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Wycliffe USA

Wycliffe Bible Translators USA (also known as Wycliffe USA) is an interdenominational nonprofit organization with a goal "for people from every language to understand the Bible and be transformed."

Based in Orlando, Florida, it partners with many organizations and churches around the world to help facilitate the work of Bible translation. It is the largest of the many independent organizations that together are part of Wycliffe Global Alliance.

History
Wycliffe USA was founded in 1942 by William Cameron Townsend, and is named after John Wycliffe who was responsible for the first complete English translation of the whole Bible into Middle English.

It led to the founding of many similar organisations around the world, with separate Wycliffe organizations in over 60 countries within the Wycliffe Global Alliance.

, translations of either portions of the Bible, the New Testament, or the whole Bible exist in over 3,658 of the 7,394 languages used on Earth. Wycliffe has translated the Bible into more than 700 languages.

Methodology
Wycliffe describes its mission as being to "Serve with the global body of Christ to advance Bible translation and work together so people can encounter God through his Word".

Wycliffe missionaries develop alphabets, help preliterate people learn to read and write, and translate the Bible into written versions of currently spoken languages. By developing written languages, the organization is helping to "save lost and dying languages."

Due to technological advances, Wycliffe's missionaries in the United States connect with translation teams in other areas of the world to translate the Bible into additional languages. As a result, translations that used to take 20 or 30 years to finish can be completed in six or seven years in some cases.

Wycliffe has also joined with the Deaf Bible Society and other organizations to translate the Bible into sign languages.

Associated organizations
SIL International, originally the Summer Institute of Linguistics, began as a small summer training session for missionaries in Arkansas in 1934. It is a partner organization of the Wycliffe Global Alliance and Wycliffe USA.

A partner organization of SIL International, JAARS, originally the Jungle Aviation And Radio Service, based out of Waxhaw, NC, provides transportation and technical support for SIL in support of Bible translation across the globe.

The Seed Company is a subsidiary of Wycliffe USA that provides support to people doing Bible translations for their own languages.

title: Wycliffe USA


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Khmer script

Khmer script (អក្សរខ្មែរ, ) is an abugida (alphasyllabary) script used to write the Khmer language, the official language of Cambodia. It is also used to write Pali in the Buddhist liturgy of Cambodia and Thailand.

Khmer is written from left to right. Words within the same sentence or phrase are generally run together with no spaces between them. Consonant clusters within a word are "stacked", with the second (and occasionally third) consonant being written in reduced form under the main consonant. Originally there were 35 consonant characters, but modern Khmer uses only 33. Each character represents a consonant sound together with an inherent vowel, either â or ô; in many cases, in the absence of another vowel mark, the inherent vowel is to be pronounced after the consonant.

There are some independent vowel characters, but vowel sounds are more commonly represented as dependent vowels, additional marks accompanying a consonant character, and indicating what vowel sound is to be pronounced after that consonant (or consonant cluster). Most dependent vowels have two different pronunciations, depending in most cases on the inherent vowel of the consonant to which they are added. There are also a number of diacritics used to indicate further modifications in pronunciation. The script also includes its own numerals and punctuation marks.

Origin

The Khmer script was adapted from the Pallava script, used in southern India and Southeast Asia during the 5th and 6th centuries AD, which ultimately descended from the Tamil-Brahmi script. The oldest dated Khmer inscription was found at Angkor Borei District in Takéo Province south of Phnom Penh and dates from 611. Stelae of the Pre-Angkorean and Angkorean periods, featuring the Khmer script, have been found throughout the former Khmer Empire, from the Mekong Delta to what is now southern Laos, Northeast Thailand, and Central Thailand. Slight differences can be seen between ancient Khmer inscriptions written in Sanskrit and those written in Khmer. These two different systems have evolved into the modern and  styles of Khmer script. The former is used for sacred inscriptions while the latter is used for general use. The style is a cursive form of, adapted to fit the Khmer language.

The modern Khmer script differs somewhat from precedent forms seen on the inscriptions of the ruins of Angkor. The Thai and Lao scripts are descendants of an older cursive form of the Khmer script, through the Sukhothai script.

Consonants
There are 35 Khmer consonant symbols, although modern Khmer only uses 33, two having become obsolete. Each consonant has an inherent vowel: â or ô ; equivalently, each consonant is said to belong to the a-series or o-series. A consonant's series determines the pronunciation of the dependent vowel symbols which may be attached to it, and in some positions the sound of the inherent vowel is itself pronounced.

The two series originally represented voiceless and voiced consonants respectively (and are still referred to as such in Khmer). Sound changes during the Middle Khmer period affected vowels following voiceless consonants, and these changes were preserved even though the distinctive voicing was lost (see phonation in Khmer).

Each consonant, with one exception, also has a subscript form. These may also be called "sub-consonants"; the Khmer phrase is ជើងអក្សរ , meaning "foot of a letter". Most subscript consonants resemble the corresponding consonant symbol, but in a smaller and possibly simplified form, although in a few cases there is no obvious resemblance. Most subscript consonants are written directly below other consonants, although subscript  appears to the left, while a few others have ascending elements which appear to the right.

Subscripts are used in writing consonant clusters (consonants pronounced consecutively in a word with no vowel sound between them). Clusters in Khmer normally consist of two consonants, although occasionally in the middle of a word there will be three. The first consonant in a cluster is written using the main consonant symbol, with the second (and third, if present) attached to it in subscript form. Subscripts were previously also used to write final consonants; in modern Khmer this may be done, optionally, in some words ending -ng or -y, such as ឲ្យ  ("give").

The consonants and their subscript forms are listed in the following table. Usual phonetic values are given using the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA); variations are described below the table. The sound system is described in detail at Khmer phonology. The spoken name of each consonant letter is its value together with its inherent vowel. Transliterations are given using the transcription system of the Geographic Department of the Cambodian Ministry of Land Management and Urban Planning used by the Cambodian government and the UNGEGN system; for other systems see Romanization of Khmer.

The letter ប appears in somewhat modified form (e.g. បា) when combined with certain dependent vowels (see Ligatures).

The letter ញ nhô is written without the lower curve when a subscript is added. When it is subscripted to itself, the subscript is a smaller form of the entire letter: ញ្ញ -nhnh-.

Note that ដ ' and ត ' have the same subscript form. In initial clusters this subscript is always pronounced, but in medial positions it is in some words and  in others.

The series ដ ', ឋ ', ឌ ', ឍ ', ណ  originally represented retroflex consonants in the Indic parent scripts. The second, third and fourth of these are rare, and occur only for etymological reasons in a few Pali and Sanskrit loanwords. Because the sound /n/ is common, and often grammatically productive, in Mon-Khmer languages, the fifth of this group, ណ, was adapted as an a-series counterpart of ន  for convenience (all other nasal consonants are o-series).

Variation in pronunciation
The aspirated consonant letters (kh-, chh-, th-, ph-) are pronounced with aspiration only before a vowel. There is also slight aspiration with k, ch, t and p sounds before certain consonants, but this is regardless of whether they are spelt with a letter that indicates aspiration.

A Khmer word cannot end with more than one consonant sound, so subscript consonants at the end of words (which appear for etymological reasons) are not pronounced, although they may come to be pronounced when the same word begins a compound.

In some words, a single medial consonant symbol represents both the final consonant of one syllable and the initial consonant of the next.

The letter ប bâ represents only before a vowel. When final or followed by a subscript consonant, it is pronounced (and in the case where it is followed by a subscript consonant, it is also romanized as p in the UN system). For modification to p by means of a diacritic, see Supplementary consonants. The letter, which represented /p/ in Indic scripts, also often maintains the sound in certain words borrowed from Sanskrit and Pali.

The letters ដ dâ and ឌ dô are pronounced when final. The letter ត tâ is pronounced in initial position in a weak syllable ending with a nasal.

In final position, letters representing a sound (k-, kh-) are pronounced as a glottal stop  after the vowels, , , , , , , ,. The letter រ  is silent when final (in most dialects; see Northern Khmer). The letter ស  when final is pronounced (which in this position approaches ).

Supplementary consonants
The Khmer writing system includes supplementary consonants, used in certain loanwords, particularly from French and Thai. These mostly represent sounds which do not occur in native words, or for which the native letters are restricted to one of the two vowel series. Most of them are digraphs, formed by stacking a subscript under the letter ហ, with an additional treisăpt diacritic if required to change the inherent vowel to ô. The character for pâ, however, is formed by placing the musĕkâtônd ("mouse teeth") diacritic over the character ប.

Dependent vowels
Most Khmer vowel sounds are written using dependent, or diacritical, vowel symbols, known in Khmer as ស្រៈនិស្ស័យ  or ស្រៈផ្សំ  ("connecting vowel"). These can only be written in combination with a consonant (or consonant cluster). The vowel is pronounced after the consonant (or cluster), even though some of the symbols have graphical elements which appear above, below or to the left of the consonant character.

Most of the vowel symbols have two possible pronunciations, depending on the inherent vowel of the consonant to which it is added. Their pronunciations may also be different in weak syllables, and when they are shortened (e.g. by means of a diacritic). Absence of a dependent vowel (or diacritic) often implies that a syllable-initial consonant is followed by the sound of its inherent vowel.

In determining the inherent vowel of a consonant cluster (i.e. how a following dependent vowel will be pronounced), stops and fricatives are dominant over sonorants. For any consonant cluster including a combination of these sounds, a following dependent vowel is pronounced according to the dominant consonant, regardless of its position in the cluster. When both members of a cluster are dominant, the subscript consonant determines the pronunciation of a following dependent vowel.

A non-dominant consonant (and in some words also ហ hâ) will also have its inherent vowel changed by a preceding dominant consonant in the same word, even when there is a vowel between them, although some words (especially among those with more than two syllables) do not obey this rule.

The dependent vowels are listed below, in conventional form with a dotted circle as a dummy consonant symbol, and in combination with the a-series letter អ ’â. The IPA values given are representative of dialects from the northwest and central plains regions, specifically from the Battambang area, upon which Standard Khmer is based. Vowel pronunciation varies widely in other dialects such as Northern Khmer, where diphthongs are leveled, and Western Khmer, in which breathy voice and modal voice phonations are still contrastive.

