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At-will employment

In United States labor law, at-will employment is an employer's ability to dismiss an employee for any reason (that is, without having to establish "just cause" for termination), and without warning, as long as the reason is not illegal (e.g. firing because of the employee's gender, sexual orientation, race, religion, or disability status). When an employee is acknowledged as being hired "at will", courts deny the employee any claim for loss resulting from the dismissal. The rule is justified by its proponents on the basis that an employee may be similarly entitled to leave their job without reason or warning. The practice is seen as unjust by those who view the employment relationship as characterized by inequality of bargaining power.

At-will employment gradually became the default rule under the common law of the employment contract in most U.S. states during the late 19th century, and was endorsed by the U.S. Supreme Court during the Lochner era, when members of the U.S. judiciary consciously sought to prevent government regulation of labor markets. Over the 20th century, many states modified the rule by adding an increasing number of exceptions, or by changing the default expectations in the employment contract altogether. In workplaces with a trade union recognized for purposes of collective bargaining, and in many public sector jobs, the normal standard for dismissal is that the employer must have a "just cause". Otherwise, subject to statutory rights (particularly the discrimination prohibitions under the Civil Rights Act), most states adhere to the general principle that employer and employee may contract for the dismissal protection they choose. At-will employment remains controversial, and remains a central topic of debate in the study of law and economics, especially with regard to the macroeconomic efficiency of allowing employers to summarily and arbitrarily terminate employees.

Definition
At-will employment is generally described as follows: "any hiring is presumed to be 'at will'; that is, the employer is free to discharge individuals 'for good cause, or bad cause, or no cause at all,' and the employee is equally free to quit, strike, or otherwise cease work." In an October 2000 decision largely reaffirming employers' rights under the at-will doctrine, the Supreme Court of California explained:

"Labor Code section 2922 establishes the presumption that an employer may terminate its employees at will, for any or no reason. A fortiori, the employer may act peremptorily, arbitrarily, or inconsistently, without providing specific protections such as prior warning, fair procedures, objective evaluation, or preferential reassignment. Because the employment relationship is 'fundamentally contractual' (Foley, supra, 47 Cal.3d 654, 696), limitations on these employer prerogatives are a matter of the parties' specific agreement, express or implied in fact. The mere existence of an employment relationship affords no expectation, protectible by law, that employment will continue, or will end only on certain conditions, unless the parties have actually adopted such terms. Thus if the employer's termination decisions, however arbitrary, do not breach such a substantive contract provision, they are not precluded by the covenant."

At-will employment disclaimers are a staple of employee handbooks in the United States. It is common for employers to define what at-will employment means, explain that an employee's at-will status cannot be changed except in a writing signed by the company president (or chief executive), and require that an employee sign an acknowledgment of their at-will status. However, the National Labor Relations Board has opposed as unlawful the practice of including in such disclaimers language declaring that the at-will nature of the employment cannot be changed without the written consent of senior management.

History
The original common law rule for dismissal of employees according to William Blackstone envisaged that, unless another practice was agreed, employees would be deemed to be hired for a fixed term of one year. Over the 19th century, most states in the North adhered to the rule that the period by which an employee was paid (a week, a month or a year) determined the period of notice that should be given before a dismissal was effective. For instance, in 1870 in Massachusetts, Tatterson v. Suffolk Manufacturing Company held that an employee's term of hiring dictated the default period of notice. By contrast, in Tennessee, a court stated in 1884 that an employer should be allowed to dismiss any worker, or any number of workers, for any reason at all. An individual, or a collective agreement, according to the general doctrine of freedom of contract could always stipulate that an employee should only be dismissed for a good reason, or a "just cause", or that elected employee representatives would have a say on whether a dismissal should take effect. However, the position of the typical 19th-century worker meant that this was rare.

The at-will practice is typically traced to a treatise published by Horace Gray Wood in 1877, called Master and Servant. Wood cited four U.S. cases as authority for his rule that when a hiring was indefinite, the burden of proof was on the servant to prove that an indefinite employment term was for one year. In Toussaint v. Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Michigan, the Court noted that "Wood's rule was quickly cited as authority for another proposition." Wood, however, misinterpreted two of the cases which in fact showed that in Massachusetts and Michigan, at least, the rule was that employees should have notice before dismissal according to the periods of their contract.

In New York, the first case to adopt Wood's rule was Martin v. New York Life Insurance Company (1895). Justice Edward T. Bartlett wrote that New York law now followed Wood's treatise, which meant that an employee who received $10,000, paid in a salary over a year, could be dismissed immediately. The case did not make reference to the previous authority. Four years earlier, Adams v. Fitzpatrick (1891) had held that New York law followed the general practice of requiring notice similar to pay periods. However, subsequent New York cases continued to follow the at-will rule into the early 20th century.

Some courts saw the rule as requiring the employee to prove an express contract for a definite term in order to maintain an action based on termination of the employment. Thus was born the U.S. at-will employment rule, which allowed discharge for no reason. This rule was adopted by all U.S. states. In 1959, the first judicial exception to the at-will rule was created by one of the California Courts of Appeal. Later, in a 1980 landmark case involving ARCO, the Supreme Court of California endorsed the rule first articulated by the Court of Appeal. The resulting civil actions by employees are now known in California as Tameny actions for wrongful termination in violation of public policy.

Since 1959, several common law and statutory exceptions to at-will employment have been created.

Common law protects an employee from retaliation if the employee disobeys an employer on the grounds that the employer ordered him or her to do something illegal or immoral. However, in the majority of cases, the burden of proof remains upon the discharged employee. No U.S. state but Montana has chosen to statutorily modify the employment at-will rule. In 1987, the Montana legislature passed the Wrongful Discharge from Employment Act (WDEA). The WDEA is unique in that, although it purports to preserve the at-will concept in employment law, it also expressly enumerates the legal basis for a wrongful discharge action. Under the WDEA, a discharge is wrongful only if: "it was in retaliation for the employee's refusal to violate public policy or for reporting a violation of public policy; the discharge was not for good cause and the employee had completed the employer's probationary period of employment; or the employer violated the express provisions of its own written personnel policy."

