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Henry Charles Carey

Henry Charles Carey (December 15, 1793 – October 13, 1879) was an American publisher, political economist, and politician from Pennsylvania. He was the leading 19th-century economist of the American School and a chief economic adviser to U.S. President Abraham Lincoln and Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase during the American Civil War.

Carey's central work is The Harmony of Interests: Agricultural, Manufacturing, and Commercial (1851), which criticizes the system of laissez faire capitalism and free trade expounded by Thomas Malthus and David Ricardo in favor of the American System of developmentalism through the use of tariff protection and state intervention to encourage national self-sufficiency and unity. Carey was also a critic of the practice of slavery from an economic perspective. His work on protective tariffs was largely influential on the early Republican Party and United States trade policy through the start of the 20th century, and his views on banking and monetary policy were adopted by the Lincoln administration in its issuance of paper fiat currency as legal tender.

Early life
Carey was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on December 15, 1793.

His father, Mathew Carey (1760–1839), was a native of Ireland and an influential economist, political reformer, editor, and publisher whose patrons included Benjamin Franklin and the Marquis de Lafayette. He founded a publishing firm, which soon became among the leading firms in Philadelphia and the young United States. Among his many writings was Essays on Political Economy (1822), one of the earliest American treatises favoring Alexander Hamilton's idea of protection and its use in the promotion of American industry.

Carey began working at his father's firm at only twelve years old. At the firm, Carey read most of the books selected for publication, substituting for a formal college education. In 1812, he traveled to Raleigh, North Carolina as part of his business for the firm. He was elevated to partner alongside his father in 1814.

In 1819, he married Martha “Patty" Leslie, the sister of Charles Robert Leslie and Eliza Leslie. They adopted one daughter.

Publisher
In 1821, Carey became the leading partner at Carey & Lea, at the time the largest publishing house in the United States. He took little formal interest in economics, tacitly accepting the market doctrines of Jean-Baptiste Say and of his Philadelphia associates, Condy Raguet, Nicholas Biddle, and Charles Pettit McIlvaine who were active believers in free trade doctrine.

In 1824, Carey established the common method of trade sales, a medium of exchange between booksellers, which lasted through his life.

Economist
In 1835, Carey read the published 1829–30 lectures of Nassau William Senior titled The Rate of Wages and The Cost of Obtaining Money and published his refutation Essay on the Rate of Wages, with an Examination of the Differences in the Condition of the Laboring Population throughout the World. Carey agreed with Senior's principles and main propositions but criticized the Senior's failure to adjust for real wage rates. He remained an advocate of free trade in the essay, writing that "Laissez nous faire is the true doctrine. . . it is now so fully understood that the true policy of the United States is freedom of trade and action, that there will be every day less disposition to interfere with it." Nevertheless, his intensely nationalist tone conflicted with economic orthodoxy; Carey identified the purpose of political economy as the promotion of the happiness of nations and the application of national labor for the comfort of workers.

The same year that Essay on the Rate of Wages was published, Carey retired from active business with a fortune and devoted his time to economics and related work. He began work on a text, The Harmony of Nature, which he did not feel adequate for wider publication but which became central to his later thinking. Setting this work aside, he began Principles of Political Economy in 1837, an expansion of his refutation of Senior. He completed the three-volume work in 1840. This work was largely adapted by the French economist Frédéric Bastiat in his own Harmonie Economiques in 1849, with some later accusing Bastiat of plagiarism. The first volume explained Carey's labor theory of value. Its second volume, a comparative study of credit systems in France, Great Britain, and the United States, reads as a defense of the American free banking system, particularly as practiced in New England, in the wake of the Panic of 1837. It was cited favorably by John Stuart Mill in defense of his own arguments for a similar system in Britain. Carey continued to ground his thinking in standard laissez faire doctrine, writing that "Governments have arrogated to themselves the task of regulating the currency, and the natural effect is that nothing is less regular." He would soon thereafter abandon the doctrine.

Rejection of free trade
Following the Panic of 1837 and the success of the protectionist Tariff of 1842, Carey became an open critic of free trade.

Carey's newfound skepticism was based on his empirical observation of tariff history and his belief that some economic law must exist to explain prosperity under protection and bankruptcy under free trade. By Carey's own account, he initially expected the 1842 tariff would prolong the recession; when it did not, he sought an explanation and became convinced "as with a flash of lightning, that the whole Ricardo-Malthusian system is an error and that with it must fall the system of British free trade." Subsequent scholars have challenged Carey's claim of a sudden change of heart by pointing to his earlier opposition to the English occupations of Ireland and India and his support for Friedrich List and the German Zollverein. He may have also been influenced by his own personal experience; between 1837 and 1840, he invested a portion of his publishing wealth in a paper mill that became completely bankrupt. By the end of 1843, Carey was engaged in a public debate with former Vice President John C. Calhoun, a leading advocate for tariff reduction. In 1845, in a pamphlet entitled Commercial Associations in France and England, Carey began to reject wholesale the "British" economics of Thomas Malthus and David Ricardo altogether and sought to develop a critique of their underlying assumptions. At the same time in England, the Manchester school of liberal capitalism reached the apex of its influence with the repeal of the Corn Laws.

Over the course of ninety days in 1848, Carey expanded on this view by writing Past, Present, and Future, which he said was "designed to demonstrate the existence of a simple and beautiful law of nature, governing man in all his efforts for the maintenance and improvement of his condition... which, nevertheless, has hitherto remained unnoticed." The work argued in favor of a marriage of industry with capital and the necessity of maintaining domestic markets to promote prosperity; it was met with derision from Manchester school economists. The same year, while living in Burlington, New Jersey, Carey founded The Plough, the Loom, and the Anvil, a periodical journal of economic development, with John Stuart Skinner serving as its publisher. Selections of Carey's writings in the journal were compiled into his next work, The Harmony of Interests.

Critique of slavery
Carey was a long-time opponent of American slavery, criticizing it as an economic albatross.

In 1853, prompted by the popularity of Uncle Tom's Cabin, Carey wrote and published The Slave Trade, Domestic and Foreign: Why it Exists and How It May Be Extinguished. The tract was partly written as an accusation of hypocrisy against the English. Uncle Tom's Cabin had been particularly popular among abolitionists in England, who cited it to contrast English liberty to American slavery; Carey sought to expose the English system of pauperism and colonialism as an equally severe or worse form of bondage, introducing famine, exile, and pestilence to its subjects in addition to its restraint on liberty. Nevertheless, The Slave Trade is primarily a criticism of the Southern system of chattel slavery on moral and economic grounds.

New York Tribune
From 1849–57, Carey was a leading editorialist on political economy at Horace Greeley's New York Daily Tribune.

Beginning in 1852, Karl Marx also served as European correspondent for the Tribune. Marx privately referred to Carey as "the only American economist of importance," but was highly critical of Carey's views as obstructive of communist revolution. Marx believed himself to be engaged in a "hidden warfare" against Carey through his own work for the Tribune. Even after both had left the Tribune, Marx remained a critic of Carey for the remainder of his life. In a 1890 study of Carey's thought, Charles Herbert Levermore suggested that Carey's criticisms of David Ricardo and Thomas Malthus may have been a "prophetic vision of the use that Karl Marx and the socialists would make of [their work]."

While at the Tribune, Carey successfully pressed for an open editorial position in support of the Russian Empire in the Crimean War against Great Britain and France, despite the Russian institution of serfdom. This stance was adopted by much of the Northern press and has been partially credited for influencing Russia's reciprocal support of the Union during the American Civil War and the opposition of Great Britain and France.

Carey left the Tribune in 1857, around the same time Greeley came out in support of a reduction in tariffs. Greeley would later run for President in 1872 on an anti-tariff platform. After leaving the Tribune, Carey took two tours of Europe, where he personally met with John Stuart Mill, Count Cavour, Alexander Humboldt, Justus von Liebig, Michel Chevalier, and other leading men. He maintained correspondence with many of his European acquaintances and hosted them as guests when they visited Philadelphia.

Influence on Republican Party
Carey was hugely influential in shaping the nationalist and protectionist economic policy of the early Republican Party, through his roles as a public intellectual, party operative, and advisor to numerous figures. During the American Civil War, Carey was a trusted adviser to both President Abraham Lincoln and Treasury Secretary Salmon P. Chase. He directly assisted in the drafting of Republican tariff legislation from 1857 through the Civil War, and his thought also influenced President Lincoln's banking and finance policy through the passage of the National Bank Act of 1863 and subsequent Treasury policy.

Tariff of 1857
When the Republican Party was founded in popular reaction against the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the extension of slavery, it had no broad economic platform. Attempts to formulate one were met with disapproval, given the possibility they would detract from its anti-slavery mission or divide its supporters. Carey joined the new party in 1856, while still working at the Tribune. He received three votes for Vice President at the 1856 Republican National Convention and served as a fundraiser, soliciting Philadelphia manufacturers for donations without assigning his beliefs to the party as a whole. Immediately after the election, which ended in defeat, Charles A. Dana asked Carey for his support in broadening the party's base, "a principle alone not being sufficient." Carey proposed centering the 1860 platform on his system of economic nationalism built around the protective tariff. When Dana declined to "build up a new Protection party," Carey set out on a crusade for a coherent economic policy.

