text:
User:Secretlondon/Photos to take/walks

University land

 * Euston station
 * Euston Square tube station
 * Euston Tower
 * Bloomsbury Square
 * Bloomsbury Theatre
 * Institute of Education
 * Russell Square
 * Russell Square tube station
 * Senate House
 * SOAS
 * ULU
 * Birkbeck College
 * RADA
 * University College Hospital
 * Warren Street tube station
 * Goodge Street tube station
 * Goodge Street Deep level shelter
 * Centrepoint
 * London Astoria
 * Foyles

title: User:Secretlondon/Photos to take/walks


text:
Catamarca Province

Catamarca is a province of Argentina, located in the northwest of the country. The province had a population of 429,556 as per the, and covers an area of 102,602 km2. Its literacy rate is 95.5%. Neighbouring provinces are (clockwise, from the north): Salta, Tucumán, Santiago del Estero, Córdoba, and La Rioja. To the west it borders the country of Chile.

The capital is San Fernando del Valle de Catamarca, usually shortened to Catamarca. Other important cities include Andalgalá, Tinogasta, and Belén.

Geography
Eighty percent of Catamarca's territory of 102,602 square kilometers (2.7% of the country total), is covered by mountains, which can be grouped into four clearly differentiated systems: the Pampean sierras, in the east and center; the Narváez-Cerro Negro-Famatina system, in the west; the cordilleran-Catamarca area of transition, in the western extreme; the Puna, an elevated portion, in the northwest.

The scarce water resources in Catamarca's arid and semi-arid climate zone determine the human settlement pattern. Agricultural activities are concentrated in pockets and valleys between the mountains. In the east the population is concentrated around a number of water courses, from which water is distributed by canals and irrigation ditches.

Climate
The province is located with the semi–arid region of Argentina. Mean annual precipitation of the province is around 400 to 500 mm which decreases significantly to the west. The province is characterized by the presence of different microclimates based on variations in altitude. In general, there are three different climatic zones found within the province.

The northeastern parts of the province has a subtropical highland climate that is characterized by abundant rainfall and high temperatures. Summers are hot while winters are mild with abundant humidity. At the highest peaks of Sierra del Aconquija, snow cover is permanent.

Most of the province and its intermontane valleys have an arid climate. Within these valleys which includes the provincial capital, the climate is characterized by its extreme aridity, large thermal amplitudes (different between day and night temperatures) and strong northeastern winds. The region is characterized by abundant sunshine with winds predominantly coming from the northeast and southeast. Nonetheless, there is large variation between different locations owing to differences in altitude and differences in the relief and altitudes of the surrounding mountains that enclose the valleys. Mean annual precipitation ranges from 500 to 700 mm in the eastern parts of the region (some areas receive more than 1000 mm) to less than 150 mm in the west. In the arid valleys, mean annual precipitation is around 160 mm. Most of the precipitation occurs during summer, falling as short but heavy bursts with the rest of the year being dry. Mean annual temperatures range between 16 and 18 C with eastern and central parts having mean annual temperatures of 20 C.  In summer, the mean temperature is 25 C although they can reach up to 45 C.   Winters, with a mean temperature of 10 C are characterized by frequent frosts. Locations in the west experience colder winters due to their higher altitudes with temperatures that can decrease to -30 C. During winter, the Zonda wind occasionally occurs, leading to very dry conditions that can lead to dust storms.

In the extreme west of the province is the Puna region, mostly located in the Antofagasta de la Sierra Department. The region has a desert climate with very low precipitation; most of it is concentrated during summer. This is due to the mountains that block moist air from Pacific Ocean. Mean annual precipitation decreases from north to south and from east to west; some areas receive an annual rainfall of 50 mm. Owing to its high altitude, the climate is characterized by low temperatures. The thermal amplitude is large, reaching up to 40 C-change due to the combination of low humidity and high solar radiation.

History

Before the arrival of the Spanish conquest, most of today's Catamarca was inhabited by the Diaguitas indigenous people, including the fierce Calchaquí tribe. In 1558 Juan Pérez de Zurita founded San Juan de la Ribera de Londres, but since it was constantly under attack by indigenous people its population remained small; it was re-founded several times at new sites with new names. The sixth foundation was by Fernando de Mendoza Mate de Luna on July 5, 1683, with the name San Fernando del Valle de Catamarca.

When the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata was created in 1776, Catamarca obtained the title of Subintendencia under the Salta intendency. In 1821, the province claimed its autonomy, and Nicolás Avellaneda y Tula (grandfather of Nicolás Avellaneda) was elected as the first governor of the province.

The name is believed to come either from Quechua cata 'slope' and marca 'fortress', or from Aymara catán 'small' and marca 'town'.

Catamarca remained isolated from the rest of Argentina by its mountains until 1888, when the rapidly expanding railways first appeared in the province. Attracting immigrants with its spacious, fertile valleys and dry, agreeable weather, Catamarca was soon favored by immigrants from Lebanon and Iran, who found Catamarca reminiscent of the fertile, orchard-lined mountain valleys of the homes they left behind.

One such family, the Saadis, became prominent in local commerce and politics (much as the Syrian Menems in neighbouring La Rioja). In 1949, the newly designated province elected Vicente Saadi as governor. Eventually, Saadi, a Peronist, would become indispensable to local politics (a Caudillo), exerting influence mostly by proxy. Upon his death in 1988, he was succeeded by his son Ramon. In 1990, however, close friends of the Saadis were involved in the brutal murder of a local teenager, Maria Soledad Morales; this cause cèlebre cost Gov. Saadi much of his popularity and, in 1991, his office, when Catamarca (for the first time) voted in a Radical Civic Union (UCR) candidate, Arnoldo Castillo. Elected to the Senate by his still considerable following, Saadi is today an ally of President Cristina Kirchner, though the governor's seat remains in the UCR's column.

Demography
Annual growth rate is 2.35‰, while density amounts to 2.6 inhabitants per square kilometer. Urban population represents 70%. (1991).

Economy
Catamarca's economy is Argentina's smallest, though still developed. Its 2006 economy was estimated at US$1.728 billion, or, US$5,284 per capita, 40% below the national average. Less diversified than most in Argentina, agriculture has never played an important role in the Catamarca economy (contributing less than 5% to its output). The province's livestock includes around 200,000 head of cattle, 100,000 sheep, and 150,000 goats, with an annual production of 7,000 tonnes of beef, 5 tonnes of mutton/lamb, and 10 tonnes of pork, although outbreaks of foot and mouth disease has kept at times the production from reaching full potential. Large numbers of cattle, fattened in the alfalfa fields of Pucara, Tinogasta and Copacabana, were historically driven into northern Chile across the San Francisco pass and mules were bred for the Bolivian market in the 1910s.

Mining was important in the past. After becoming less active in the early 1990s, grew to now account for over 20% of the economy. Catamarca is home to one of the largest copper gold mines in the world, Bajo de la Alumbrera, which produces approximately 600,000 ounces of gold and 190,000 tonnes of copper annually. The mine employs over 1,000 people and contributes hundreds of millions of dollars in taxes and royalties to the federal and provincial governments.

The agriculture of Catamarca focuses on wood (walnut), vineyards, olive, citrus, cotton and tobacco, for which the government gives tax cuts to facilitate economic growth, but so far with poor results and no oversight. Tourism is a lesser contributor to the economy in Catamarca, with more than 3,465 beds in hotels and other types of accommodation. Although high hopes are focused in this industry, lack of infrastructure, service-oriented and trained businesses and an overall endemic corruption culture,  tourism has yet to become a strong element the local economy. Mountains and geological formation are the main attraction, with sights such as Antofagasta de la Sierra, Balcones del Valle, the Snow-Covered Summits of Aconquija, and the San Francisco Pass. The road over the San Francisco Pass, an endeavor developed during the Castillo Administrations (1991–2003) at a high cost in public funds has failed to bring trade and tourism to the underdeveloped Tinogasta county. Cultural attractions include the city of Catamarca, the archaeological park Las Huellas del Inca, prehistoric petroglyphs, local music, handcrafts and wines.

Transport
Major highways include Ruta 33 from Catamarca 98 km south to San Martin, 38 from Catamarca north via San Pedro 228 km to Tucuman, 60 north-west from Córdoba Province 577 km from La Guardia north-west (partly through La Rioja) to Chile by the Paso de San Francisco (4722 m), 64 west from Santiago del Estero to join 38 and 157 north from La Guardia 103 km to Frias where it connects with 89 west from Villa San Martin (Santiago del Estero), and north to Tucuman province at San Pedro, connecting with 64 near Las Cañas. There is an airport at Catamarca, the Coronel Felipe Varela International Airport.

Government and politics
The provincial government is divided into the usual three branches: the executive, headed by a popularly elected governor, who appoint the cabinet; the legislative; and the judiciary, headed by the Supreme Court and completed by several inferior tribunals.

The Constitution of Catamarca Province forms the formal law of the province.

In Argentina, the most important law enforcement organization is the Argentine Federal Police but the additional work is carried out by the Catamarca Provincial Police.

Since its foundation in 1991 by the Catamarcan branch of the Radical Civic Union and minor local parties the Civic and Social Front of Catamarca has dominated state politics. It has held the governor's house in Catamarca, first with Arnoldo Castillo (1991–1999), then with his son Oscar Castillo (1999–2003), and now with the present governor, Eduardo Brizuela del Moral.

Political division
The province is divided into sixteen departments (departamentos).

Department (Capital)

 * 1) Ambato Department (La Puerta)
 * 2) Ancasti Department (Ancasti)
 * 3) Andalgalá Department (Andalgalá)
 * 4) Antofagasta de la Sierra Department (Antofagasta de la Sierra)
 * 5) Belén Department (Belén)
 * 6) Capayán Department (Huillapima)
 * 7) Capital Department (San Fernando del Valle de Catamarca)
 * 8) El Alto Department (El Alto)
 * 9) Fray Mamerto Esquiú Department (San José)
 * 10) La Paz Department (Recreo)
 * 11) Paclín Department (La Merced)
 * 12) Pomán Department (Saujil)
 * 13) Santa María Department (Santa María)
 * 14) Santa Rosa Department (Bañado de Ovanta)
 * 15) Tinogasta Department (Tinogasta)
 * 16) Valle Viejo Department (San Isidro)

Notable people

 * Calu Rivero, first actress from Catamarca to appear in national television
 * Emilio Caraffa - Post-impressionist painter
 * Daniel Díaz - Footballer
 * Mamerto Esquiú - Friar
 * Vicente Saadi - Justicialist Party politician

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Catamarca Province


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Dave Schulthise

David Schulthise (September 16, 1956 – March 10, 2004), also known as Dave Blood, was an American musician best known as the original bass guitarist for the punk band The Dead Milkmen. Schulthise was born in Ridley Park, Pennsylvania. He helped form the band in 1983 along with fellow pseudonymous musicians Joe Jack Talcum, Dean Clean, and Rodney Anonymous. Prior to this he was a Ph.D. candidate in economics at Purdue University.