The doctrine of at-will employment can be overridden by an express contract or civil service statutes (in the case of government employees). As many as 34% of all U.S. employees apparently enjoy the protection of some kind of "just cause" or objectively reasonable requirement for termination that takes them out of the pure "at-will" category, including the 7.5% of unionized private-sector workers, the 0.8% of nonunion private-sector workers protected by union contracts, the 15% of nonunion private-sector workers with individual express contracts that override the at-will doctrine, and the 16% of the total workforce who enjoy civil service protections as public-sector employees.

Public policy exceptions
Under the public policy exception, an employer may not fire an employee if the termination would violate the state's public policy doctrine or a state or federal statute.

This includes retaliating against an employee for performing an action that complies with public policy (such as repeatedly warning that the employer is shipping defective airplane parts in violation of safety regulations promulgated pursuant to the Federal Aviation Act of 1958 ), as well as refusing to perform an action that would violate public policy. In this diagram, the pink states have the 'exception', which protects the employee.

, 42 U.S. states and the District of Columbia recognize public policy as an exception to the at-will rule.

The 8 states which do not have the exception are:

 * Alabama
 * Florida – three limited conditions can override an at-will agreement
 * Georgia
 * Louisiana
 * Maine
 * Nebraska
 * New York
 * Rhode Island

Implied contract exceptions

Thirty-six U.S. states (and the District of Columbia) also recognize an implied contract as an exception to at-will employment. Under the implied contract exception, an employer may not fire an employee "when an implied contract is formed between an employer and employee, even though no express, written instrument regarding the employment relationship exists." Proving the terms of an implied contract is often difficult, and the burden of proof is on the fired employee. Implied employment contracts are most often found when an employer's personnel policies or handbooks indicate that an employee will not be fired except for good cause or specify a process for firing. If the employer fires the employee in violation of an implied employment contract, the employer may be found liable for breach of contract.

Thirty-six U.S. states have an implied-contract exception. The 14 states having no such exception are:

 * Arizona
 * Delaware
 * Florida
 * Georgia
 * Indiana
 * Louisiana
 * Massachusetts
 * Missouri
 * Montana
 * North Carolina
 * Pennsylvania
 * Rhode Island
 * Texas
 * Virginia

The implied-contract theory to circumvent at-will employment must be treated with caution. In 2006, the Supreme Court of Texas in Matagorda County Hospital District v. Burwell held that a provision in an employee handbook stating that dismissal may be for cause, and requiring employee records to specify the reason for termination, did not modify an employee's at-will employment. The New York Court of Appeals, that state's highest court, also rejected the implied-contract theory to circumvent employment at will. In Anthony Lobosco, Appellant v. New York Telephone Company/NYNEX, Respondent, the court restated the prevailing rule that an employee could not maintain an action for wrongful discharge where state law recognized neither the tort of wrongful discharge, nor exceptions for firings that violate public policy, and an employee's explicit employee handbook disclaimer preserved the at-will employment relationship. In the same 2000 decision mentioned above, the Supreme Court of California held that the length of an employee's long and successful service, standing alone, is not evidence in and of itself of an implied-in-fact contract not to terminate except for cause.

"Implied-in-law" contracts

Eleven US states have recognized a breach of an implied covenant of good faith and fair dealing as an exception to at-will employment. The states are:

 * Alabama
 * Alaska
 * Arizona
 * California
 * Delaware
 * Idaho
 * Massachusetts
 * Montana
 * Nevada
 * Utah
 * Wyoming

Court interpretations of this have varied from requiring "just cause" to denial of terminations made for malicious reasons, such as terminating a long-tenured employee solely to avoid the obligation of paying the employee's accrued retirement benefits. Other court rulings have denied the exception, holding that it is too burdensome upon the court for it to have to determine an employer's true motivation for terminating an employee.

Statutory exceptions
Every state, including Montana, is at-will by default. However, Montana defaults to a probationary period, after which termination is only lawful if for good cause.

Although all U.S. states have a number of statutory protections for employees, wrongful termination lawsuits brought under statutory causes of action typically use the federal anti-discrimination statutes, which prohibit firing or refusing to hire an employee because of race, color, religion, sex, national origin, age, or handicap status. Other reasons an employer may not use to fire an at-will employee are:

Examples of federal statutes include:
 * for refusing to commit illegal acts – an employer is not permitted to fire an employee because the employee refuses to commit an act that is illegal.
 * family or medical leave – federal law permits most employees to take a leave of absence for specific family or medical problems. An employer is not permitted to fire an employee who takes family or medical leave for a reason outlined in the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993.
 * in retaliation against the employee for a protected action taken by the employee – "protected actions" include suing for wrongful termination, testifying as a witness in a wrongful termination case, or even opposing what they believe, whether they can prove it or not, to be wrongful discrimination. In the federal case of Ross v. Vanguard, Raymond Ross successfully sued his employer for firing him due to his allegations of racial discrimination.

 * The Equal Pay Act of 1963 (relating to discrimination on the basis of sex in payment of wages);
 * Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (relating to discrimination on the basis of race, color, religion, sex, or national origin);
 * The Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 (relating to certain discrimination on the basis of age with respect to persons of at least 40 years of age);
 * The Rehabilitation Act of 1973 (related to certain discrimination on the basis of handicap status);
 * The Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 (relating to certain discrimination on the basis of handicap status).
 * The National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) provides protection to employees who wish to join or form a union and those who engage in union activity. The act also protects employees who engage in a concerted activity. Most employers set forth their workplace rules and policies in an employee handbook. A common provision in those handbooks is a statement that employment with the employer is "at-will". In 2012, the National Labor Relations Board, the federal administrative agency responsible for enforcing the NLRA, instituted two cases attacking at-will employment disclaimers in employee handbooks. The NLRB challenged broadly worded disclaimers, alleging that the statements improperly suggested that employees could not act concertedly to attempt to change the at-will nature of their employment, and thereby interfered with employees' protected rights under the NLRA.

Controversy
The doctrine of at-will employment has been heavily criticized for its severe harshness upon employees. It has also been criticized as predicated upon flawed assumptions about the inherent distribution of power and information in the employee-employer relationship. On the other hand, libertarian scholars in the field of law and economics such as Professors Richard A. Epstein and Richard Posner credit employment-at-will as a major factor underlying the strength of the U.S. economy.

At-will employment has also been identified as a reason for the success of Silicon Valley as an entrepreneur-friendly environment.