The spoken name of each dependent vowel consists of the word ស្រៈ srăk ("vowel") followed by the vowel's a-series value preceded by a glottal stop (and also followed by a glottal stop in the case of short vowels).

Modification by diacritics
The addition of some of the Khmer diacritics can modify the length and value of inherent or dependent vowels.

The following table shows combinations with the ' and ' diacritics, representing final and. They are shown with the a-series consonant អ ’â.

The first four configurations listed here are treated as dependent vowels in their own right, and have names constructed in the same way as for the other dependent vowels (described in the previous section).

Other rarer configurations with the  are អើះ (or អឹះ), pronounced, and អែះ, pronounced. The word ចា៎ះ "yes" (used by women) is pronounced [caː] and rarely.

The bânták (a small vertical line written over the final consonant of a syllable) has the following effects:
 * in a syllable with inherent â, the vowel is shortened to, UN transcription á
 * in a syllable with inherent ô, the vowel is modified to before a final labial, otherwise usually to ; UN transcription ó
 * in a syllable with the a dependent vowel symbol ([[File:Khmer a.png]]) in the a-series, the vowel is shortened to, UN transcription ă
 * in a syllable with that vowel symbol in the o-series, the vowel is modified to, UN transcription oă, or to eă before k, ng, h

The ' is equivalent to the a dependent vowel with the '. However, its o-series pronunciation becomes before final y, and  before final (silent) r.

The yŭkôlpĭntŭ (pair of dots) represents (a-series) or  (o-series), followed by a glottal stop.

Consonants with no dependent vowel
There are three environments where a consonant may appear without a dependent vowel. The rules governing the inherent vowel differ for all three environments. Consonants may be written with no dependent vowel as an initial consonant of a weak syllable, an initial consonant of a strong syllable or as the final letter of a written word.

In careful speech, initial consonants without a dependent vowel in weak initial syllables are pronounced with their inherent vowel shortened as if modified by the bânták diacritic (see previous section). For example the first-series letter "ច" in "ចន្លុះ" ("torch") is pronounced with the short vowel. The second-series letter "ព" in "ពន្លឺ" ("light") is pronounced with the short diphthong. In casual speech, these are most often reduced to for both series.

Initial consonants in strong syllables without written vowels are pronounced with their inherent vowels. The word ចង ("to tie") is pronounced, ជត ("weak", "to sink") is pronounced. In some words, however, the inherent vowel is pronounced in its reduced form, as if modified by a bântăk diacritic, even though the diacritic is not written (e.g. សព "corpse"). Such reduction regularly takes place in words ending with a consonant with a silent subscript (such as សព្វ "every"), although in most such words it is the bânták-reduced form of the vowel a that is heard, as in សព្ទ  "noise". The word អ្នក "you, person" has the highly irregular pronunciation.

Consonants written as the final letter of a word usually represent a word-final sound and are pronounced without any following vowel and, in the case of stops, with no audible release as in the examples above. However, in some words adopted from Pali and Sanskrit, what would appear to be a final consonant under normal rules can actually be the initial consonant of a following syllable and pronounced with a short vowel as if followed by ាក់. For example, according to rules for native Khmer words, សុភ ("good", "clean", "beautiful") would appear to be a single syllable, but, being derived from Pali subha, it is pronounced.

Ligatures
Most consonants, including a few of the subscripts, form ligatures with the vowel (ា) and with all other dependent vowels that contain the same cane-like symbol. Most of these ligatures are easily recognizable, but a few may not be, particularly those involving the letter ប. This combines with the a vowel in the form បា, created to differentiate it from the consonant symbol ហ and also from the ligature for ច  with  (ចា).

Some more examples of ligatured symbols follow:

 * បៅ  Another example with ប, forming a similar ligature to that described above. Here the vowel is not a itself, but another vowel (au) which contains the cane-like stroke of that vowel as a graphical element.

 * លា  An example of the vowel a forming a connection with the serif of a consonant.

 * ផ្បា  Subscript consonants with ascending strokes above the baseline also form ligatures with the  vowel symbol.

 * ម្សៅ  Another example of a subscript consonant forming a ligature, this time with the vowel.

 * ត្រា  The subscript for រ  is written to the left of the main consonant, in this case ត, which here forms a ligature with.

Independent vowels
Independent vowels are non-diacritical vowel characters that stand alone (i.e. without being attached to a consonant symbol). In Khmer they are called ស្រៈពេញតួ sră pénh tuŏ, which means "complete vowels". They are used in some words to represent certain combinations of a vowel with an initial glottal stop or liquid. The independent vowels are used in a small number of words, mostly of Indic origin, and consequently there is some inconsistency in their use and pronunciations. However, a few words in which they occur are used quite frequently; these include: ឥឡូវ  "now", ឪពុក   "father", ឬ   "or", ឮ   "hear", ឲ្យ   "give, let", ឯង   "oneself, I, you", ឯណា   "where".

Independent vowel letters are named similarly to the dependent vowels, with the word ស្រៈ sră ("vowel") followed by the principal sound of the letter (the pronunciation or first of the pronunciations listed above), followed by an additional glottal stop after a short vowel. However the letter ឥ is called ស្រៈឥ sră ĕ.

Diacritics
The Khmer writing system contains several diacritics (វណ្ណយុត្តិ,, ), used to indicate further modifications in pronunciation.

Dictionary order
For the purpose of dictionary ordering of words, main consonants, subscript consonants and dependent vowels are all significant; and when they appear in combination, they are considered in the order in which they would be spoken (main consonant, subscript, vowel). The order of the consonants and of the dependent vowels is the order in which they appear in the above tables. A syllable written without any dependent vowel is treated as if it contained a vowel character that precedes all the visible dependent vowels.

As mentioned above, the four configurations with diacritics exemplified in the syllables អុំ អំ អាំ អះ are treated as dependent vowels in their own right, and come in that order at the end of the list of dependent vowels. Other configurations with the reăhmŭkh diacritic are ordered as if that diacritic were a final consonant coming after all other consonants. Words with the bânták and sâmyoŭk sânhnhéa diacritics are ordered directly after identically spelled words without the diacritics.

Vowels precede consonants in the ordering, so a combination of main and subscript consonants comes after any instance in which the same main consonant appears unsubscripted before a vowel.

Words spelled with an independent vowel whose sound begins with a glottal stop follow after words spelled with the equivalent combination of អ ’â plus dependent vowel. Words spelled with an independent vowel whose sound begins or  follow after all words beginning with the consonants រ rô and ល lô respectively.

Words spelled with a consonant modified by a diacritic follow words spelled with the same consonant and dependent vowel symbol but without the diacritic. However, words spelled with ប៉ (a bâ converted to a p sound by a diacritic) follow all words with unmodified ប bâ (without diacritic and without subscript). Sometimes words in which ប is pronounced p are ordered as if the letter were written ប៉.

Numerals
The numerals of the Khmer script, similar to that used by other civilizations in Southeast Asia, are also derived from the southern Indian script. Western-style Arabic numerals are also used, but to a lesser extent.

In large numbers, groups of three digits are delimited with Western-style periods. The decimal point is represented by a comma. The Cambodian currency, the riel, is abbreviated using the symbol ៛ or simply the letter រ rô.

Spacing and punctuation
Spaces are not used between all words in written Khmer. Spaces are used within sentences in roughly the same places as commas might be in English, although they may also serve to set off certain items such as numbers and proper names.

Western-style punctuation marks are quite commonly used in modern Khmer writing, including French-style guillemets for quotation marks. However, traditional Khmer punctuation marks are also used; some of these are described in the following table.

A hyphen (សហសញ្ញា sâhâ sânhnhéa) is commonly used between components of personal names, and also as in English when a word is divided between lines of text. It can also be used between numbers to denote ranges or dates. Particular uses of Western-style periods include grouping of digits in large numbers (see Numerals hereinbefore) and denotation of abbreviations.

Styles
Several styles of Khmer writing are used for varying purposes. The two main styles are (literally "slanted script") and  ("round script").

 * (អក្សរជ្រៀង) refers to oblique letters. Entire bodies of text such as novels and other publications may be produced in âksâr chriĕng. Unlike in written English, oblique lettering does not represent any grammatical differences such as emphasis or quotation. Handwritten Khmer is often written in the oblique style.
 * (អក្សរឈរ) or (អក្សរត្រង់) refers to upright or 'standing' letters, as opposed to oblique letters. Most modern Khmer typefaces are designed in this manner instead of being oblique, as text can be italicized by way of word processor commands and other computer applications to represent the oblique manner of âksâr chriĕng.
 * (អក្សរខម), also known as the Khom Thai script, is a style used in Pali palm-leaf manuscripts. It is characterized by sharper serifs and angles and retainment of some antique characteristics, notably in the consonant kâ (ក). This style is also for yantra tattoos and yantras on cloth, paper, or engravings on brass plates in Cambodia as well as in Thailand.
 * (អក្សរមូល) is calligraphical style similar to âksâr khâm as it also retains some characters reminiscent of antique Khmer script. Its name in Khmer means literally 'round script' and it refers to the bold and thick lettering style. It is used for titles and headings in Cambodian documents, on books, banknotes, shop signs and banners. It is sometimes used to emphasize royal names or other important names.

Unicode
The basic Khmer block was added to the Unicode Standard in version 3.0, released in September 1999. It then contained 103 defined code points; this was extended to 114 in version 4.0, released in April 2003. Version 4.0 also introduced an additional block, called Khmer Symbols, containing 32 signs used for writing lunar dates.

The Unicode block for basic Khmer characters is U+1780–U+17FF:

The first 35 characters are the consonant letters (including two obsolete). The symbols at U+17A3 and U+17A4 are deprecated (they were intended for use in Pali and Sanskrit transliteration, but are identical in appearance to the consonant អ, written alone or with the a vowel). These are followed by the 15 independent vowels (including one obsolete and one variant form). The code points U+17B4 and U+17B5 are invisible combining marks for inherent vowels, intended for use only in special applications.