Through personal friendship with Lewis D. Campbell, chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, and James Hepburn Campbell, Carey heavily influenced the committee's report on tariffs, which was a vigorous defense of protection quoting directly from Harmony of Interests. The committee's bill was opposed by some Republicans, including future Treasury Secretary John Sherman and Benjamin Stanton, who criticized it as "essentially a manufacturers' bill... [which] would not bear the test of scrutiny." The ensuing House debate mostly dealt with slavery; one of the few Representatives to focus on protection was Justin Smith Morrill of Vermont, who would become the leading proponent of Carey's theories during the American Civil War. The tariff rates were reduced in the Democratic Senate, and the compromise bill passed with Republican support, over objections by Morrill and James Campbell.

Panic of 1857 and 1860 election
After the United States entered another economic recession, Republicans began to take a new interest in economic policy. Revived calls for protective tariffs enhanced Carey's standing. Senator Simon Cameron was elevated as Pennsylvania's candidate for President on a protectionist platform, and David Wilmot agreed to stand for Pennsylvania's other Senate seat on the same platform. Cameron's campaign was premised on a proposition that no candidate could win without Pennsylvania, and no candidate could win Pennsylvania without supporting protection.

As Carey's influence in the party grew, he began to draw connections between slavery and international trade. In a public debate of letters with William Cullen Bryant on the causes of the Panic, its relationship to slavery, and the Republican response, Carey argued that, "In [Pennsylvania and New] Jersey, the tariff is the one and almost the only question." He positioned slavery as one phase of an international economic system. "Slavery," he argued, "must stand or fall with free trade." Protection would bring about abolition through industrialization, an end to the plantation economy and cotton exports, and the establishment of a Southern middle class.

By 1860, Republicans outside of Pennsylvania remained reluctant to embrace protection. In most Western states, the party was divided, and Senator Henry Wilson, who previously pledged New England's support, urged Carey to be cautious. Republicans in the United States House, led by Justin S. Morrill and James H. Campbell, passed a protective tariff at Carey's urging, though it languished in the Senate into winter.

The platform ultimately declared, "while providing revenue for the support of the general government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment as to encourage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country." Biographer George Winston Smith claimed Carey personally drafted the plank through Pennsylvania judge William Jessup, the platform chair, while Gustave Koerner later claimed it was developed at the behest of Horace Greeley to avoid alienating free trade proponents. Regardless, Republicans in Pennsylvania, led by Carey, made protection the central issue of the campaign and carried the state in the fall elections. Though Abraham Lincoln, the Republican President-elect and former Whig, publicly expressed ignorance on tariffs and pledged to "endeavor to comprehend it more fully," Lincoln historian Reinhard H. Luthin claims that by the time of his election, Lincoln had almost certainly read Carey's work on the subject.

Advisor to Lincoln and Chase
After his election, Abraham Lincoln sought Carey's advice on whether he should nominate Simon Cameron for Secretary of the Treasury. Lincoln initially sought Carey out for his expertise on Pennsylvania politics and Cameron's reputation for corruption, which Carey confirmed despite their prior alliance. Lincoln soon began to consult with Carey on tariff policy. At the same time, Carey backed Lincoln's alternative for Treasury, Salmon P. Chase. Though Chase did not respond to Carey's letters and had a background as a supporter of free trade, Carey preferred to persuade Chase than trust Cameron. Via a sustained correspondence through the summer of 1861, Chase and Lincoln consulted Carey on the tariff, domestic taxation, and financial matters generally. By July, Morrill reported to Carey that although "[Chase's] Philosophy is Free trade or ad valorems," he was "willing to yield" on tariff policy amid the growing cost of the American Civil War. "I think Chase, considering his antecedents, should receive generous treatment by all our friends," Morrill wrote. "He is doing the best he can practically." Carey also used his influence to secure key appointments in the Treasury Department for protectionists, including his trusted adviser Dr. William Elder as the lead tariff architect in the administration.

In the winter of 186061 amid Southern secession, Morrill and Campbell pressed tariff protection in the lame duck Congress, and Carey personally went to Washington to direct lobbying efforts. John Sherman, now serving as Chair of Ways and Means, was persuaded to the cause. With most free trade advocates leaving Congress as the result of secession, the bill passed with some amendments in the session's final days. George W. Scranton of Pennsylvania also distributed Carey's writings to all members-elect in the incoming Congress; Carey continued to influence tariff policy in Congress throughout the war, and his views remained dominant in the party long after.

National Banking Act and greenbacks
Carey's theories also influenced the National Banking Act of 1863 and the provision of greenbacks and secured bank notes.

In March 1865, Carey published a series of letters written to the Speaker of the House Schuyler Colfax during the Civil War, entitled "The Way to Outdo England Without Fighting Her". In these letters, Carey advocated the continuance of the greenback system to ensure economic sovereignty. Carey also suggested raising the reserve requirements on private banks up to 50%.

After the war, Carey publicly opposed Secretary Hugh McCulloch's proposal to contract the money supply. In a series of public letters, he accused Wall Street banks of artificially inflating the cost of capital and predicted that a swift contraction would lead to chaos, economic paralysis, and political rebellion, particularly among farmers in the West whose mortgage rates would increase. He also opposed the sale of United States bonds overseas, arguing that specie payments could not be resumed until the national debt was held by America creditors, and that payment should be made in silver as well as gold.

Later work and death
In autumn 1872, Carey was a delegate to the convention organized to write a new Pennsylvania Constitution. His commentary during the convention on banking, usury, corporations, and railroads were later published in pamphlet form.

He died at his home in Philadelphia on October 13, 1879.

Views
Carey's views are generally described as nationalist and have been described more particularly as associationist and collectivist for his opposition to economic restraints without distinction between private and state monopoly. Carey argued that ultimately, a causal chain could be drawn through "separation of [men], centralization of the mass, subjection of the many to the powerful few, slavery, stagnation, [and] decrease of real civilization." Instead, the chain should be reversed at its start with "association, complexity of interests, decentralization, [and] harmonious increase of power."

Carey's rejection of orthodox English economic theory was borne of a belief that the state, as the coordinating power in society, must intervene to prevent private advantage from working public mischief. Carey argued for developmentalism, positing that state intervention was necessary to remove "the obstacles to the progress of younger communities created by the action of older and wealthier nations."

Carey's philosophy is condensed and summarized in his work The Principles of Social Science, which frames social science and political economy from the perspective of the economic development of the citizen, that is, one belonging to and responsible to a social community. In his Principles of Social Science, Carey appealed to natural law to argue life must be intentionally oriented toward happiness and peace, and suffering is the result of willful ignorance of natural law. One way in which suffering is brought about is by obscuring the "real" man in favor of the "politico-economical man," a two-dimensional monster who "can be made to work, must be fed, and will procreate." Carey therefore defined social science as "the science of laws which govern man in his efforts to secure for himself the highest individuality and the greatest power of association with his fellow men." Political economy is thus the subset of social science that considers the measures that give these natural laws their fullest effect.

Economic nationalism and trade
A common theme in Carey's writing is the limits of international economic association and the necessary of national association, and his best-known policy position was his defense of protective tariffs. He was described by an admirer as "rigid, devoted, and uncompromising" on the issue, and as "a Cato hammering on his one theme." Critics accused Carey of Anglophobia for his hostility to the system of free trade under the British Empire and British theories of political economy in general.

Consistent with the law of comparative advantage, Carey argued global centralization required an international division of labor by which each nation developed only those resources in which it possessed a natural advantage. This system placed despotic power in the hands of those controlling the mediums of exchange; the places these middlemen congregated became the global marketplace. Carey argued this theory was the basis for the British policy of imperialism and free trade, by which the Empire intended to establish a global monopoly on both manufacturing and shipping centered on London, while other nations were resigned to exporting raw materials. To check centralization, Carey thus emphasized the need for human association; in Carey's writing, the natural form of association was the nation, an association of citizens. He suggested that the United States and other nations should interpose protective tariffs between themselves and London, increasing the cost of their raw materials, fostering domestic manufacturing, and depriving British manufacturers of a monopoly on finished goods. This would enable the establishment of a middle class, the abolition of chattel slavery, and the encouragement of patriotic feeling.

Carey emphasized that the final result of industrialization would be the establishment of "perfect free trade" between developed nations, whose range of production would be limited only by absolute natural barriers. His utopian vision was laid out in writing:

"'Of the advantage of perfect free trade there can be no doubt. What is good between the states ought to be good the world over. But free trade can be successfully administered only after an apprenticeship of protection. Strictly speaking, taxation should all be direct. Tariff for revenue should not exist. Interference with trade is excusable only on ground of self-protection. A disturbing force of prodigious power pre- vents the loom and spindle from taking and keeping their proper places by the plow and harrow. When the protective regime has counteracted the elements of foreign opposition, obstacles to free trade will disappear and the tariff will pass out of existence. Wars will cease; for no chief magistrate will dare to recommend an increase of direct taxation.'"

Carey further contrasted this theory of "perfect" free trade to the English system in a letter to Henry Wilson: "Free trade, as ultimated in England, is the most debased ignorance, the most abhorrent cruelty, the most disgusting vice and the most heart-breaking misery that can be seen in any country calling itself civilized and Christian." Despite this stated utopian view, Carey never backed down from his support for high tariffs within his lifetime, believing that the United States had not reached complete economic development.

In addition to his long advocacy for protectionism to obstruct international trade, Carey also opposed the institution of an international copyright law, which he argued would dissolve national boundaries and lead to the formation of publishing monopolies. This would in turn lead to a decline in the quality of literary writing, as the best authors did not write for wide audiences and would derive no benefit from a global market.