In a 2009 article surveying the academic literature from both U.S. and international sources, University of Virginia law professor J.H. Verkerke explained that "although everyone agrees that raising firing costs must necessarily deter both discharges and new hiring, predictions for all other variables depend heavily on the structure of the model and assumptions about crucial parameters." The detrimental effect of raising firing costs is generally accepted in mainstream economics (particularly neoclassical economics); for example, professors Tyler Cowen and Alex Tabarrok explain in their economics textbook that employers become more reluctant to hire employees if they are uncertain about their ability to immediately fire them. However, according to contract theory, raising firing costs can sometimes be desirable when there are frictions in the working of markets. For instance, Schmitz (2004) argues that employment protection laws can be welfare-enhancing when principal-agent relationships are plagued by asymmetric information.

The first major empirical study on the impact of exceptions to at-will employment was published in 1992 by James N. Dertouzos and Lynn A. Karoly of the RAND Corporation, which found that recognizing tort exceptions to at-will could cause up to a 2.9% decline in aggregate employment and recognizing contract exceptions could cause an additional decline of 1.8%. According to Verkerke, the RAND paper received "considerable attention and publicity". Indeed, it was favorably cited in a 2010 book published by the libertarian Cato Institute.

However, a 2000 paper by Thomas Miles did not find any effect upon aggregate employment, but found that adopting the implied contract exception causes use of temporary employment to rise as much as 15%. Later work by David Autor in the mid-2000s identified multiple flaws in Miles' methodology, found that the implied contract exception decreased aggregate employment 0.8 to 1.6%, and confirmed the outsourcing phenomenon identified by Miles, but also found that the tort exceptions to at-will had no statistically significant influence. Autor and colleagues later found in 2007 that the good faith exception does reduce job flows, and seems to cause labor productivity to rise but total factor productivity to drop. In other words, employers forced to find a "good faith" reason to fire an employee tend to automate operations to avoid hiring new employees, but also suffer an impact on total productivity because of the increased difficulty in discharging unproductive employees.

Other researchers have found that at-will exceptions have a negative effect on the reemployment of terminated workers who have yet to find replacement jobs, while their opponents, citing studies that say "job security has a large negative effect on employment rates," argue that hedonic regressions on at-will exceptions show large negative effects on individual welfare with regard to home values, rents, and wages.

title: At-will employment


text:
Sadamitsu, Tokushima

Sadamitsu (貞光町) was a town located in Mima District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 5,718 and a density of 125.95 persons per km2. The total area was 45.40 km2.

On March 1, 2005, Sadamitsu, along with the town of Handa, and the village of Ichiu (all from Mima District), was merged to create the town of Tsurugi.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Sadamitsu, Tokushima


text:
Ichiu, Tokushima

Ichiu (一宇村) was a village located in Mima District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the village had an estimated population of 1,414 and a density of 14.45 persons per km2. The total area was 97.88 km2.

On March 1, 2005, Ichiu, along with the towns of Handa and Sadamitsu (all from Mima District), was merged to create the town of Tsurugi.

Geography
Ichiu is dominated by steep and relatively tall mountains. The town is situated on the upper part of the Sadamitsu River.

Education
Ichiu has one junior high school, and one elementary school, Komi Elementary. Due to lack of students, Ichiu Junior High School closed in spring 2010.

Sightseeing

 * Ichiu is known as "The Land of Giant Trees," and is home to a number of large, old trees. "Akabane Taishi no Enoki" is the oldest hackberry tree in Japan at an estimated 800 years old; it has a circumference of 8.7 meters.  Ichiu is also home to Shikoku's oldest horse chestnut and Japanese red pine.
 * Dogama is a series of pools, rapids and waterfalls formed as the Sadamitsu river flows through a slot canyon. It is notable for the deep blue-green color of its water.
 * Mount Tsurugi and the Iya Valley may be accessed via Route 438 through Ichiu.

Transportation
Japanese National Route 438 is the main road in Ichiu. Ichiu is served by local buses.

title: Ichiu, Tokushima


text:
Anabuki, Tokushima

Anabuki (穴吹町) was a town located in Mima District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 7,444 and a density of 68.37 persons per km2. The total area was 108.88 km2.

On March 1, 2005, Anabuki, along with the towns of Mima (former) and Waki, and the village of Koyadaira (all from Mima District), was merged to create the city of Mima.

title: Anabuki, Tokushima


text:
Jungang line

The Jungang line is a railway line connecting Cheongnyangni in Seoul to Moryang in Gyeongju in South Korea, traversing central South Korea from the northwest to the southeast. It is also referred to as the rail line of the Seoul Metropolitan Subway from Yongsan station to Jipyeong station. The section from Cheongnyangni to Dodam was designated as a semi-high-speed railway.

History
The Jungang line was opened along its full length between Cheongnyangni and Gyeongju on April 1, 1942. Jungang means "central" in Korean, and describes the line's route through the mountains in the east-central part of South Korea. When Korea was under Japanese rule, the line was briefly known as the Gyeonggyeong Line, referring to a line running between Seoul and Gyeongju.

On 1 December 1938 'Donghae Jungbu line' (Daegu–Haksan) was divided into three parts: Daegu Line, the Gyeongygeong line and Donghae Jungbu line, which was later merged into the Donghae Nambu Line. At the same time the Gyeonggyeong line was extended to the Ubo Station. The southern part, Gyeonggyeong Nambu Line, was opened as follows:

On the other hand, the northern part, Gyeonggyeong Bukpu Line, was constructed as follows:

On 1 April 1942, the two lines were merged into the Gyeonggyeong Line with the opening of the section Jechon–Yeongju (62.3 km). The name of the line was changed back to its present name after the end of World War II.

Following the 1961 coup, the Supreme Council for National Reconstruction started South Korea's first five-year plan, which included a construction program to complete the railway network and foster economic growth. As part of the program, in the outskirts of Seoul, a 4.9 km long avoiding line was built from Mangu to Seongbuk on the Gyeongwon Line, called the Mangu Line, which opened on December 30, 1963.

Upgrade
A part of the line was the first to be electrified with the 25 kV/60 Hz AC catenary system in South Korea: the catenary on the 155.2 km long Cheongnyangri–Jecheon section went into service on June 20, 1973. The 29.0 km long extension to Danseong followed on December 30, 1987, finally the 35.0 km long extension to Yeongju on December 23, 1988.