Next come the 16 dependent vowel signs and the 12 diacritics (excluding the kbiĕh kraôm, which is identical in form to the ŏ dependent vowel); these are represented together with a dotted circle, but should be displayed appropriately in combination with a preceding Khmer letter.

The code point U+17D2, called ជើង , meaning "foot", is used to indicate that a following consonant is to be written in subscript form. It is not normally visibly rendered as a character. U+17D3 was originally intended for use in writing lunar dates, but its use is now discouraged (see the Khmer Symbols block hereafter). The next seven characters are the punctuation marks listed hereinbefore; these are followed by the riel currency symbol, a rare sign corresponding to the Sanskrit avagraha, and a mostly obsolete version of the vĭréam diacritic. The U+17Ex series contains the Khmer numerals, and the U+17Fx series contains variants of the numerals used in divination lore.

The block with additional lunar date symbols is U+19E0–U+19FF:

The symbols at U+19E0 and U+19F0 represent the first and second "eighth month" in a lunar year containing a leap-month (see Khmer calendar). The remaining symbols in this block denote the days of a lunar month: those in the U+19Ex series for waxing days, and those in the U+19Fx series for waning days.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Khmer script


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Theodorus Gaza

Theodorus Gaza (Θεόδωρος Γαζῆς, Theodoros Gazis; Teodoro Gaza; Theodorus Gazes), also called Theodore Gazis or by the epithet Thessalonicensis (in Latin) and Thessalonikeus (in Greek) (c. 1398 – c. 1475), was a Greek humanist and translator of Aristotle, one of the Greek scholars who were the leaders of the revival of learning in the 15th century (the Palaeologan Renaissance).

Life
Theodorus Gaza was born a Greek in an illustrious family in Thessaloniki, Macedonia in about c. 1400 when the city was under its first period of Turkish rule (it was restored to Byzantine rule in 1403). On the final capture of his native city by the Turks in 1430 he escaped to Italy. In December 1440 he was in Pavia, where he became acquainted with Iacopo da San Cassiano, who introduced him to his master Vittorino da Feltre. During a three years' residence in Mantua where Vittorino held the celebrated humanistic school "La Giocosa", he rapidly acquired a competent knowledge of Latin under his teaching, supporting himself meanwhile by giving lessons in Greek, and by copying manuscripts of the ancient classics.

In 1447 he became professor of Greek in the newly founded University of Ferrara, to which students in great numbers from all parts of Italy were soon attracted by his fame as a teacher. His students there included Rodolphus Agricola. He had taken some part in the councils which were held in Siena (1423), Ferrara (1438), and Florence (1439), with the object of bringing about a reconciliation between the Greek and Latin Churches; and in 1450, at the invitation of Pope Nicholas V, he went to Rome, where he was for some years employed by his patron in making Latin translations from Aristotle and other Greek authors. In Rome, he continued his teaching activities: it was reported that on one occasion Pope Sixtus IV commissioned Gaza to translate Aristotle's works into Latin, with the pay of a number of gold pieces; however on receiving the pay Gaza was insulted at the amount paid, and furiously cast the money into the Tiber river. Amongst his students were fellow Byzantine Greeks Demetrius Chalcondyles, a leading scholar of the Renaissance period and Andronicus Callistus, a cousin of Theodore Gaza's.

After the death of Nicholas (1455), being unable to make a living at Rome, Gaza removed to Naples, where he enjoyed the patronage of Alphonso the Magnanimous for two years (1456–1458). Shortly afterwards he was appointed by Cardinal Bessarion to a benefice in Calabria, where the later years of his life were spent, and where he died about 1475 and was buried in the Basilian monastery of San Giovanni a Piro. After Gaza's death he was remembered by renaissance writers and praised for his skills; a letter written to Pope Sixtus IV by Ermolao Barbaro in 1480 includes a detailed appraisal of Gaza's translating abilities:

"Not long ago, Your Holiness, we suffered a great and incomparable loss in the person of Theodore Gaza. That Greek man outdid all Latins in the task of writing and translating. If he had lived longer, he would have enriched the Latin language in this field as well. He did that indeed in those most perfect books of Aristotle’s On Animals and Theophrastus’ On Plants. In my view, he is the only one to challenge antiquity itself. I have set myself to honour and imitate this man. I admit and I confess that I was helped by his writings. I read him with no less curiosity than I read M. Tullius, Pliny, Columella, Varro, Seneca, Apuleius, and the others that one needs to examine in this kind of study"

In the campaign waged by Plethon against Aristotelianism he contributed his share to the defence. His influence on humanists was considerable, in the success with which he taught Greek language and literature. At Ferrara he founded an academy to offset the influence of the Platonic academy founded by Plethon at Florence.

Works
His translations were superior, both in accuracy and style, to the versions in use before his time. He devoted particular attention to the translation and exposition of Aristotle's works on natural science.

Gaza stood high in the opinion of most of his learned contemporaries, but still higher in that of the scholars of the succeeding generation. His Greek grammar (in four books), written in Greek, first printed at Venice in 1495, and afterwards partially translated by Erasmus in 1521, although in many respects defective, especially in its syntax, was for a long time the leading textbook. His translations into Latin were very numerous, including:

 * Problemata, De partibus animalium and De generatione animalium of Aristotle
 * the Historia Plantarum of Theophrastus
 * the Problemata of Alexander of Aphrodisias
 * the De instruendis aciebus of Aelian
 * the De compositione verborum of Dionysius of Halicarnassus
 * some of the Homilies of John Chrysostom.

He also turned into Greek Cicero's De senectute and Somnium Scipionis with much success, in the opinion of Erasmus; with more elegance than exactitude, according to the colder judgment of modern scholars. He was the author also of two small treatises entitled De mensibus and De origine Turcarum.

The flowering plant genus Gazania, of southern Africa, is named after him.

title: Theodorus Gaza


text:
Croydon facelift

In English slang, a Croydon facelift (sometimes council house facelift, or in Northern Ireland a Millie facelift) is a particular hairstyle worn by some women. The hair is pulled back tightly and tied in a bun or ponytail at the back. The supposed result is that the skin of the forehead and face are pulled up and back, producing the effects of a facelift.

Traction alopecia, a type of gradual hair loss, can result from hairstyles that tightly pull the hair in this manner.

This hairstyle is frequently portrayed in the media as belonging to young women from the lower social classes, particularly the Chav subculture (Ned in Scotland, Millie in Northern Ireland). The term is thus considered derogatory because it portrays people from Croydon as being lower class. Croydon can be replaced by the name of any other unfashionable residential area.

The Croydon Guardian newspaper jokingly suggested that the style may have originated with the ancient Egyptian Queen Nefertiti.

title: Croydon facelift


text:
Talk:Robert Lowth

Uneducated
Bill Bryson dismisses Robert Lowth as uneducated. I just wondered, what was his basis for this crass accusation? I am not a fan of Bryson, because he gets so much wrong. Is he wrong here?

I have not read Bryson nor seen this particular charge that Robert Lowth was “uneducated”, but surely it has to be wrong on a technical point. That fact that Lowth was Prælector of Poetry at Oxford University and delivered his inaugural lecture (21st May 1741) in Latin, displaying a familiarity with English thinkers such as Bacon, and with the many poets and philosophers of antiquity, shows he was very well educated, or trained. That is, if “to educate” is to have as one of its meanings, “to train in a (intellectual) discipline.” Bryson, of course, may have meant that Lowth was badly brought up, or bad mannered. However, this I doubt, as “to educate” is rarely used in this context by English speakers.

 * I've not read the Bryson in question; did he say "uneducated", or did he say "an idiot"? Because while the former accusation would be unfair, the second could easily be justified. Which raises the question: why is there virtually no mention in this article of the modern view of Bish Lowth? Reading this would give the impression that he contributed something useful to mankind, instead of a bunch of ridiculous rules (which could kindly be described as "arbitrary"), which have had absolutely no effect on standard English in two hundred and fifty years. 129.2.211.72 16:22, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)

 * After posting the previous comment, I found the Prescription and description article (which was not clearly linked to from this one, for whatever reason), and borrowed a hefty chunk about Lowth. While I freely admit my own POV, I think the addition was necessary to help neutralize an overly Lowth-friendly article. Now it contains accurate information about his life, academic career, and legacy. 129.2.211.72 16:41, 17 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Lowth was not an "idiot"
I really don’t think your addition has helped “neutralize” the issue: you’ve merely removed one bias and replaced it with your own, which is even more biased. To describe Lowth as an “idiot” is wrong. I agree that Lowth made a mistake in trying to make the language conform to Latin rules, but he was by no means alone in doing this (both during his own and earlier periods). Many poets, possibly imitating Milton, used Latinate sentence structures (were they all idiots?). Bear in mind that not many years before Lowth’s grammar the lingua franca was Latin (Milton was Latin Secretary to Cromwell). Also, to enter the universities (Cambridge and Oxford), at matriculation, one was still expected to sit an exam in Latin. There were no such subjects as English literature, studies, or language: the study of poetry meant the study of antiquity. It was inevitable that in such an environment the former Professor of Poetry (in the Greek and Latin tongues) at Oxford should produce a text on grammar heavily influenced by Latin.

To call him an “idiot” might show at best a weak understanding of the period, if not our language and its etymology (heavily influenced by French and Latin). An idiot is “a person with extremely low intelligence.” If intelligence is to mean the “faculty of understanding”, then I don’t see how either you or Bryson (if he did) can refer to Lowth as an idiot. The possible genesis of intelligence is the Latin intellego, a compound of lego (“I choose, gather”, and by extension “read”) and inter (“between”). Lowth read widely, but made some choices in his grammar which might now seem redundant and pedantic. However, I wouldn’t call Fowler an idiot because he made a distinction between “shall” and “will”. Few people make this distinction now, and even fewer know what the distinction is. This does not reflect badly on them (language evolves) but it doesn’t make Fowler an idiot (incidentally, Lowth had noted a similar distinction between “shall” and “will” in his Grammar).