He stopped playing music in 1995 after the band broke up as the result of developing tendinitis in both hands.

Schulthise visited Yugoslavia while on tour with the Milkmen and became fascinated with Serbia, its culture and people. After the band disbanded, he enrolled at Indiana University to study Serbo-Croatian language, literature, and history. He moved to Serbia for work and study in 1998, but in the wake of the NATO bombing campaign there he was forced to return to the US.

In late 2003, he told an interviewer that his favorite bassists were Mike Mills (R.E.M.), Johnny Gayden (Albert Collins Band) and Charles Mingus.

Schulthise died by suicide from a drug overdose on March 10, 2004, at age 47.

title: Dave Schulthise


text:
Alexander Karpinsky

Alexander Petrovich Karpinsky (Александр Петрович Карпинский, trl. Aljeksandr Pjetrovič Karpinskij; 7 January 1847 [ O.S. 26 December 1846] – 15 July 1936) was a prominent Russian and Soviet geologist and mineralogist, and the president of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and later Academy of Sciences of the USSR, in 1917–1936.

Biography
Karpinsky was born in Turyinskiye Rudniki, Perm Governorate (now Krasnoturyinsk, Sverdlovsk Oblast), in the Ural Mountains, into a family of mining engineers. From 1857 to 1866 he studied at the mining school in St. Petersburg, and in 1863-1866 he also attended the Mineralogical Institute. From 1866 to 1869 he worked in his home area in the Urals as a mining engineer.

He was invited to the Mining Institute, St. Petersburg in 1869 as an Assistant Professor, whilst also doing further studies and research. He was given full professorship in 1877. He stayed there until 1885. He was the imperial director of mining research from 1885 to 1916. Karpinsky was elected to the Russian Academy of Sciences in 1886, was elected its president in May 1917, and held this title until his death. He was elected an International Member of the American Philosophical Society in 1897. His main research was chiefly done in the Ural Mountains, and he completed the first geological map of European Russia. He was able to preserve much scientific equipment and many invaluable records during the turmoil, and looting, of the Russian Revolution.

Karpinsky died on 15 July 1936 in Moscow, at the age of 89 and was cremated and an urn with his ashes lies in the Kremlin Wall Necropolis in Moscow, and is the oldest (by the date of birth) person to be so.

Publications

 * An Outline of Physical Geography of European Russia in Past Geological Periods
 * The General Character of the Changes in the Earth's Crust within the bounds of European Russia

Named in his honor

 * The mineral karpinskite
 * The lunar crater Karpinsky
 * The Karpinsky Group of volcanoes on Paramushir Island in the Kurils
 * Karpinsky Glacier, Severnaya Zemlya, Russian Arctic
 * Mount Karpinsky, Urals at 1878 m lies between the Tyumen Oblast and the Komi Republic in Russia
 * The town of Karpinsk, Sverdlovsk Oblast on the east side of the Urals
 * Karpinsky Russian Geology Research Institute
 * in 1947 (on the centenary of his birth) the Academy of Sciences of the USSR created the Karpinsky Gold Medal, awarded for outstanding contributions in the field of geology.

title: Alexander Karpinsky


text:
Steve Harris

Steve Harris may refer to:

 * Steve Harris (musician) (born 1956), founder member and bassist of the band Iron Maiden
 * Steve Harris (actor) (born 1965), American film and TV actor
 * Steve Harris (basketball) (1963–2016), American basketball player
 * Steve Harris (writer) (1954–2016), English horror writer
 * Steve Harris (drummer) (1948–2008), rock and jazz musician; member of Pinski Zoo and founder of Zaum
 * Steve Harris (bowls), Welsh lawn and indoor bowler
 * Steve Harris, founder of the American magazine Electronic Gaming Monthly
 * Steve Harris, guitarist for the band Archive
 * Steve Harris, guitarist for the British band Ark
 * Steve Harris, guitarist for the band Shy
 * Steve Harris, president of the Fremantle Football Club since 2009

title: Steve Harris


text:
Talk:J. M. Andrews

Spelling of name
The Public Record Office of Northern Ireland records his name as "John Millar Andrews". Which is right? Miller or Millar? -- The Anome 21:20, 11 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Google hits: No clear winner. -- The Anome 21:22, 11 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * Miller: 42
 * Millar: 16

I'm fairly sure it's Miller, not Millar. He is thus in 'Parliamentary Election Results in Ireland' which presumably derives from his application forms to be a candidate for Stormont. Dbiv 14:09, 9 Apr 2004 (UTC)

John Miller Andrews
John Miller Andrews was named after his mother's uncle - John Miller of Comber (1795-1883).

The spelling of his middle name as "Millar" is therefore inaccurate.

Whereas my maternal grand-mother was Mollie Millar from Downpatrick and her paternal aunt was married to John Andrews Snr. This obviously "muddies the water" in that John's mother converted from Catholicism in order to marry John Andrews Snr.

John Jnr. was given the double surname "Millar-Andrews" out of respect for his mother and to this day my family still use the hyphen to designate this respect.

In addition, "Millar" vs. "Miller", could be simply a matter of religious designation but this is conjecture.

I do not recall any mention of John Millar/Miller from Comber as my maternal grand-mother's family resided in Downpatrick having come originally from Waterford. That does not mean that nobody from the family moved to Comber but being Catholic I would tend to query such a move.

Those members of the Millar family to whom I am related, arrived back in Downpatrick from India where my Great-Grand-father had been an officer with the RIR. The family relocated to Downpatrick as he, my Great-Grand-father, was re-located to Ballykinler? Army Camp.

His daughter Mollie (my grand mother), a cousin of John Millar-Andrews, was a School Teacher who taught in the Convent School in St. Patrick's Avenue. She married a sculptor Hugh? Mullan and they went to live in Waterford where he was responsible for most of the statues in the RC Cathedral. He died, "of-the-dust" as it was called then and my Grand-mother returned to Downpatrick via. Comber where she stayed for a period with her Aunt. Upon returning to Downpatrick she met and married my grand-father (William Keenan from Cathedral View in Armagh) who was also an officer in Ballykinler Army Camp and John Jnr. was one of those who was an usher at this weeding in St. Patrick's Church (RC), St. Patrick’s Avenue, Downpatrick.

-

Can the title of this entry be ammended?

From the London Gazette for 21 May 1943:
 * CENTRAL CHANCERY OF THE ORDERS OF KNIGHTHOOD.
 * St. James's Palace, S.W.1, 21st May, 1943.
 * The KING has been graciously pleased to make the following appointment to the Order of the Companions of Honour: —
 * To be a Member of the Order.
 * The Right Honourable John Miller Andrews, M.P.

Hope this helps matters. Proteus (Talk) 13:44, 1 October 2006 (UTC)

Surely we should move the article name then?--Couter-revolutionary 16:50, 15 November 2006 (UTC)

 * Could this article not be expaded. He was the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, surely we could include more about his education, family &c.  --Couter-revolutionary 13:25, 29 November 2006 (UTC)

Move page to "John Miller Andrews"
I propose to move this page to "John Miller Andrews" - any thoughts would be appreciated. Counter-revolutionary (talk) 21:31, 3 December 2010 (UTC)
 * I tend to agree, but I would raise it with the person who moved it to here.Traditional unionist (talk) 18:16, 4 December 2010 (UTC)

Resignation in 1943
What was the nature of the backbench dissent that forced him from office? Headhitter (talk) 21:30, 27 May 2014 (UTC)

External links modified
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title: Talk:J. M. Andrews


text:
The Spitting Image

The Spitting Image: Myth, Memory and the Legacy of Vietnam is a 1998 book by Vietnam veteran and sociology professor Jerry Lembcke. The book is an analysis of the widely believed narrative that American soldiers were spat upon and insulted by anti-war protesters upon returning home from the Vietnam War. The book examines the origin of the earliest stories; the popularization of the "spat-upon image" through Hollywood films and other media, and the role of print news media in perpetuating the now iconic image through which the history of the war and anti-war movement has come to be represented.

Lembcke contrasts the absence of credible evidence of spitting by anti-war activists with the large body of evidence showing a mutually supportive, empathetic relationship between veterans and anti-war forces. The book also documents efforts of the Nixon Administration to drive a wedge between military service members and the anti-war movement by portraying democratic dissent as a betrayal of the troops. Lembcke equates this disparagement of the anti-war movement and veterans with the similar stab-in-the-back myth propagated by Germany and France after their war defeats, as an alibi for why they lost the war. Lembcke details the resurrection of the myth of the spat-upon veteran during subsequent Gulf War efforts as a way to silence public dissent.

Origins
A persistent but unfounded criticism leveled against those who protested in opposition to the Vietnam War is that they spat upon and otherwise derided returning soldiers, calling them "baby-killers". During the late 1980s and early 1990s, years after the Vietnam War ended, the proliferation of these spitting stories increased greatly. As both a Vietnam veteran and a member of the anti-war movement, Lembcke knew this criticism ran counter to what he personally experienced and witnessed. To the contrary, one of the hallmarks of the period's anti-war movement was its support for the troops in the field and the affiliation of many returning veterans with the movement. Lembcke was motivated to look further into the truth and origins of this spat-upon veteran myth, and the contradiction between historical fact and popular collective memory. Other observers had already noticed the proliferation of stories and questioned whether the spitting stories even made sense. In 1987, columnist Bob Greene noted:

"Even during the most fervent days of anti-war protest, it seemed that it was not the soldiers whom protesters were maligning. It was the leaders of government, and the top generals—at least, that is how it seemed in memory. One of the most popular chants during the anti-war marches was, 'Stop the war in Vietnam, bring the boys home.' You heard that at every peace rally in America. 'Bring the boys home.' That was the message. Also, when one thought realistically about the image of what was supposed to have happened, it seemed questionable. So-called 'hippies,' no matter what else one may have felt about them, were not the most macho people in the world. Picture a burly member of the Green Berets, in full uniform, walking through an airport.  Now think of a 'hippie' crossing his path.  Would the hippie have the nerve to spit on the soldier?  And if the hippie did, would the soldier—fresh from facing enemy troops in the jungles of Vietnam—just stand there and take it?"