The entire line is foreseen for electrification and double-tracking.

Phase 1: Cheongnyangni–Deokso
The double-tracking of the 18.0 km long section from the terminus Cheongnyangni to Deokso was completed first on December 16, 2005. Work started in mid-2001 with a planned budget of 1,700 billion won.

On September 1, 2010, the South Korean government announced a strategic plan to reduce travel times from Seoul to 95% of the country to under 2 hours by 2020. As part of the plan, the Cheongnyangri–Wonju section of the Jungang Line is to be further upgraded for 230 km/h.

Phase 2: Deokso-Wonju
The first 5.7 km to Paldang was opened on December 27, 2007, the next 15.9 km to Guksu on December 29, 2008, and another 19.7 km to Yongmun on December 23, 2009. The total budget of the 90.4&km long upgrade project is 2,036.847 billion won.

The upgrade of the Deokso–Wonju section is more extensive, with significant re-alignments to enable a line speed of 150 km/h.

Phase 3: Wonju–Jecheon Electrified Double Track Line Project
Wonju–Jecheon Electrified Double Track Line Project(원주~제천 복선전철사업) was launched in 2011, connecting Seowonju station at Wonju and Bongyang station at Jecheon. Between Seowonju and Bongyang, the double-track line is to run in a new alignment, most of which will be the 25,080 metre long Musil Tunnel. Works on the tunnel are slated to commence in June 2011, for a planned start of service on the Wonju-Jecheon section in January 2021. The new line will reduce line distance by 5.5 km and cut travel time by 20 minutes. The project budget for the entire 41.1 km Wonju-Jecheon section is 1,140.061 billion won. Later, this plan was redesigned to build two tunnels instead of single long tunnel to reduce safety issue. On June 22, 2020, construction was completed and Korean National Railway(KR) started trial running. KR announced that commercial running would be started at January 5.

Plans for the double-tracking of the section from Bongyang, the terminus of the Chungbuk Line, to Jecheon, have been prepared separately.

Under the government's 2010 strategic plan for 2020, the new alignment in the Wonju–Bongyang section would be laid out for 250 km/h, the rest to Jecheon would be upgraded for 230 km/h.

Jecheon-Dodam Section
The Jecheon–Dodam section, 17.4 km in length, was in construction with a budget of 320.024 billion won for a targeted opening in 2011, and is primarily intended to improve capacity for freight transports to a cement factory. The project is completed on 31 March 2011.

Dodam-Andong Section
Started at December 2013, Dodam-Andong section is planned to be electrified double-track line. Danyang-Yeongju re-alignment line in single-track opened 13 December 2020, Yeongju-Danchon re-alignment line in single-track opened 17 December 2020. Finally Danyang-Danchon line in double-track railway is planned to open in August 2021.

Andong-Yeongcheon Section
This section is planned to open Summer 2022 as electrified single-track line. Upgrade to double-track line here is not yet planned.

Phase 5: Yeongcheon-Singyeongju
Electrification and doubling in this section were completed on December 28, 2021.

KTX service
KTX service was launched on 5 January 2021. Since Jungang Line is not a dedicated high-speed line, the new rolling-stock KTX-Eum was adopted. KTX service will be expanded to Bujeon station. The service is expected to connect Cheongnyangni and Bujeon in 3 hours and 6 minutes.

Regular rail service
Before the KTX era, trans-Korean Tongil-ho trains were in operation on the Jungang and Donghae Nambu lines, providing a 12-hour train journey from Seoul to Busan.

The entire line is served by cross-country Mugunghwa-ho trains, which are most frequent until Jecheon, where many trains continue east on the Taebaek Line. As of October 2010, the travel time from Cheongnyangni in Seoul is a minimum of 1 hour 18 minutes to Wonju, 2 hours 2 minutes to Jecheon, around 3 hours to Yeongju, 5 hours 22 minutes to Yeongcheon, and 6 hours 8 minutes to Gyeongju. Some trains continue to Bujeon station in Busan, with a total travel time of 8 hours by day and 20 minutes shorter by night.

Seoul Metropolitan Subway
Commuter rail service was launched on Jungang line (fully integrated with the Seoul Metropolitan Subway) as the upgrading of the line progressed. The service started on December 16, 2005, connecting parts of the Gyeongwon Line (from Yongsan to Hoegi Station) and the Jungang line (from Hoegi to Deokso) under the interim name Yongsan–Deokso Line.

An extension to Paldang Station on December 27, 2007, brought the official renaming of the service to Jungang line, although the line actually incorporates parts of both Gyeongwon and Jungang lines. In December 2008, the service was extended to Guksu Station, and an express train service was launched, operating twice a day during morning commuting hours. The express trains ran westward only, from Yangpyeong to Yongsan. The service was finally extended to Yongmun station in Yangpyeong County on December 23, 2009.

The western terminus was Yongsan station ever since the opening of the line. However, with the completion of Gyeongui Line extension to Yongsan on December 27, 2014, both the Jungang and Gyeongui lines were combined into the "Gyeongui-Jungang Line," and trains now run to Munsan station near the North Korean border.

Stations
This list does not include stations served only by Gyeongui-Jungang Line services.

After Jipyeong, major stations on the line include:

 * Samsan station
 * Seowonju station
 * Wonju station
 * Bongyang station, the terminus of the Chungbuk Line
 * Jecheon station, the terminus of the Taebaek Line. All Chungbuk Line trains departs from here due to the location of Bongyang Station
 * Danyang station
 * Yeongju station, the terminus of the Yeongdong and Gyeongbuk lines
 * Munsu station
 * Andong station, where most passenger trains from Seoul terminate
 * Uiseong station
 * Yeongcheon station, the terminus of the Daegu Line
 * Gyeongju station on the Donghae Line (from Gyeongju, some trains continue south on the Donghae Line to Bujeon station in Busan).

title: Jungang line


text:
Koyadaira, Tokushima

Koyadaira (木屋平村) was a village located in Mima District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the village had an estimated population of 1,210 and a density of 11.98 persons per km2. The total area was 100.97 km2.