I object to calling Lowth an idiot because to do so makes a mockery of previous learning, which must be seen in its context. We should take issue with it, but to dismiss it is unhelpful. Lastly, you might add to your list of idiots: Aristotle, Plato, Bacon, Hume, Nietzsche, etc, all of whom expressed ideas which now seem less than convincing. We further our own knowledge by learning (warts and all) from those who have gone before us.

 * I agree that the neutrality of this article is questionable. Its accuracy is unquestionably bad, and its wording misleading. Lowth's judgments of grammaticality generally come from his own sense of what he would say, just like those of modern linguists: he supplements this with a (perhaps overzealous) application of analogy.

 * But the article suggests that Lowth blindly applied Latin rules to English: this is in fact against not only his stated purpose but also his practise. He may draw parallels with Latin, but he is always aware that a parallel can only go so far: see in particular his passage on the absolute construction, where he criticizes another grammarian for insisting that the absolute case must be the objective on the grounds that in Latin it is in the ablative: No, Lowth insists, it may be "illo" in the Latin, but in English we say "he", and it is no more reasonable to argue from the Latin than to say that we should use the genitive in the absolute construction because they do so in Greek (his example).

 * The article is inaccurate not only in its characterization of his general practise, but also in its description of specific instances. For example, in Lowth's discussion of whether we should say "who" or "whom", he does NOT cite latin grammar, but rather cites the analogy of the English forms where the pronoun follows the verb, and is clearly in the objective case. Also, Lowth does not really say that prepositions at end are "inappropriate" so it would be wrong to credit him with the creation of this "shibboleth" (which in any case goes back at least to Dryden before him): he merely says that he finds them chatty rather than majestic -- which I think we would all agree with.

 * The article as currently written is seriously biased and false. Gheuf 06:33, 2 May 2006 (UTC)Gheuf 06:33, 2 May 2006 (UTC)

Latin
On the basis of the above, I find myself wondering if it is true that Lowth based judgements on Latin at all, or if in fact this is just another example of making fun of prescription. There is a BIG difference between saying "Latin does this, so English should too" and saying "the kind of English I recommend does this, as does Latin". We have had discussions on this at Linguistic prescription and split infinitive, and have so far failed to come up with a single example of a serious authority ever having used arguments like the former (though some second-rate school teachers may have done, but that is of little interest). Now, given Lowth's stated principles, I would suspect that any use of Latin in his argumentation will be of the second kind - which is still regarded as perfectly valid today. Unless someone can find a clear example, I think that section needs to be rewritten. I shall add a "fact" tag meanwhile. --Doric Loon 21:33, 15 April 2007 (UTC)

Tidying up
I've reverted some of the recent changes where they affect Lowth on the Psalms. This may be a bit obscure to those whose main interest in Lowth is as an English grammarian, but he is important for two different fields of intellectual history, with little overlap.

For any reader is looking to read what Lowth himself actually wrote on the Psalms, copies are available in many physical and cyber libraries, but it makes a big difference how readable one finds the text depending on whether one has the good fortune to have hit an edition which puts the scriptural quotations in English rather than Latin. --Browne-Windsor (talk) 14:43, 27 March 2008 (UTC)

Life heading
I've just added life as a sub-heading so that the contents box displays at the top of the page. Surely an improvement? Jarry1250 (talk) 18:52, 4 January 2009 (UTC)

title: Talk:Robert Lowth


text:
Culture of Saudi Arabia

The cultural setting of Saudi Arabia is greatly influenced by the Arab and Islamic culture. The society is in general deeply religious, conservative, traditional, and family-oriented. Many attitudes and traditions are centuries-old, derived from Arab civilization and Islamic heritage. However, its culture has also been affected by rapid change, as the country was transformed from an impoverished nomadic society into a rich commodity producer in just a few years in the 1970s. This change has also been affected by and the result of a number of factors including the communications revolution and external scholarships. The most recent ruler or king of Saudi is King Salman of Saudi Arabia.

The Wahhabi Islamic movement, which arose in the 18th century and is sometimes described as austerely puritanical, now predominates in the country. Following the principle of "enjoining good and forbidding wrong", there are many limitations and prohibitions on behavior and dress which are strictly enforced both legally and socially, often more so than in other Muslim countries. However, many of the traditional restrictions have been lifted recently by the government including allowing women to drive and many other female-related issues. On the other hand, the things prohibited by Islam are banned in the country, for example, alcoholic beverages are strictly prohibited.

Daily life is dominated by Islamic observance. Five times each day, Muslims are called to prayer from the minarets of mosques scattered throughout the country. Because Friday is the holiest day for Muslims, the weekend is Friday to Saturday. In accordance with Wahhabi doctrine, only two religious holidays, Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Adha, were publicly recognized, until 2006 when a non-religious holiday, the September 23 national holiday (which commemorates the unification of the kingdom) was reintroduced. In terms of gender relations, Saudi Arabia's norms usually discourage non-familial free mixing between the sexes.

Religion
The land of Hijaz, particularly Makkah and Madinah, is the place where Islam was firstly established. Thus, the majority of its population are Muslims. Moreover, Qur’an is considered the constitution of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic law "sharia’" is the main legal source. In Saudi Arabia, Islam is not just adhered politically by the government but also it has a great influence on the people's culture and everyday life.

Religious demography
90% of the Saudi citizens are Sunni Muslims while 10% belong to Shia's school. 80% of Shia’ are twelvers who live in the Eastern province of Saudi Arabia and Madinah. In Najran Province there are approximately 700,000 seveners Shia’. Moreover, the majority of expatriate in Saudi Arabia are Muslims.

Islamic rituals in the community
Unlike many other Muslim countries, Saudi Arabia has been following a strict version of Islam. The Sharia (Islamic law) is enforced by the Committee for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice (also known as Haia or Mutaween), who patrol the streets "enjoining good and forbidding wrong". Rules include dress codes, strict separation of men and women, attendance at prayer (salat) five times each day, and a strict ban of alcohol, and segregation of men and women in universities. Saudi Arabia is the only Muslim country where shops and other public facilities are required to close during prayer time which takes place five times a day and employees and customers are sent off to pray.

Women are required to wear the traditional ”abaya” (long, fully covered dress). However, women are no longer required to wear abayas in public but are required to dress modestly as a form of respecting the Saudi culture.

Cinema theatres were shut down in 1980, for example. However, Saudi Arabia has reopened cinema theaters since April 2018.

Calendar
The kingdom uses not the international Gregorian calendar, but the lunar Islamic calendar, with the start of each lunar month determined not ahead of time by astronomical calculation, but only after the crescent moon is sighted by the proper religious authorities. Civil workers in the governmental sector used to receive their salaries not according to the international Gregorian calendar, but the lunar Islamic calendar. However, the Gregorian calendar has been followed by many international companies operating in the country. Moreover, by 2016, a number of reforms took place in Saudi Arabia. One of them was to use the Gregorian calendar to pay for the civil servants. This measure has been taken to reduce the governmental spending as employees have lost 11 payment days.

Weekends

Friday is the holiest day for Muslims. Thus, the weekend in Saudi Arabia was Thursday-Friday. In 2013, the late King Abdullah Al-Saud issued a royal decree switching the weekend to become on Friday-Saturday. This step was taken to reduce the adverse effects suffered by Saudi businesses due to the difference in weekdays and weekends between Saudi Arabia and the other regional and international counterparts. Like all other Muslims, on Fridays Saudis attend Jomua’h prayer that is held by afternoon and accompanied with a sermon.

The holy month of Ramadan

Ramadan, the ninth month of the Islamic calendar, is a holy month for all Muslims. In Saudi Arabia, this month is especially important and different as the lifestyle of the people gets more spiritual. During the month, Muslims fast from dawn to dusk. Thus, in Saudi Arabia, the working hours are reduced as most of the employees go two hours later than usual. Moreover, friends and families gather by sunset to enjoy breaking their fast together. By night and particularly after the obligatory Isha’ prayer, people stay in mosques to pray the voluntary prayer of Taraweeh. Before the dawn prayer, Fajr, families wake up to eat Suhur, their last meal before they start fasting.

Saudi Arabia celebrates two public holidays, namely, ʿĪd al-Fiṭr and ʿĪd al-Aḍḥā. Id al-Fitr comes after the holy month of Ramadan and employees enjoy a customary 5 to 10 days away from work. Id al-Adha comes by the end of Hajj -pilgrimage- and employees get similar off days. However, some other religious days that are considered as public holidays in other Muslim countries are not given days off in Saudi Arabia including, the Islamic New Year, Mawlid Alnabi – Prophet Muhammad's Birthday – and ‘Ashura day.

"Fierce religious resistance" had to be overcome to permit such innovations as paper money (in 1951), female education (1964), and television (1965) and the abolition of slavery (1962). There were a number of terrorist attacks targeting foreigners between 2001 and 2004, but these have been brought under control.

Public support for the traditional political/religious structure of the kingdom is so strong that one researcher interviewing Saudis found virtually no support for reforms to secularize the state. Even the small minority of Westernized and liberal Saudis expressed "a desire for the kingdom to remain a Muslim society ruled by an overtly Muslim state."

Because of religious restrictions, Saudi culture lacks any diversity of religious expression or buildings but annual festivals such as the Janadriah Festival which celebrates Saudi Culture, custom and handicraft held in a specialized arena just north of Riyadh and public events such as The Annual Book Fair are open to the public and are very popular although policed by the religious police.

The festivals (such as Day of Ashura) and communal public worship of Shia Muslims who make up an estimated 10-15%  are suppressed. Celebration of other (non-Wahhabi) Islamic holidays, such as the Muhammad's birthday and the Day of Ashura (an important holiday for Shiites), are tolerated only when celebrated locally and on a small scale. Shia also face systematic discrimination in employment, education, the justice system according to Human Rights Watch.

No churches, temples or other non-Muslim houses of worship permitted in the country (although there are nearly a million Christians as well as Hindus and Buddhists among the foreign workers). Foreign workers are not allowed to celebrate Christmas or Easter, and reportedly private prayer services are forbidden in practice. And at least one religious minority, the Ahmadiyya, are banned with adherents being deported according to a 2007 report by Human Rights Watch.

