. I've changed this in the interest of reducing ambiguity and misunderstanding. —Quondum 04:41, 19 May 2014 (UTC)

Which Prime character?
> (also written A′, Atr, tA or At)

Should that be ′ or ʹ? Source? JDAWiseman (talk) 08:18, 9 November 2017 (UTC)

Yodalearning
The following external link was removed: Clicking on this link calls for enrollment in a course. If someone enrolls and finds good information on Transpose, then it might be used. For now it is just linkspam. — Rgdboer (talk) 22:59, 24 July 2018 (UTC)
 * How to create Transpose, yodalearning.com

Matrix to the Ath power ...?
In the text, should "a matrix raised to the Ath power" read instead "a matrix raised to the T-th power"? — Preceding unsigned comment added by Lehnekbn (talk • contribs) 21:42, 28 January 2019 (UTC)

Adjugate
The following was removed:
 * The reason transpose of a matrix is used is to get the sin(θ) between two vectors in a matrix. The dot product gives the cos(θ) of two vectors, and if we want to get the sin(θ), we would have to do a cos inverse operation to get the angle or use sin^2 + cos^2 = 1. Transpose of a matrix rotates the matrix angle to its complementary angle of pi/2 changing cos(θ) to sin(θ), allowing us to use simpler equations especially in inverse(A) = transpose(adjoint(A)) / det(A). An equation with sin(θ) and cos(θ) is vastly simpler than one with just cos(θ) to compute all other mathematical equations using tan(θ), tanh(θ), etc.

Perhaps the contributor means adjugate matrix. The business of sin(θ) being found this way is unclear and is given with no reference. — Rgdboer (talk) 22:39, 22 February 2019 (UTC)

New WP:User Devssh has taken an interest in this article, made the above contribution, thanked me for the correction, and today entered more unhelpful edits into the article. Only contributes here and has not taken up a user page. Devssh is encouraged to communicate in this Talk space before contributing further. — Rgdboer (talk) 01:01, 7 March 2019 (UTC)

Pertransposed
In some articles about numerical methods for control systems there is also the notion of the pertransposed matrix.

An example for such an article is:.

The definition there is: "transposed with respect to the main antidiagonal". (Just search for pertransposed within that article.)

If I take this literally for a square matrix $$A\in\mathbb{R}^{n\times n}$$ I get the pertransposed as $$A^P = A({\rm end}:-1:1,{\rm end}:-1:1)'$$ with Octave notation.

This is also the way it is defined in.

But, in it is used as $$A^P = A({\rm end}:-1:1,{\rm end}:-1:1)$$ without the transposition. Maybe that is just a typo. But, it caused me to search for pertranspose here on Wikipedia.

I needed the pertransposed in the context of the generation of the Quasi-Kronecker form of a matrix pencil (see e.g., Varga's article).

Wouldn't it be great to mention the pertranspose with the definition from articles as one of the generalizations of the transposed matrix here in this article? --TN (talk) 08:14, 8 January 2021 (UTC)

Serious omission
For the transpose Mt of a real square matrix considered as a linear mapping M : Rn —> Rn, with the standard dot product ⟨v,w⟩, we have the standard fact that

⟨Mv,w⟩ = ⟨v,Mtw⟩

for all vectors v, w ∊ Rn.

Yet in the article this fact is buried deep in the article, in the section Adjoint, only in the greatest generality.

The section Adjoint is entirely appropriate. But the basic fact above, in its most common manifestation, ought to be mentioned much, much earlier in the article. Especially because that is often how the transpose is defined. 2601:200:C000:1A0:291B:4FAF:4C47:67FE (talk) 18:18, 24 September 2021 (UTC)

Overwhelming details without the right intuition
This Wikipedia article can easily overwhelm a beginner. there is no point in giving all the unstructured & unstitched details. The article requires a section on motivation for transposes and the link to least squares and the four fundamental sub spaces. Can we work towards a well directed article? With a couple of volunteers I can take up this responsibility. 103.118.50.5 (talk) 05:46, 18 September 2022 (UTC)
 * Hello Rupnagar. Using this Talk space to start, please explain the 4 fundamental subspaces. And what is the connection to  least squares? Note that transpose refers to binary relations as well as linear transformations, so various details are required. As for motivation, the relation (mathematics) context is common. Rgdboer (talk) 04:02, 19 September 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Transpose


text:
A.J. Soprano

Anthony John Soprano Jr. is a fictional character on the HBO television series The Sopranos, portrayed by Robert Iler. He is the son of Carmela and Tony Soprano and the younger brother of Meadow Soprano.

Biography
Anthony was born July 15, 1986, and is the youngest child of Tony and Carmela Soprano. Unlike his older sister, AJ is a chronic underachiever with moderate self-esteem issues. During his high school years, he began developing a rebellious streak that leads him to crashing his mother's car, smoking marijuana at his own confirmation, getting drunk on stolen communion wine, vandalizing his school's swimming pool, and getting expelled from school after cheating on a test. As Tony and Carmela get to their wits end with his antics, they decide to send him to military to teach him tough love and discipline, but after learning he gets panic attacks just like Tony, they decide to keep him in public school by sending him to another school, but keep a closer eye on him.

In the episode D-Girl, after reading The Stranger and Friedrich Nietzsche, AJ states that "God is dead" and that he does not want to get confirmed. Despite his objections, he receives his confirmation. In the episode Pie-O-My, he is heard listening to The Gift That Keeps On Giving, a song about accepting the word of Satan, by Deicide, an anti-Christian Satanist death metal band that is named after deicide, the act of killing a god.

Despite all of his troubles, AJ is a spoiled child. In the episode "Two Tonys", it is revealed that Tony bought him an elaborate $5,000 drum set. Additionally, in the episode "All Happy Families...", Tony gets him an almost new Nissan Xterra as a "motivational tool". A.J. is excited about the SUV, however, he comments about the environmental impact of the car, and also states he may encounter social pressure from school friends to drive a different vehicle.

During the fifth season, A.J. shows an increasing amount of disrespect to his mother, presumably due to his parents' separation. He tends to relate better to his father, and ends up moving in with him during the separation. However, in the episode "Sentimental Education", A.J. and Tony get into a scuffle over A.J.'s lack of respect. A.J. soon decides he wants to move back in with his mother, threatening to call social services due to the ongoing "violence against children" present in his father's home. Carmela demands certain things from A.J. in return for allowing him to move back in (e.g., showing respect to his mother, not swearing, tending to schoolwork).

Frequently throughout the series, Tony and Carmela express concern about A.J.'s future. Tony has no desire to offer his son a position in the mafia. In the fifth season of the show, A.J. displays an unexpected interest in pursuing a career in event planning, but later derides his parents' mentions of it (e.g., in "Mr. & Mrs. John Sacrimoni Request...").

In "Full Leather Jacket", A.J. says that he wants to go to Harvard University or West Point for college. Tony dismisses the idea as unrealistic given A.J.'s poor academic performance. During Season 3, when Tony asks him about it at a family dinner, A.J. claims that he never said that, as he knows his grades wouldn't be good enough. Throughout Season 5, references are made to the unlikelihood of A.J.'s being admitted to a four-year university.

In Season 6A, A.J. admits to his parents that he has flunked out of the community college he was attending, a worrying parallel to Tony's own youth. After a senile Uncle Junior mistakes Tony as an intruder and shoots him, A.J. steals a large knife and goes to the institution where Junior is being held, in a futile effort to exact revenge for his father. He is arrested, but later released without charges thanks to his father's political connections. He delves deep into the New York City club scene and begins using cocaine.