Monetary and banking theory
As a corollary to his system of protection, Carey developed a theory of monetary sovereignty built on fiat currency. Carey's monetary views were the basis for the National Banking Act of 1863 and issuance of greenbacks and later popularly associated with the Greenback Party.

He criticized the view of David Hume, Adam Smith, and John Stuart Mill that currency served only as a symbol of wealth and was the least productive part of a nation's capital. Instead, he argued nations should increase monetary reserves by any means; credit money was useful and necessary to the establishment of stable prices and credit growth. National sovereignty would be preserved through a domestic, non-exportable currency to inure domestic markets against fluctuations in the value of precious metals, while the gold dollar should serve as the unit of international exchange. Carey opposed monetary contraction, arguing that increasing business development demanded an increasing currency supply. He accused the financial industry of artificially inflating interest rates and predicted that contraction would lead to political and economic chaos. He was also an early advocate of bimetallism and the remonetization of silver in order to secure a stable national currency, fearing that gold reserves in the United States were too small. His views on these issues were later incorporate in the platform of the Greenback Party, with which he was popularly associated, and the populist movement.

In the realm of private banking, Carey was a lifelong advocate of free banking and believed banks were essential as springs of local business life; he discouraged the general attacks on private banking institutions made by some other "green-backers."

Criticism of Ricardo and Malthus
In Principles of Social Science, Carey delivers a lengthy rebuke of David Ricardo and Thomas Malthus. He sharply distinguishes value, "man's power to command the always gratuitous services of nature," from utility, the measure of man's power over nature. Value is limited by reproduction and declines with the increase of combination among men, while utility grows with the extension of human association. Because value is constantly decreasing, Carey posits the power and wealth of the laborer will tend to increase both absolutely and relative to that of capital as population and association increase; he calls this "the most beautiful of all the laws recorded in the book of science. As rents continually diminish, the farmer or laborer finds it easier to make his living. Further, Carey believed that the history of human civilization demonstrated that human progress was from poorer to richer soils, while Ricardo's law of comparative advantage is dependent on the opposite assumption. Charles Herbert Levermore compares Carey's reasoning to that of Pierre Paul Leroy-Beaulieu a half century later.

Malthus, Carey says, "teaches that a monopoly of the land is in accordance with a law of nature. Admiring morality, he promotes profligacy by encouraging celibacy. ... Desirous to uplift the people, he tells the landowner and the laborer that the loss of the one is the gain of the other. His book is the true manual of the demagogue, seeking power by means of agrarianism, war and plunder." Carey also criticizes Malthus for failing to prove his ratios of production and consumption, given variation in the growth cycle of plants and the diets of humans over time, and for contradicting the Christian belief of the goodness of God, who would be malicious to create a world which could not sustain the proliferation of humanity. Carey also cites Herbert Spencer to argue "the degree of fertility varies inversely [against the development of] the nervous system," which suggests that resource scarcity is a greater restraint in less developed societies and population is self-regulative.

Legacy
Upon his death, Carey's library was donated to the University of Pennsylvania.

A portrait of Carey painted by his brother-in-law Charles Robert Leslie is housed by the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts.

Carey elected to prestigious societies during his lifetime:
 * Elected a member of the American Philosophical Society in 1833
 * Elected an Associate Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1863
 * Elected a foreign member of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences in 1868

Publications
Within his lifetime, Carey's works were translated into English, French, German, Italian, Swedish, Russian, Hungarian, Japanese, and Portuguese. His works have been compared to those of Friedrich List and Stephen Colwell, a close friend also of Philadelphia.

Carey's publications included:

Books

 * Essay on the Rate of Wages, Philadelphia, 1835.
 * Harmony of Nature (unpublished), Philadelphia, 1836
 * Principles of Political Economy, Philadelphia, 1837–40 (3 volumes).
 * Vol II: The Credit System in France, Great Britain and the United States, London, 1838.
 * The Past, the Present and the Future, Philadelphia, 1848.
 * The Harmony of Interests: Agricultural, Manufacturing and Commercial, New York, 1851.
 * The Slave Trade, Domestic and Foreign: Why It Exists & How It May Be Extinguished, Philadelphia, 1853.
 * Principles of Social Science, Philadelphia, 1858–60 (3 volumes).
 * Manual of Social Science (ed. McKean), 1864.
 * The Unity of Law as Exhibited in the Relations of Physical, Social, Mental and Moral Science, Philadelphia, 1873.

Essays and pamphlets
Carey wrote an estimated three thousand pages of pamphlets and articles for the New York Tribune; The Plough, the Loom, and the Anvil; the Philadelphia North American, and other publications. Below is a selection of his work.
 * What Constitutes Currency? What are the Causes of Unsteadiness in the Currency? and What is the Remedy?, 1840.
 * Commercial Associations of France and England, 1845.
 * What Constitutes Real Freedom of Trade?, American Whig Review 6, no. 2, 1850.
 * What the North Desires, —.
 * Two Diseases Raging in the Union: Anti-Slavery and Pro-Slavery, —.
 * The Prospect, Agricultural Manufacturing, Commercial, and Financial at the Opening of the Year, 1851.
 * How to Increase Competition for the Purchase of Labor and How to Raise the Wages of Labor, 1852.
 * Two Letters to a Cotton Planter, —.
 * Ireland's Miseries and their Cause, —.
 * The Working of British Free Trade, —.
 * British Free Trade in Ireland, —.
 * Letter to a Farmer of Ohio, —.
 * Three Letters to Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, —.
 * The Present Commercial Policy of the County, —.
 * Letters on International Copyright, Philadelphia, 1853, (2nd ed. 1868).
 * The North and the South, New York, Ann Arbor, Office of the Tribune, 1854.
 * Coal: Its Producers and Consumers, —.
 * American Labor Versus British Free Trade, Philadelphia, 1855.
 * The True Policy of the South, –.
 * Present Situation and Future Prospects of American Railroads, –.
 * Money: A Lecture Delivered before the New York Geographical and Statistical Society, Philadelphia, 1856, (2nd ed. 1860).
 * The French and American Tariffs Compared, 1861.
 * Contraction or Expansion? Repudiation or Resumption?, Philadelphia, 1866.
 * Resources of the Union: A Lecture Before the American Geographical and Statistical Society, 1866.
 * The National Bank Amendment Bill, –.
 * The Public Debt, Local and National, Philadelphia, –.
 * Review of the Decade 1857–67, Philadelphia, —.
 * The Finance Minister, the Currency, and the Public Debt, 1868.
 * Resumption: How It May Be Profitably Brought About, 1869.
 * How protection, increase of public and private revenues, and national independence, march hand in hand together, Philadelphia, 1869.
 * Review of the Farmer's Question, 1870.
 * Wealth: Of What Does it Consist?, —.
 * A Memoir of Stephen Colwell: Read before the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1871.
 * The International Copyright Question Considered, 1872.
 * The Rate of Interest and its Influence on the Relations of Capital and Labor, 1873. (speech to the Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention).
 * Capital and Labor, 1874. (Report of the Committee on Industrial Interests and Labor in the Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention).
 * The British Treaties of 1871 and 1874, —.
 * The Senate Finance Bill, 1875.
 * Manufactures: At Once an Evidence and a Measure of Civilization, —.
 * To the Friends of the Union Throughout the Union, 1876.
 * Appreciation of the Price of Gold: Evidence Before the U.S. Monetary Commission, —.
 * The Three Most Prosperous Countries in the World, 1877.
 * Resumption: When and How will it End?, —.
 * Repudiation: Past, Present, and Future, 1879.

Published correspondence
A number of Carey's publications were selected from his private correspondence with Republican politicians or public polemic letters written for dissemination.
 * Letters to the President on the Foreign and Domestic Policy of the Union and Its Effects, as Exhibited in the Condition of the People and the State, Philadelphia, 1858. (letters to James Buchanan).
 * Financial Crisis: Their Causes and Effects, Philadelphia, 1860. (letters to William C. Bryant).
 * The Way to Outdo England Without Fighting Her: On the Paper, the Iron, the Farmer's, the Railroad, and the Currency Questions, Philadelphia, 1865. (letters to Schuyler Colfax).
 * Reconstruction: Industrial, Financial, and Political, Washington, 1867. (letters to Henry Wilson).
 * Shall We Have Peace? Peace Financial, and Peace Political?, Philadelphia, 1869. (letters to Ulysses S. Grant).
 * Currency Inflation: How it Has Been Produced and How it May Be Profitably Reduced, 1874, (letters to Benjamin Bristow).
 * Monetary Independence, 1875. (letter to Moses W. Field).
 * Commerce, Christianity, and Civilization, versus British free trade : letters in reply to the London times, Philadelphia, 1876.

title: Henry Charles Carey


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Douglas C-124 Globemaster II

The Douglas C-124 Globemaster II, nicknamed "Old Shaky", is an American heavy-lift cargo aircraft built by the Douglas Aircraft Company in Long Beach, California.

The C-124 was the primary heavy-lift transport for United States Air Force (USAF) Military Air Transport Service (MATS) during the 1950s and early 1960s, until the Lockheed C-141 Starlifter entered service. It served in MATS, later Military Airlift Command (MAC), units of the Air Force Reserve and Air National Guard until retired in 1974.