On March 1, 2005, Koyadaira, along with the towns of Mima (former), Anabuki, and Waki (all from Mima District), was merged to create the city of Mima.

title: Koyadaira, Tokushima


text:
Mima District, Tokushima

Mima (美馬郡) is a district located in Tokushima Prefecture, Japan. As of June 1, 2019, the district has an estimated population of 7,877 and a density of 40.4 persons per km2. The total area is 194.84 km2.

Towns and villages
Two mergers left Mima District with a town and a city:
 * Tsurugi

Mergers

 * March 1, 2005:
 * The towns of Mima, Anabuki and Waki, and the village of Koyadaira merged to form the city of Mima (Mima City).
 * The towns of Handa, Sadamitsu, and the village of Ichiu merged to form the town of Tsurugi.

title: Mima District, Tokushima


text:
Mino, Tokushima

Mino (三野町) was a town located in Miyoshi District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 5,223 and a density of 121.35 persons per km2. The total area was 43.04 km2.

On March 1, 2006, Mino, along with the towns of Ikawa, Ikeda and Yamashiro, and the villages of Higashiiyayama and Nishiiyayama (all from Miyoshi District), was merged to create the city of Miyoshi.

title: Mino, Tokushima


text:
Miyoshi, Tokushima (town)

Miyoshi (三好町) was a town located in Miyoshi District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 6,069 and a density of 110.67 persons per km2. The total area was 54.84 km2.

On March 1, 2006, Miyoshi, along with the town of Mikamo (also from Miyoshi District), was merged to create the town of Higashimiyoshi.

title: Miyoshi, Tokushima (town)


text:
Talk:Joseph P. Allen

Untitled
If you're going to do these NASA profiles, could you try to make them fit into Wikipedia format a bit rather than just c&ping them from another website. Other people are going to have to do the formatting work for you if you don't. Thanks. Moncrief

Id like to get as many in as I can and then go back and format them later. I think that its more important that people have access to the information that everything being pretty. Plus with several hundred astronauts, its actually quite a bit of work just copying and pasting, plus I'm redirecting pages to point to the new ones Joseph P. Allen for example. Up to this point, very few people have actually done Astronaut profiles at all, and I think that for alot of people its more fun (and less work) to just edit an already made page than to go out and find the original information and make a new oneTheon

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A more recent picture
The June 10, 2016, issue of the Greencastle Banner Graphic has a more recent photograph of the retired astronaut at the following url:

 * https://www.bannergraphic.com/story/2312684.html

Can this photo be incorporated into the article? -- 108.71.214.235 (talk) 11:18, 6 May 2018 (UTC)

Daughter with Laura Prince
So far, we only have a citation that has the daughter claiming Joe Allen as her father. Can we get a better reference? Has Joe Allen admitted she’s his daughter? Needs a better reference. Abebenjoe (talk) 17:40, 27 June 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Joseph P. Allen


text:
Potato Head Blues

"Potato Head Blues" is a Louis Armstrong composition regarded as one of his finest recordings. It was made by Louis Armstrong and his Hot Seven for Okeh Records in Chicago, Illinois on May 10, 1927. It was recorded during a remarkably productive week in which Armstrong's usual Hot Five was temporarily expanded to seven players by the addition of tuba and drums. Some scholars have suggested that a key melodic figure in "Potato Head Blues" was picked up by Hoagy Carmichael for "Stardust." Its musical composition entered the public domain on January 1, 2023.

The recording features clarinet work by Johnny Dodds, and the stop-time solo chorus in the last half of the recording is one of Armstrong's most famous solos. The stop-time aspects of "Potato Head Blues" was derived from the tap-dancing tradition at the Sunset Café as well as the New Orleanian tradition of adding breaks and fill-ins.

Author and Director of Research Collections for the Louis Armstrong House Museum, Ricky Riccardi states that when it came to taking improvised solos, Armstrong was light years ahead of his contemporaries in every way: command of his instrument, harmonic knowledge, a swinging rhythmic feel and put simply, the ability to "tell a story." 1927’s "Potato Head Blues,” with the expanded Hot Seven, again represents a joyous example of New Orleans polyphony until Armstrong steps up a takes a stop-time solo that still sounds fresh and modern today, defining the art of the improvised solo in not just jazz but all forms of popular music.

Critic Thomas Ward called this recording "one of the most astonishing accomplishments in all of twentieth century music." Ralph Ellison described it as "a classic demonstration of African-American elegance."

In Woody Allen's 1979 film, Manhattan, the character Isaac Davis (played by Allen) lists Armstrong's recording of "Potato Head Blues" as one of the reasons that life is worth living.

title: Potato Head Blues


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Housewife

A housewife (also known as a homemaker or a stay-at-home mother/mom/mum) is a woman whose role is running or managing her family's home—housekeeping, which may include caring for her children; cleaning and maintaining the home; making, buying and/or mending clothes for the family; buying, cooking, and storing food for the family; buying goods that the family needs for everyday life; partially or solely managing the family budget—and who is not employed outside the home (e.g., a career woman). The male equivalent is the househusband.

The Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines a housewife as a married woman who is in charge of her household. The British Chambers's Twentieth Century Dictionary (1901) defines a housewife as "the mistress of a household; a female domestic manager [...]". In British English, a small sewing kit is also sometimes called a huswif, housewife or hussif.

In the Western world, stereotypical gender roles, particularly for women, were challenged by the feminist movement in the latter 20th century to allow some women to choose whether to be housewives or to have a career. (However financial barriers such as expensive childcare, disability can impede either). Changing economics also increased the prevalence of two-income households.

Sociology and economics
Some feminists and non-feminist economists (particularly proponents of historical materialism, the methodological approach of Marxist historiography) note that the value of housewives' work is ignored in standard formulations of economic output, such as GDP or employment figures. A housewife typically works many unpaid hours a week and often depends on income from her husband's work for financial support. The importance of housewives' work is sometimes disregarded in standard economic figures such as GDP or employment data because of how these metrics are measured. Housewives' work is excluded from GDP statistics since it is not exchanged in the market and generates no money.

Some economists state that housewives frequently work long hours doing a variety of tasks such as cooking, cleaning, childcare, eldercare, and managing family finances. These chores are critical for maintaining families and supporting other family members' productive activities, such as paid jobs.