After several days of Anthony's claiming to be searching for jobs on the Internet to no avail, Tony intervenes and arranges a construction job for his son. A.J. claims he cannot do it because he will be trying again for community college, but Tony says that is not a problem as many of the men who work in construction are high school and college students. A.J. is reluctant to accept the job because of the early hours and outdoor work, which makes Tony angry.

Tony grabs a football helmet and smashes the windshield of A.J.'s Nissan Xterra, warning A.J. not to test him. A.J. reluctantly works at the construction site where he meets Blanca Selgado, who he soon begins dating. Carmela disapproves of Blanca, who is Dominican, 10 years A.J.'s senior, and has a three-year-old son named Hector. Tony is more approving of the relationship, commenting that at least Blanca is Catholic (like the Sopranos).

In Season 6B, A.J. proposes to Blanca at a fancy restaurant dinner, telling her that he will own a couple of restaurants in a couple of years. However, Blanca soon gives the ring back and breaks up with him, leaving A.J. severely depressed. His father tries to cheer him up, telling him there are many reasons he will meet other women and be successful in future relationships, including that he is smart, hard-working, and white, "a huge plus nowadays".

He quits his job and mopes about until his father forces him to attend a fraternity party with the college-age relatives of his fellow mafiosi. A.J. grudgingly attends, and soon starts to enjoy himself. Several of the boys run a sports betting operation at the college and after a night of drinking, they beat and torture a college student who neglected to pay them by pouring battery acid on his foot. A.J. joins in to help forget his relationship problems. Later, he joins his new friends as they physically harass other students on campus. Afterwards, A.J. is seen telling his psychiatrist that he is once again depressed about the world due to that incident.

This depression leads to a botched suicide attempt, wherein A.J. ties a cinder block to his leg with a too-long length of rope and attempts to drown himself in the pool at the Soprano home. His father hears his cries for help and dives into the pool to rescue him. He is then placed in psychiatric care facility, where he meets Rhiannon, an ex-girlfriend of his former friend Hernan. After Tony tells him that his uncle Bobby has been shot dead, A.J. begins to cry and complain about how Bobby's death negatively affects him. Tony loses patience with him, violently drags him out of his bed, slaps him around, and tells him to pack as the family leaves home quickly to elude a possible attack by the Lupertazzi family.

In the final episode, A.J. is in his Nissan Xterra with Rhiannon, his new girlfriend, and starts making out with her, but they both rush out of the vehicle when it catches fire due to A.J.'s parking it over a pile of leaves. After getting chewed out by Tony, A.J. decides to join the Army and begins vigorous training. This scares A.J.'s parents. Tony decides to sit down with A.J. and successfully talks him out of enlisting. Instead, Tony gets him a new BMW M3 and a job working for Little Carmine's film production company. The new job, paired with the possibility of opening his own nightclub, seems to alleviate A.J.'s depression. He is seen having dinner with his family at last.

In all seasons, A.J. is portrayed as a fan of heavy metal and nu metal, via product placements (shirts, coats, posters and stickers) of bands like Pantera, Nevermore, Mudvayne (whose concert he attends in the episode "All Happy Families"), Slipknot, Limp Bizkit, Coal Chamber, Marilyn Manson, Stuck Mojo, Machine Head, Soulfly and Fear Factory. By the end of the series, having grown more worldly and introspective, he discovers and begins analyzing the early work of Bob Dylan. Through various plot points and pieces of clothing, A.J. is identified as a fan of the New York Giants, New Jersey Devils and New York/New Jersey MetroStars.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: A.J. Soprano


text:
Haemophilia C

Haemophilia C (also known as plasma thromboplastin antecedent (PTA) deficiency or Rosenthal syndrome) is a mild form of haemophilia affecting both sexes, due to factor XI deficiency. It predominantly occurs in Ashkenazi Jews. It is the fourth most common coagulation disorder after von Willebrand's disease and haemophilia A and B. In the United States, it is thought to affect 1 in 100,000 of the adult population, making it 10% as common as haemophilia A.

Signs and symptoms
In terms of the signs/symptoms of haemophilia C, unlike individuals with Haemophilia A and B, people affected by it are not ones to bleed spontaneously. In these cases, haemorrhages tend to happen after a major surgery or injury. However, people affected with haemophilia C might experience symptoms closely related to those of other forms of haemophilia such as the following: • Oral bleeding.

• Nosebleeds

• Blood in the urine

• Post-partum bleeding (20% of cases)

• Tonsils (bleeding)

Cause
Haemophilia C is caused by a deficiency of coagulation factor XI and is distinguished from haemophilia A and B by the fact it does not lead to bleeding into the joints. Because factor XI helps sustain the fibrin clot in the intrinsic clotting pathway and combat fibrinolysis, a deficiency in this factor contributes to abnormal bleeding patterns; however, the amount of excessive bleeding is variable among those with haemophilia C. Furthermore, it has autosomal recessive inheritance, since the gene for factor XI is located on chromosome 4 (near the prekallikrein gene); and it is not completely recessive, individuals who are heterozygous also show increased bleeding.

Many mutations exist, and the bleeding risk is not always influenced by the severity of the deficiency. Haemophilia C is occasionally observed in individuals with systemic lupus erythematosus, because of inhibitors to the FXI protein.

Diagnosis
The diagnosis of haemophilia C (factor XI deficiency) is centered on prolonged activated partial thromboplastin time (aPTT). One will find that the factor XI has decreased in the individual's body. In terms of differential diagnosis, one must consider: haemophilia A, haemophilia B, lupus anticoagulant and heparin contamination. The prolongation of the activated partial thromboplastin time should completely correct with a 1:1 mixing study with normal plasma if haemophilia C is present; in contrast, if a lupus anticoagulant is present as the cause of a prolonged aPTT, the aPTT will not correct with a 1:1 mixing study.

Treatment
In terms of haemophilia C medication tranexamic acid is often used for both treatment after an incident of bleeding and as a preventive measure to avoid excessive bleeding during oral surgery.

Treatment is usually not necessary, except in relation to operations, leading to many of those having the condition not being aware of it. In these cases, fresh frozen plasma or recombinant factor XI may be used, but only if necessary.

Those affected may often develop nosebleeds, while females can experience unusual menstrual bleeding which can be avoided by taking birth control such as: IUDs and oral or injected contraceptives to increase coagulation ability by adjusting hormones to levels similar to pregnancy.

title: Haemophilia C


text:
Alexandra Nechita

Alexandra Nechita (born August 27, 1985) is a Romanian-American cubist painter and philanthropist. At age 12 she was dubbed the "Petite Picasso" by the media and the art community. She has been praised for her paintings and vision of art.

Early life and education
Nechita was born in Vaslui, three months after her father, Niki, escaped from Communist Romania. She and her mother, Viorica, had to wait two years before they were allowed to join him in the United States. The family settled in California, where her father found work as a lab technician and her mother as an office manager.

At the age of two, she was working with pen and ink, and by five with watercolors. By her seventh birthday, oil and acrylics were her tools. She had her first solo exhibition at age eight, at the public library in Whittier, Los Angeles County. At the time, she was a student at Orange Lutheran High School, a private school in Orange County. In 1995, at the age of ten, Nechita was taken to Paris to work at the Mourlot Studios. In the same year, she became the youngest artist to sign with International Art Publishers. When Nechita graduated, she gave her teachers a special painting that she had painted.