Design and development
Douglas Aircraft developed the C-124 from 1947 to 1949, from a prototype they created from a World War II–design Douglas C-74 Globemaster, and based on lessons learned during the Berlin Airlift. The aircraft was powered by four large Pratt & Whitney R-4360 Wasp Major piston engines producing 3800 hp each. The C-124's design featured two large clamshell doors and a hydraulically actuated ramp in the nose as well as a cargo elevator under the aft fuselage. The C-124 was capable of carrying 68500 lb of cargo, and the 77 ft cargo bay featured two overhead hoists, each capable of lifting 8000 lb. As a cargo hauler, it could carry tanks, guns, trucks and other heavy equipment, while in its passenger-carrying role it could carry 200 fully equipped troops on its double decks or 127 litter patients and their attendants. It was the only aircraft of its time capable of transporting fully assembled heavy equipment such as tanks and bulldozers.

The C-124 first flew on 27 November 1949, with the C-124A being delivered from May 1950. The C-124C was next, featuring more powerful engines, and an APS-42 weather radar fitted in a "thimble"-like structure on the nose. Wingtip-mounted combustion heaters were added to heat the cabin, and enable wing and tail surface deicing. The C-124As were later equipped with these improvements.

One C-124C, 52-1069, c/n 43978, was used as a JC-124C, for testing the 15000 shp Pratt & Whitney XT57 (PT5) turboprop, which was installed in the nose.

Operational history

First deliveries of the 448 production aircraft began in May 1950 and continued until 1955. The C-124 was operational during the Korean War, and was also used to assist supply operations for Operation Deep Freeze in Antarctica. They performed heavy lift cargo operations for the U.S. military worldwide, including flights to Southeast Asia, Africa and elsewhere. From 1959 to 1961 they transported Thor missiles across the Atlantic to England. The C-124 was also used extensively during the Vietnam War transporting materiel from the U.S. to Vietnam. Until the C-5A became operational, the C-124, and its sister C-133 Cargomaster were the only aircraft available that could transport very large loads.

The United States Air Force's Strategic Air Command (SAC) was the initial operator of the C-124 Globemaster, with 50 in service from 1950 through 1962. Four squadrons operated the type, consisting of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Strategic Support Squadrons. Their primary duty was to transport nuclear weapons between air bases and to provide airlift of SAC personnel and equipment during exercises and overseas deployments.

The Military Air Transport Service (MATS) was the primary operator until January 1966, when the organization was retitled Military Airlift Command (MAC). Within a few years following the formation of MAC, the last remaining examples of the C-124 were transferred to the Air Force Reserve (AFRES) and the Air National Guard (ANG), said transfers being complete by 1970. The first ANG unit to receive the C-124C, the 165th Tactical Airlift Group (now known as the 165th Airlift Wing) of the Georgia Air National Guard, was the last Air Force unit to retire their aircraft (AF Serial No. 52-1066 and 53-0044) in September 1974.

Variants

 * YC-124
 * Prototype rebuilt from a C-74 with a new fuselage and powered by four 3,500 hp R-4360-39 engines, it was later re-engined and redesignated YC-124A.

 * YC-124A
 * Prototype YC-124 re-engined with four 3,800 hp R-4360-35A engines.

 * C-124A
 * Douglas Model 1129A, production version with four 3,500 hp R-4360-20WA engines; 204 built, most retrofitted later with nose-radar and combustion heaters in wingtip fairings.

 * YC-124B
 * Douglas Model 1182E was a turboprop variant of the C-124A with four Pratt & Whitney YT34-P-6 turboprops; originally proposed as a tanker, it was used for trials on the operation of turboprop aircraft. Originally designated C-127.

 * C-124C
 * Douglas Model 1317, same as C-124A but with four 3,800 hp R-4360-63A engines, nose radar, wingtip combustion heaters and increased fuel capacity; 243 built.

Operators

 * United States Air Force
 * Military Air Transport Service / Military Airlift Command
 * Military Air Transport Service / Military Airlift Command

 * 1501st Air Transport Wing / 60th Military Airlift Wing
 * 1502nd Air Transport Wing / 61st Military Airlift Wing
 * 1503rd Air Transport Wing / 65th Military Airlift Group
 * 1607th Air Transport Wing / 436th Military Airlift Wing
 * 1608th Air Transport Wing / 437th Military Airlift Wing

Accidents and incidents

 * 23 March 1951: A C-124A 49-0244 flying from Loring Air Force Base to RAF Mildenhall reported a fire in the cargo crates, signaling Mayday. They began jettisoning the crates and announced they were ditching. The C-124 ditched at approximately, 50.75°N, -24.05°W 700 mi southwest of Ireland. The aircraft was intact when it touched down on the ocean. All hands exited the aircraft wearing life preservers and climbed into the inflated 5-man life rafts. The rafts were equipped with cold-weather gear, food, water, flares, and Gibson Girl hand crank emergency radios. Shortly after the men were in the life rafts, a B-29 pilot out of England spotted the rafts and the flares that the men had ignited. Their location was reported and the pilot left the scene when his fuel was getting low. No other United States or Allied planes or ships made it to the ditch site for over 19 hours, until Sunday, 25 March 1951. When the ships arrived all they found were some charred crates and a partially deflated life raft. Ships and planes continued searching for the next several days but not a single body was found. There is circumstantial evidence that the airmen may have been "snatched" by the Soviet Union for their intelligence value, but their fate remains a mystery. See 1951 Atlantic C-124 disappearance.
 * 22 November 1952: C-124A 51-0107 flying out of McChord Air Force Base in Washington state crashed into the Colony Glacier on Mount Gannett, 40 mi east of Anchorage, Alaska, killing all 41 passengers and 11 crew. Debris from the plane and remains of some of the victims were found by the Alaska National Guard on 10 June 2012 having apparently been uncovered due to the receding of the glacier. By 2014 remains of 17 victims had been recovered.
 * 20 December 1952: C-124 50-0100 flying out of Moses Lake, Washington (Larson AFB) and taking airmen home to Texas for the holidays as part of "Operation Sleigh Ride" crashed not long after takeoff. A total of 87 airmen were killed.
 * 18 June 1953: C-124 51-137 took off from Tachikawa Air Base in Japan. Shortly after takeoff, one of the engines failed, forcing the pilot to make an emergency landing. Due to a loss of airspeed, the pilot lost control and crashed into a melon patch, killing all seven crew and 122 passengers. At the time, it was the worst accident in aviation history.
 * 6 April 1956: C-124 52-1078, crashed on takeoff from Travis AFB. Three of the seven crew members died in the crash. The cause of the crash was attributed to the crossing of the elevator control cables by maintenance personnel.
 * 2 April 1957: C-124A 51-5176, crashed on final approach in Cambridge Bay, Nunavut (at the time, in the Northwest Territories) while ferrying supplies for the construction of the DEW Line station. There were no fatalities and the aircraft was damaged beyond repair.
 * 31 August 1957: C-124C 52-1021, operated by the 1st Strategic Squadron, crashed during an instrument approach to Biggs Air Force Base in El Paso, Texas, USA, in bad weather after a flight from Hunter AFB near Savannah, Georgia, USA. Five aircrew were killed, ten injured.
 * 4 September 1957, C-124A 51-5173 en route from Larson AFB, Washington crashed while attempting a landing at Binghamton Airport, Binghamton, New York. The C-124A was delivering 20 tons of equipment for Link Aviation. The crew of nine survived.
 * 27 March 1958: C-124C 52-0981 collided in midair with a USAF Fairchild C-119C Flying Boxcar, 49-0195, over farmland near Bridgeport, Texas, United States, killing all 15 on the Globemaster and all three on the Flying Boxcar. The two transports crossed paths over a VHF omnidirectional range (VOR) navigational radio beacon during cruise flight under instrument flight rules in low visibility. The C-124 was on a north-north-easterly heading flying at its properly assigned altitude of 7,000 ft (2,100 m); the C-119 was on a southeasterly heading, and the crew had been instructed to fly at 6,000 ft (1,800 m), but their aircraft was not flying at this altitude when the collision occurred.
 * 16 October 1958: C-124C 52-1017 crashed into a 3200 ft mountain near Cape Hallett Bay, killing seven of the 13 on board. Navigational errors were made during this air-drop mission over Antarctica.
 * 18 April 1960: C-124C 52-1062 crashed into a 450 ft hillside after taking off in heavy fog from Stephenville-Harmon Air Force Base, Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada, killing all nine on board.
 * 24 May 1961: C-124 51-0174 crashed following takeoff from McChord Air Force Base. Eighteen of the 22 passengers and crew were killed. M/Sgt Llewellyn Morris Chilson, the second-highest decorated soldier of World War II, was one of the four survivors.
 * 2 January 1964: C-124C 52–0968 flying from Wake Island Airfield to Hickam Air Force Base, Honolulu disappeared over the ocean, 1,200 km west of Hawaii. Eight crew and one passenger were lost in the accident.
 * 22 January 1965: C-124 52-1058 crashed into mountains while on approach to Athens Airport. All ten passengers and crew were killed.
 * 12 February 1966: C-124 52-0980 crashed into the 11423 ft Pico Mulhacén in the Sierra Nevada mountains while on a flight from Morón Air Base to Murcia–San Javier Airport, Spain. All eight aboard were killed.
 * 28 July 1968: C-124A 51-5178 flying from Paramaribo-Zanderij to Recife, while on approach to land at Recife, flew into a 1,890 ft high hill, 50 miles (80 km) away from Recife. The ten occupants died.
 * 26 August 1970: C-124 52-1049 crashed on approach to Cold Bay Airport in the Aleutian Islands. All seven on board were killed.
 * 3 May 1972: C-124 52-1055 crashed on approach to Johan Adolf Pengel International Airport, all 11 on board were killed.