By 1992, the Director of the Connelly Library and curator of the Vietnam War Collection at LaSalle University listed the spitting myth as one of the "Top Six Myths" from the Vietnam era, and observed the myth "derives from the mythopoeic belief that returning GIs were routinely spat upon at some time during their repatriation to the USA. This particular round of tales has become so commonplace as to be treated reverently even among otherwise wisely observant veterans." In 1994, scholar Paul Rogat Loeb wrote, "to consider spitting on soldiers as even remotely representative of the activist response is to validate a lie", and noted that myths like that of anti-war activists spitting on soldiers have rewritten or "erased history". An academic study into the making and shaping of a collective memory found that evidence of antiwar activists targeting troops was virtually nonexistent. Instead, it found popular memory was manipulated by national security elites and a complicit news media by frequently labeling resistors to U.S. war efforts as "anti-troop". As observed by Clarence Page after interviewing Lembcke and Greene, "the stories have become so widely believed, despite a remarkable lack of witnesses or evidence, that ironically the burden of proof now falls on the accused, the protesters; not their accusers, the veterans. Antiwar protesters must prove the episodes didn't happen, instead of the veterans having to prove they did."

Given this complete lack of evidence that spitting occurred, but acknowledging that it is impossible to prove something never happened, Lembcke set out:

"to show how it is possible for a large number of people to believe that Vietnam veterans were spat upon when there is no evidence that they were. In effect, my strategy was to set aside the question of whether or not such acts occurred and to show why even if they did not occur it is understandable that the image of the spat-upon veteran has become widely accepted. Indeed, given the manipulation of information and images that began with the Nixon administration and continued at the hands of filmmakers and the news media during the 1970s and 1980s, it would be remarkable if a majority of Americans had not come to believe that Vietnam veterans were abused by the anti-war movement."

Synopsis
At the time he wrote The Spitting Image, Lembcke had not found a single substantiated media report to support the now common claims of spitting. He theorizes that the reported "spitting on soldiers" scenario was a mythical projection by those who felt "spat upon" by an American society tired of the war; an image which was then used to discredit future anti-war activism and serve political interests. He suggests that the manufactured images of pro-war antipathy against anti-war protesters also helped contribute to the myth. Lembcke asserts that memories of being verbally and physically assaulted by anti-war protesters were largely conjured, noting that not even one case could be reliably documented. He further suggests the "baby-killer" and "murderer" components of the myth may have been reinforced, in part, by the common chants by protesters aimed at President Lyndon Baines Johnson, like "Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?"

The Spitting Image asserts that the image of abuse of soldiers by anti-war demonstrators only really became ingrained in the American consciousness years after the war had come to a close. Lembcke attributes part of the legend's growth to films relating to Vietnam, notably First Blood, in which a "spat-upon veteran" image is popularized. He writes that the myth of the spat-upon veteran was later revived by President George H. W. Bush as a way to help suppress dissent when selling the Gulf War to the American people. Lembcke believes that resurrection of the myth was useful in promoting the yellow ribbon Support our Troops campaign, as it implies that for one to support the troops, one must also support the war. It conflates the ideas of anti-war sentiment and anti-troop sentiment, despite a common anti-war chant being "Support the Troops: Bring them Home!"

The "spat-upon veteran" meme became so pervasive that some found it hard not to believe. In 1989, Bob Greene's book Homecoming reprinted letters he had solicited, asking to hear from veterans if they had been spat upon. Greene's book includes 63 alleged accounts involving spitting, and 69 accounts from veterans who do not believe anyone was spat upon after returning from Vietnam, among other stories. Greene admits he couldn't validate the authenticity of the accounts in the letters he received, but he did believe spitting must have occurred, stating, "There were simply too many letters, going into too fine a detail, to deny the fact." Greene concluded, "I think you will agree, after reading the letters, that even if several should prove to be not what they appear to be, that does not detract from the overall story that is being told." "Greene was too willing to suspend disbelief", says Lembcke, who cited Greene's book as an example of how prolific the stories had become and also for the patterns that appeared in them. Lembke said, "These stories have to be taken very seriously, but as historical evidence they are problematic. In the first place, stories of this type didn't surface until about ten years after the end of the war. If the incidents occurred when the story tellers say they did, in the closing years of the war, why is there no evidence for that? Moreover, many of the stories have elements of such exaggeration that one has to question the veracity of the entire account."

Lembcke points out that there were several newspaper accounts of pro-war demonstrators spitting on anti-war demonstrators and suggests that these oral accounts could easily have been reinterpreted and inverted and made into stories about activists spitting on veterans. He highlights the contradictions between the collective memory of today and contemporaneous historical records, like the results from a 1971 poll showing over 94% of returning Vietnam soldiers received a "friendly" welcome. Lembcke also notes how it was older vets from previous wars who most often scorned the returning Vietnam Vets; in 1978 the Vietnam Veterans of America vowed in its founding principle: "Never again will one generation of veterans abandon another".

In The Spitting Image, Lembcke acknowledges that he cannot prove the negative—that no Vietnam veteran was ever spat on—saying it is hard to imagine there not being expressions of hostility between veterans and activists. "I cannot, of course, prove to anyone's satisfaction that spitting incidents like these did not happen. Indeed, it seems likely to me that it probably did happen to some veteran, some time, some place. But while I cannot prove the negative, I can prove the positive: I can show what did happen during those years and that that historical record makes it highly unlikely that the alleged acts of spitting occurred in the number and manner that is now widely believed."

Reviews
A review published in the Los Angeles Times reads: "The image is ingrained: A Vietnam veteran, arriving home from the war, gets off a plane only to be greeted by an angry mob of antiwar protesters yelling, 'Murderer!' and 'Baby killer!' Then out of the crowd comes someone who spits in the veteran's face. The only problem, according to Jerry Lembcke, is that no such incident has ever been documented. It is instead, says Lembcke, a kind of urban myth that reflects our lingering national confusion over the war."

A review published in The Berkshire Eagle called the book "Well-argued and documented." Maurice Isserman of the Chicago Tribune wrote: "The myth of the spat-upon veteran is not only bad history, but it has been instrumental in selling the American public on bad policy." A review published in the San Francisco Chronicle argued that "Lembcke builds a compelling case against collective memory by demonstrating that remembrances of Vietnam were almost at direct odds with circumstantial evidence." Peace activist David Dellinger referred to the book as the "best history I have seen on the impact of the war on Americans, both then and now."

Karl Helicher of Library Journal wrote that Lembcke "presents a stunning indictment of this myth, an illusion created, he maintains, by the Nixon-Agnew administration and an unwitting press to attribute America's loss in Vietnam to internal dissension. In fact, the antiwar movement and many veterans were closely aligned, and the only documented incidents show members of the VFW and American Legion spitting on their less successful Vietnam peers. But Lembcke's most controversial conclusion is that posttraumatic stress disorder was as much a political creation—a means of discrediting returning vets who protested the war as unhinged—as it was a medical condition. The image of the psycho-vet was furthered through such Hollywood productions as The Deer Hunter and Coming Home. This forceful investigation challenges the reader to reexamine assumptions about the dark side of American culture that glorifies war more than peace. Highly recommended for large public libraries and for all academic peace studies collections."

Christian G. Appy of The Chronicle of Higher Education wrote that "Lembcke's debunking of the spitting stories is quite persuasive. But he has much broader aims. Not only was there no spitting, he argues, but there was no hostility or tension at all between veterans and protesters. In fact, he characterizes their relationship as 'empathetic and mutually supporting.' ... My own view is that the spitting stories are largely mythic, but that the myth itself reflects the deep anger and animosity that many veterans harbored toward the antiwar movement. Their anger often reflected a sense of class injustice that gave their more privileged peers greater freedom to avoid the war. ... I base my conclusions on extensive interviews I have conducted with Vietnam veterans since the early 1980s. Lembcke, however, gives no credence to the possibility that veterans themselves played a role in creating the myth of antiwar spitters, or that the myth teaches us anything meaningful about the class and wartime experiences of veterans. For him, the myth is almost entirely a product of Hollywood and right-wing politicians."

Mary Carroll of Booklist wrote that Lembcke "makes a strong case that tales of antiwar activists spitting at returning vets are myth. ... He notes that contemporary media, government, and polling data show no evidence of antiwar spitting incidents; the few events reported had supporters of the war targeting opponents. But later studies reported hostility toward veterans; "the spitting image" epitomized that narrative. Similar images were common in post-World War I Germany and France after Indochina; Lembcke suggests the Nixon administration cultivated this notion of betrayal because it stigmatized both the antiwar movement and veterans against the war."

Online debate and investigation
In 2000, 2004, and again in 2007,  journalist Jack Shafer rekindled firestorms when he berated news media outlets for uncritically repeating the myth of the spat-upon veteran. Shafer's Slate Magazine online articles on the matter, which frequently cited Lembcke's research, generated enormous feedback; the May 2000 article alone received nearly 300 postings on the subject in just a few days, one of its largest-ever responses.

According to Shafer, the myth persists primarily because:

 * 1) "Those who didn't go to Vietnam—that being most of us—don't dare contradict the 'experience' of those who did;
 * 2) The story helps maintain the perfect sense of shame many of us feel about the way we ignored our Vietvets;
 * 3) The press keeps the story in play by uncritically repeating it, as the Times and U.S. News did;
 * 4) Because any fool with 33 cents and the gumption to repeat the myth in his letter to the editor can keep it in circulation. Most recent mentions of the spitting protester in Nexis are of this variety."

Shafer acknowledges that it's possible that a Vietnam veteran somewhere might have been spat upon during the war years, and notes that Lembcke concedes as much because nobody can prove something never happened. Shafer announced a challenge to his readers, "Indeed, each time I write about the spit myth, my inbox overflows with e-mail from readers who claim that a spitting protester targeted them while they were in uniform. ... If you can point me to a documented case of a returning Viet vet getting spat upon, please drop a line."