Traditional societies
In societies of hunters and gatherers, like the traditional society of the Aboriginal Australian people, the men often hunted animals for meat while the women gather other foods such as grain, fruit and vegetables. One of the reasons for this division of labor is that it is much easier to look after a baby while gathering food than while hunting a fast-moving animal. Even when homes were very simple, and there were few possessions to maintain, men and women did different jobs.

In rural societies where the main source of work is farming, women have also taken care of gardens and animals around the house, generally helping men with heavy work when a job needed to be done quickly, usually because of the season.

Examples of the heavy work involving farming that a traditional housewife in a rural society would do are:

 * Picking fruit when it is ripe for market
 * Planting rice in a paddy field
 * Harvesting and stacking grain
 * Cutting hay for animals

In rural studies, the word housewife is occasionally used as a term for "a woman who does the majority of the chores within a farm's compound", as opposed to field and livestock work..

Whether the productive contributions of women were considered "work" varied by time and culture. Throughout much of the 20th century, the women working on a family farm, no matter how much work they did, would be counted in the US census as being unemployed, whereas the men doing the same or (even less) work were counted as being employed as farmers.

Modern society
A research based on 7733 respondents who were aged 18–65 and legally married women in 20 European countries showed men and women share less housework in countries that publicly support gender equality. On the contrary, women did more housework than men.

Full-time homemakers in modern times usually share income produced by members of the household who are employed; wage-earners working full-time benefit from the unpaid work provided by the homemaker; otherwise, the performance of such work (childcare, cooking, housecleaning, teaching, transporting, etc.) could be a household expense. US states with community property recognize joint ownership of marital property and income, and, unless a prenuptial or postnuptial agreement is followed, most marital households in the US operate as a joint financial team and file taxes jointly.

Education
The method, necessity, and extent of educating housewives has been debated since at least the 20th century.

In China
In imperial China (excluding periods of the Tang dynasty), women were bound to homemaking by the doctrines of Confucianism and cultural norms. Generally, girls did not attend school and, therefore, spent the day doing household chores (for example, cooking and cleaning) with their mothers and female relatives. In most cases, the husband was alive and able to work, so the wife was almost always forbidden to take a job and mainly spent her days at home or doing other domestic tasks. As Confucianism spread across East Asia, this social norm was also observed in Korea, Japan and Vietnam. As foot binding became common after the Song Dynasty, many women lost the ability to work outside.

After the founding of the Republic of China in 1911, these norms were gradually loosened and many women were able to enter the workforce. Shortly thereafter, a growing number of females began to be permitted to attend schools. Starting with the rule of the People's Republic of China in 1949, all women were freed from compulsory family roles. During the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution, some women even worked in fields that were traditionally reserved for males.

In modern China, housewives are no longer as common, especially in the largest cities and other urban areas. Many modern women work simply because one person's income is insufficient to support the family, a decision made easier by the fact that it is common for Chinese grandparents to watch after their grandchildren until they are old enough to go to school. Nonetheless, the number of Chinese housewives has been steadily rising in recent years as China's economy expands.

In India
In a traditional Hindu family, the head of the family is the Griha Swami (Lord of the House) and his wife is the Griha Swamini (Lady of the House). The Sanskrit words Grihast and Grihasta perhaps come closest to describing the entire gamut of activities and roles undertaken by the homemaker. Grih is the Sanskrit root for house or home; Grihasta and Grihast are derivatives of this root, as is Grihastya. The couple lives in the state called Grihastashram or family system and together they nurture the family and help its members (both young and old) through the travails of life. The woman who increments the family tree (bears children) and protects those children is described as the Grihalakshmi (the wealth of the house) and Grihashoba (the glory of the house). The elders of the family are known as Grihshreshta. The husband or wife may engage in countless other activities which may be social, religious, political or economic in nature for the ultimate welfare of the family and society. However, their unified status as joint householders is the nucleus from within which they operate in society. The traditional status of a woman as a homemaker anchors them in society and provides meaning to their activities within the social, religious, political and economic framework of their world. However, as India undergoes modernisation, many women are in employment, particularly in the larger cities such as Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai, Hyderabad and Bangalore, where most women will work. The role of the male homemaker is not traditional in India, but it is socially accepted in urban areas. According to one sociologist's study in 2006, twelve percent of unmarried Indian men would consider being a homemaker according to a survey conducted by Business Today. One sociologist, Sushma Tulzhapurkar, called this a shift in Indian society, saying that a decade ago, "it was an unheard concept and not to mention socially unacceptable for men to give up their jobs and remain at home." However, only 22.7 percent of Indian women are part of the labor force, compared to 51.6 percent of men; thus, women are more likely to be caregivers because most do not work outside the home.

Mahila Shakti Samajik Samiti is a women's society composed mainly of housewives. Sadhna Sinha is current president of the samiti.

In North Korea
Until around 1990, the North Korean government required every able-bodied male to be employed by some state enterprise. However, some 30% of married women of working age were allowed to stay at home as full-time housewives (fewer than in some countries in the same region like South Korea, Japan and Taiwan; more than in the former Soviet Union, Mainland China and Nordic countries like Sweden, and about the same as in the United States ). In the early 1990s, after an estimated 900,000-3,500,000 people perished in the North Korean famine, the old system began to fall apart. In some cases women began by selling homemade food or household items they could do without. Today at least three-quarters of North Korean market vendors are women. A joke making the rounds in Pyongyang goes: 'What do a husband and a pet dog have in common?' Answer: 'Neither works nor earns money, but both are cute, stay at home and can scare away burglars.'

In Sweden
The term hemmafru ('housewife') emerged in the 1920s, when it was used in contrast to yrkeskvinna, 'professional woman'. Between 1930 and 1960, the number of housewives in Sweden increased from 930,000 to 1,148,000. This development was linked to the transition from an agrarian to an industrial society. From the 1930s onwards, the number of people employed in agriculture declined, and more and more people moved from rural areas to the cities. At the same time, the number of married couples increased. More and more people, mainly men, were earning a living outside the household, primarily through wage employment in industry. Women became housewives, with special responsibility for children.

A lyxhustru ('luxury or pampered wife') was a housewife, that didn't do any work at home, but rather let hired people cook, clean, take care of the children, and so on. Common in the upper class, rarely seen today.