Surviving aircraft

 * South Korea
 * 52-0943 – C-124C on static display at the KAI Aerospace Museum in Sacheon, Yeongnam.

 * United States
 * 49-0258 – C-124A on static display at the Air Mobility Command Museum at Dover Air Force Base near Dover, Delaware. In July 2005, museum volunteers reattached the aircraft's wings and clamshell doors. It had previously been displayed at the Strategic Air Command Museum at Offutt Air Force Base, Nebraska since 1969.
 * 51-0089 – C-124C on static display at the Museum of Aviation at Robins Air Force Base in Warner Robins, Georgia.
 * 52-0994 – C-124C on static display at the McChord Air Museum at McChord Field in Lakewood, Washington. This aircraft was formerly under civilian registration N86599 and located for many years at the Detroit Institute of Aeronautics. On 9 October 1986 the aircraft was flown non-stop from Selfridge Air National Guard Base near Detroit, Michigan to McChord Field. While flying over Washington state the aircraft was joined by a Lockheed C-130 Hercules and Lockheed C-141 Starlifter of McChord's 62nd Military Airlift Wing. This is the last recorded flight of a C-124.
 * 52-1000 – C-124C on static display at the Travis Air Force Base Heritage Center at Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California. The museum was given the C-124 in August 1982. The aircraft had been stored for many years outside at the Aberdeen Proving Ground in Aberdeen, Maryland where it was used as a storage shed. Transporting the aircraft by ground to California would have been prohibitively expensive so the decision was made to fly the aircraft to the museum. Volunteers joined with members of the Georgia Air National Guard's 116th Tactical Fighter Wing from Dobbins Air Force Base to restore the C-124 to an airworthy and ferryable condition. The aircraft was then ferried from Aberdeen to Dobbins AFB in Georgia where members of the 116 TFW completed the aircraft's restoration. The aircraft was then flown cross country to Norton Air Force Base in San Bernardino, California. After a photo session over the Golden Gate Bridge the C-124 arrived at the Jimmy Doolittle Air & Space Museum at exactly 1400 on 10 June 1984. This was the first recorded flight of a C-124 in nearly a decade.
 * 52-1004 – C-124C on static display at the Pima Air and Space Museum in Tucson, Arizona.
 * 52-1066 – C-124C on static display at the National Museum of the United States Air Force at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base in Dayton, Ohio. This was one of the last two Air National Guard C-124s retired in 1974. The aircraft is displayed with serial number 51-0135.
 * 52-1072 – C-124C on static display at the airpark at Charleston Air Force Base in Charleston, South Carolina.
 * 53-0050 – C-124C on static display at the Hill Aerospace Museum at Hill Air Force Base in Roy, Utah. In 1992, the aircraft was rescued from the Aberdeen Proving Ground in Maryland, which planned to use it for ballistics testing.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Douglas C-124 Globemaster II


text:
Providence Plantation

Providence Plantation can refers to:

 * Providence Plantations, an English colonial settlement in Rhode Island, the United States
 * Providence Plantation and Farm, a historic landmark site in Virginia, the United States

title: Providence Plantation


text:
World Journal

World Journal is a U.S. newspaper printed in Chinese. It is the most influential Chinese language newspaper in the United States and one of the largest Chinese language newspapers outside of Greater China, with a daily circulation of 350,000. The newspaper is headquartered in the Whitestone neighborhood of Queens in New York City.

World Journal is published in major cities in the United States with large overseas Chinese populations including New York as well as Los Angeles, and San Francisco. The publication is widely sold in many Chinatowns and major suburbs. Subscription is available in the United States and Canada.

History
The newspaper was established simultaneously in New York and San Francisco on February 12, 1976. The headquarter is located in Whitestone, New York City, where it has since remained.

The World Journal is one of three major Chinese-language dailies among the Chinese American community. The publication is owned by the same media conglomerate that runs the United Daily News in Taiwan and carries a significant Taiwanese American administrative presence. Until the mid-1990s, it was viewed as hostile to the People's Republic of China, in part because the paper referred to people from mainland China as "Communist Chinese". Furthermore, its coverage on mainland China usually comprised only one article or so each day out of dozens of pages and sections.

However, the newspaper has changed since it began increasing its coverage of mainland China. Following the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre, such coverage increased to two pages per day. While the paper still attempts to maintain an anti-communist stance, it has become increasingly sensitive to the tastes of its large Chinese immigrant readership which has grown since the 1990s with the expanded access to permanent resident green cards in the United States following the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre. Another reason for the shift was rooted in the newspaper's sympathy to the Chinese democracy movement.

Immediately after the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989, the newspaper no longer referred indiscriminately to all mainland Chinese as "Communist Chinese", and additionally praised pro-democracy efforts on the mainland. During the mid-1990s, it began to give credit to the positive progress made in mainland China, and by the late-1990s, it began to criticize wrongdoings within the Chinese democracy movement and in the West in the same manner with which it criticizes corruption within the Chinese communist regime. After 2000, there has also been an increase in the representation of mainland Chinese immigrants on the newspaper's reporting staff, and the paper has published readers' letters voicing different views from the pro-Taiwan independence stance that have also made it popular among mainland Chinese immigrants to the United States. World Journal ceased publication in Canada on January 1, 2016, to better focus its business in the United States.

Alleged ties to the Chinese Communist Party
According to a 2001 report by the Jamestown Foundation, World Journal was one of the four major Chinese newspapers found in the U.S. that "has recently begun bowing to pressure from the Beijing government." The other three which were Sing Tao Daily, Ming Pao Daily News, and The China Press had already been "either directly or indirectly controlled by the government of Mainland China". The report referenced an instance of self-censorship by World Journal in its efforts to develop business ties with Mainland China in which Chinese Consulates in both New York and San Francisco have pressured the paper's local offices to not publish ads related to Falun Gong. The New York office reportedly acquiesced in full and did not publish the ads, while the San Francisco office acquiesced in part by burying the ads among the paper's least viewed pages. Conversely, Jason Q. Ng of China Digital Times and Citizen Lab considered World Journal in 2013 to be relatively critical of PRC policies.

Labor law violation
On January 10, 2007, a Southern California jury found the Monterey Park-based Chinese Daily News responsible for failing to give employees breaks, lunches, and overtime, and awarded the plaintiffs $2.5 million. The plaintiffs alleged that they worked over twelve hours per day, were not provided accurate pay statements, and were unfairly interfered with during unionization attempts. In 2001, the employees voted to join the Communication Workers of America, but the National Labor Relations Board vacated the union vote after finding that the election was tainted. Chinese Daily News appealed the ruling in the district court, with proceedings held in the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeal and the U.S. Supreme Court.

In 2011, after the U.S. Supreme Court decided Dukes v. Wal-Mart, the U.S. Supreme Court remanded the case back to the Ninth Circuit for reconsideration in light of Dukes. On September 13, 2013, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeal rejected the district court's grant of class certification under FRCP Rule 23(b)(3). Upon remand at the district court level, Plaintiffs once again moved for class certification, and the district court recertified the class.

Chinese Daily News thereafter filed a FRCP Rule 23(f) Petition to Appeal, which the Ninth Circuit granted on August 22, 2014. This matter is currently pending briefing at the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeal. The Los Angeles area-based Chinese Daily News was later amalgamated into the New York City-headquartered World Journal.

Discrimination against breastfeeding women
On October 21, 2013, World Journal published a controversial article that allegedly discriminated against breastfeeding women. Titled "Breastfeeding photos embarrass Chinese-American to death", the article cited anonymous resources, labeled breastfeeding photos as "R-rated-photos", described those photos as "disturbing" and "disgusting." The article received strong reaction among Chinese American Community and the Taiwanese Breastfeeding Association launched a protest against World Journal. Media Watch criticized that the report was "misleading" and "biased."

It was also reported that World Journal allegedly failed to accommodate employees' legal nursing needs. Taiwanese American journalist and author To-wen Tseng blogged about her experience of being forced to pump her breast milk in a bathroom stall, and was harassed by colleagues for attempting to wash pumping accessories in the office kitchen. In November 2013, Legal Aid Society-Employment Law Center submitted a lawyer's letter to World Journal, requesting a policy change and supervisor training regarding nursing employee's legal rights.

The World Journal disputed the employee's claims, but agreed to settle the case. On August 25, 2014, World Journal made a policy change as requested and paid for the damage.

title: World Journal


text:
Southern Sámi

Southern or South Sámi (åarjelsaemien gïele; sørsamisk; sydsamiska) is the southwesternmost of the Sámi languages, and is spoken in Norway and Sweden. It is an endangered language; the strongholds of this language are the municipalities of Snåsa, Røyrvik, Røros (Trøndelag, Central Norway) and Hattfjelldal (Nordland, Northern Norway) in Norway. Of the approximately 2000 Southern Sami, only about 500 still speak fluent Southern Sami. This language belongs to the Saamic group within the Uralic language family.

In Sweden, Saami is one of five recognized minority languages, but the term "Saami" comprises different Saami varieties/languages but these different Saamic languages are not individually recognized, and in Norway South Saami is recognized as a minority language in its own right.

It is possible to study Southern Sámi at Nord University in Levanger, Umeå University in Umeå, and Uppsala University in Uppsala. In 2018, two master's degrees were written in the language at Umeå University. Language courses are also offered in different Sámi language centres throughout the south Sámi area.