Likewise, Lembcke joined the discussion and also commented on it in the Humanity & Society journal, saying the stories just keep getting better, and asking for any evidence to be raised. The discussions spawned yet another round of more than 60 stories, yet only one was credible.

Northwestern Law School professor James Lindgren also joined the discussions and, after a review of contemporary news sources, found many news accounts that discussed spitting incidents. Lembcke provided an 18-point response to Lindgren's research, offering rebuttals to most of his claims and expressing interest in one of them. A December 27, 1971 CBS Evening News report on veteran Delmar Pickett who said he was spat at in Seattle appeared, according to Lembcke, to have some validity as a claim, but still not as evidence that the incident reported actually happened.

Some second-hand news accounts that mention spitting do actually exist, although there has been no evidence to support the narrative that anti-war demonstrators were responsible. Documented accounts exist where the anti-war demonstrators were actually the victims, not the perpetrators. Other commentators have since addressed the myth to various degrees, even referencing the debate spawned by the Slate files.

In his 2009 book War Stories, historian and Vietnam veteran Gary Kulik devoted a whole chapter to the myth of "Spit-upon veterans". He closely examined Greene's book of letters and the Slate files, as well as the research by Lindgren and Lembcke. Kulik noted the contradictory nature of the stories in Greene's book and concluded that Greene arrogantly dismissed the "surprising number" of veterans who "refuse to believe" the spitting stories, and wrote, "Greene was not just credulous, but negligently irresponsible." Kulik also criticized Lindgren's research, writing, "Lindgren's evidence includes only one single first-person ("I was spit upon") account—the stories that are at the heart of Lembcke's book—and it appears the none of the accounts he cites were actually witnessed by a reporter. Moreover, Lindgren does not cite a single case of a Vietnam veteran spit upon as he returned home, and that was the story that would ultimately be repeated and believed." Kulik concluded that the spitting stories were formulaic and unbelievable, and were propagated to serve the political goals of those who wished to vilify the anti-war movement. "The image of 'hippie' men and women hawking up gobs of phlegm to hurl at the ribbons of veterans, as a pervasive and commonplace act, is surely false." Specialist in civil-military relations and advisor to the National Institute of Military Justice, Diane Mazur, also examined the works by Greene, Lembcke and Lindgren, and concluded: "There is no contemporaneous evidence that Americans who opposed the war expressed those beliefs by spitting on or otherwise assaulting returning Vietnam Veterans. ... The idea, however, that spitting on or mistreating Vietnam veterans was in any way typical or representative of anything in that era is completely false. ... It is by far the most powerful Vietnam War meme—a cultural unit of information passed from one person to another, like a biological gene—because it can be deployed instantly to silence difficult but necessary conversations about the military. For that reason alone the conventional wisdom is important, because it explains much about our civil-military dynamic today. It is also important, however, to understand why that accepted memory is untrue, and who benefits most from keeping it alive. The myth of the spat-upon Vietnam veteran is a difficult one to challenge. ... One intrepid soul, Professor Jerry Lembcke, ... stepped into the fray ... Every time he discusses his findings in a public forum, a hail of angry responses follows, but his explanations and conclusions are compelling and unsettling."

title: The Spitting Image


text:
Wikipedia:WikiProject Ships/footers

People have defined various ship class footers in the MediaWiki namespace. Here is a list of ones that have been defined. This is for informational purposes: listing here does not imply endorsement.

See also: Category:United States military ship navigational boxes

title: Wikipedia:WikiProject Ships/footers


text:
Parti national populaire

The Parti national populaire (PNP, in English: "Popular National Party" ) was a minor political party in Quebec, Canada that operated in the 1970s.

The PNP was created by a split in the Ralliement créditiste du Québec after Fabien Roy was expelled from the party. Roy was one of the two créditiste Members of the National Assembly (MNAs) that were elected in the 1973 Quebec general election.

On December 14, 1975, Roy teamed up with former Liberal minister Jérôme Choquette to form the Parti national populaire under Choquette's leadership. In August 1976, the PNP and the conservative Union Nationale party, led by Rodrigue Biron, announced the merger of their two parties, but the idea was abandoned by the Union Nationale one month later.

In the November 15, 1976 general elections, Fabien Roy was the only PNP candidate elected, while Choquette was defeated, placing third in his riding with 14.2% of the vote, behind the Liberal and Parti Québécois candidates. Choquette resigned as party leader on March 29, 1977, and was succeeded by Roy.

Roy was appointed leader of the federal Social Credit Party of Canada on March 30, 1979, and resigned his National Assembly seat on April 5, 1979.

The PNP ceased its activities in 1980, and its status as an authorized political party was revoked by the Director-General of Elections for Québec on 31 December 1983.

Proposed merger with Union Nationale
On August 3, 1976, the UN leader in the National Assembly, Maurice Bellemare, leaked to the media that the UN and the PNP had been holding secret negotiations for several weeks to create a single regrouping of conservative, federalist forces. The negotiations were aimed at developing a new name, policy, party structures and financing. Bellemare had suggested "Union Nationale Populaire". Bellemare told reporters that Jérôme Choquette would serve as parliamentary leader of the new party, and UN party leader Rodrigue Biron would serve as party leader.

Choquette's PNP movement had failed to catch on, and Biron's leadership of the UN had not been successful. Choquette was described by the Montreal Gazette as a “leader without a party”, while the UN was described as “a party without a leader”.

The next day, the Montreal Gazette reported that Choquette would be named “interim leader”, responsible for developing the new party's policy and program, while Biron would be responsible for administrative and organizational issues. Officially, the two leaders would be considered equals, and each would continue to lead his own party until the new party's leadership convention, scheduled for October 1976, but it had become clear that Choquette had the support of Bellemare. Choquette was described as Quebec's third most popular political leader in a Montreal Gazette editorial Bellemare was the UN's sole Member of the National Assembly. The party's $750,000 election fund was controlled by Mario Beaulieu, a Bellemare loyalist. Bellemare was seen as using Choquette to push Biron out of the UN leadership without getting blood on his own hands.

A dispute between Biron and Choquette emerged quickly. Biron favoured eliminating Bill 22, the language law that established French as the sole official language of Quebec, and required that children whose parents were not educated in English be educated in French. Choquette, on the other hand, had quit the Liberal Cabinet because he wanted stricter enforcement of the education rules. The dispute erupted, however, when Choquette changed his position, and spoke out in favour of allowing parents to have the choice of language of instruction, saying that it would be impossible to regulate parents’ choices. Biron, who favoured applying the rule only to non-Anglophone immigrants, said that Choquette “went too far” and that he would seek a revision to Choquette's statement. Biron went further, and stated that as he had been elected leader of the UN “with a great majority”, he would continue in that role into the election and past it and that the new party would be called the Union Nationale, indicating that the PNP would be absorbed by the UN, rather than a merger creating a new party.

The merger attempt was called off in September 1976.

1976 election
The 1976 election caught the PNP by surprise, and it lacked local organization, money and a platform. The party quickly assembled a mainstream platform by drawing heavily from those of other parties, especially the Union Nationale. Choquette presented the party as being a liberal party: “The present government has forgotten the principles of liberalism for which it stands. The new party that I represent becomes the true liberal party, not in name, but in deeds.”

Of the PNP's candidates, only two won more than 1,000 votes: Fabien Roy who was re-elected with 17,600 (69% of the total) in Beauce-Sud, and Choquette, who won only 3,726 votes (14% of the total) in his former riding of Outremont.

Leaders

 * Jérôme Choquette - December 14, 1975 to March 29, 1977
 * Fabien Roy - March 1977 - April 5, 1979

title: Parti national populaire


text:
Parti crédit social uni

The Parti crédit social uni (PCSU; English: United Social Credit Party) was a provincial political party in the Canadian province of Quebec. It existed on two occasions, from 1969 to around 1971 and from 1979 to 1994. The party's leader in both periods was Jean-Paul Poulin. The PCSU was not formally aligned with the Social Credit Party of Canada.

First period, 1969–71
The Parti crédit social uni emerged via a split in the Quebec social credit movement. Its origins appear to be in the Ralliement national (RN), a social credit and Quebec nationalist party that contested the 1966 provincial election without the approval of Ralliement des créditistes leader Réal Caouette. The RN merged into the Parti Québécois in 1968; the group that became the PCSU appears not to have approved of this decision.

Caouette's party fielded candidates at the provincial level for the first time in 1969. A group of dissidents opposed this decision and founded the PCSU as a rival group, citing a lack of confidence in Caouette's leadership. Poulin was chosen as the PCSU's leader; he had previously been a RN candidate in the 1966 provincial election and a Créditiste candidate in the 1968 Canadian federal election. During this time, he indicated his support for a "strong Quebec in a united Canada."

The PCSU ran candidates in three 1969 by-elections, in the 1970 provincial elections, and in further by-elections in 1971. None were elected. The party was not registered with the provincial government, and its candidates appeared on the ballot without affiliation.

The party seems to have disappeared after 1971. Poulin joined the re-united Social Credit Party of Canada under Caouette's leadership and was a party candidate in the 1974 federal election.

Second period, 1979–1994
The provincial Ralliement créditiste du Québec, which was aligned with the federal party, dissolved itself in 1978. The PCSU was subsequently re-established, again under Poulin's leadership; it was accredited as a provincial political party for the first time on September 13, 1979. The PCSU nominated candidates in the 1981 election, 1985 election, and 1989 election, each time winning less than 0.1% of the popular vote. The last time it fielded a candidate was in a by-election in Anjou held on January 20, 1992. The party was deregistered on August 27, 1994, by the Chief Electoral Officer of Quebec.

During the 1981 provincial election, the Montreal Gazette described the PCSU as a "hard core" Créditiste faction and identified Poulin as a follower of Major C.H. Douglas's economic theories. When interviewed by the Gazette, Poulin held up a copy of his party's manifesto and said, "This was written in 1966 and I haven't had to change a word."

title: Parti crédit social uni


text:
Talk:The Spitting Image

Page move
The controversy over whether anyone spat on returning soldiers is the main them of a book which claims it never happened: The Spitting Image

So I'm moving this article there.

 * Ok, let's keep this page as strictly about this book, and I will move other stuff over, Including this:

A persistent criticism levelled against those who protested the United States's involvement in the Vietnam War is the complaint that protesters spat upon and otherwis derided returning soldiers, calling them "baby-killers", etc. The notion of soldiers being spat upon was featured in a number of American movies, including the Rambo series.