Career
By early 1996 Nechita had already delivered 16 solo exhibits of her paintings, and "at least $1.5 million in sales." Nechita came to national attention in early 1997, when she was chosen to design the 39th Annual Grammy Awards Program. Nechita has been a guest on The Oprah Winfrey Show and has appeared with numerous celebrities, including Bill Clinton. In addition to talk show appearances, she has played herself on the teen sitcom Boy Meets World in the 1998 episode "Better Than The Average Cory". Her talent and perceived similarities to Pablo Picasso led to her being known as the "Petite Picasso. She was known as a child prodigy until late in her teens, and routinely sold her paintings for $100,000 or more.

In November 1999, Nechita was selected by the World Federation of United Nations Associations to lead a Global Arts Initiative involving more than 100 nations. In 2005, Alexandra Nechita unveiled her United Nations Peace Monument for Asia in Singapore, to be displayed at the Catholic High School. Her artwork has been sold and displayed at various locations in the world and her collectors include Ellen DeGeneres, Alec Baldwin, Oprah Winfrey, Melissa Etheridge, Lee Iacocca, Calvin Klein, Whoopi Goldberg, Little Richard and Paul Stanley of the rock group Kiss. The theatre at her high school, Lutheran High School of Orange County is named after her.

Nechita is on the Board of Selectors of Jefferson Awards for Public Service.

Media
Nechita was interviewed by CNN's Nicole Lapin on the series Young People Who Rock in November 2007. She has appeared on television news and talk shows around the world, including NBC's Today Show, The Oprah Winfrey Show, NBC Nightly News and CBS Sunday Morning. She also made a cameo appearance in an episode of ABC's Boy Meets World. She has received numerous awards and honors which include Outstanding Artist of the Year (Lincoln Center for Arts New York); Most Fascinating Woman of the Year (Ladies' Home Journal in conjunction with CBS TV); Outstanding Young person Award (Osaka, Japan); and Woman of the Year by the American Red Cross.

Personal life
She graduated from UCLA in 2008 with a degree in Fine Arts and currently lives in Los Angeles. In January 2014, she married longtime boyfriend Dimitry Tcharfas. She has a daughter and a son.

title: Alexandra Nechita


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Octagon house

Octagon houses are eight-sided houses that were popular in the United States and Canada mostly in the 1850s. They are characterized by an octagonal (eight-sided) plan and often feature a flat roof and a veranda that circles the house. Their unusual shape and appearance, quite different from the ornate pitched-roof houses typical of the period, can generally be traced to the influence of amateur architect and lifestyle pundit Orson Squire Fowler. Although there are other octagonal houses worldwide, the term octagon house usually refers to octagonal houses built in North America during this period, and up to the early 1900s.

History
Early examples, before Fowler:
 * Poplar Forest, Thomas Jefferson's private retreat and plantation house near Lynchburg, Virginia.
 * William Thornton's John Tayloe III House, more commonly called The Octagon House in Washington, D.C. After the White House was burned by the British during the War of 1812, President James Madison stayed in the Octagon House, and it was here that the Treaty of Ghent (ending the War of 1812) was signed. It is now the headquarters of the American Institute of Architects. While known as "The Octagon", it is worth noting that this particular building is not actually octagonal.

Both houses are large brick buildings in the classical tradition. They may be seen as precursors, but are somewhat different from the Victorian octagon houses which are essentially domestic structures.

Orson Squire Fowler
The leading proponent of octagonal houses was Orson Squire Fowler. Fowler was America's foremost lecturer and writer on phrenology, the pseudoscience of defining an individual's characteristics by the contours of the skull. In the middle of the 19th century, Fowler made his mark on American architecture when he touted the advantages of octagonal homes over rectangular and square structures in his widely publicized book, The Octagon House: A Home For All, or A New, Cheap, Convenient, and Superior Mode of Building, printed in the year 1848. As a result of this popular and influential publication, a few thousand octagonal houses were erected in the United States, mostly in the Midwest, the East Coast and in nearby parts of Canada.

Fowler was not a professional architect.

Advantages of the octagon plan
According to Fowler, an octagon house was cheaper to build, allowed for additional living space, received more natural light, was easier to heat, and remained cooler in the summer. These benefits all derive from the geometry of an octagon: the shape encloses space efficiently, minimizing external surface area and consequently heat loss and gain, building costs etc. A circle is the most efficient shape, but difficult to build and awkward to furnish, so an octagon is a sensible approximation. Victorian builders were used to building 135° corners, as in the typical bay window, and could easily adapt to an octagonal plan.

Design principles
Fowler's The Octagon House is sometimes incorrectly referred to as a pattern book but the popularity of the book lies in the way Fowler suggested some general principles, and encouraged readers to invent the details for themselves. Only a few examples are offered, and apart from plans, the book has only two illustrations.

Fowler first shows some methods of subdividing an octagonal floor plan. Next is Howland's octagonal plan, a small house designed by 'Messrs. Morgan and Brothers, architects' which is similar to the Norrish House illustrated below. There follows A description of the author's own residence, now known as Fowler's Folly, at Fishkill, of which more below. Finally, A superior plan for a good sized house, which is a development of the Fishkill plans, apparently proposed by his engraver. The main feature of his plans is a desire to eliminate unnecessary circulation space, sometimes to the point that the main staircase is inconvenient, and the external veranda is the best way to get around the house.

Other design proposals include:
 * Flat roof to collect rainwater, with cisterns built-in to collect and distribute the water.
 * Rainwater filtering, using filter beds made up of alternating layers of sand and activated charcoal.
 * Central heating by distributing hot air from a furnace in the basement.
 * Flues, air ducts and speaking tubes built into the thickness of walls.

Built examples vary greatly in how much of this influence is apparent. Although built in brick, the Watertown house featured in this article is an almost perfect embodiment of many of Fowler's ideas.

Masswall construction
Stacked board construction was recommended in the first edition of A Home for All but the third edition of Fowler's book, printed in 1853, had a new subtitle: A Home For All, or The Gravel Wall and Octagon Mode of Building, and was distinguished by Fowler's enthusiasm for concrete construction. At the time concrete construction was not widely used as Portland cement was only recently discovered by a Mr. Goodrich of Janesville, Wisconsin. Fowler knew gravel and lime were available in unlimited quantities in the prairies and saw the "gravel wall" as offering a new, cheap and durable way of building. His house at Fishkill was built using concrete. The walls were built up a few feet at a time, by pouring a mixture of gravel and lime into timber shuttering. As the concrete cured, the shuttering could be taken down and moved up to the next level.

Modern concrete is made using Portland cement, not lime, but the main difference is the universal use of steel reinforcing bars, which greatly increase the strength of the material, and make it possible to build concrete beams and floor slabs as well as walls. Fowler used large stones to reinforce corners, but he used no other reinforcement, and was therefore restricted to walls. The roof, floors and verandas are all of timber construction.

Fowler's Folly
To quote Fowler "...those studies which have eventuated in this work were instituted primarily in order to erect this very house". Construction began in 1848, the same year his book was first published, and took five years to complete. The house was large, 42 feet to each side of the octagon or 100 feet across, and built on a hilltop overlooking the Hudson River, where it could be seen for miles around. Fowler removed the top of the hill to create a level site and to provide material for his "gravel walls". This grand residence had four huge reception rooms which could be interconnected depending on the size of event, allegedly 60 rooms (counting small dressing rooms as well as proper rooms) and a glazed cupola rising to 70 feet above ground. Fowler's favorite writing room was an internal room on the third floor, lit only from the cupola via a fanlight over the door. The house had no central staircase, so visitors entered one of the main rooms through a small lobby, while family and staff used the basement entrance. There are verandas all round the house at first-, second- and third-floor levels, linked by two outside stairs.