Proselytizing by non-Muslims and conversion by Muslims to another religion is illegal. According to the HeartCry Missionary Society, in 2014 the Saudi government "issued an official statement signifying that capital punishment may now be used" on those who distribute the Bible and all other "publications that have prejudice to any other religious belief other than Islam."

In legal compensation court cases (Diyya) non-Muslim are awarded less than Muslims. Atheists are legally designated as terrorists.

Social life and customs
Saudi society lives within the circle of customs and traditions in which it was ingrained by the Arab culture of Islam and the Islamic culture, but the regions of the Kingdom differ from each other in the customs of clothing, food, dialects, songs, and even in marriage traditions. Saudi Arabia has a family-oriented culture; the family in Saudi Arabia is the most important social institution, so the bonds are strong between their members. Key aspects include the concepts of obedience and mutual respect, in addition to preserving family traditions and kinship ties.

Al Badou
A large portion of the original inhabitants of the area that is now Saudi were desert nomads known as Bedouin. They remain a significant and very influential minority of the indigenous Saudi population, though many who call themselves "bedou" no longer engage in "traditional tribal activities of herding sheep and riding camels." According to authors Harvey Tripp and Peter North, Bedouin make up most of the judiciary, religious leaders and National Guard (which protects the throne) of the country. Bedouin culture is "actively" preserved by the government.

Greetings
Greetings in Saudi Arabia have been called "formal and proscribed" and lengthy. Saudis (men) tend "to take their time and converse for a bit when meeting." Inquiries "about health and family" are customary, but never about a man's wife, as this "is considered disrespectful." Saudi men are known for the physical affection they express towards total strangers (i.e. Saudi male strangers), thought by some to be a continuation of the desert tradition of offering strangers hospitality to ensure their survival.

Dress

The religion and customs of Saudi Arabia dictate not only conservative dress for men and women, but a uniformity of dress unique to most of the Middle East. Traditionally, the different regions of Saudi have had different dress, but since the re-establishment of Saudi rule these have been reserved for festive occasions, and "altered if not entirely displaced" by the dress of the homeland of their rulers (i.e. Najd).

Many women normally wear an abaya, a long black cloak that covers all but the hands and face in public despite this not being required. (Modest dress is compulsory for women in Islam but the color black for women and white for men is apparently based on tradition not religious scripture. ) Some Saudi women wear a full face veil, such as a niqāb or a burqa. Women's clothes are often decorated with tribal motifs, coins, sequins, metallic thread, and appliques. Saudi Arabia has recently relaxed the dress code for women.

The women of Saudi Arabia continue to wear the abaya in all its forms as a sign of modesty and identity. Although it is no longer mandatory, women choose to wear it, and it has become one of the most popular images of the country. Foreign women visiting the country also choose to wear the abaya, as a sign of respect.

In recent years it is common to wear Western dress underneath the abaya. (Foreign women in Saudi Arabia are "encouraged" by the religious police to wear an abaya, or at least cover their hair according to The New York Times. Authors Harvey Tripp and Peter North encourage women to wear an abaya in "more conservative" areas of the kingdom, i.e. in the interior. )

Saudi men and boys, whatever their job or social status, wear the traditional dress called a thobe or thawb, which has been called the "Arabic dress". During warm and hot weather, Saudi men and boys wear white thobes. During the cool weather, wool thobes in dark colors are not uncommon. At special times, men often wear a bisht or mishlah over the thobe. These are long white, brown or black cloaks trimmed in metallic thread. A man's headdress consists of three things: the tagia, a small white cap that keeps the gutra from slipping off the head; the gutra itself, which is a large square of cloth; and the igal, a doubled black cord that holds the gutra in place. Not wearing an igal is considered a sign of piety. The gutra is usually made of cotton and traditionally is either all white or a red and white checked. The gutra is worn folded into a triangle and centred on the head.
 * Ghutrah (غتره) is a traditional keffiyeh headdress worn by men in the Arabian peninsula. It is made of a square of usually finer cotton cloth ("scarf"), folded and wrapped in various styles (usually a triangle) around the head. It is commonly worn in areas with an arid climate, to provide protection from direct sun exposure, and also protection of the mouth and eyes from blown dust and sand.
 * Agal (عقال) is an item of Arab headgear constructed of cord which is fastened around the keffiyeh to hold it in place. The agal is usually black in colour.
 * Thawb (ثوب) is the standard Arabic word for garment. It is ankle length, woven from wool or cotton, usually with long sleeves similar to a robe.
 * Bisht (بشت) is a traditional long, white, brown or black Arabic cloak trimmed in gold worn by men. It is usually only worn for prestige on special occasions such as weddings, or in chilly weather.
 * Abaya (عباءة) is a women's garment. It is a black cloak which loosely covers the entire body except the head, although some Abayas cover the top of the head as well. Recent years have shown a rise in more colored abayas.

Among young men, since around 2000, Western dress, particularly T-shirts and jeans have become quite common leisure wear, particularly in the Eastern Province. Traditional footwear has been leather sandals but most footwear is now imported.

Work
Employment does not play the same part in native Saudi society as in some others. With enormous petroleum export earnings beginning in the mid-1970s the Saudi economy was not dependent on income from productive employment. Economists "estimate only 30–40 percent" of working-age Saudis "hold jobs or actively seek work," and most employed Saudis have less-than-demanding jobs with the government. As of 2008, 90% of those employed in the private sector were foreigners, and several decades long efforts to replace significant numbers of them with Saudis have been unsuccessful.

One explanation for this culture of leisure is the hot, dry climate of the peninsula which allowed nomadic herding but permitted agriculture only in a small area (the southwest corner). Like other nomadic herders worldwide, the ancestors of most Saudis did not develop the habits (so-called "work ethic"), skills, infrastructure, etc. of agricultural societies "that lead ultimately to present-day industrialisation". As a consequence, "Saudis have rarely worked in the sense that other nationalities have worked. No product-based commercial economy existed until oil" was discovered.

Socializing
Traditionally social life in the kingdom has revolved around the home and family. Saudis regularly visit family members, particularly those of an older generation. For women, most of whom have their own jobs, it is routine (in fact the only outside activity ) to pay visits to each other during the day, though the ban on women driving can make transportation a problem. The ban was lifted in 2017.

For men, traditional hours involve a nap in late afternoon (after work if they are employed), and then socializing that begins after maghrib (roughly between 5 and 6:30 pm) and can last until well after midnight. Men gather in groups (known as shillas or majmu'as) of close friends of similar age, background, and occupation. Men typically relax, and joke while smoking shisha and playing balot (a card game), and have a meal around midnight before returning home. The groups may meet in diwaniyyas in each other's homes or a residence rented for the occasion.

Families

Being part of a reserved, family-oriented society, Saudis tend to prefer to do business with, socialize with, and communicate with family members rather than outsiders, be they foreigners, or Saudis from other clans. Extended families tend to live in family compounds in cities whenever possible and stay in contact by cellphone when not. It is customary for elder family member to use their influence (wasta) for the benefit of family members, particularly for employment and advancement in the large Saudi government bureaucracy where most Saudis work.

Marriage
Traditionally, in Saudi Arabia (and other Gulf countries), families arrange marriages with the tribe or family's considerations in mind. Forced marriage has also taken place. Sons and daughters have been encouraged to "marry cousins or other relatives in order to increase and strengthen" the extended family or tribe, "or occasionally to marry into another tribe in order to heal rifts". At least in the 1990s, most marriages in Saudi were "consanguineous"—i.e. between close relatives—sometimes a second cousin but usually a first cousin. and marriage between cousins in Saudi is among the highest rate in the world. The practice has been cited as a factor in higher rates of Type 2 diabetes (which affects about 32% of adult Saudis), hypertension (which affects 33%), and higher rates of severe genetic diseases like cystic fibrosis or a blood disorder, thalassemia, sickle cell anemia, spinal muscular atrophy, deafness and muteness. As a consequence of frequent consanguineous marriage, genetic counseling is a growing field in Saudi Arabia.

Traditionally men having more than one wife (polygyny) was "fairly common", but marriage has become increasingly monogamous as income has declined and western ideas of mutual compatibility between husband and wife have taken hold.

Steps of marriage

 * Proposal: traditionally, the prospective groom's senior female leader informs the prospective bride's mother of his intentions. . . both families determine whether or not the marriage would be suitable.
 * Viewing (Shawfa): if assent is given by the two families, the bride is "formally allowed to unveil in the presence of the future husband." This unveiling is delayed until the wedding party among very strict families.
 * Marriage contract (Milka): if the viewing does not stop wedding plans, the amount of the dowery (mahr) and other terms are negotiated by the prospective groom and the father (or legal male guardian) of the prospective bride, and are executed (approved) usually by the imam of a mosque and witnessed by two male witnesses (or one man and two women) and recorded by a qadi. The mahr is much higher for a virgin than for a divorcee or widow. According to former diplomat Carol Fleming, as of 2008, a typical Saudi mahr was typically 70,000 SAR (about US$18,660) for a virgin and 20,000 SAR (about US$5,330) for a non-virgin (i.e. widowed or divorced woman). (As some observers—Harvey Tripp and Peter North—put it, "unmarried non-virgins may be lucky to escape with their lives". )
 * Meeting of the families (Shabka): this is a "gala" party of both families, hosted by the bride's family, at which time the bridegroom presents the dowry and an engagement ring to the bride along with other gifts of jewelry.
 * Betrothal (Makhtui, Khatub, or Makhtubayn): "setting the date" for the wedding parties (one for men and one for women) is "considered the formal betrothal."
 * Henna party or ‘Night of the Henna’, is a party based around decorating the hands and feet of the bride with paste made from the henna plant. This is not a mandatory step in Marriage, it is optional, and often rare to happen in the recent years of Saudi Arabia. The occasion stems from South Asian traditions.
 * Wedding celebrations (`Irs, Zaffaf, or Zawaj): usually comes six months to a year after the acceptance of the wedding proposal or based on their agreement. The separate wedding celebrations for men and women are attended by family, close friends and distinguished guests. Traditionally they were held in homes, but today are usually held in large hotel ballrooms or special wedding halls. Each party usually consists of a large dinner featuring roast lamb or baby camel over rice or cracked wheat served on the floor, that begins after `Isha`. A traditional congratulatory phrase the guests tell the groom is 'from you the money; from her the children.' The men's party ends after the dinner, but the bridegroom and the male members of his and the bride's immediate family then go to the women's party. The women's party lasts longer than the men's, is more elaborately decorated, and in addition to food, has music, singing, and dancing. Around midnight, the bridegroom and the other family male members arrive and are announced amidst the ululation or zaghārīt (high keening sound) of the women. The other men then leave, but the groom sits beside his bride on a dais while the party continues. Some wedding celebrations can go on for several days, but the groom need attend only the first night. After all the celebrations, the couple is traditionally escorted to their new home, or leave on their honeymoon. In some weddings, the couple meet for the first time on the final night of celebrations. On their return from the honeymoon if they have one, the couple either set up home with the groom's parents and "become members of the extended family or, as is increasingly the case, set up home by themselves".