The American public was greatly divided during the war, with widespread acts of civil disobedience, flag burning and the like among the protesters, and government crackdowns such as those associated with COINTELPRO. Well-known figures such as Jane Fonda and groups like Vietnam Veterans Against The War were regularly in the public spotlight. In this environment, allegations began to surface, and have persisted to this day of spitting on returning soldiers as being a common occurence at the time.

Of course, there have been well recorded incidents of mistreatment of veterans in the US - such as the Bonus march of 1932, when World War I veterans rallied in Washington DC for more effective veterans benefits during the height of the Depression, which was broken up when the US army sent tanks and soldiers with bayonet-affixed rifles into the veteran camps to clear the veterans out and burn the camp down, killing some in the process like William Hushka, and injuring many more. Mark Richards 19:08, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

New Page
Ok, I started work on Attitudes and reactions to returning soldiers - please help and edit, comment and add material, but let's remember how emotionally charged this issue is on both sides, and try to document reactions that we can substantiate with independant sources. Thanks! Mark Richards 19:21, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Evidence of spitting
Does this count as evidence?

 * "Were you ever spat upon when you returned home to the United States?" asked syndicated columnist Greene of the Vietnam veterans among his readership. He received over 1000 letters in reply, many recounting specific details of just such a painfully remembered incident.

 * That's a misrepresentation, really. Greene got thousands of letters, but almost all of them were a "friend of a friend" letters.  The only ones that said they were personally spat on were 63 of them, for which he commented about how similar their stories were.  Lembke took it one step further, and investigated each letter that he got, and found out that most people who reported being personally spat on were actually "friend of a friend" stories.  The stories in Greene's book tend to read almost all the same - structure, setting, perpetrator, epithets, and all.  For example, let me know if this sounds familiar. Location: Airport.  Spitters: Hippies.  Spit targetted at: Medals and ribbons.  Epiteth: "Baby killers!".  Effects of the spit: Burns or stains.  You'd almost think that every antiwar protester in the US used the exact same saying, hated all soldiers, liked to spit at ribbons, met all soldiers at the airport, and swigged HCL spitting. Of course there are variations, but they're all remarkably similar.  There's a couple other "base" stories, such as the "little old lady" spitting stories and the "attractive young woman" stories. Rei

 * Rei, let's just be real clear: Lembke's methodology is flawed at best (how often does one person spitting on another get into the paper or arrest records, no matter what the spittee and spitter respectively was wearing.) But more to the point, his "debunking" is flawed for the most basic of reasons: it doesn't correspond with reality.  I was one of those spat upon.  I wasn't in an airport: I was actually in a parade.  And, by the way, the orders in general were not, on pain of severe discipline, to respond to those provocations in uniform; probably just as well, since we didn't need any more crazy Viet Nam Vet stories.  And yes, I was called "baby-killer": the fact is that it was a stereotype and a catch-word then, just like the "plastic turkey" lie is now.  Twenty years from now, the number of people who made identical plastic turkey remarks won't be proof that it's all an urban legend that "plastic turkey" was repeated over and over again.  It's just a fact that people pick up and repeat ideological catch-phrases without a lot of originality.  Oh, and do please note that I use my real name, not a pseudonym, so I'm putting myself on the line here. -- Charlie (Colorado) 17:58, 3 February 2007 (UTC)

It's from a book review of a book I haven't read... --Uncle Ed 19:51, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * I don't know, I'd kind of like to get away from the spitting per se, and deal with the general trends of attitudes. I feel like the argument about how many people, if any, we actually physically spat on, and by whom, is pretty pointless. Put it in if you want, as an attributed quote, I'm not fussed. Mark Richards 19:54, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * Yes, please Mark, let's getting away from the spitting thing as an encapsulation of the entire soldier/veterans experience. I'm sure if Vietnam vets could get half the benefits that went to WWII veterans, they wouldn't care much if they were spat upon occasionally in exchange. Cecropia 20:30, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * Perhaps the whole thing is a context issue. Returning Vietnam vets were generally glad to get out of the theatre of combat. Many saw the war as a no-win situation: some as a lost cause (hawks?) and others as something that ought to be stopped (doves?).

 * Many of those who weren't "anti-war" felt unappreciated on their return. Whether they were literally spat upon, they often felt ignored or demeaned. What I'm not familiar with, though, is the attitudes of "anti-war" veterans and how they were treated upon their return. (I was in the army 5 years, but my service began nearly ten years after the US pulled out of Vietnam.) --Uncle Ed 20:45, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * I agree, put in the proper context of the bigger picture, the spitting is a small part of what returning soldiers went through. You raise a good point though, that the soldiers' attitudes themselves affected how they felt about their reception. Mark Richards 20:53, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * Hello Uncle, I served from 1967-1969. A lot of things changed in that time, but one thing was fairly constant: there were very very few "hawks", at least in the enlisted ranks. Early in my BCT, one of the DI's put it succinctly: "I'm not here to give you a speech on 'why we fight. I don't like the war. You don't like the war. Your job is to go there for one year and do your best to come back in one piece. I'm here to help you do that."

 * As to attitudes toward anti-war vets--if you mean the VVAW I can't say. I happened to be in DC during the 1971 march (the Kerry one) and met a lot of the vets, but I wasn't a member and didn't follow their activities much. But most of the vets were anti-Vietnam war (and most of the lifers I knew too) in the generic sense, and I was and still am. What were the attitueds toward people like me? First, people you met (I'm talking about acquaintances, not people on the street, including my wife's college friends) don't distinguish between anti-war vet, pro-war vet. You were one of "them." Probably the first war in American history where someone asks "what did you do during the war" and the dishonorable answer was "I was part of it." So I never volunteered that I was an ex-baby-killersoldier. But if they figure it out, there is a divide: the women tend to run from warmly sympathetic to pitying; the men seem to think they're tolerant if they don't call me a war criminal in the first ten minutes. As to my being anti-war? Well, one dude (makes like an anti-war hero because he was in a protest group) got out because he had a high draft number, then tells me that I am lying about being anti-war because I didn't like Ho Chi Minh (or Lyndon Johnson, or Dean Rusk, or General Westmoreland, or Robert McNamara (who lately seems to be getting rehabilitated in the liberal media (like NPR) while I view him as a war criminal). You see, if I was really against the war, I had to be for Ho. There were no two ways about it.

 * You know, Viet vets don't like to talk about it much (and actually I've noticed WWII vets, with some notable exceptions, don't seem to either). I can just imagine if there were a real anecdote project, and people didn't dismiss it as right-wing propoganda, people would be very surprised. So why am I going on about it? I don't. I avoid the issue. But I can't let crap about what vets experienced go unchallenged. Cecropia

 * Well, there was more than just a project, there was a book written after research.... by the way, Cecropia, you mentioning your history makes it easier to understand where you've been coming from. But please try to distance yourself from the emotional attachment, and stop and ask yourself: what evidence *is* there for this spitting?  And with such little evidence being used to prop up something that circulates very widely in right-wing circles (something I'm still not sensing that you understand the scale of, but there's no changing that unless you actually go and talk to some of these people), how is any better than many of the things over at snopes.com as far as urban legends go?  Anyway, a review of a book works as well for me, as long as the subject is maintained.  Rei

 * Rei, please bear with me. I have no opinion on whether "spitting" occurred or not, nor do I care. As I said, I was never spat upon personally, and I only testify to things I experienced. Common sense says that, in the course of ten-off years of war, probably some soldiers somewhere were probably spat upon. But so what? This is not an important issue. Proving that it did or did not occur is a tiny facet of the nation's response to Vietnam soldiers and veterans. Please understand that's not my point. Also, as to right wing groups, I don't belong to these, I don't visit their web sites, I'm not responsible for what they say. If you tell me that you personally have never spat on, or harassed, or denigrated soldiers or vets, why should I disbelieve you? And if right-wingers say it, it doesn't change what you have or have not personally done, nor does it really matter whether people spit or didn't spit. Cecropia 22:10, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

There's a good book called Nam, I don't recall the author, which is just stories and comment from Vets, it's worth hunting out. Mark Richards 21:25, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC) Here you go - Mark Baker

 * Many thanks for the link. Have you read the book? Some of the user comments suggest the author may have an ideological axe to grind. The few sample pages amazon provides don't look too hopeful to me, as the author is making a case about how little boys learn lots of war games and chop up inoffensive inscts to satisfy their budding warlust, until they see the real thing. I don't know a lot of people in service who were like that, and they sound like the type army shrinks look out for--you know, Catch 22, if you're too crazy for the fight, maybe you're too crazy to serve. Cecropia 21:44, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * The sample pages are lame, but not representative of the rest of the book. I read it, and liked it. Your milage may vary ;) Mark Richards 21:47, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

---

Coming home, in civies changing planes in the St Louis airport, in September of 1969, a stranger approached me and asked me if I was in the Army. "No, sir", I replied, "the Marines!" "Babykiller", he hissed, and spat at my shoes. I looked down, and then up, to tell him that he'd missed, and to invite him to try again, but he was already thirty feet away, waddling as fast as he could. Coward. No, I didn't call the local newspaper, or television station, or the cops. Just a jerk being stupid, not news, not actionable. Maybe today it would be. Really happened to me. As such, it's original research, and not useful here, other than as a war story. htom 21:57, 29 January 2007 (UTC)

---

All these claims of spitting and no accounts of resulting brawls? To be frank, I can't imagine it. Surely someone took the matter into their own hands.

I was a schoolboy cadet in Australia in the 1970s and recall Remembrance Day and ANZAC Day parades I marched in, when boiler-suited feminists threw red paint at veterans in protest over women who had been raped in wars. There were pictures of this. It made the 6:00 PM news. People were arrested in the bushes outside the Shrine of Remembrance in Melbourne. Can someone tell me why this didn't happen when these claimed spitting incidents occurred? The women in the incident I described were charged with minor public order offences (I think). See page 119 of this .pdf:

http://www.dva.gov.au/commems_oawg/commemorations/education/Documents/Gallipoli_Anzacs_Unit7.pdf

Spitting on someone is a form of assault - a more serious offence. Why are there no documented cases of this happening? Even Robert Kiyosaki claims to have been "tired of being spit (sic) on" in his book "Rich Dad's Guide to Investing", inferring it happened to him regularly.