The financial panic of 1857 led Fowler to rent out the house, which subsequently went through a series of owners. Fowler's Folly fell into disrepair, and finally - condemned as a public hazard - it was dynamited in 1897 by Fred C. Haight, demolition engineer for the city of Fishkill.

Surviving examples
Estimates vary but hundreds of these Victorian-era homes are still standing across the United States and Canada. One estimate puts the number at 2,077. Even in their heyday, octagon houses were never mainstream.

The largest remaining octagon homes in the United States are Longwood in Natchez, Mississippi and the Octagon House in Watertown, Wisconsin. Both homes are open to the public. In Eastern Washington state one still sits where it was moved to in 1993 to Bridgeport, near the Columbia River.

Fowler was influential, but not the only proponent of octagonal houses and other structures. There are also octagonal barns, schoolhouses, churches, and in Canada, octagonal "dead houses".

Design and variations
Within the central idea of the octagonal plan, these houses show a wide variety of both construction and outward form. They range from the modest two-storey Bevis-Tucker House, to the grandiose Armour-Stiner House (both are illustrated below).

A full octagon house has eight equal sides, although slight variations in length are not unusual. In some cases the basic octagon is partially obscured by additions, either all round as at the Zelotes Holmes House, or by adding a functional wing out of sight at the rear. The House of the Seven Gables in Mayo, Florida has gables on seven sides while the eighth side is extended to the rear. The Richard Peacon House in Key West, Florida, appears to be a full octagon from the street but the rear portion is squared off.

Fowler advocated the use of "gravel wall" construction for the walls. This was an experimental technique at the time, and although some were built that way, most octagon houses were built the same way as ordinary houses, of timber frame, brick or stone.

Planned community
A moral community headed by Henry S. Clubb tried to establish Octagon City in 1856 in Kansas. It was intended to have an octagonal square with eight roads and octagonal farmhouses and barns. Most settlers had left after the winter.

Examples of octagon houses
The following are examples of the 'true' octagon houses and the range of design variations to be found.

Case study: Watertown Octagon House, Wisconsin

Although one of the largest, the Watertown house is midway between the grandest and most modest surviving examples. It is well documented, has been carefully restored, and is open to the public as a museum.

History
Construction was completed 1854. The house fell into disuse and was taken over by the newly founded Watertown Historical Society, and opened to the public in 1938. It is still owned by the Society.

Construction and innovations

 * The plan is a 50 ft octagon, with a 4 ft veranda all round at first- and second-floor levels.
 * The house is built on 17 in stone foundations, with external walls of brickwork 13 in thick.
 * The central square is made up of two 4 in leaves of brickwork with a 4 in cavity, which is used for chimney flues and warm air ducting, to heat rooms without fireplaces. The double wall eliminates the need for projecting chimney breasts.
 * The battlement effect at the top of the cupola is actually the four chimneys.
 * A furnace in the basement heats water, and warm air is ducted into the twelve main rooms, i.e. those adjoining the central square.
 * An elegant spiral staircase links all the floors. It is self-supporting on the inside and built into the walls on the outside of the stairwell. There is also a servants' staircase.
 * The house has a flat roof, sloping gently towards the center.
 * Rainwater from the roof was collected in a reservoir at third-floor level, and overflows into a cistern next to the kitchen in the basement.
 * Publications regularly state the house has 57 rooms; however this includes every closet and passage. The number of habitable rooms is 29, including the octagonal room in the cupola.
 * Despite having 15 bedrooms there is just a single bathroom.

Architectural style
The house was inspired by Fowler's book, and is a good example of his theories put into practice. Features which are directly linked to his ideas, apart from the octagonal plan, are the central spiral staircase, symmetrical arrangement of rooms with interconnecting doors, the verandas running all round the building, and the flat roof surmounted by a cupola. In accordance with Fowler's theories, the detailing is relatively plain for the period. Openings are simply framed by moldings. The covered verandas lack excess detail, having modest turned balustrade spindles and supporting posts. The decorative effect of the house comes from the basic design features: the octagonal shape and the external verandas.

There are four generously sized rooms on each floor, nearly 18 foot square, with connecting doors all round. The subsidiary rooms are less satisfactory, being triangular. The arrangement of rooms is rigidly the same on all floors because the partition walls are of 9 in brickwork, so they must stack one above the other. The central spiral stair is compact, but leaves one side of the house without direct access to the landings, so there are bedrooms only accessible through another bedroom - in the worst case, through two other bedrooms. The drawbacks of this arrangement are again a legacy of Fowler's influence, an unwillingness to sacrifice spaciousness in the rooms to sensible circulation arrangements. Fowler's own house had external staircases and the verandas were used for circulation and access to the rooms.

Record drawings
Below are drawings of the Watertown Octagon House dated March 28, 1935, prepared by the Historic American Buildings Survey. At that time the verandas were missing, removed when they became dangerously rotten. The survey drawings are a reconstruction of the house as it was originally built.

title: Octagon house


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Birth rate

Birth rate, also known as natality, is the total number of live human births per 1,000 population for a given period divided by the length of the period in years. The number of live births is normally taken from a universal registration system for births; population counts from a census, and estimation through specialized demographic techniques. The birth rate (along with mortality and migration rates) is used to calculate population growth. The estimated average population may be taken as the mid-year population.

When the crude death rate is subtracted from the crude birth rate (CBR), the result is the rate of natural increase (RNI). This is equal to the rate of population change (excluding migration).

The total (crude) birth rate (which includes all births)—typically indicated as births per 1,000 population—is distinguished from a set of age-specific rates (the number of births per 1,000 persons, or more usually 1,000 females, in each age group). The first known use of the term "birth rate" in English was in 1856.

The average global birth rate was 18.1 births per 1,000 total population in 2021. The death rate was 7.7 per 1,000. The RNI was thus 1.6 percent. In 2012, the average global birth rate was 19.611 according to the World Bank and 19.15 births per 1,000 total population according to the CIA, compared to 20.09 per 1,000 total population in 2007.

The 2021 average of 18.1 births per 1,000 total population equates to approximately 4.3 births per second or about 259 births per minute for the world.

In politics
The birth rate is an issue of concern and policy for national governments. Some (including those of Italy and Malaysia) seek to increase the birth rate with financial incentives or provision of support services to new mothers. Conversely, other countries have policies to reduce the birth rate (for example, China's one-child policy which was in effect from 1978 to 2015). Policies to increase the crude birth rate are known as pro-natalist policies, and policies to reduce the crude birth rate are known as anti-natalist policies. Non-coercive measures such as improved information on birth control and its availability have achieved good results in countries such as Iran and Bangladesh.

There has also been discussion on whether bringing women into the forefront of development initiatives will lead to a decline in birth rates. In some countries, government policies have focused on reducing birth rates by improving women's rights, sexual and reproductive health. Typically, high birth rates are associated with health problems, low life expectancy, low living standards, low social status for women and low educational levels. Demographic transition theory postulates that as a country undergoes economic development and social change its population growth declines, with birth rates serving as an indicator.

At the 1974 World Population Conference in Bucharest, Romania, women's issues gained considerable attention. Family programs were discussed, and 137 countries drafted a World Population Plan of Action. As part of the discussion, many countries accepted modern birth control methods such as the birth control pill and the condom while opposing abortion. Population concerns, as well as the desire to include women in the discourse, were discussed; it was agreed that improvements in women's status and initiatives in defense of reproductive health and freedom, the environment, and sustainable socioeconomic development were needed.