A common attitude was to accept the gender roles of the time as self-evident, but to advocate different kinds of improvements for women working at home. More radical people argued that the housewife was trapped in her economic dependence on her husband, that it was unfair that she was not paid for her work and that she was deprived of opportunities to stimulate and develop her abilities. They argued that the housewife, the woman, was seen as a person without her own understanding and capacity and was prevented from participating in society at large.

In the early 1960s, there were lively discussions about the role of women in society, their right to education and work, and their importance in raising children and the family. In an influential 1961 article entitled Kvinnans villkorliga frigivning ('The Probation of Women'), Eva Moberg, one of the most influential commentators, described the idea of the stay-at-home wife as an outmoded remnant of peasant society.

Moberg pushed for political reforms to improve women's conditions in order to liberate women. By working professionally, women's identity would change. She would become economically independent, which would also liberate men from the traditional male role.

Another debater,, described the fact that many women did not work as economically indefensible. In a book of debates, Boëthius posed the question "Can we afford wives?" Women, Boëthius argued, represented an underutilized reserve of labor that, if tapped, could significantly increase the purchasing power and standard of living of households. Boëthius built on the ideas of the economist Per Holmberg, as expressed in the book Kynne eller kön? in 1966.

From the late 1960s onwards, the number of housewives steadily declined. Many took paid work in schools, health, and social care as the public sector expanded. More than 500,000 housewives entered the workforce between the late 1960s and early 1980s. Between 1968 and 1970 alone, the number of newly employed women in Sweden increased by 100,000 each year.

A combination of labour demand and gender equality concerns led to several policy reforms that made it easier for women to work and for families to care for their children together. In the 1930s and 1940s, nine out of ten Swedish children had a mother who worked at home while they were growing up; by the 1980s, fewer than one in ten children had a mother who was a housewife until they turned 16. However, women with children up to pre-school age generally continued to work at home until subsidized daycare was introduced on a larger scale from around the mid-1970s.

Developments from 1960 onwards were very much a result of government action. Women's entry into the labour market was encouraged by the abolition of joint taxation and the expansion of childcare facilities. Joint taxation of spouses was abolished in 1971. The report of the so-called "childcare inquiry" () on pre-school education in 1972 was the starting point for the expansion of public childcare in the early years. By the end of the 1970s, 350,000 children had been enrolled in daycare centers. The fact that women were gainfully employed was described by leading commentators as a win-win situation for children too. The idea was that children had more difficulty developing independence if they spent their days in an overprotected home environment than if they were in a daycare center with qualified staff.

The reformers were opposed by more conservative groups, who believed that women's role was to look after the home, bring up children and support the working man. One organization that sought to raise public opinion against the reforms was Rädda familjen, 'Save the Family'. It began its work in January 1970, protesting what it saw as an attempt to dismantle the structure of the family through Marxist reforms. In the 1970 petition campaign, Rädda familjen collected 63,000 signatures to which it attached its letter of protest against the family policy reform proposals. The organization published books of debate in polemics with reform advocates during the early 1970s.

One of the group's leading figures was Brita Nordström. Nordström rejected the idea that gender roles are learned behaviours and argued that women's role as housewives was natural. While the woman was the emotional leader of the family, the one who instilled harmony and stability, the man's job was to provide and defend and to establish the family's position in society. Psychologist Kristina Humble was another leading figure in the movement. In a chapter of the debate book Rätt till familjeliv 'The Right to Family Life', Humble argued that the housewife's desire for paid employment was based on naive demands for the satisfaction of desire. She argued that differences in gender roles were caused by genetic differences, through which men were more predisposed to struggle and self-assertion. Humble paid particular attention to the plight of children as more women entered the workforce, and argued against the expansion of public childcare, believing that staying in daycare would cause an increase in juvenile delinquency and mental illness among children.

In today's Sweden, where most women are educated and gainfully employed, there is seldom talk about being a housewife without being on parental leave (or maternity leave, and for men, paternity leave). During this period, parents receive financial compensation through the. Traditional housewives are now quite rare in Sweden.

15th-17th centuries
An example of a person described as a "house wife" (spelt as "huswyfe") can be seen in a record of 1452, where Elizabeth Banham of Dunstable, Beds, is thus described.

In Great Britain, the lives of housewives of the 17th century consisted of separate, distinct roles for males and females within the home. Typically, men's work consisted of one specific task, such as ploughing. While men had a sole duty, women were responsible for various, timely tasks, such as milking cows, clothing production, cooking, baking, housekeeping, childcare, and so on. Women faced the responsibility not only of domestic duties and childcare, but agricultural production. Due to their long list of responsibilities, females faced long work days with little to no sleep at busy times of year. Their work is described as, "the housewife's tasks 'have never an end', combining a daily cycle with seasonal work".

19th-20th centuries
In 1911, 90% of wives were not employed in the work force. Ann Oakley, author of Woman's Work: The Housewife, Past, and Present, describes the role of a 19th-century housewife as "a demeaning one, consisting of monotonous, fragmented work which brought no financial remuneration, let alone any recognition." As a middle class housewife, typical duties consisted of organizing and maintaining a home that emphasized the male breadwinner's financial success. Throughout this time period, the role of the housewife was not only accepted in society, but a sought-after desire. Eventually, women, due to the difficulty and consuming nature of these tasks, began to focus solely on one profession. By focusing on a particular niche, women spent more time outside of the home, where they could flourish independently.

As a housewife in the United Kingdom, females were encouraged to be precise and systematic when following duties. In 1869, R. K. Phillip published a household manual, titled, The Reason Why: The Domestic Science. The manual taught women how to perform certain duties, as well as the necessity behind their household chores. Cookbooks and manuals provided exact measurements and instructions for baking and cooking, written in an eloquent manner. Complicated recipes required a knowledge of math – arithmetic, fractions, and ratios. Cookbooks and household manuals were written for women, therefore, eliminating the idea of men participating in domestic duties.