There is an underlying inference that there was a culture of spitting on Vietnam veterans, the usual bogeymen being cited as "hippies" But the lack of substantiated evidence means I find it almost impossible to believe that this was anything more than a few isolated incidents. I'm not saying it didn't happen at all; I'm saying it was nowhere near as common as claimed. Where are the court papers and charge sheets? Was anyone ever convicted? I'm simply not prepared to believe that a bunch of battle-hardened Marines wouldn't take a would-be spitter behind the nearest bush and beat seven colours of cr@p out of him. Flanker235 (talk) 10:08, 23 September 2013 (UTC)

 * "Attempted battery" would have been the likely charge, and it would have been my word against his. Then and there, a cop would have laughed at such a complaint. If I'd beaten the spitter up, that the cop couldn't have ignored (he probably would have wanted to, but the doctor at the ER ....) Why should I waste a week of my leave fussing in court with a stupid /redacted/? Part of being trained in warfare is knowing when and where to fight, and which battles to walk away from. This is a battle the trooper knows he can't win. You bite your lip and walk away. htom (talk) 17:02, 23 September 2013 (UTC)

 * Yet you say you invited him to try again. What was your plan had he done so? "...Bite your lip and walk away"? Doesn't sound like it to me. Flanker235 (talk) 13:26, 30 September 2013 (UTC)

 * I said I was going to say that, not that I did. I would have removed my shoe, wiped the spit off onto his tie, put my shoe back on, and walked away laughing.htom (talk) 16:32, 30 September 2013 (UTC)

 * Really? Flanker235 (talk) 07:52, 15 October 2013 (UTC)

October 2016 edits
I've made significant edits primarily to convert this Wikipedia article from one about Greene's book (with half the citations being to Greene's book) to one about Lembcke's book, so as to conform to the article name. Greene's book is mentioned in just 2 locations in The Spitting Image book, a proportion more closely reflected reflected in this article. I'm not sure why Greene's book didn't have its own article when this one was written. I also...

Xenophrenic (talk) 20:35, 16 October 2016 (UTC)
 * replaced deadlinks with archive links when available
 * removed raw URLs from body of article, or converted them to references
 * removed original research and POV presentation (i.e.; citing Amazon reviews sorted by 1-star rating and stating they are the largest number including "many vets", when there are actually more non-1-star, and all of the reviewers are actually anonymous and unverified, with some negative reviewers actually admitting they didn't read the book. Odd that these actually published editorial reviews were not noted.)
 * removed uncited statement that "He denied the truthfulness of hundreds of accounts...", which doesn't jibe with his admission that he can't prove something did not happen, or his citing of actual spitting cases, or the fact that he has never called anyone a liar for claiming to have been spat on
 * returned PTSD content, since it is part of this book; removed text incorrectly stating Greene "verified their identity" (he did not, he only only got confirmation to print their stories) or that he "verified that the veterans had military service in Vietnam" (he did not, the Pentagon refused to disclose information, and the VA only consented to confirm a "limited number" of names were listed as in the military)
 * added infobox; +general copy editing and formatting

Ken Burns 2017 Documentary on Vietnam
In Episode 8 of Ken Burns's docu on Vietnam, Nancy Biberman, a anti-war activist who knew Tom Hayden and participated in student occupation of buildings at Columbia University admits to calling returning Veterans "baby killers". Should we add to this article?Rja13ww33 (talk) 00:44, 22 August 2020 (UTC)

"I WAS SPAT UPON"
That is what Colonel (ret.) W. Patrick Lang said happened to him. https://turcopolier.com/httpswwwnytimescom20171013opinionmyth-spitting-vietnam-protesterhtmlrrefcollection2fsection/ How can his first-person account be denied? For all of what he wrote, see below.

I WAS SPAT UPON in March, 1968 while transiting San Francisco International Airport en route to Travis AFB to board the trans-Pacific airlift en route to Vietnam. I was in uniform and waiting for the bus when a woman got out of her car and walked across the parking lot. She chose to spit on my chest rather than on a sergeant standing next to me so perhaps she had a thing for officers. I asked if the people at her house had a roster to schedule spitting on soldiers. She said they did. Perhaps they sent only women to do this.

I wrote to the NY Times yesterday to tell this story in comment on their article. They did not publish my comment. There are 217 comments on the article.

IMO the left is engaged in editing the narrative of that time so as to absolve itself of the ugliness of its own actions. KHarbaugh (talk) 00:21, 21 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:The Spitting Image


text:
Corrientes Province

Corrientes (, lit. ‘currents’ or ‘streams’; Taragui), officially the Province of Corrientes (Provincia de Corrientes; Tetãvore Taragui) is a province in northeast Argentina, in the Mesopotamia region. It is surrounded by (from the north, clockwise): Paraguay, the province of Misiones, Brazil, Uruguay, and the provinces of Entre Rios, Santa Fe and Chaco.

History
Before the arrival of the Spanish conquest, the Kaingang, Charrua and Guaraní lived in a big area that also covered most of the current province of Corrientes. The city of Corrientes was founded on April 3, 1588 by Juan Torres de Vera y Aragón as a mid-stop between Asunción and Buenos Aires; the city flourished thanks to the traffic from the route. Jesuits erected missions in the north of the province, where they dedicated themselves to the expansion of the faith. In the wars of independence from Spain, Corrientes joined Artigas' Liga de los Pueblos Libres (1814–1820). The attack of Paraguayan forces on the province in 1865 marked the start of the War of the Triple Alliance.

In 1919 the National University of the Littoral was founded, which in 1956 became the National University of the Northeast.

Corrientes is legendary in the world of philately for the postage stamps it issued from 1856 to 1880. These are among the very early or "classic" postage stamps of the world (the first, from Great Britain, were issued in 1840; those by the United States in 1847). The Corrientes stamps were close copies of the first issue of stamps from France, which depicted the profile head of Ceres, the Roman goddess of agriculture, and were individually crudely engraved by hand, so that each die is noticeably different, and were printed in small sheets. The first issues, from 1856 to 1860, bore the denomination in the lower panel; in 1860, the value panel was erased; the different denominations thereafter being indicated by the color of the paper used. As locally produced "primitives", the early Corrientes stamps have long been prized by collectors. After 1880, stamps of Argentina were used.

For much of the 19th and 20th centuries, politics in Corrientes were dominated by the Romero Feris family, prominent local landowners who still control most of the province's tobacco output. During most of this time, the Romero Ferises created one of Argentina's most bloated government payrolls (over 10% of total employment) and suppressed dissent and efforts at even modest land reform. Following contentious election results in 1991, however, public protest forced President Carlos Menem to remove Governor Raúl "Tato" Romero Feris from office and, though he was elected mayor of the province's capital in 1997, Romero Feris was ultimately indicted for embezzlement of public funds in 1999. He was sentenced to seven years in prison in May, 2002.

Corrientes had a significant impact in national politics in subsequent years. A UCR-led alliance defeated the Romero Feris machine in the 2001 governor's race, but the Corrientes UCR's continued support for President Néstor Kirchner led to a rebuke from the national committee of the UCR itself, and this triggered a revolt from the Corrientes chapter of the party, as well as a number of others' (notably in Mendoza Province). These differences led to the appearance that year of "K" Radicals – UCR governors and other lawmakers allied to President Kirchner.

The northeastern tip of Corrientes Province was chosen as the site for Yacyretá Dam following an agreement between President Juan Perón and Paraguayan President Alfredo Stroessner in 1974. Yacyretá, whose 20-year-long construction and US$11 billion cost far exceeded initial estimates, is one of the largest hydroelectric dams in the world. Currently, an agreement is being pursued with Paraguay which would allow reservoir expansion works that could double the facility's current installed electric capacity of 4,050 MW.

Culture
Culture in Corrientes has been primarily informed and influenced by its European and Guarani roots; an example of this is the chamamé genre of music.

Famous correntinos were independence hero General Don José de San Martín (born in 1778 in Yapeyú) and Juan Bautista Cabral (born in Saladas), who (according to popular legend) died for the general in the Battle of San Lorenzo.

Tourist destinations in the Corrientes Province include the Iberá Wetlands and the Mburucuyá National Park.

Official languages
On 22 October 2004, Provincial Law No. 5598 (Decree 2326/2004) declared Guaraní to be an official language of Corrientes, alongside Spanish. It was the first Argentine province to officialize a language other than Spanish, followed in 2010 by Chaco.

Geography
Corrientes is surrounded by two rivers – the Uruguay River to the east, and the Paraná River to the northwest – that contour the shape of the province. The low shore of the Paraná produces frequent floodings. After a specially destructive one in 1982, a protective system has been started with the construction of barriers.

The province is for the most part a plain, with the highest points in the east. To the west, a series of descending platforms go down to the Paraná River. The Iberá Wetlands, an area of lagoons and swamps, is a vast depression from volcanic flow, covered later with fluvial and eolic sediments.

Climate
The climate is predominantly subtropical with no dry season. The mean annual temperature is 20 C with monthly mean temperatures ranging from 14 C in July to 26 C in January. Temperatures are hot for most of the year while precipitation is abundant and evenly distributed throughout the year. There are four seasons: winter, spring, summer, and autumn. Winters are short although occasional incursions of cold, polar air from the south can produce frosts. In contrast, temperatures during summer can reach to 35 to 40 C. Mean annual precipitation ranges from 1100 to 1900 mm which decreases from northeast to southwest. Autumn is the rainiest season while winter is the driest.

Demographics
According to the 2022 Argentine national census, the Province of Corrientes has 1,197,553 inhabitants.

Economy
Corrientes, like much of the Argentine north, has long had a relatively underdeveloped economy. Its 2006 output was estimated at US$4.2 billion (which shall be around US$6.7 billion in 2011, according to Argentina's economic growth), or, US$4,540 per capita (around US$6,600 in 2011), nearly 40% below the national average.

Agriculture is still one of the main activities in the province, adding 15% to its output. It is centred in citrus, tobacco, rice, tea, cotton and yerba mate, exported internationally. The timber industry uses 1,400 km2 of pine and eucalyptus forests. Bovine cattle has problems standing the heat and the low quality of the grass specially in the north of the province. For that reason, the Brangus breed is the most common in the area. In the south, different breeds can be found. 70,000 km2 of the province's land are used for more than 4 million heads of cattle.