Writing system
Southern Sámi is one of the six Sámi languages that has an official written standard, but only a few books have been published for the language, one of which is an adequate-sized Southern Sámi–Norwegian dictionary. This language has had an official written language since 1978. The spelling is closely based on Swedish and Norwegian and uses the following Latin alphabet:

The Sámi Language Council recommended in 1976 to use ⟨æ⟩ and ⟨ö⟩, but in practice the latter is replaced by ⟨ø⟩ in Norway and the former by ⟨ä⟩ in Sweden. This is in accordance with the usage in Norwegian and Swedish, based on computer or typewriter availability. The $⟨Ï ï⟩$ represents a back version of $⟨I i⟩$, however many texts fail to distinguish between the two.

$⟨C c⟩$, $⟨Q q⟩$, $⟨W w⟩$, $⟨X x⟩$, $⟨Z z⟩$ are only used in words of foreign origin.

Long sounds are represented with double letter for both vowels and consonants.

Phonology
Southern Sámi has 15 consonant and 11 vowel phonemes, there are six places of articulation for consonants (bilabial, labio-dental, denti-alveolar, palatal, velar and glottal) and six manners of articulation.

There are also two dialects, the northern and the southern dialect. The phonological differences between the dialects are relatively small; the phonemic system of the northern dialect is explained below.

The typical word in South Saami is disyllabic with a long stem vowel and ends in a vowel, like in the word /pa:ko/ 'word'. Functional words are monosyllabic as are the copula and the negative auxiliarity. Stress is fixed and always word initial. Words with more than 3 syllables get a secondary stress in the penultimate syllable.

Vowels
The 11 vowel phonemes comprise four phonologically short and long vowels (i-i:, e-e:, a-a:, u-u:) and three vowel phonemes which do not distinguish length (ø, ae, o).

The vowel phonemes of the northern dialect are the following; orthographic counterparts are given in italics:

The non-high vowels, , and  contrast in length: they may occur as both short and long. High vowels only occur as short.

The vowels may combine to form ten different diphthongs:

Consonants
In South Sámi, all consonants occur as geminates in word medial position.

Sound alternations
In Southern Sámi, the vowel in the second syllable of a word causes changes to the vowel in the first syllable, a feature called umlaut. The vowel in the second syllable can change depending on the inflectional ending being attached, and the vowel in the first vowel will likewise alternate accordingly. Often there are three different vowels that alternate with each other in the paradigm of a single word, for example as follows:

 * $⟨i⟩$ ~ $⟨y⟩$ ~ $⟨ï⟩$: vaedtsedh 'to walk' : vaadtsam 'I walk' : veedtsim 'I walked'
 * $⟨i⟩$ ~ $⟨i⟩$ ~ $⟨ï⟩$: vuelkedh 'to leave' : vualkam 'I leave' : vöölkim 'I left'

The following table gives a full overview of the alternations:

On the other hand, Southern Sami is the only Sami language that does not have consonant gradation. Hence consonants in the middle of words never alternate in Southern Sami, even though such alternations are frequent in other Sami languages. Compare, for instance, Southern Sami nomme 'name' : nommesne 'in the name' to Northern Sami namma : namas, with the consonant gradation mm : m.

Cases
Southern Sami has eight cases:

Nouns
Southern Sami's nouns inflect for singular and plural and has eight cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, illative, locative, elative, comitative and essive, but number is not distinguished in the essive. The inflection is essentially agglutinative, but the case endings are not always the same in the plural as in the singular. The plural sign is -h in the nominative case, otherwise -i/j-, to which the case endings are added. There are five different inflection classes but no declension classes. All nouns take the same case markers.

The function of the nominative is to mark the subject and the accusative marks the object. The nominative plural is also used to mark plural objects, also called differential object marking and here, the object gets an indefinite reading, while the accusative plural marks definite objects. The genitive is used in adnominal possession and marks the dependet of postpositions. Illative is a spatial case marking the recipient, while locative and elative are also spatial cases, but the locative is also used in existential constructions and the elative in partitive constructions. And comitative expresses participation and instrumental and the essive marks a stare or a function.

Four stem classes can be distinguished: ie-stems, e-stems, a-stems, and oe-stems.

Overview of the modern inflection of guelie 'fish': Earlier, in the comitative singular and in the plural, besides the nominative i, umlaut of the root vowel to öö took place: Gen. Pl. göölij etc.

Pronouns
The personal pronouns inflect for singular, dual and plural and seven cases which are all of the above with exception of the essive. A demonstrative pronoun without specific deictic bias is employed as the third person pronoun, treating dual and plural forms as indistinguishable. Additional pronouns encompass pronominal and adnominal demonstratives, along with interrogative and relative pronouns, reflexive, logophoric, reciprocal and a variety of indefinite pronouns. The majority of these pronouns change based on whether they refer to a singular or plural entity, and some also adapt to different cases. Demonstratives make distinctions across three distances relative to the speaker.

Verbs
The South Sami verbs inflect for person and number, singular, dual and plural, whereby, dual is an optional category. And, there are also two finite inflectional categories, the present and the past tense. The subject suffixes are the same and there are three different inflectional classes which are based on the thematic vowels and their behaviour in inflection. Furthermore, there are 4 non-finite forms, the perfect participle, the progressive, the infinitive and the connegative and imperative form. Meanwhile, the verbs express the TMA categories present tense indicative, past tense indicative, perfect, pluperfect, progressive and imperative but additionally, the copula also inflects for the conditional.

In the verbum, a distinction must be made between odd-syllable and even-syllable verbs; in the latter, there are six different stem classes.

Overview of the forms of the ie stems using the example of båetedh 'to come':

Adjectives
The morphology of adjectives is restricted to comparative and superlative forms. Some have different forms in attributive and predicative position but the most are invariable.

Person
Southern Sámi verbs conjugate for three grammatical persons:

 * first person
 * second person
 * third person

Grammatical number
Southern Sámi verbs conjugate for three grammatical numbers:

 * singular
 * dual
 * plural

Negative verb
Southern Sámi, like Finnish, the other Sámi languages, and Estonian, has a negative verb. In Southern Sámi, the negative verb conjugates according to tense (past and non-past), mood (indicative and imperative), person (1st, 2nd and 3rd) and number (singular, dual and plural). This differs from some other Sámi languages, e.g. from Northern Sámi, which do not conjugate according to tense.

Syntax
Like Skolt Sámi and unlike other Sámi languages, Southern Sámi has the basic structure SOV (Subject-Object.-Verb). Only the copula ('to be') and auxiliary verbs appear second. The case alignment system is nominative-accusative. But, plural objects are also marked with the nominative. Objects in the nominative plural get an indefinite reading while objects in the accusative plural are definite. This applies for nouns as well as pronouns. An example for plural object in the nominative:

dellie manne naarra-h tjeegk-i-m

then 1.SG.NOM snare-NOM.PL set.up-PST-1SG

"Then I set up snares."

Subject and agent are always marked identically, with the nominative and the marking of the object depends on definiteness. The verb agrees with the subject in person and number. The TAM-categories mentioned above are based on non-finite verb forms and expressed in periphrastic constructions with an auxiliary. Subject agrees with auxiliary but it is not obligatory. Subject is either marked on the pronoun or inferred from context. Imperative second singular uses the same non-finite irrealis form also used in negation constructions. South Saami has some features that separate it from it closest relatives, like SOV instead of SVO as basic constituent order, no stem gradation and a genitive possessive. Nevertheless, most features in the language are commonly found in other Uralic languages.

title: Southern Sámi


text:
Chinese Daily News

Chinese Daily News may refer to the following:

 * The English subtitle of the World Journal, in North America.
 * The former name of the United Daily, Sarawak Tribune's sister newspaper, in Malaysia.

title: Chinese Daily News


text:
Friedrich List

Daniel Friedrich List (6 August 1789 – 30 November 1846) was a German economist and political theorist who developed the nationalist theory of political economy in both Europe and the United States. He was a forefather of the German historical school of economics and argued for the Zollverein (a pan-German customs union) from a nationalist standpoint. He advocated raising tariffs on imported goods while supporting free trade of domestic goods and stated the cost of a tariff should be seen as an investment in a nation's future productivity.

List was a political liberal who collaborated with Karl von Rotteck and Carl Theodor Welcker on the Rotteck-Welckersches Staatslexikon, an encyclopedia of political science that advocated constitutional liberalism and which influenced the Vormärz. At the time in Europe, liberal and nationalist ideas were almost inseparably linked, and political liberalism was not yet attached to what was later considered "economic liberalism." Emmanuel Todd considers List a forerunner to John Maynard Keynes as a theorist of "moderate or regulated capitalism."

Early life
List was born in the free imperial city of Reutlingen in the Duchy of Württemberg on August 6, 1789. His father, Johannes (1746–1813), was a prosperous master tanner and a city official, and Daniel Friedrich was the second son and youngest child in his family. He was educated at the town's Latin School. In an apprenticeship at his father's tanning business, List showed little interest in manual labor. He was apprenticed as a bureaucratic clerk at Blaubeuren. After passing his examination, he became Taxes and Warehouses Commissioner in Schelklingen.