Birth rates ranging from 10 to 20 births per 1,000 are considered low, while rates from 40 to 50 births per 1,000 are considered high. There are problems associated with high birth rates, and there may be problems associated with low birth rates. High birth rates may contribute to malnutrition and starvation, stress government welfare and family programs, and more importantly store up overpopulation for the future, and increase human damage to other species and habitats, and environmental degradation. Additional problems faced by a country with a high birth rate include educating a growing number of children, creating jobs for these children when they enter the workforce, and dealing with the environmental impact of a large population. Low birth rates may stress the government to provide adequate senior welfare systems and stress families who must support the elders themselves. There will be fewer younger able-bodied people who may be needed to support an ageing population, if a high proportion of older people become disabled and unable to care for themselves.

Population control
In the 20th century, several authoritarian governments sought either to increase or to decrease the birth rates, sometimes through forceful intervention. One of the most notorious natalist policies was that in communist Romania in 1967–1990, during the time of communist leader Nicolae Ceaușescu, who adopted a very aggressive natalist policy which included outlawing abortion and contraception, routine pregnancy tests for women, taxes on childlessness, and legal discrimination against childless people. This policy has been depicted in movies and documentaries (such as 4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days, and Children of the Decree). These policies temporarily increased birth rates for a few years, but this was followed by a decline due to the increased use of illegal abortion. Ceaușescu's policy resulted in over 9,000 deaths of women due to illegal abortions, large numbers of children put into Romanian orphanages by parents who could not cope with raising them, street children in the 1990s (when many orphanages were closed and the children ended on the streets), and overcrowding in homes and schools. Ultimately, this aggressive natalist policy led to a generation who eventually led the Romanian Revolution which overthrew and executed him.

In stark contrast to Ceaușescu's natalist policy was China's one child policy, in effect from 1978 to 2015, which included abuses such as forced abortions. This policy has also been deemed responsible for the common practice of sex-selective abortion which led to an imbalanced sex ratio in the country. Given strict family size limitations and a preference for sons, girls became unwanted in China because they were considered as depriving the parents of the chance of having a son. With the progress of prenatal sex-determination technologies and induced abortion, the one-child policy gradually turned into a one-son policy.

In many countries, the steady decline in birth rates over the past decades can largely be attributed to the significant gains in women's freedoms, such as tackling forced marriage and child marriage, access to contraception, equal access to education, and increased socioeconomic opportunities. Women of all economic, social, religious and educational persuasions are choosing to have fewer children as they are gaining more control over their own reproductive rights. Apart from more children living into their adult years, women are often more ambitious to take up education and paid work outside the home, and to live their own lives rather than just a life of reproduction and unpaid domestic work. Birth rates have fallen due to the introduction of family planning clinics and other access to contraception.

In Bangladesh, one of the poorest countries in the world, women are less likely to have two children (or more) than they were before 1999, according to Australian demographer Jack Caldwell. Bangladeshi women eagerly took up contraceptives, such as condoms and the pill, according to a study in 1994 by the World Bank. The study proved that family planning could be carried out and accepted practically anywhere. Caldwell also believes that agricultural improvements led to the need for less labour. Children not needed to plough the fields would be of surplus and require some education, so in turn, families become smaller and women are able to work and have greater ambitions. Other examples of non-coercive family planning policies are Ethiopia, Thailand and Indonesia.

Myanmar was controlled until 2011 by an austere military junta, intent on controlling every aspect of people's lives. The generals wanted the country's population doubled. In their view, women's job was to produce babies to power the country's labour force, so family planning was vehemently opposed. The women of Burma opposed this policy, and Peter McDonald of the Australian National University argues that this gave rise to a black market trade in contraceptives, smuggled in from neighbouring Thailand.

In 1990, five years after the Iraq-Iran war ended, Iran saw the fastest recorded fall in fertility in world history. Revolution gave way to consumerism and westernization. With TVs and cars came condoms and birth control pills. A generation of women had been expected to produce soldiers to fight Iraq, but the next generation of women could choose to enjoy some newfound luxuries. During the war, the women of Iran averaged about 8 children each, a ratio the hard-line Islamic President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad wanted to revive. As of 2010, the birth rate of Iran is 1.7 babies per woman. Some observers claim this to be a triumph of Western values of freedom for women against states with Islamic values.

Islamic clerics are also having less influence over women in other Muslim countries. In the past 30 years Turkey's fertility rate of children per woman has dropped from 4.07 to 2.08. Tunisia has dropped from 4.82 to 2.14 and Morocco from 5.4 to 2.52 children per woman.

Latin America, of predominately Catholic faith, has seen the same trends of falling fertility rates. Brazilian women are having half the children compared to 25 years ago: a rate of 1.7 children per woman. The Vatican now has less influence over women in other hard-line Catholic countries. Mexico, El Salvador, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Colombia, Venezuela and Peru have all seen significant drops in fertility in the same period, all going from over six to less than three children per woman. Forty percent of married Brazilian women are choosing to get sterilised after having children, but this may be because it only requires confession on one occasion. Some observers claim this to be a triumph of modern Western values of freedom for women against states with Catholic values.

National birth rates
According to the CIA's The World Factbook, who presumably get their figures from the World Health Organization, the country with the highest birth rate is Niger at 6.49 children born per woman and the country with the lowest birth rate is Taiwan, at 1.13 children born per woman. However, despite not having any official records, it can be presumed for obvious reasons (only men are allowed to be Catholic priests) that the Holy See has the lowest birth rate of any sovereign state. Compared with the 1950s (when the birth rate was 36 per thousand), as of 2011, the world birth rate has declined by 16 per thousand.

As of 2017, Niger has had 49.443 births per thousand people. Japan has one of the lowest birth rates in the world with 8 per thousand people. While in Japan there are 126 million people and in Niger 21 million, both countries had around 1 million babies born in 2016.

Sub-Saharan Africa
The region of Sub-Saharan Africa has the highest birth rate in the world. As of 2016, Niger, Mali, Uganda, Zambia, and Burundi have the highest birth rates in the world. This is part of the fertility-income paradox, as these countries are very poor, and it may seem counter-intuitive for families there to have so many children. The inverse relationship between income and fertility has been termed a demographic-economic "paradox" by the notion that greater means would enable the production of more offspring as suggested by the influential Thomas Malthus.

Afghanistan
Afghanistan has the 11th highest birth rate in the world, and also the highest birth rate of any non-African country (as of 2016). The rapid population growth of Afghanistan is considered a problem when it prevents population stabilization and affects maternal and infant health. Reasons for large families include tradition, religion, the different roles of men and women, and the cultural desire to have several sons.

Australia
Historically, Australia has had a relatively low fertility rate, reaching a high of 3.14 births per woman in 1960. This was followed by a decline which continued until the mid-2000, when a one off cash incentive was introduced to reverse the decline. In 2004, the then Howard government introduced a non-means tested 'Maternity Payment' to parents of every newborn as a substitute to maternity leave. The payment known as the 'Baby Bonus' was A$3000 per child. This rose to A$5000 which was paid in 13 installments.

At a time when Australia's unemployment was at a 28-year low of 5.2%, the then Treasurer Peter Costello stated there was opportunity to go lower. With a good economic outlook for Australia, Costello held the view that now was a good time to expand the population, with his famous quote that every family should have three children "one for mum, one for dad and one for the country". Australia's fertility rate reached a peak of 1.95 children per woman in 2010, a 30-year high, although still below replacement rate.