Divorce
Saudi Arabia allows the traditional practice of "triple talaq" divorce, where a man can divorce his wife simply by saying ‘I divorce you’ (ṭalāq) three times. He can rescind the divorce if this was done in the heat of the moment, but only if the wife agrees (and only on three occasions). The husband must maintain a divorced wife and any children from the marriage if the wife is unable to support herself, although she may have trouble receiving timely payments. Children generally remain with their mother until about five or six, after which boys return to their father to begin their formal education. The husband can claim custody of any sons when they reach the age of ten. Girls more often remain with their mother. A female divorcee usually returns to her family, and few remarry. Despite the liberality of divorce laws, divorce is not commonplace outside of the royal family where it is "endemic". )

Divorce for women who have been abandoned by their husbands in Saudi Arabia has been criticized for being slow. Divorce initiated by a wife (khula) is unusual in the kingdom even if a husband has been unfaithful, abused or deserted his wife, or engaged in criminal activity. For female initiated divorce in Saudi, a wife must go to a court for the case to be heard.

LGBT rights
Saudi is one of ten countries where homosexuality is punishable by death (the punishment of stoning to death may be applied to married men who've engaged in homosexual acts or any non-Muslim married or unmarried who commits homosexual acts with a Muslim ) as well as fines, flogging, prison time, on first offense. In April 2020, the Saudi Supreme Court abolished the flogging punishment, and replaced it with jail time or fines or both.

Other customs
As in other Arab and especially Gulf countries, Saudi customs include avoiding certain practices, such as:
 * anything that would cause someone (or at least another Saudi) embarrassment and loss of face; (criticism by outsiders must be delivered indirectly, circumspectly, and never in front of others)
 * exposing the soles of the feet or footwear to someone; (other insulting body language include upward raising of a single finger, excessive pointing, fist clenching and pounding of the right fist into the left palm)
 * using the left hand when eating (that hand traditionally being used for personal hygiene)
 * rushing into doing business before conversation and the drinking of tea and coffee (violation of a desert code of hospitality, a code stemming from the recognition that a desert traveler who is denied hospitality might not survive)
 * admiring a movable possession of a Saudi, since a hospitable Saudi will feel obliged to offer the possession as a gift to the guest admirer
 * saying ‘Salam Alaikum’ when entering anywhere with another person there or not.
 * Marketplace bargaining: it is expected to negotiate the prices of goods and services, and is not frowned upon in these places.
 * Proverbs and sayings are frequently said, conveying wisdom, values, and life lessons.
 * Coffee and Date combination: The combination of Saudi coffee and dates is a standard among get gatherings, and social settings, especially within the Bedioun tribes.
 * A designated seat for the guest at a dinner party- usually next to the ‘best part’ of the food. Also not leaving dinner until the guest has finished eating.
 * Big part of Saudi Arabian culture - Insisting. Insisting to stay more, eat more, etc.. from the other party as a sign of respect and appreciation.
 * Returning Favors - a feeling of needing to owe someone because they have granted you something.

Observers have noted the importance of custom and tradition in Saudi society. Folk beliefs such as "which foot to step first into the bathroom with, or urinating on the wheel of a new car to ward off the evil eye," hold an important place.

Older brothers—even if older by only a few days—should have their hand kissed by younger brothers, sit above them on formal occasions, enter a room before them.

Women who go on even short trips of a few days are expected to visit senior relatives and even close neighbors to bid them goodbye, and upon returning, make another round of visits to the same individuals to pay her respects and dispense small gifts. Saudis may "require four to six months" to check their plans with extended family before finalizing them.

One observer has noted that "through their love of language, Saudis are swayed more by words rather than ideas and more by ideas than facts." While vigorous public arguments ("shouting matches") may be commonplace, it "is most unusual to see a Saudi strike another Saudi." This emphasis on rhetoric is reflected in foreign affairs where, for example, the government "regularly condemns the State of Israel in the most vehement and bloodcurdling terms but rarely takes action."

Wasta: A term that refers to the use of connections and relatonships to gain benefits and advantages. It is evident all around the world, but specifically in the Middle East. Key features of Wasta can include negations and contracts, better employment opportunities, and social ties. The Wasta culture in Saudi Arabia can connect to their family orientedness with extended family, as someone would always want something to be easier if a connection is present.

Physical environment
Many outsiders are struck by the superficial resemblance of Saudi cities (at least the major cities such as Jeddah, Riyadh and the eastern province), with their superhighways, shopping malls and fast food, to those of post-World War II western cities and suburbs.

Urbanization
As late as 1970, most Saudis lived a subsistence life in the rural provinces, but the kingdom has urbanized rapidly in the last half of the 20th century. As of 2012 about 80% of Saudis live in urban metropolitan areas, specifically Riyadh, Jeddah, or Dammam.

Housing

Saudi houses and housing compounds are often noted for the high walls (3 or 4 metres high) surrounding them, explained as useful in keeping out sandstorms and/or reflective of the families' self-contained outlook on the world.

Style and decoration
Like many people throughout the world, many Saudis derive "much pleasure and pride" in their homes. Saudis enjoy decorating rooms of their homes in "all the colours of the spectrum" and display objets d'art of many different styles together. "Clashes of colour and culture are the norm, not the exception," with the value of an artefact, "rather than consistency of style" being the major criterion of display. Foreigners may also be struck by the lack of finishing touches in construction ("Electrical switches may protrude from the wall supported only by their wiring") or maintenance ("Piles of masonry are likely to lie scattered beside and on the streets of expensive suburbs").

Islamic heritage sites

Saudi Arabia, and specifically the Hejaz, as the cradle of Islam, has many of the most significant historic Muslim sites, including the two holiest sites of Mecca and Medina. One of the King's titles is Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, the two mosques being Masjid al-Haram in Mecca (which contains Islam's most sacred place, the Kaaba), and Al-Masjid al-Nabawi in Medina, which contains Muhammad's tomb.

However, Saudi Wahhabism doctrine is hostile! to any reverence given to historical or religious places of significance for fear that it may give rise to 'shirk' (that is, idolatry). As a consequence, under Saudi rule, an estimated 95% of Mecca's historic buildings, most over a thousand years old, have been demolished for religious reasons. Critics claim that over the last 50 years, 300 historic sites linked to Muhammad, his family or companions have been lost, leaving fewer than 20 structures remaining in Mecca that date back to the time of Muhammad.

Demolished structures include the mosque originally built by Muhammad's daughter Fatima, and other mosques founded by Abu Bakr (Muhammad's father-in-law and the first Caliph), Umar (the second Caliph), Ali (Muhammad's son-in-law and the fourth Caliph), and Salman al-Farsi (another of Muhammad's companions). Other historic buildings that have been destroyed include the house of Khadijah, the wife of Muhammad, the house of Abu Bakr, now the site of the local Hilton hotel; the house of Ali-Oraid, the grandson of Muhammad, and the Mosque of abu-Qubais, now the location of the King's palace in Mecca.

Women
While women were forbidden to drive motor vehicles until June 24, 2018 and were consequently limited in mobility, they traditionally have often had considerable informal power in the home. According to journalist Judith Miller, "some Saudi women were veritable tyrants in their own homes. They decided where their children would go to school, when and whom they would marry, whether their husbands would accept new jobs, with whom the family socialized, and where the family would live and spend vacations. They promoted their friends' husbands, sons and relatives to key jobs." David Long, a former American diplomat who had taught in the kingdom, has described Saudi men as "the world's most henpecked".

Outside the home, a number of Saudi women have risen to the top of some professions or otherwise achieved prominence; for example, Dr. Salwa Al-Hazzaa is head of the ophthalmology department at King Faisal Specialist Hospital in Riyadh and was the late King Fahad's personal ophthalmologist. However employment for women is limited, and urban middle and upper-class women spend much time in socializing with the extended family and close friends. Writing in National Geographic Marrianne Alireza noted: "For city women like us the only activity besides living communally within the extended family was leaving our quarters to visit other women in their quarters."

As of 2014, child marriage is still legal but no longer common, with the average age at first marriage among Saudi females being 25 years old. However, in 2019 Members of the Saudi Shoura Council in 2019 approved fresh regulations for minor marriages that will see to outlaw marrying off 15-year-old children and force the need for court approval for those under 18. Chairman of the Human Rights Committee at the Shoura Council, Dr. Hadi Al-Yami, said that introduced controls were based on in-depth studies presented to the body. He pointed out that the regulation, vetted by the Islamic Affairs Committee at the Shoura Council, has raised the age of marriage to 18 and prohibited it for those under 15. Female literacy (81%) is lower than that of males, but the percentage of university graduates who are women (60%) is higher.

While the kingdom states that the status of women is "a very noble and lofty one", according to leading Islamic scholars, women in Saudi do not have equal rights with men. Outside of Saudi, foreign sources have shown that discrimination of women is a significant problem and that there is an absence of laws criminalizing violence against women. The World Economic Forum 2010 Global Gender Gap Report ranked Saudi Arabia 129th out of 134 countries for gender parity.