University of Tübingen
At age 23, List was promoted to a post at Tübingen. While there, he regularly attended lectures at the University of Tübingen and expanded his reading. He also made the acquaintance of the future minister Johannes von Schlayer. In 1816, List's position in the bureaucracy was improved as the succession of King William I of Württemberg ushered in a period of reform. Under minister Karl August von Wangenheim, List rose quickly through the bureaucracy and was made the first Professor of Administration and Politics at the University. List had been an advocate for establishing such a position, arguing in 1817:

"'No one in our University has any conception of a national economy. No one teaches the science of agriculture, forestry, mining, industry, or trade. ... [T]he forms of government are in such a truly barbarous state, that if an official of the seventeenth century rose again from the dead he could at once take up his old work, though he would assuredly be astonished to find the advances that had been made during the interval in the simplest process of manufacture.'"

As a deputy to the Württemberg chamber, he was active in advocating administrative reforms. He was eventually expelled from the chamber and in April 1822 sentenced to ten months' imprisonment with hard labor in the fortress of Asperg. He escaped to Alsace, and after visiting France and England returned in 1824 to finish his sentence, and was released on undertaking to emigrate to America.

Move to United States: 1825–1830
Arriving in the United States in 1825, he settled in Pennsylvania, where he became an extensive landholder. He first engaged in farming, but soon switched to journalism and edited a German paper in Reading. He was active in the establishment of railroads. Some argue (e.g. Chang, 2002) that it was in America that he gathered from a study of Alexander Hamilton's work the inspiration which made him an economist of his pronounced "National System" views which found realization in Henry Clay's American System. Others deny this (Daastøl, 2011), since he argued for a German customs union already in 1819, when he established the first German union for industry and trade. List's ideas on protectionism predate his American sojourn, and were influenced by liberal protectionists such as Adolphe Thiers. The main theoretical reference approvingly cited by List in his 1827 pamphlet Outlines of American Political Economy, in which he defended the doctrine of pragmatic protection and free trade, was Jean-Antoine Chaptal's De l’industrie française (1819). The discovery of coal on some land which he had acquired made him financially independent.

Return to Europe: 1831–1846
In 1830, he was appointed United States consul at Hamburg, but on his arrival in Europe he found that the Senate had failed to confirm his appointment. After residing for some time in Paris, he returned to Pennsylvania. He next settled in Leipzig in 1833, where for some time he was U.S. consul. He was a journalist in Paris from 1837 to 1843, where he wrote articles for Thiers's centre-left paper Le Constitutionnel. He wrote several letters for the Augsburg Allgemeine Zeitung, which were published in 1841 in a volume under the title of Das nationale System der politischen Oekonomie.

In 1841, his ill health had led him to decline an offer to edit the Rheinische Zeitung, a new Cologne paper of liberal views, and Karl Marx took the post. In 1843, he established the Zollvereinsblatt in Augsburg, a newspaper in which he advocated the enlargement of the customs union (Zollverein), and the organization of a national commercial system. He strongly advocated the extension of the railway system in Germany. The development of the Zollverein to where it unified Germany economically was due largely to his enthusiasm and ardour.

He visited Austria and Hungary in 1844.

In 1846, he visited England with a view to forming a commercial alliance between that country and Germany but was unsuccessful. His last days were darkened by many misfortunes; he lost much of his American property in a financial crisis, ill-health also overtook him, and he killed himself in Kufstein on 30 November 1846. However, since the autopsy revealed that List was “afflicted with such a degree of melancholy that made free thought and action impossible,” he could still be given a Christian burial.

Nationalist view of political economy
List's theory of "national economics" differed from the doctrines of "individual economics" and "cosmopolitan economics" by Adam Smith and J.B. Say. List argued that Smithian critiques of mercantilism were "partly correct", but argued for the need for temporary tariff protection targeted to protect specific infant industries that were critical to economic growth.

List contrasted the economic behaviour of an individual with that of a nation. An individual promotes only his own personal interests but a state fosters the welfare of all its citizens. An individual may prosper from activities which harm the interests of a nation. "Slavery may be a public calamity for a country, nevertheless some people may do very well in carrying on the slave trade and in holding slaves." Likewise, activities beneficial to society may injure the interests of certain individuals. "Canals and railroads may do great good to a nation, but all waggoners will complain of this improvement. Every new invention has some inconvenience for a number of individuals, and is nevertheless a public blessing". List argued that although some government action was essential to stimulate the economy, an overzealous government might do more harm than good. "It is bad policy to regulate everything and to promote everything by employing social powers, where things may better regulate themselves and can be better promoted by private exertions; but it is no less bad policy to let those things alone which can only be promoted by interfering social power."

Due to the "universal union" that nations have with their populace, List stated that "from this political union originates their commercial union, and it is in consequence of the perpetual peace thus maintained that commercial union has become so beneficial to them. ... The result of a general free trade would not be a universal republic, but, on the contrary, a universal subjection of the less advanced nations to the predominant manufacturing, commercial and naval power, is a conclusion for which the reasons are very strong. ... A universal republic ..., i.e. a union of the nations of the earth whereby they recognise the same conditions of right among themselves and renounce self-redress, can only be realised if a large number of nationalities attain to as nearly the same degree as possible of industry and civilisation, political cultivation and power. Only with the gradual formation of this union can free trade be developed; only as a result of this union can it confer on all nations the same great advantages which are now experienced by those provinces and states which are politically united. The system of protection, inasmuch as it forms the only means of placing those nations which are far behind in civilisation on equal terms with the one predominating nation, appears to be the most efficient means of furthering the final union of nations, and hence also of promoting true freedom of trade."

In his seventh letter List repeated his assertion that economists should realise that since the human race is divided into independent states, "a nation would act unwisely to endeavour to promote the welfare of the whole human race at the expense of its particular strength, welfare, and independence. It is a dictate of the law of self-preservation to make its particular advancement in power and strength the first principles of its policy". A country should not count the cost of defending the overseas trade of its merchants. And "the manufacturing and agricultural interest must be promoted and protected even by sacrifices of the majority of the individuals, if it can be proved that the nation would never acquire the necessary perfection ... without such protective measures."

List argued that international trade reduced the security of the states who took part in it.

List argued that statesmen had two responsibilities: "one to contemporary society and one to future generations". Normally, the attention of most leaders is occupied by urgent matters, leaving little time to consider future problems. But when a country had reached a turning point in its development, its leaders were morally obliged to deal with issues that would affect the next generation. "On the threshold of a new phase in the development of their country, statesmen should be prepared to take the long view, despite the need to deal also with matters of immediate urgency."

List's fundamental doctrine was that a nation's true wealth is the full and many-sided development of its productive power, rather than its current exchange values. For example, its economic education should be more important than immediate production of value, and it might be right that one generation should sacrifice its gain and enjoyment to secure the strength and skill of the future. Under normal conditions, an economically mature nation should also develop agriculture, manufacture and commerce. However, the last two factors were more important since they better influenced the nation's culture and independence and were especially connected to navigation, railways and high technology, and a purely-agricultural state tended to stagnate

However, List claimed that only countries in temperate regions were adapted to grow higher forms of industry. On the other hand, tropical regions had a natural monopoly in the production of certain raw materials. Thus, there were a spontaneous division of labor and a confederation of powers between both groups of countries.

List contended that Smith's economic system is not an industrial system but a mercantile system, and he called it "the exchange-value system". Contrary to Smith, he argued that the immediate private interest of individuals would not lead to the highest good of society. The nation stood between the individual and humanity, and was defined by its language, manners, historical development, culture and constitution. The unity must be the first condition of the security, well-being, progress and civilization of the individual. Private economic interests, like all others, must be subordinated to the maintenance, completion and strengthening of the nation.

Stages of economic development
List theorised that nations of the temperate zone (which are furnished with all the necessary conditions) naturally pass through stages of economic development in advancing to their normal economic state. These are:
 * 1) Pastoral life
 * 2) Agriculture
 * 3) Agriculture united with manufactures
 * 4) Agriculture, manufactures and commerce are combined

The progress of the nation through these stages is the task of the state, which must create the required conditions for the progress by using legislation and administrative action. This view leads to List's scheme of industrial politics. Every nation should begin with free trade, stimulating and improving its agriculture by trade with richer and more cultivated nations, importing foreign manufactures and exporting raw products. When it is economically so far advanced that it can manufacture for itself, then protection should be used to allow the home industries to develop, and save them from being overpowered by the competition of stronger foreign industries in the home market. When the national industries have grown strong enough that this competition is not a threat, then the highest stage of progress has been reached; free trade should again become the rule, and the nation be thus thoroughly incorporated with the universal industrial union. What a nation loses in exchange during the protective period, it more than gains in the long run in productive power. The temporary expenditure is analogous to the cost of the industrial education of the individual.

"In a thousand cases the power of the State is compelled to impose restrictions on private industry. It prevents the ship owner from taking on board slaves on the west coast of Africa, and taking them over to America. It imposes regulations as to the building of steamers and the rules of navigation at sea, in order that passengers and sailors may not be sacrificed to the avarice and caprice of the captains. [...] Everywhere does the State consider it to be its duty to guard the public against danger and loss, as in the sale of the necessaries of life, so also in the sale of medicines, etc."