Phil Ruthven of the business information firm IBISWorld believes the spike in fertility was more about timing and less about monetary incentives. Generation X was now aged 25 to 45 years old. With numerous women putting pregnancies off for a few years for the sake of a career, many felt the years closing in and their biological clocks ticking.

On 1 March 2014, the baby bonus was replaced with Family Tax Benefit A. By then the baby bonus had left its legacy on Australia.

In 2016, Australia's fertility rate has only decreased slightly to 1.91 children per woman.

France
France has been successful in increasing fertility rates from the low levels seen in the late 1980s, after a continuous fall in the birth rate. In 1994, the total fertility rate was as low as 1.66, but perhaps due to the active family policy of the government in the mid-1990s, it has increased, and maintained an average of 2.0 from 2008 until 2015.

France has embarked on a strong incentive policy based on two key measures to restore the birth rate: family benefits (les allocations familiales) and a family-coefficient of income tax (le quotient familial). Since the end of World War II, early family policy in France has been based on a family tradition that requires children to support multi-child family, so that a third child enables a multi-child family to benefit from family allowances and income tax exemptions. This is intended to allow families with three children to enjoy the same living standards as households without children.

In particular, the French income taxation system is structured so that families with children receive tax breaks greater than single adults without children. This income tax imposition system is known as the family coefficient of income tax. A characteristic of the family factor is that households with a large number of children, even if they are at the same standard of living, can receive more tax exemption benefits.

Since the 1970s, the focus has been on supporting families who are vulnerable such as single parent families and the children of a poor family in order to ensure equality of opportunity. In addition, as many women began to participate in the labor market, the government introduced policies of financial support for childcare leave as well as childcare facilities. In 1994, the government expanded the parent education allowance (l'allocation parentale d'éducation) for women with two children to ensure freedom of choice and reduce formal unemployment in order to promote family well-being and women's labor participation.

There are also:
 * an infant child care allowance, family allowance and family allowance for multichild family, and a multi-element family pension scheme.
 * a medical insurance system that covers all medical expenses, hospitalization costs, and medical expenses incurred after six months of pregnancy as 100% of the national health insurance in the national social security system, and the statutory leave system during pregnancy.

Germany
The birth rate in Germany is only 8.3 per thousand, lower than the UK and France.

Ireland
In Europe as of July 2011, Ireland's birth rate was 16.5 per 1000 (3.5 percent higher than the next-ranked country, the UK).

Japan

As of 2016, Japan has the third lowest crude birth rate (i.e. not allowing for the population's age distribution) in the world, with only Saint Pierre and Miquelon and Monaco having lower crude birth rates. Japan has an unbalanced population with many elderly but few young people, and this is projected to be more extreme in the future, unless there are major changes. An increasing number of Japanese people are staying unmarried: between 1980 and 2010, the percentage of the population who had never married increased from 22% to almost 30%, even as the population continued to age, and by 2035 one in four people will not marry during their childbearing years. The Japanese sociologist Masahiro Yamada coined the term "parasite singles" for unmarried adults in their late 20s and 30s who continue to live with their parents.

South Korea
Since joining the Organization for Economic Cooperation & Development (OECD) in 1996, South Korea's fertility rate has been on the decline. It recorded the lowest fertility rate among OECD countries in 2017, with just 1.1 children per woman being born. Subsequent studies indicate that Korea has broken its own record and that the fertility rate has fallen to below one child per woman.

One example of Korea's economic crisis is the housing market. Tenants may choose to buy, rent, or use the Jeonse system of renting. Landlords require the renters to upfront as much as 70% of the property value as a type of security deposit, then live rent free for the duration of the contract, usually two years. At the end of the contract, the deposit is refunded 100% back to the renter. Historically, landlords have invested the security deposit and banked on rising property values. But as inflation rises higher than the interest rates, property values plummeted. Recent government caps, aimed at protecting the renters from being victims of price gouging, restricted the profit the landlord can make on renewing the contract.

The Korean government offers a wide range of financial incentives to parents; however, many new parents, both mother and father, refuse to take full advantage of postpartum parental leave. Some fathers fear being ridiculed for taking "mom leave" while both working parents fear the stigma of "falling behind" in their professional careers. The South Korean corporate world is very unsympathetic to family needs.

Abortion and divorce are other contributing factors for Korea's low birth rate. In the twentieth century, due mainly to Confucian beliefs and a strong desire to sire a son, female fetuses were being aborted. This strong desire to have a son as a first child has somewhat of an oxymoron effect on today's low birth rate, as many women will not want to marry the oldest son, aware of his financial obligation to feed, clothe and shelter the aging parents. As a result, in 1988 the government banned doctors from telling expectant parents the sex of the fetus. Effective 1 January 2021, abortion has been decriminalized. Divorce is another deterrent to childbirth. Although divorce has been on the rise over the last 50 years, it hit families especially hard after the economic crisis in 1997; fathers abandoning their families because they could not financially support them. In addition, the abortion of female fetuses lead to a relative shortage of women, resulting in overall lowerall birthrate in the country.

The aging population have mixed views on Korea's low birth rate. Having their own socio-economic problems with government, many understand that government must create a relaxed atmosphere in which people will want to have children. Others think that the younger generation view everything from a purely financial perspective; wanting to use their money to enjoy themselves vs. private tutoring for children.

Recent surveys indicate that 57% of women do not plan on marrying and 71.2% stated they are "not interested in having children". Korean government's attempt to throw billions of dollars into baby making incentives has done nothing towards changing the minds of realistic millennials. With unaffordable housing, gender pay inequality, the uber-competitiveness price of education, and over demanding corporate standards, many Koreans think living in modern Korea is "like living in Hell" (Hell Chosen).

Taiwan
In August 2011, Taiwan's government announced that its birth rate declined in the previous year, despite the fact that the government implemented approaches to encourage fertility.

United Kingdom
In July 2011, the UK's Office for National Statistics (ONS) announced a 2.4 percent increase in live births in the UK in 2010. This is the highest birth rate in the UK in 40 years. However, the UK record year for births and birth rate remains 1920 (when the ONS reported over 957,000 births to a population of "around 40 million").

United States
There has been a dramatic decline in birth rates in the U.S. between 2007 and 2020. The Great Recession appears to have contributed to the decline in the early period. A 2022 study did not identify any other economic, policy, or social factor that contributed to the decline. The decline may be due to shifting life priorities of recent cohorts that go through childbearing age, as there have been "changes in preferences for having children, aspirations for life, and parenting norms."

A Pew research center study found evidence of a correlation between economic difficulties and fertility decline by race and ethnicity. Hispanics (particularly affected by the recession) have experienced the largest fertility decline, particularly compared to Caucasians. In 2008–2009 the birth rate declined 5.9 percent for Hispanic women, 2.4 percent for African American women and 1.6 percent for white women. The relatively large birth rate declines among Hispanics mirror their relatively large economic declines, in terms of jobs and wealth. According to the statistics using the data from National Centre for Health Statistics and U.S. Census Bureau, from 2007 to 2008, the employment rate among Hispanics declined by 1.6 percentage points, compared with declines of 0.7 points for whites. The unemployment rate shows a similar pattern—unemployment among Hispanics increased 2.0 percentage points from 2007 to 2008, while for whites the increase was 0.9 percentage points. A recent report from the Pew Hispanic Center revealed that Hispanics have also been the biggest losers in terms of wealth since the beginning of the recession, with Hispanic households losing 66% of their median wealth from 2005 to 2009. In comparison, black households lost 53% of their median wealth and white households lost only 16%.