Under Saudi law, every adult female must have a male relative as her "guardian", whose permission she is required to have in order to travel, study, or work. The guardian is legally entitled to make a number of critical decisions on a woman's behalf. However, women above 18 will soon be allowed to travel abroad without taking their guardians permission as a new law is going to be enacted in this regard in 2019. In August 2019, the law has been already enacted and women above 21 are allowed to travel without a prior permission. The law came into effect at the end of August 2019.

In the courts, the testimony of a woman equals half of a man's and the testimony of one man equals that of two women in family and inheritance law. Men are permitted up to four wives, but women are permitted no more than one husband. Men need no legal justification to unilaterally divorce their wives (talaq), while a woman can only obtain a divorce with the consent of her husband or judicially if her husband has harmed her. With regard to the law of inheritance, the Quran specifies that fixed portions of the deceased's estate must be left to the "Qu'ranic heirs" and so daughters of the deceased will receive half of their brothers.

Saudi women's lives are also shaped by Wahhabi religious policy of strict gender segregation. In health, obesity is a problem among middle and upper class Saudi women, who have domestic servants to do traditional work and have limited ability to leave their house. School sports for girls is forbidden, but as of April 2014, Saudi authorities in the education ministry have been asked by the Shoura Council to consider lifting that ban (with the proviso that any sports conform to Sharia rules on dress and gender segregation, according to the official SPA news agency).

In the public sphere restaurants have specially designated family sections women are required to use. They are also required to wear an abaya and at the very least cover their hair. Women, until June 2018 were forbidden to drive (though exception prior to 2018 were usually made in rural areas). (These restrictions are usually enforced by the "religious police", known as the mutaween. ) Women have been promised the vote in 2015 municipal elections.

Youth
Like many Muslim countries of the Middle East, Saudi Arabia has a high population growth rate and high percentage of its population under 30 years of age. Estimates of the young population of Saudi Arabia vary: Factors such as the decline in per capita income from the failure of oil revenue to keep up with population growth, exposure to youth lifestyles of the outside world, lack of access to quality education and employment opportunity, change in child rearing practices and attitudes towards the ruling royal family—indicate their lives and level of satisfaction will be different than the generation before them.
 * Caryle Murphy gives the figure of 51% of the population being under the age of 25, as of February 2012.
 * The Economist magazine estimates 60% of the Saudi population under the age of 21, as of March 2012.
 * The "United Nations, World Population Prospects: The 2012 Revision" estimates only 28% of the population is under 14 years of age and significant change to Saudi culture is foreseen as this generation becomes older.

In recent decades, child rearing in Saudi Arabia has increasingly been handled by hired servants. Since foreign labour is cheap and common, even families of modest means usually have servants. In richer families, each child may have an individual servant.

However, unlike parents, servants can be fired/sacked and are often neither Muslims nor Arabs. Consequently, according to John R. Bradley, they both "lack the authority... to discipline those in their care", and the ability and knowledge to "pass down by example the core Islamic values and traditions that have always formed the bedrock of Saudi society."

Unlike their parents, who grew up during the oil boom of the 1970s and saw their standard of living rise from poverty to affluence, Saudis born "in the 1980s and 1990s have no memory of the impoverished Arabia prior to the oil boom and thus express almost no sense of appreciation."

Instead, they have experienced a kingdom of poor schools, overcrowded universities, and declining job opportunities.. Moreover, their royal rulers' profligate and often non-Islamic lifestyles are increasingly transparent to Saudis and stand in sharp contrast both to Al Saud religious pretensions and to their own declining living standards."

Saudi youth are exposed to youth lifestyles of the outside world via the internet, as dating, and concerts are banned in their country. However, in 2017 concerts were no longer banned in Saudi Arabia. Public fields for soccer are scarce. Even shopping malls do not allow young men unless they are accompanied by a female relative. As of 2014, men are no longer required to have a female relative to be able to enter shopping malls. Insofar as young people have a tendency to "resent authority, reject rules, and seek to exert their independence," youth rebellion is more problematic because the number of "restrictions and conventions against which youth can rebel" in the kingdom is far larger than in most societies. The average age of the king and crown prince is 74, while 50–60% of Saudis are under twenty, creating a significant generation gap between rulers and ruled.

In a 2011 survey, 31% of Saudi youth agreed with the statement `traditional values are outdated and ... I am keen to embrace modern values and beliefs`—the highest percentage in the ten Arab countries surveyed. The number who had confidence about the direction of their country dropped from 98% (in 2010) to 62%. While in most societies these numbers might seem unremarkable, in Saudi Arabia any rebellion stands out against "the unquestioning acceptance ... of previous generations".

Nearly two-thirds of university graduates earn degrees in Islamic subjects, where job prospects are in the public sector, dependent on government revenues. However, funding for public sector may decline not expand in coming years. At least some experts expect the kingdom's expenditures to "exceed its oil revenues as soon as 2014."

Unemployment among 20- to 24-year-olds is 39% – 45% for women and 30.3% for men—compared to an official unemployment rate of 10% circa 2012.

Tafheet
The sport of Tafheet also called "drifting" or joyriding—illegal street racing-like phenomenon of generally non-modified factory-setup rental cars at very high speeds, around 160 –, across wide highways throwing the car left and right that is especially popular in the margins of society—has been noted by observers. A 2004 school survey carried out in the kingdom's three biggest cities found that 45% of teenage boys were involved to some degree in joyriding. The sport has been described as "tyre-burning acrobatics often in stolen or 'borrowed' cars before a flash-mob of youthful admirers." As a dangerous, illegal, and unregulated activity, crashes and fatalities sometimes occur.

Foreigners

Since the 1960s there has been a significant number of guest workers/foreign expatriates allowed into Saudi on work visas, and these now make up around 20–30% of the population of the country. Guest workers range in occupation from high skilled workers (employed to do jobs Saudis cannot do), to manual service workers (doing jobs Saudis "will not do"). A number of sources describe a "pecking order" among workers established by factors such as the importance of your employer, and country of origin. One source places workers from Gulf oil producing countries at the top, another places Americans there, but all agree that Nationals from places like Bangladesh, Yemen and Philippines are at the bottom. While foreign workers from Western countries are now a small minority, numbering only approximately 100,000, most of whom live in compounds or gated communities.

With a large number of unemployed Saudis, a growing population and need for government spending but stagnating oil revenues with which to pay foreign workers, the large number of expats has come to be seen as "an enormous problem" that "distorts" the Saudi economy and "keeps young people out of the labour market."

In October 2011, the Saudi Labour Ministry put a "ceiling" on the number of guest workers at 20% of the Saudi population, requiring a reduction of foreign population by up to three million over several years. In March 2013, a campaign was initiated to "get rid of its illegal foreign workers, control the legal ones", and lower native-born Saudi unemployment. Approximately one million Bangladeshis, Indians, Filipinos, Nepalis, Pakistanis and Yemenis left between the campaign's beginning and the deadline (November 4, 2013), with authorities planning to expel another one million illegal foreigners in 2014. Ethiopians were a particular target of the campaign, with thousands expelled. Various human rights entities have criticised Saudi Arabia's handling of the issue. Prior to this workers were sometimes not hired or expelled as a way of registering Saudi disapproval of the workers' country. Saudi Arabia expelled 800,000 Yemenis in 1990 and 1991 during the Gulf War due to Yemen's support for Saddam Hussein against Saudi Arabia, and cut the number of Bangladeshis allowed to enter Saudi in 2013 after the Bangladeshi government cracked down on the Islamist Jamaat-e Islami party there. The Saudi–Yemen barrier was constructed by Saudi Arabia against an influx of illegal immigrants and against the smuggling of drugs and weapons. A 2004 law passed by Saudi Arabia's Council of Ministers, entitles Muslim expatriates of all nationalities (except Palestinian) who have resided in the kingdom for ten years to apply for citizenship with priority being given to holders of degrees in various scientific fields. (The estimated 240,000 Palestinians living in Saudi Arabia are excluded, because of Arab League agreement instructions barring the Arab states from granting them citizenship of another Arab state.)

Treatment of foreign workers is also an issue. According to Human Rights Watch, as of 2014, there was a "worrying trend" of expatriate domestic workers filing "complaints of exploitation and abuse" only to face counter-allegations by their employers of "theft, witchcraft or adultery." 41 expat workers from just one country, Indonesia, faced "possible death sentences" in Saudi Arabia on charges "ranging from black magic to stealing, adultery and murder".

In 2014 Saudi men were banned from marrying women from Bangladesh, Pakistan, Myanmar and Chad.

Legacy of slavery
The history of slavery in the Arabian Peninsula goes back hundreds of years, but with time the racism of slavery in the Arabian Peninsula disappeared. Slavery was banned in 1962 and was succeeded by the kafala system.

Food and drink
Today, Saudis follow many of their traditional habits, especially in food and drinks. As many Saudies are originally descended from tribes of sheep and goat herders, many Saudi dishes are mainly made of sheep meat.

Saudi Arabian cuisine is similar to that of the surrounding countries in the Arabian Peninsula, and has been heavily influenced by Turkish, Persian, and African food. Animals are slaughtered in accordance with halal Islamic dietary laws, which consider pork forbidden (haram) and alcohol forbidden (haram). As a general rule, Saudis (like other Muslims) consider impure pork to be disgusting, but forbidden alcohol a temptation. Consequently, dietary laws regarding the former are more strictly observed than those regarding the latter.

Religious limitations
People of Saudi Arabia are restricted by the religious norms related to food and drink. Thus, alcohol is prohibited in Islam and, accordingly, it is prevented in the country. Furthermore, pork is also prohibited and Saudis do not eat it. Nevertheless, cows, sheep, chicken and other types of animals can't be eaten unless they are slaughtered according to the Islamic law.

Cuisine
A dish consisting of a stuffed lamb, known as khūzī, is the traditional national dish. Kebabs are popular, as is shāwarmā, a marinated grilled meat dish of lamb, mutton, or chicken, sometimes wrapped in flat bread. As in other Arab countries of the Arabian Peninsula, machbūs (kabsa), a rice dish with fish or shrimp, is popular. Flat, unleavened bread is a staple of virtually every meal, as are dates and fresh fruit. Coffee, served in the Arabic style, is the traditional beverage.