Among Corrientes' productive (non-services) activities, tobacco and its processing earns 45% of the province's gross income, food and derivates, 30%, and textiles, 16%.

On the Paraná River, near the city of Ituzaingó, the Yaciretá dam provides energy not only to the province, but to both Argentina and Paraguay.

Tourism has been growing in Corrientes Province due to the relevance that Esteros del Ibera has for ecotourism and birdwatching travelers. Iberá National Park was created in 2018. Golden dorado fishing has long attracted both local and outside tourism to Corrientes.

Political division
The provincial government is divided into the usual three branches: the executive, headed by a popularly elected governor, who appoint the cabinet; the legislative; and the judiciary, headed by the Supreme Court. The legislative branch is a bicameral body composed of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. The Legislature is charged with introducing and passing local laws.

The Constitution of Corrientes Province forms the formal law of the province.

In Argentina, the most important law enforcement organization is the Argentine Federal Police but the additional work is carried out by the Corrientes Provincial Police.

The province is divided into 25 departments (departamentos):

Department (Capital)

 * 1) Bella Vista Department (Bella Vista)
 * 2) Berón de Astrada Department (Berón de Astrada)
 * 3) Capital Department (Corrientes)
 * 4) Concepción Department (Concepción)
 * 5) Curuzú Cuatía Department (Curuzú Cuatiá)
 * 6) Empedrado Department (Empedrado)
 * 7) Esquina Department (Esquina)
 * 8) General Alvear Department (Alvear)
 * 9) General Paz Department (Nuestra Señora del Rosario de Caá Catí)
 * 10) Goya Department (Goya)
 * 11) Itatí Department (Itatí)
 * 12) Ituzaingó Department (Ituzaingó)
 * 13) Lavalle Department (Lavalle)
 * 14) Mburucuyá Department (Mburucuyá)
 * 15) Mercedes Department (Mercedes)
 * 16) Monte Caseros Department (Monte Caseros)
 * 17) Paso de los Libres Department (Paso de los Libres)
 * 18) Saladas Department (Saladas)
 * 19) San Cosme Department (San Cosme)
 * 20) San Luis del Palmar Department (San Luis del Palmar)
 * 21) San Martín Department (La Cruz)
 * 22) San Miguel Department (San Miguel)
 * 23) San Roque Department (San Roque)
 * 24) Santo Tomé Department (Santo Tomé)
 * 25) Sauce Department (Sauce)

title: Corrientes Province


text:
Talk:Yoko Ono

Anthony Cox
Here described as "an American jazz musician, film producer, and art promoter". I cross referenced and only found mention that he was indeed a film producer and art promoter. I believe here he may be confused with a much younger Anthony Cox listed as a jazz musician. I do not want to edit without approval of an overseer as I am not even sure I know how and I want to be in agreement before I would do that. Njbrucetx (talk) 09:07, 6 October 2022 (UTC)

 * Here is Anthony Cox, jazz musician: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony_Cox_(musician). He and the identically named husband of Yoko Ono are very obviously two different people. I'm fixing this. Dgndenver (talk) 19:09, 4 March 2024 (UTC)

Written with the assistance of Ono's PR department?
Yes, seriously. It looks this way. Take the Relationship with the Beatles subsection as an example. The biscuit incident. The info was provided by a NYC based rock journalist (know anyone else based there?) who was not in the studio at the time and for all I know not even around at all. I have read elsewhere that this is what actually happened: all of the other three Beatles were upset about her continual presence in the studio and found it hard to work together. It had always been the four of them, plus producer, engineer, etc. Ono is recovering from injury, so has to lay on a bed 24/7, were led to believe. George goes up to the control room, from which he can observe the studio. Ono thinks she cannot be seen, gets out of bed and walks across to help herself to the biscuits. So we have the hypocrisy, the lying need to be in the bed and the disruption that Ono had brought to the studio. But in this article that biscuit incident is turned around so that George is put in a bad light. We have a journalist who was around at the time saying that having her in the studio all the time on the bed put a strain on the band, but reported by Wikipedia like this: journalist Miles "thought" that it caused problems. So yes, the article looks to me as if it were written by Ono's PR department. Boscaswell  talk  22:31, 10 March 2023 (UTC)
 * Absolutely agree. There is plenty of objective material out there, which is critical of Ono and which needs to be reflected. The view that she was divisive and a talentless charlatan has to be added to capture balance. Only about 4 lines in the current article mention criticism. Kentish 18:41 14 March 2023 (GMT) 86.3.134.204 (talk) 18:42, 14 March 2023 (UTC) [Note: this is the reinstatement word for word of the comment made by "Kentish" in good faith, which another editor somehow decided to delete. Boscaswell   talk  10:33, 8 April 2023 (UTC)
 * The article is fairly well-balanced. Please keep in mind that we don't follow a 50/50 balance: the article addresses criticism and public-perception. Anything more and it becomes non-neutral and editorializing. You're asking us to draw conclusions from that situation and that's not what we do.  freshacconci  (✉) 01:42, 15 March 2023 (UTC)

Addition of Double Fantasy to the article narrative
I put most of this in my edit summary, but wanted to provide additional information and context here as well.

Ono's story is told narratively and chronologically throughout the article, yet when it reaches the time of the release of Double Fantasy, this album was completely absent outside of an oblique reference to John's inspiration for it. It serves to actually decontextualize John's shooting, and narratively it makes no sense. The article must spend at least an appropriate amount of time discussing Double Fantasy, a Grammy award winning Album that has been consistently ranked as one of the best of the 1980s.

Other corrections include adding additional context to who Sam Havadtoy was, as well as adding the detail above that of Yoko cradling John and her fear of assassination. Those two things both come from the same article/interview of Ono that brought up Sam Havadtoy - https://thegentlewoman.co.uk/library/yoko-ono. I hoped to replace this passive aggressive, negatively valenced sentence with something more balanced and appropriate. Finally, since I added information about Double Fantasy, I also added a small bit of information about the reappraisal of it in light of subsequent events.

Information about the album was taken only from the cited article here - https://www.rollingstone.com/music/music-lists/100-best-albums-of-the-eighties-150477/john-lennon-and-yoko-ono-double-fantasy-150731/ - and the existing article on Double Fantasy on this site.

Thanks to others who maintain this article, and sorry if my edits were not formatted or cited correctly. Boofasten (talk) 04:30, 27 March 2024 (UTC)

Children
Hi, I hope this is not an insensitive thing to bring up, but should we maybe mention that Ono and Lennon named and registered their dead sons in 1968 and 1969? The article refers to one miscarriage in 1968 but technically speaking this child would have been stillborn (or according to this book by Tim Riley the boy actually lived for a little while, not sure where he's getting that info from tho) and the child miscarried or stillborn boy in 1969 seems to have been registered and named as well. ★Trekker (talk) 01:26, 25 April 2024 (UTC)
 * I hope I'm not being insensitive but this article is already too long and, like most Beatle-related articles, is filled with minutiae that is sooo irrelevant, like Lennon spent three hours in Timbuktu with cousin Roger. It's supposed to be an encyclopediac entry, not "everything I know about the Beatles" Hotcop2 (talk) 21:55, 25 April 2024 (UTC)
 * I understand what you mean but don't find pregnancy loss to be comparable to your example.★Trekker (talk) 22:57, 25 April 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Yoko Ono


text:
Nichrome

Nichrome (also known as NiCr, nickel-chromium or chromium-nickel) is a family of alloys of nickel and chromium (and occasionally iron ) commonly used as resistance wire, heating elements in devices like toasters, electrical kettles and space heaters, in some dental restorations (fillings) and in a few other applications.

Patented in 1906 by Albert Marsh (US patent 811,859 ), nichrome is the oldest documented form of resistance heating alloy.

The A Grade nichrome alloy is 80% nickel and 20% chromium by mass, but there are many other combinations of metals for various applications.

Properties
C Grade Nichrome is consistently silvery in colour, is corrosion-resistant, has a high melting point of about 1400 C, and has an electrical resistivity of around 112 μΩ–cm, which is around 66 times higher resistivity than copper of 1.678 μΩ–cm.

Almost any conductive wire can be used for heating, but most metals conduct electricity with great efficiency, requiring them to be formed into very thin and delicate wires to create enough resistance to generate heat. When heated in air, most metals then oxidize quickly, become brittle and break. Nichrome wire, when heated to red-hot temperatures, develops an outer layer of chromium oxide, which is thermodynamically stable in air, is mostly impervious to oxygen, and protects the heating element from further oxidation.

Nichrome alloys are known for their high mechanical strength and their high creep strength. The properties of nichrome vary depending on its alloy. Figures given are representative of typical material and are accurate to expressed significant figures. Any variations are due to different percentages of nickel or chromium.

Standard compositions
Nichrome alloys for use in resistance heating are described by both ASTM and DIN standards. These standards specify the relative percentages of nickel and chromium that should be present in an alloy. In ASTM three alloys that are specified contain, amongst other trace elements:

 * 80% Ni, 20% Cr
 * 60% Ni, 16% Cr
 * 35% Ni, 20% Cr

Properties by composition
Each standard composition of nichrome has unique material properties. Some general ones are given as follows:

Uses
Because of its low cost of manufacture, strength, ductility, resistance to oxidation, stability at high temperatures, and resistance to the flow of electrons, nichrome is widely used in electric heating elements in applications such as hair dryers and heat guns. Typically, nichrome is wound in coils to a certain electrical resistance, and when current is passed through it the Joule heating produces heat.

Nichrome is used in the explosives and fireworks industry as a bridgewire in electric ignition systems, such as electric matches and model rocket igniters.

Industrial and hobby hot-wire foam cutters use nichrome wire.

Nichrome wire is commonly used in ceramic as an internal support structure to help some elements of clay sculptures hold their shape while they are still soft. Nichrome wire is used for its ability to withstand the high temperatures that occur when clay work is fired in a kiln.

Nichrome wire can be used as an alternative to platinum wire for flame testing by colouring the non-luminous part of a flame to detect cations such as sodium, potassium, copper, calcium, etc.

Other areas of usage include motorcycle mufflers, in certain areas in the microbiological lab apparatus, as the heating element of plastic extruders by the RepRap 3D printing community, in the solar panel deployment mechanism of spacecraft LightSail-A, and as the heating coils of electronic cigarettes.

The alloy price is controlled by the more expensive nickel content. Distributor pricing is typically indexed to market prices for nickel.