Other factors (such as women's labor-force participation, contraceptive technology and public policy) make it difficult to determine how much economic change affects fertility. Research suggests that much of the fertility decline during an economic downturn is a postponement of childbearing, not a decision to have fewer (or no) children; people plan to "catch up" to their plans of bearing children when economic conditions improve. Younger women are more likely than older women to postpone pregnancy due to economic factors, since they have more years of fertility remaining.

In July 2011, the U.S. National Institutes of Health announced that the adolescent birth rate continues to decline. In 2013, teenage birth rates in the U.S. were at the lowest level in U.S. history. Teen birth rates in the U.S. have decreased from 1991 through 2012 (except for an increase from 2005 to 2007). The other aberration from this otherwise-steady decline in teen birth rates is the six percent decrease in birth rates for 15- to 19-year-olds between 2008 and 2009. Despite the decrease, U.S. teen birth rates remain higher than those in other developed nations. Racial differences affect teen birth and pregnancy rates: American Indian/Alaska Native, Hispanic, and non-Hispanic black teen pregnancy rates are more than double the non-Hispanic white teenage birth rate.

States strict in enforcing child support have up to 20 percent fewer unmarried births than states that are lax about getting unmarried dads to pay, the researchers found. Moreover, according to the results, if all 50 states in the United States had done at least as well in their enforcement efforts as the state ranked fifth from the top, that would have led to a 20 percent reduction in out-of-wedlock births.

The United States population growth is at a historical low level as the United States current birth rates are the lowest ever recorded. The low birth rates in the contemporary United States can possibly be ascribed to the recession, which led families to postpone having children and fewer immigrants coming to the US. The current US birth rates are not high enough to maintain the size of the U.S. population, according to The Economist.

Factors affecting birth rate
There are many factors that interact in complex ways, influencing the birth rates of a population. Developed countries have a lower birth rate than underdeveloped countries (see Income and fertility). A parent's number of children strongly correlates with the number of children that each person in the next generation will eventually have. Factors generally associated with increased fertility include religiosity, intention to have children, and maternal support. Factors generally associated with decreased fertility include wealth, education, female labor participation, urban residence, intelligence, increased female age, women's rights, access to family planning services and (to a lesser degree) increased male age. Many of these factors however are not universal, and differ by region and social class. For instance, at a global level, religion is correlated with increased fertility.

Reproductive health can also affect the birth rate, as untreated infections can lead to fertility problems, as can be seen in the "infertility belt" - a region that stretches across central Africa from the United Republic of Tanzania in the east to Gabon in the west, and which has a lower fertility than other African regions.

Child custody laws, affecting fathers' parental rights over their children from birth until child custody ends at age 18, may have an effect on the birth rate. U.S. states strict in enforcing child support have up to 20 percent fewer unmarried births than states that are lax about getting unmarried fathers to pay, the researchers found. Moreover, according to the results, if all 50 states in the United States had done at least as well in their enforcement efforts as the state ranked fifth from the top, that would have led to a 20 percent reduction in out-of-wedlock births.

Crude birth rate
Crude birth rate is a measure of the number of live births occurring during the year, per 1,000 people in the population. It is normally used to predict population growth.

title: Birth rate


text:
Talk:Email client

Untitled
Excellent article! I was tired of trying to look for a windows open source email client but wikipedia tells me what I need to know.

Is gnus really the only email client for windows? There were a few others on sourceforge but the used php language and I couldnt get it working. --ShaunMacPherson 20:23, 9 Mar 2004 (UTC)

I was also looking for a windows open source email client, and did a search at google as follows: "open source email client", choosed techsoup.org which provides some more information on several different email clients, and user ratings. Pegasus Mail, i have been using that for a couple of years now but it doesn't suit my needs anymore, it has some problems with opening certain jpg images. It crashes with messages with inline images. Therefore i decided to check out Mozilla's mail client, went to their site, read about it, and finally downloaded it. -- Tom-Timmy 01:40, 29 Apr 2004 (UTC)

I wouldn't describe MIME as a protocol. According to RFC 2045 its a "Format of Internet Message Bodies", hence a format. --Lanzm 14:52, 2004 Sep 25 (UTC)

Backup & Export
I have difficulty in finding an information on backup, export and import of email files between/among the various email clients. Because I manage several mailing lists these are important issues, as well as the ability to extract/thread/make FAQs from the emails. I'd appreciate any input. -- dwf

Rewrite needed
This article needs a rewrite. (its also feels like it was lifted from an old textbook) Reading this you could be forgiven for thinking a client was purely a protocol layer. installed non unix systems might suggest this statement to be innacurate.

"..the various Microsoft Windows versions intended for home use never provided.." << bias, implied criticism.

"Since the various Microsoft Windows versions intended for home use never provided an MTA, most modern MUAs have to support protocols like POP3 and Internet Message Access Protocol (IMAP).." <<< I dont think there is necessarily any connection between these two assertions.

Some examples needed. A broader context would be good.

R217.205.132.234 14:52, 31 August 2006 (UTC)

 * I agree with the above comments, and have tagged the page for cleanup and requiring sources. I may be back to attempt to fix these issues myself later, but don't have time at the moment. JulesH 14:34, 8 December 2006 (UTC)

''"An e-mail client, also called a mail user agent (MUA), .." << perhaps this is true in the world of unix ?''

And in the Microsoft world also, as a quick search for 'MUA' and 'mail user agent' in the Microsoft Knowledge Base reveals. This article for instance: Article ID: 814111 (last Reviewed: February 27, 2006)

The reason being this terminology is drawn from the Request For Comments documents that are used to collaboratively discuss and formalise internet standards. Try searching RFC's using the following site: http://www.rfc-editor.org

Not Unix-centric then, but certainly standards-centric.

Tonybrown100 13:39, 31 December 2006 (UTC)

Rewrote article
I rewrote the article. It's now a stub, but I don't think it requires any cleanup now. Let me know what you think. -- Artagnon 08:45, 29 May 2007 (UTC)

 * Well, I have some ideas for improvement that I'll go ahead and do when I have more time. One thing I'm not sure about is the section "Mail Concept" -- you describe this as being the most common arrangement, but I'm not convinced that use an external MTA application to send the message is all that common -- my guess is the most common setup is to use SMTP directly to pass the message to a remote MTA.   The section should probably also acknowledge that systems using IMAP don't need an MDA at the client end, as delivery only occurs at the server in this case.  JulesH 11:18, 29 May 2007 (UTC)

 * Thank you for your input. We should probably describe the arrangement in a more generalised manner. You're right about external MTA not being necessary in most cases as most MUAs have them built in like mutt does. An external MTA isn't required. Nevertheless, the piece of code written into the MUA to push mail through to another MTA via SMTP is called an MTA. I'll make the 'MTA' sound less like an external requirement. I'll edit the article simultaneously in accordance with your suggestions when I have the time. --Artagnon 07:01, 31 May 2007 (UTC)

Hi, I'm very confused as to the point of email clients. Will they assist in setting up a email list, i.e allow to send an email to a particular group as in yahoo or google groups. Will a client such as GNUS help me with this?

Isn't that distinguishing too much?
IMHO, distinguishing between client and server is fair. MUA and MTA. Yes, a client has a part that is able to submit a message: all clients do. However, such client MTA don't lookup the MX record, retry in case of failure, keep a mail queue and the like. Vice versa, an MTA also has some parts that can be used to read mail or send messages, although they are not quite user friendly.