Railways
List was the leading promoter of railways in Germany. His proposals on how to start up a system were widely adopted. He summed up the advantages to be derived from the development of the railway system in 1841:
 * 1) It is a means of national defence: it facilitates the concentration, distribution and direction of the army.
 * 2) It is a means to the improvement of the culture of the nation. It brings talent, knowledge and skill of every kind readily to market.
 * 3) It secures the community against dearth and famine, and against excessive fluctuation in the prices of the necessaries of life.
 * 4) It promotes the spirit of the nation, as it has a tendency to destroy the Philistine spirit arising from isolation and provincial prejudice and vanity. It binds nations by ligaments, and promotes an interchange of food and of commodities, thus making it feel to be a unit. The iron rails become a nerve system, which, on the one hand, strengthens public opinion, and, on the other hand, strengthens the power of the state for police and governmental purposes.

List drew up proposals for a national railway network before the first steam locomotive ran between Nuremberg and Fürth. He suggested construction of a railway between Leipzig and Dresden which would soon become Germany's first long distance railway. He is honored for his early promotion of the importance of railways with a bust in Leipzig main station as well as several streets named after him adjacent to railway stations (e.g. Friedrich-List-Platz). When the Swiss-German architect de:Martin Mächler first proposed what is today Berlin main station in 1917, he suggested the new central interchange station of the German rail network be named in honor of List.

Britain and world trade
While List once had urged Germany to join other 'manufacturing nations of the second rank' to check Britain's 'insular supremacy', by 1841 he considered that the United States and Russia would become the most powerful countries—a view also expressed by Alexis de Tocqueville the previous year. List hoped to persuade political leaders in England to co-operate with Germany to ward off this danger. His proposal was perhaps not so far-fetched as might appear at first sight. In 1844, the writer of an article in a leading review had declared that 'in every point of view, whether politically or commercially, we can have no better alliance than that of the German nation, spreading as it does, its 42 millions of souls without interruption over the surface of central Europe'.

The practical conclusion which List drew for Germany was that it needed for its economic progress an extended and conveniently bounded territory reaching to the seacoast both on north and south, and a vigorous expansion of manufacture and trade, and that the way to the latter lay through judicious protective legislation with a customs union comprising all German lands, and a German marine with a Navigation Act. The national German spirit, striving after independence and power through union, and the national industry, awaking from its lethargy and eager to recover lost ground, were favorable to the success of List's book, and it produced a great sensation. He ably represented the tendencies and demands of his time in his own country; his work had the effect of fixing the attention, not merely of the speculative and official classes, but of practical men generally, on questions of political economy; and his ideas were undoubtedly the economic foundation of modern Germany as applied by the practical genius of Bismarck.

List considered that Napoleon's 'Continental System', aimed just at damaging Britain during a bitter long-term war, had in fact been quite good for German industry. This was the direct opposite of what was believed by the followers of Adam Smith. As List put it: "I perceived that the popular theory took no account of nations, but simply of the entire human race on the one hand, or of the single individual on the other. I saw clearly that free competition between two nations which are highly civilised can only be mutually beneficial in case both of them are in a nearly equal position of industrial development, and that any nation which owing to misfortunes is behind others in industry, commerce, and navigation ... must first of all strengthen her own individual powers, in order to fit herself to enter into free competition with more advanced nations. In a word, I perceived the distinction between cosmopolitical and political economy."

List's argument was that Germany should follow actual English practice rather than the abstractions of Smith's doctrines:

"Had the English left everything to itself—'Laissez faire, laissez aller', as the popular economical school recommends—the [German] merchants of the Steelyard would be still carrying on their trade in London, the Belgians would be still manufacturing cloth for the English, England would have still continued to be the sheep-farm of the Hansards, just as Portugal became the vineyard of England, and has remained so till our days, owing to the stratagem of a cunning diplomatist. Indeed, it is more than probable that without her [highly protectionist] commercial policy England would never have attained to such a large measure of municipal and individual freedom as she now possesses, for such freedom is the daughter of industry and wealth."

Influences
List's hostility to free trade was first decisively shaped by the ideas of his friend Adolphe Thiers and other liberal protectionists in France. He was also later influenced by Alexander Hamilton and the American School rooted in Hamilton's economic principles, including Daniel Raymond, but also by the general mode of thinking of America's first Treasury Secretary, and by his strictures on the doctrine of Adam Smith. He opposed the cosmopolitan principle in the contemporary economical system and the absolute doctrine of free trade which was in harmony with that principle, and instead developed the infant industry argument, to which he had been exposed by Hamilton and Raymond. He gave prominence to the national idea and insisted on the special requirements of each nation according to its circumstances and especially to the degree of its development. He famously doubted the sincerity of calls to free trade from developed nations, in particular Britain: "Any nation which by means of protective duties and restrictions on navigation has raised her manufacturing power and her navigation to such a degree of development that no other nation can sustain free competition with her, can do nothing wiser than to throw away these ladders of her greatness, to preach to other nations the benefits of free trade, and to declare in penitent tones that she has hitherto wandered in the paths of error, and has now for the first time succeeded in discovering the truth."

His idea of productive powers was influenced by the philosophy of productivity of Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling. He was acquainted with Robert Schumann and Heinrich Heine.

Legacy
List's principal work is entitled Das Nationale System der Politischen Ökonomie (1841) and was translated into English as The National System of Political Economy.

Before 1914, List and Marx were the two best-known German economists and theorists of development, although Marx, unlike List, devised no policies to promote economic development.

"This book has been more frequently translated than the works of any other German economist, except Karl Marx."

In Ireland he influenced Arthur Griffith of Sinn Féin and these theories were used by the Fianna Fáil government in the 1930s to instigate protectionism with a view to developing Irish industry.

Among others he strongly influenced was Sergei Witte, the Imperial Russian Minister of Finance, 1892–1903. Witte's plan for rapid industrialisation was centred around railroad construction (the Trans-Siberian railroad for example) and a policy of protectionism. At the time, it was largely considered that Russia was a backward country with an under developed economy. The boom which was seen during the 1890s was largely credited to Witte's policy.

Angus Maddison noted that: "As Marx was not interested in the survival of the capitalist system, he was not really concerned with economic policy, except in so far as the labour movement was involved. There, his argument was concentrated on measures to limit the length of the working day, and to strengthen trade union bargaining power. His analysis was also largely confined to the situation in the leading capitalist country of his day—the UK—and he did not consider the policy problems of other Western countries in catching up with the lead country (as Friedrich List did). In so far as Marx was concerned with other countries, it was mainly with poor countries which were victims of Western imperialism in the merchant capitalist era."

Heterodox economists, such as South Korean Ha-Joon Chang and Norwegian Erik Reinert, refer to List often explicitly when writing about suitable economic policies for developing countries. List's influence among developing nations has been considerable. Japan has followed his model.

"The international economic policy of Meiji Japan was a combination of Hideyoshi's mercantilism and Friedrich List's Nationale System der Politischen Ökonomie."

It has also been argued that Deng Xiaoping's post-Mao policies were inspired by List, as well as recent policies in India.

"China, under Deng, took on the clear features of a 'developmental dictatorship under single-party auspices.' The PRC would then belong to a class of regimes familiar to the 20th century that have their ideological sources in classical Marxism, but better reflect the developmental, nationalist views of Friedrich List."

A 1943 German film The Endless Road portrayed List's life and achievements. He was played by Eugen Klöpfer.

North Korea with its Juche ideology has likewise been considered by Dieter Senghaas to follow an "unequaled" model of development inspired by List's "production of productive forces."

Books and book chapters

 * (dissertation)
 * (doctoral dissertation)
 * , containing a bibliography and a reprint of List's Petition on Behalf of the Handelsverein to the Federal Assembly (1819), Outlines of American Political Economy (1827), Philadelphia Speech (1827) (to the Harrisburg Convention), and the Introduction to The National System of Political Economy (1841).
 * (doctoral dissertation)
 * , containing a bibliography and a reprint of List's Petition on Behalf of the Handelsverein to the Federal Assembly (1819), Outlines of American Political Economy (1827), Philadelphia Speech (1827) (to the Harrisburg Convention), and the Introduction to The National System of Political Economy (1841).
 * (doctoral dissertation)
 * , containing a bibliography and a reprint of List's Petition on Behalf of the Handelsverein to the Federal Assembly (1819), Outlines of American Political Economy (1827), Philadelphia Speech (1827) (to the Harrisburg Convention), and the Introduction to The National System of Political Economy (1841).
 * , containing a bibliography and a reprint of List's Petition on Behalf of the Handelsverein to the Federal Assembly (1819), Outlines of American Political Economy (1827), Philadelphia Speech (1827) (to the Harrisburg Convention), and the Introduction to The National System of Political Economy (1841).
 * , containing a bibliography and a reprint of List's Petition on Behalf of the Handelsverein to the Federal Assembly (1819), Outlines of American Political Economy (1827), Philadelphia Speech (1827) (to the Harrisburg Convention), and the Introduction to The National System of Political Economy (1841).
 * , containing a bibliography and a reprint of List's Petition on Behalf of the Handelsverein to the Federal Assembly (1819), Outlines of American Political Economy (1827), Philadelphia Speech (1827) (to the Harrisburg Convention), and the Introduction to The National System of Political Economy (1841).
 * , containing a bibliography and a reprint of List's Petition on Behalf of the Handelsverein to the Federal Assembly (1819), Outlines of American Political Economy (1827), Philadelphia Speech (1827) (to the Harrisburg Convention), and the Introduction to The National System of Political Economy (1841).
 * , containing a bibliography and a reprint of List's Petition on Behalf of the Handelsverein to the Federal Assembly (1819), Outlines of American Political Economy (1827), Philadelphia Speech (1827) (to the Harrisburg Convention), and the Introduction to The National System of Political Economy (1841).

title: Friedrich List