Toxicity
Nickel is a common allergen, a 1984 study by the University of Puerto Rico showed that 28.5% of people tested had some kind of allergic reaction following contact with nickel.

title: Nichrome


text:
Tucumán Province

Tucumán is the most densely populated, and the second-smallest by land area, of the provinces of Argentina.

Located in the northwest of the country, the province has the capital of San Miguel de Tucumán, often shortened to Tucumán. Neighboring provinces are, clockwise from the north: Salta, Santiago del Estero and Catamarca. It is nicknamed El Jardín de la República (The Garden of the Republic), as it is a highly productive agricultural area.

Etymology
The word Tucumán probably originated from the Quechua languages. It may represent a deformation of the term Yucumán, which denotes the "place of origin of several rivers". It can also be a deformation of the word Tucma, which means "the end of things". Before Spanish colonization, the region lay in the outer limits of the Inca empire.

History
Before the Spanish colonization, this land was inhabited by the Diaguitas and Tonocotes.

In 1533, Diego de Almagro explored the Argentine Northwest, including Tucumán. In 1549 the Peruvian governor Pedro de la Gasca granted Juan Núñez de Prado the territory of Tucumán. Prado established the first Spanish settlement at the town of Barco on the Dulce River. Prado named his province "Tucumán" after Tucumamahao, one of the leaders of the local people who formed an alliance with him. In 1552, Francisco de Aguirre was dispatched to take possession of the territory for Chile. Aguirre followed a repressive policy, triggering a rebellion by the native people. Outnumbered, the colonists were forced to move in 1553 to a new location, where they founded the town of Santiago del Estero.

By 1565, Diego de Villaroel founded San Miguel de Tucumán and the Provincia de Tucumán, Juríes y Diaguitas was organized. Because of frequent attacks by the indigenous peoples, the Malones, in 1685, San Miguel de Tucumán was moved by Miguel de Salas some 65 km from its first location, where it was redeveloped. The aborigines of the region presented a strong resistance to the Spanish, who decided to move the defeated tribes toward Buenos Aires. The most noted of these relocations was the case of the Quilmes, who were moved to the city of Quilmes.

Tucumán was a midpoint for shipments of gold and silver from the Viceroyalty of Peru to Buenos Aires. It produced cattle, textiles, and wood products that provided supplies for the convoys on their way to Buenos Aires. Because of its important geographical position, and as head of the civil and Catholic governments, it acquired special importance during the 18th century.

The creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776 meant the end of the convoys from Perú to Buenos Aires. Tucumán, with 20,000 inhabitants by that time, suffered also from the British imports from the newly opened customs of Buenos Aires, no longer under the monopoly of the Spanish Crown.

In 1783, the Intendancy of Tucumán was divided; Tucumán was set under the control of the Intendancy of Salta del Tucumán, with its centre in Salta. José de San Martín arrived in Tucumán in 1813 and installed the military school. In 1814, the Intendancy of Salta was divided into the present provinces.

On July 9, 1816, at the Congress of Tucumán, the Provincias Unidas del Río de la Plata ("United Provinces of the Río de la Plata") declared their independence from Spain. Internal conflicts delayed the final fusion of the provinces into the República Argentina.

Following the failure of Argentina's first independence-era government, the Directorio, Governor Bernabé Aráoz on March 22, 1820, proclaimed the creation of the Federal Republic of Tucumán. The experiment collapsed, however, when the neighboring provinces of Catamarca and Santiago del Estero withdrew the following year.

The beginning of the 20th century, with the customs restrictions and the arrival of the railway, brought prosperous economic times for the province and its sugarcane production. Numerous landmarks were built, such as Ninth of July Park and the Tucumán Government Palace, and a daily newspaper founded in 1912, La Gaceta, became the most circulated Argentine daily outside Buenos Aires, but the sugar price crisis of the 1960s and President Juan Carlos Onganía's order to have 11 large state-owned sugar mills closed in 1966, hit Tucumán's economy hard, and ushered in an era of instability for the province.

In 1975, President Isabel Perón declared a state of emergency in the province. The decree led to Operation Independence, an official military campaign at least as brutal on local magistrates, lawmakers, and faculty as it was on its stated target, the ERP. Violence did not fully abate until the appointment of General Antonio Domingo Bussi, the operation's commander, as governor at the behest of the dictatorship that deposed Perón in 1976. Efficient as well as ruthless, Bussi oversaw the completion of several stalled public works, but also presided over some of the worst human rights abuses during that painful 1976-77 period. Retaining a sizable following, Bussi was elected governor in his own right in 1995, but lost much of his earlier popularity during his four-year tenure.

Life in Tucumán has since returned to a certain normality. Its economy has recovered strongly during the expansive period Argentina has had in the decade since 2002. José Alperovich, elected governor in 2003, has presided over record investment in public works while reaping criticism for attempts to eliminate term limits for his office.

Geography
Despite Tucumán's small size, it has two main different geographical systems. The east is associated with the Gran Chaco flat lands, while the west presents a mixture of the Sierras of the Pampas to the south and the canyons of the Argentine Northwest to the north. The Cerro del Bolsón is the highest peak at an elevation of 5550 m.

The Salí is the province's main river. Tucumán also has four dams that are used for hydroelectricity and irrigation: El Cadillal on Salí River, the province's most important dam; Embalse Río Hondo on the Hondo River; La Angostura on de los Sosa River; and Escaba on the Marapa River. The Santa María River crosses the Valles Calchaquíes.

Climate
Tucuman lies at the convergence of temperate climates and tropical climates further north, retaining characteristics of both in the lowlands. Furthermore, it is highly monsoonal, and depends also on elevation. As a rule of thumb, the far east is drier and hotter, whereas the Piedmont has many storms in the summer which moderate temperatures. The first foothills are very humid, supporting a dense jungle, and as altitude increases, a thick forest and then cool grasslands. The westernmost areas are once again a bit dryer because of a rain shadow.

The eastern parts have an average annual temperature of 18 to 20 C. Summers are hot with mean temperatures averaging between 24 and 26 C while in winter, the mean temperatures are between 10 and 12 C. Easternmost parts of the province, which borders the Chaco region are home to the highest and lowest temperatures in the province where absolute maximum temperatures can exceed 40 C while absolute minimum temperatures can reach close to -7 C owing to the accumulation of cold air that descends from the mountains. At higher altitudes, the climate is cooler with summer temperatures averaging 20 C and winter temperatures averaging 10 C. The annual temperature in the higher altitudes is 12 to 14 C at an altitude of 2500 m above sea level. Within the valleys located between the mountains, temperatures are cooler with a mean annual temperature of 13.1 C (summers average 17.1 C while winters average 9.0 C) in the Tafi valley.

Precipitation in the lowlands ranges from 600 mm (24 in) in the east, to close to 1,200 mm in the foothills (48 in), in a very monsoonal pattern with 4-5 completely dry winter months, and a peak of about 200 mm (7.9 in) in the rainiest summer month.

The eastward-facing slopes concentrate not only the heaviest precipitation, with spots around 1,800 mm (71 in) falling mostly in the 5 months of the summer monsoon, but also have a unique characteristic, which is that during part of the year, they are constantly immersed in a thick fog, providing humidity for the development of a thick jungle. The climate quickly becomes decidedly temperate with altitude, supporting different kinds of forest which even receive some snow every winter, finally reaching high-altitude grasslands with cool, windy weather year-round.

The abundant precipitation creates a wide area of abundant vegetation and justifies Tucumán's title of "Jardín de la República" (Garden of the Republic).

Economy
Long among the most underdeveloped Argentine provinces, Tucumán Province has been growing strongly, and its economy, the nation's seventh-largest, reached US$7.2 billion in 2006. Its per capita output of US$5,400 (around US$7,900 in 2011) was nearly 40% below the national average, but compares favourably with that of most of its neighbors. In 2012, the per capita income of the province is of 8,000 dollars

Known internationally for its prodigious sugarcane (with 2,300 km2, and the sugar production, 60% of the country's), Tucumán's economy is quite diversified, and agriculture accounts for about 7% of output. After the sugar crisis of the 1960s, Tucumán tried to diversify its crops, and now cultivates, among others, lemons (world first producer), strawberries, kiwifruit, beans, banana, maize, alfalfa, and soybeans.

Cattle, sheep, and goats are raised mainly for local consumption.

Manufacturing in Tucumán initially centered on sugar production, but has diversified significantly since 1960. Sugar mills comprise about 15% to the total economy. Besides the industrialisation of the sugarcane into sugar, paper, and alcohol, food, textile, automotive, and metallurgical industries are present. Among the latter, the freight-truck assembly operated by the Volkswagen Group-controlled Swedish Scania company is probably the best known. Mining is a minor activity, centered on salt, clay, lime, and other non-metallic extractions. The province is also big in lemons and blueberries; they export almost 80% of the harvest to other countries.

Cultural and sport tourism is common in the province, and attracts a number of Argentine tourists every year. The Panamerican Highway (Route 9) crosses San Miguel de Tucumán, and connects it with Santiago del Estero and Buenos Aires. The city also serves as a mid-stop for tourists visiting other provinces of the Argentine Northwest. The Teniente General Benjamín Matienzo International Airport has regular flights to Buenos Aires, Lima , Santiago de Chile , Cordoba and Sao Paulo , and receives almost 800,000 passengers every year.

The most visited destinations of the Province are the Campo de los Alisos National Park, Valles Calchaquíes, Tafí del Valle, Ruins of Quilmes, the Diaguita community of Amaicha del Valle, and the city of San Miguel de Tucumán.

Four important universities are in the province: Universidad Nacional de Tucumán (with 60,000 students), Universidad Tecnológica Nacional, Universidad del Norte Santo Tomás de Aquino, and Universidad de San Pablo-T.

Government
In Argentina, the most important law enforcement organization is the Argentine Federal Police but the additional work is carried out by the Tucumán Provincial Police. The provincial government is divided into three branches: the executive, headed by a popularly elected governor, who appoints the cabinet; the legislative; and the judiciary, headed by the Supreme Court.

The Constitution of Tucumán Province forms the formal law of the province.

Political division
The province is divided into 17 departments (Spanish departamentos).

Towns and villages

 * Anca Juli
 * Los Ralos (settlement)
 * San Pedro de Colalao (settlement)

title: Tucumán Province