MSA, AFAIK, refers to the submission protocol at port 587. I quote RFC 4496 A client (a mail user) starts with an email client program (MUA). The user sends email to an outgoing email server. In the email server, there is an MSA (mail submission agent) that is waiting to receive email from the user. The MSA uses an MTA within the same server to forward the user email to other domains. (Communication between the MUA and MSA may be via SMTP, SUBMIT, or something else such as MAPI).

As for MRA, I got "Your search - MRA site:rfc-editor.org - did not match any documents." ale 19:26, 7 November 2007 (UTC)

From the history tab, I found out that the notion that an "MDA in conjunction with the MTA would transfer [messages] into a local mailbox" dates back to 16:53, 12 November 2005 by anonymous user 132.199.102.77. I think that is completely wrong. Conceptually, one can divide the inner working of an email client into parts that transfer, deliver, submit, and retrieve messages. However, that is not the common sense in which the acronyms MTA, MDA, MSA, and the Wikipedia-Mutt coined MRA are meant. Moreover, I know no actual email client that can use interchangeable plugins that carry out those jobs relying on the standardized interfaces. Thus, I think on my next visit I'll edit the article and relegate the possibility of such distinction in a separate paragraph, because mentioning them in the definition can be very confusing to an occasional reader. ale 18:50, 8 November 2007 (UTC)

Removed Mail concept
I indent the removed text and comment on why it is deceptive.

 * In a POP3 mail setup, an MRA retrieves mail from a remote mailserver.

That is deceptive, as using an MRA is not the common way to read one's mail.

That is also inexact, since an MRA (e.g. fetchmail) can retrieve mail using POP2 and IMAP4 as well. In addition, the server is obviously a POP3 server, not an SMTP server like an MTA is usually meant to be: many ISPs have POP3 servers separated from their public MTAs.

 * An MDA delivers that mail to a local mailbox.

That is deceptive because local means w.r.t. the MDA, which runs on the server. Since the whole article is meant from the user point of view, the mailbox is not local for users who use their own machine, unless they run their own MRA rather than letting their MUAs access the POP3 server directly: a rather unusual setup.

 * Finally, an MUA connects to the local mailbox and reads mail.

That is not clear. The MUA connects to a file where the MRA has delivered the mail? It would seemingly make more sense if the MUA connects to the POP3 server. Why on the earth did the user run an MRA, then?

 * An MSA posts the message to a nearby MTA.

Correct. However, who posted the message to the MSA?

 * The MTA is then called to connect to a remote MTA to send mail. <ref></ref>

Correct, if call the MTA means submit a message. Here the procedural call is deceptively used to convey the wrong impression that the body of the MTA, rather than consisting of one or more programs running on a possibly different machine, can be linked within a client.

 * However, note that some/ several of these components may be built into the same application. For example, most MUAs act as an MSA to submit messages to the user's ISP's SMTP server.

RFC 4409, Message Submission for Mail, defines that "The process that accepts message submissions from MUAs is termed a Message Submission Agent (MSA)." The text I removed deceptively suggests that client and server roles are interchanged.

 * In an IMAP mail setup, an MDA is unnecessary as the mail stays on the mailserver and is directly read from there.

The reference to RFC 1064 added by 172.142.234.243 on 22:09, 9 November 2007 is inappropriate: that document does not contain any of the terms delivery agent or MDA.

About MTA, MSA, and MDA, RFC 5068 notes that "These architectural components are often compressed, such as having the same software do MSA, MTA and MDA functions": not MUA. In facts, it is the MDA that knows what kind of storage (e.g. maildir or mbox) a user's mailbox uses, and it may deliver to that storage independently of the protocol (IMAP or POP3) that the user will deploy to retrieve the mail next time he or she connects. Some servers (e.g. Courier-MTA) provide both IMAP and POP3 services. Since mail must be delivered before it can be retrieved by any of those services, and they cannot know beforehand what protocol will be used, the delivery operation must take place in the same way.

To be pedantic, an MDA is unnecessary as the mail stays on the mailserver, but it is required whenever new mail arrives.

—Preceding unsigned comment added by Ale2006 (talk • contribs) 19:21, 15 November 2007

Re: ''An MDA delivers that mail to a local mailbox. -- That is deceptive because local means w.r.t. the MDA, which runs on the server. Since the whole article is meant from the user point of view, the mailbox is not local for users who use their own machine, unless they run their own MRA rather than letting their MUAs access the POP3 server directly: a rather unusual setup.'' -- Actually, it's descriptive of a typical setup on unix systems, where there is (often) an MDA [procmail] on the user's desktop machine (not the server), that delivers to a local file that the user-agent reads. However, I've never liked that section for other reasons - some of the wording is convoluted and confusing —Random832 20:13, 15 November 2007 (UTC)
 * Yes, that's correct. The classical unix setting provides for users logging in on a machine where an MTA is running. And it is also deceptive that a regular client configuration installs exim on a debian notebook. (Because at requires it.) ale 09:00, 1 December 2007 (UTC)

Article describes only all-in-one email clients
It is true that many many users who bump across this article will be using an all-in-one email client. Confusing the users with terms like MRA, MUA and MTA is not a good idea, as already pointed out. For their purposes, distinguising between an MRA, MUA, MTA is not important. These are distinctions made in traditional unix and unix-like systems. This is not a historical note because, as already pointed out, a typical Debian system comes with exim installed by default. From the current revision of the article, no user can possibly understand where exim fits into the whole equation. They can never hope to understand what a true MUA such as mutt really does, much less set up mutt to send/receive his/her mail. From the point of view of Microsoft Windows users, this is possibly largely irrelevant as I know of no true MUA, MRA, MTA, MDA programs for the system.

Therefore the solution is not to eliminate all the painful explanations of how mail is really delivered, but rather put it in here or elsewhere so a new user doesn't get confused. For that, some research needs to be done to get solid sources backing up these acronyms (or whatever the correct ones might be) and some RFC articles specifying these standards. After that, we needs ideas to integrate this information somewhere so it's there but doesn't confuse a new user. My previous edit had glaring mistakes and didn't clarify enough what terms like "local" meant - I agree with that completely. Putting the old explanation back in is not an option. --Artagnon (talk) 16:54, 20 December 2007 (UTC)

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Server Component
The article needs to clearly define and specify the server component to which a mail client connects. On outgoing mail, the MUA connects with the MSA, which in turn transfers the outgoing message to the MTA. When retrieving incoming mail, the MSU connects to what? Is it the MDA, which stored the incoming mail in the mailboxes? Or is it the MTA which might also have stored the mail in the mailboxes? The reader is left to wonder about the way the various server components tie together, and other articles are little to no help at all. --KitchM (talk) 15:56, 4 October 2018 (UTC)
 * Are those actual questions, or just demonstrating the lack of clarity in the article? If you've got a fix in mind, feel free to implement it. — AfroThundr (u · t · c) 02:08, 5 October 2018 (UTC)

List of mailprogrammes wanted
Does anyone have anything to object to inserting a list of common mailprogrammes? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 213.147.167.225 (talk) 14:47, 21 June 2020 (UTC)

 * There is a list of clients in Comparison of email clients. Also taker a look at Offline reader. There is some overlap between mail clients and news clients, e.g., MR2/ICE is both. Shmuel (Seymour J.) Metz Username:Chatul (talk) 17:44, 21 June 2020 (UTC)

User-Agent header field
The User-Agent header field is for news. It is not, as the article claims, mentioned in, although Mail-System-Version:, Mailer:, Originating-Client: and X-Mailer are. Shmuel (Seymour J.) Metz Username:Chatul (talk) 02:26, 27 November 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Email client