The appearance of modern supermarkets and commercial restaurants starting in the 1970s has changed Saudi culinary habits. International cuisine, particularly fast food, has become popular in all Saudi urban areas (i.e. in 80% of the country). While traditionally Saudis ate sitting on the floor using the right hand or flat bread to take food from a roasted lamb, goat or camel carcass, the practice of eating while sitting on a chair at a table has become more standard practice, if not the use of knives and forks.

 * Table manners

Coffee is often served "with great ceremony", and it is customary for a person to drink two or three cups to indicate their approval of the coffee. Cups are refilled unless a gesture—shaking the cup—is made to indicate the coffee-drinker has had enough. It is considered good manners for a guest to eat heartily.

Food sources
Saudi Arabia is a deserted country where many oases can be found. Accordingly, over 18 million date palms are planted in the country and 600 million pounds of dates are produced every year. Thus, dates are considered one of the main and permanent fruits in Saudi Arabia, particularly in Ramadan when dates are eaten in sunset by fasters to break their fast. Additionally, dates are eaten as a snack and many Saudi desserts are made of dates. Besides dates, numerous kinds of foodstuffs are planted in Saudi Arabia, including wheat, rice, beans, watermelon and others. Animals, such as goats, sheep, cows and camels are also nurtured in the country.

News media
Educated Saudis are well-informed of issues of the Arab world, the Islamic world, and the world at large, but freedom of the press and public expression of opinion are not recognized by the government. The Basic Law of Saudi Arabia states that the media's role is to educate and inspire national unity, and are prohibited from acts that lead "to disorder and division". News stories, public speeches and other acts of personal expression cannot conflict with traditional Islamic values, or dissent from government policy, insult government officials, especially the royal family, and cannot delve too deeply into certain sensitive and taboo subject matters that might embarrass the government or spread dissent, i.e. the role of women in Saudi society, the treatment of Shiite Muslims, damage caused by natural disasters, or social problems such as the AIDS-HIV pandemic and human trafficking.

Most Saudi Arabian newspapers are privately-owned but subsidized and regulated by the government. As of 2013, BBC News reported that criticism of the government and royal family and the questioning of Islamic tenets "are not generally tolerated. Self-censorship is pervasive." As of 2014, Freedom House rates the kingdom's press and internet "Not Free".

Civil society
Labor unions and political parties are prohibited in the kingdom, although a few underground political parties do exist. The government has created a national "Consultative Council" (which is appointed not elected, and does not pass laws), and has given permission for certain "societies" to exist (though they have little ability to influence government policy). Informal public discussion of public policy is not actively encouraged, although it is not expressly illegal per se, unless it is deemed to be promoting immorality, dissent or disloyalty. Limited non-partisan municipal elections were held in 2005.

Sport

Football, commonly known as soccer, stands as the most popular sport in Saudi Arabia, captivating the nation with its fervor and widespread appeal. Embraced by millions of Saudis across all age groups, football serves as a unifying force within the kingdom, fostering a deep sense of camaraderie and national pride. The Saudi Pro League, featuring top-tier clubs such as Al Hilal, Al Nassr, and Al Ittihad, garners immense attention, drawing fervent support from devoted fans who pack stadiums in a display of unwavering loyalty. Moreover, the Saudi Arabia national football team's participation in international competitions, including the FIFA World Cup, serves as a source of immense national pride, galvanizing the populace and igniting celebrations across the kingdom. Beyond its role as a mere pastime, football in Saudi Arabia transcends cultural and societal boundaries, embodying a shared passion that resonates deeply within the fabric of Saudi society.

60 football clubs are participating in three main professional football league levels; the Saudi Professional League involving 16 football clubs, Prince Mohammad bin Salman League with 20 clubs and Second Division with 24 clubs. The demotics competitions also include some cups such as King club, Crown Prince Cup and Saudi Super Cup.

The Saudi Arabia national football team has qualified five times for FIFA World Cup competitions, in 1994, 1998, 2002, 2006, and most recently, in 2018. Moreover, it qualified for the AFC Asian Cup 10 times and had won three of them.

Recently, some Saudi players have become skilled enough to play in Europe. The players were sent to Spain to play in the La Liga aiming to improve their skills better.

Basketball is also popular. The Saudi Arabia national team won the bronze medal at the 1999 Asian Championship.

Horse racing is also another diversion in Saudi Arabia which has a historical and cultural legacy where Friday afternoon is the traditional time of horse racing in Riyadh, the Saudi capital. The establishment of the Equestrian Club of Riyadh in 1965 was a result of the importance of horse racing. Moreover, now Saudis are the dominant player in some international horse racing such as Royal Ascot to Longchamp and Melbourne.

Falconry is another sport with long traditions rooted in Bedouin culture. It mainly consists of raising falcons, training them and using them for hunting. Despite the inscription of Falconry by the UNESCO as a living human heritage, it is also emerging as a sport.

Camel racing is a uniquely Arabian sport practiced in the kingdom (and the UAE) that still has some mass popularity. There are camel racetracks in most of the kingdom's major centres, and races for prize money on many weekends throughout the winter months. Like racehorses, camels with breeding pedigrees may be very valuable.

Women's sport
In 2012, Saudi Arabia included women in its Olympic team for the first time. Two female athletes—a runner and judoka—participated. The inclusion followed international criticism for years of exclusion, but was controversial in the kingdom, and "prompted some to abuse the morals" of the athletes on social media.

As of April 2014, Saudi authorities in the education ministry have been asked by the Shoura Council to consider lifting a state school ban on sports for girls with the proviso that any sports conform to Sharia rules on dress and gender segregation, according to the official SPA news agency.

Women participation have then increased as four athletes were sent to the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio. They were two runner Sarah Attar, and Cariman Abu al-Jadail joined by judo athlete Wujud Fahmi and fencing competitor Lubna al-Omair.

In 2018, more than 1300 girls participated in a 3 km marathon, al-Ahsa Runs, for the first time in the country.

Arts and entertainment
Visual arts tend to be dominated by geometric, floral, and abstract designs and by calligraphy. Sunni Islam traditionally prohibits creating representations of people. With the advent of oil wealth in the 20th century came exposure to outside influences, such as Western housing styles, furnishings, and clothes.

Calligraphy is the art of forming arranging beautiful letters and symbols, and it is among the dominant art forms in Saudi Arabia. This art has been emerging in different themes such as metalwork, ceramics, glass textiles, painting, and sculpture.

Apart from the dominant art forms, there were some portrait paintings and sculptures produced by some artists in the 1960s like Artist Dia Aziz Dia from Jeddah.

Al-Qatt Al-Asiri is another essential art form represents the identity of the Asir region. It is the art of interior wall decoration usually carried out by women. The base of this art is white gypsum with colorful patterns of geometric shapes and symbol painted on it. This art form is now inscribed on UNESCO's Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.

The ten-day-long Jenadriyah National Festival celebrates the founding of the kingdom and showcases Saudi culture and heritage, traditional crafts such as pottery and woodcutting, folk dance and traditional songs.

Music and dance
Music and dance have always been part of Saudi life. Bedouin poetry, known as nabaṭī, is still very popular. Traditional music is generally associated with poetry and is sung collectively. Instruments include the rabābah, an instrument not unlike a three-string fiddle, and various types of percussion instruments, such as the ṭabl (drum) and the ṭār (tambourine). Al-sihba folk music has its origins in al-Andalus. In Mecca, Medina and Jeddah, dance and song incorporate the sound of the mizmar, an oboe-like woodwind instrument, in the performance of the mizmar dance. The drum is also an important instrument according to traditional and tribal customs. Samri is a popular traditional form of music and dance in which poetry is sung. Of the native dances, the most popular is a martial line dance known as the Al Ardha, which includes lines of men, frequently armed with swords or rifles, dancing to the beat of drums and tambourines. As one non-Saudi described it, the performance consists of: "barefooted males clad in their normal street clothes of thobe and gutra jumping up and down mostly in one spot while wielding swords".

Dahha is another popular dance in Northern Saudi performed by one line of men or two lines facing each other while a man in between sings a poem which can be a satirical, eulogy or a descriptive poem.

Literature
Bedouin poetry is a cultural tradition in Saudi Arabia. According to Sandra Mackey, author of The Saudis: Inside the Desert Kingdom, "the role that formal poetry, prose, and oratory play in Saudi culture is totally alien to Western culture." Mackey explained that the Bedouin poet was the origin of Saudi society's traditionally strong attachment to the concept of language. She said that poetry "can arise in the most curious of situations" due to the role of poetry in Saudi culture.

The literary renaissance began during the first quarter of the 20th century where the literary genre of poetry was improved in language and number of poets. The pioneer poets during that era include Mohammed Faqi (1914-2004), Tahir Zamakhshri (1914-1987), and Hasan Alqurashi (1926-2004).

Novel writing is another literary genre in Saudi literature where the first Saudi novel was The Twins (1930) by Abdul Alquddus Alansari. In the modern era of Saudi novel, some novel writer becomes popular like Turki Alhamad, Abdu Khal Raja Alim.

Theatre in Saudi Arabia back to 1928 where their origins were schools. The earliest attempts were in Qassim and Makkah, and subsequently, universities contributed to the theatre activities.

Contemporary Saudi novelists and artists include:
 * Abdul Rahman Munif (many of his books were banned and his citizenship revoked )
 * Turki al-Hamad
 * Raja'a Alem
 * Rajaa Al Sanie, author of best-selling novel Girls of Riyadh
 * Ghazi Abdul Rahman Al Gosaibi
 * Haifaa al-Mansour

Entertainment

During the 1970s, cinemas were numerous in the kingdom although they were seen as contrary to tribal norms. All cinemas and theaters were closed in 1980 as a political response to the Islamic revival and the increase in Islamist activism, most particularly the 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca. As of 2018, cinemas opened in multiple cities including Riyadh and Jeddah.

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's Vision 2030 should bring cinemas back to the country in early 2018. The establishment of the General Authority for Entertainment in 2016 has pushed for entertainment options of the including cinemas, public concerts, international conferences, competitions, singing show and other cultural activities.

title: Culture of Saudi Arabia


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