In most cases, women chose to work in the home. Work outside of the home was deemed unattractive, difficult, and daunting. Since the female was heavily involved with her children and domestic duties, certain risks were associated with a woman's absence. For example, a life in the labor force doubled a women's average workload. Not only was she expected to financially provide, but she was fully responsible for caring and raising her children. If the mother chose to work, child care costs began to add up, therefore, decreasing the incentives for the woman to hold a demanding job. If a working mother could not afford to pay for child care, this often resulted in her appointing her older children to act as the younger children's caretakers. While this was financially efficient, it was looked down upon by society and other housewives. In this time period, many believed that younger children were at risk for injuries or other physical harm if cared for by older siblings.

Within this time period, women became involved with consumer politics, through organizations such as the Co-operative Union. Organizations allowed women to get involved, as well as develop an understanding of feminism. In 1833, the Women's Co-operative Union was established. Margaret Llewelyn Davies, one of the organization's key female leaders, spoke out on topics regarding divorce, maternity benefits, and birth control. Similarly, Clementina Black helped establish a consumer's league, which attempted to boycott organizations that did not pay women fair wages. Compared to earlier centuries, women found a voice in politics and began understanding the concept of feminism. Instead of focusing purely on household and childcare duties, women slowly merged into the public sector of society.

In recent years, accompanied by the respect of housewives, the UK is paying more attention to the value created by housewife. According to the Office for National Statistics (ONS), childcare accounts for 61.5% of unpaid work's value at home, the rest includes 16.1% in transport, 9,7% in providing and maintaining a home, others in giving care to adults, the preparation of meals as well as clothing and laundry. The total unpaid work at home was valued at £38,162 per UK household in 2014, according to ONS.

Two British magazines for housewives have been published: The Housewife (London: Offices of "The Million", 1886[1900]) and Housewife (London: Hultons, 1939–68). "On a Tired Housewife" is an anonymous poem about the housewife's lot: Here lies a poor woman who was always tired, She lived in a house where help wasn't hired: Her last words on earth were: "Dear friends, I am going To where there's no cooking, or washing, or sewing, For everything there is exact to my wishes, For where they don't eat there's no washing of dishes. I'll be where loud anthems will always be ringing, But having no voice I'll be quit of the singing. Don't mourn for me now, don't mourn for me never, I am going to do nothing for ever and ever."

In the United States
About 50% of married U.S. women in 1978 continued working after giving birth; in 1997, the number grew to 61%. The number of housewives increased in the 2000s. During the Great Recession, a decrease in average income made two incomes more necessary, and the percentage of married U.S. women who kept working after giving birth increased to 69% by 2009. As of 2014, according to the Pew Research Center, more than one in four mothers are stay-at-home in the U.S.

Housewives in America were typical in the middle of the 20th century among middle-class and upper-class white families. Black families, recent immigrants, and other minority groups tended not to benefit from the union wages, government policies, and other factors that led to white wives being able to stay at home during these decades. A 2005 study estimated that 31% of working mothers leave the workplace for an average of 2.2 years, most often precipitated by the birth of the second child. This gives her time to concentrate full-time on child-rearing and to avoid the high cost of childcare, particularly through the early years (before school begins at age five). There is considerable variability within the stay-at-home mother population with regard to their intent to return to the paid workforce. Some plan to work from their homes, some will do part-time work, some intend to return to part- or full-time work when their children have reached school age, some may increase their skill sets by returning to higher education, and others may find it financially feasible to refrain from entering (or re-entering) the paid workforce. Research has linked feelings of "maternal guilt and separation anxiety" to returning to the workforce.

Similarly, there is considerable variation in the stay-at-home mother's attitude towards domestic work not related to caring for children. Some may embrace a traditional role of housewife by cooking and cleaning in addition to caring for children. Others see their primary role as that of childcare providers, supporting their children's physical, intellectual, emotional, and spiritual development while sharing or outsourcing other aspects of caring for the home.

History
Although men have generally been thought of as the primary or sole breadwinners for families in recent history, the division of labor between men and women in traditional societies required both genders to take an active role in obtaining resources outside the domestic sphere. Prior to agriculture and animal husbandry, reliable food sources were a scarce commodity. To achieve optimal nutrition during this time, it was imperative that both men and women focus their energies on hunting and gathering as many edible foods as possible to sustain themselves on a daily basis. Lacking the technologies necessary to store and preserve food, it was critical for men and women to seek out and obtain fresh food sources almost continuously. These nomadic tribes used gender differences to their advantage, allowing men and women to use their complementary adaptations and survival strategies to find the most diverse and nutritionally complete foods available. For example, in the context of daily foraging, childcare itself was not a hindrance to women's productivity; rather, performing this task with her children both increased the overall efficiency of the activity (more people participating equals a greater yield of edible roots, berries, nuts, and plants), and functioned as an important hands-on lesson in survival skills for each child. By sharing the burden of daily sustenance – and developing specialized gender niches – humans not only ensured their continued survival, but also paved the way for later technologies to evolve and grow through experience.

In the 19th century, more and more women in industrialising countries stopped being homemakers and farm wives and began to undertake paid work in various industries outside the home and away from the family farm, in addition to the work they did at home. At this time many big factories were set up, first in England, then in other European countries and the United States. Many thousands of young women went to work in factories; most factories employed women in roles different from those occupied by men. There were also women who worked at home for low wages while caring for their children at the same time.

Being a housewife was only realistic among middle-class and upper-class families. In working-class families, it was typical for women to work. In the 19th century, a third to half of married women in England were recorded in the census as working for outside pay, and some historians believe this to be an undercount. Among married couples that could afford it, the wife often managed the housework, gardening, cooking, and children without working outside the home. Women were often very proud to be a good homemaker and have their house and children respectably taken care of. Other women, like Florence Nightingale, pursued non-factory professions even though they were wealthy enough that they did not need the income. Some professions open to women were also restricted to unmarried women (e.g., teaching).

In the early 20th century, both world wars (World War I, 1914–18; and World War II, 1939-45) were fought by the men of many countries. (There were also special roles in the armed forces carried out by women, e.g. nursing, transport, etc. and in some countries women soldiers also.) While the men were at war, many of their womenfolk went to work outside the home to keep the countries running. Women, who were also homemakers, worked in factories, businesses and farms. At the end of both wars, many men had died, and others returned injured. Some men were able to return to their previous positions, but some women stayed in the workforce as well. In addition to this surge in women entering the workforce, convenience food and domestic technology were also rising in popularity, both of which saved women time that they may have spent performing domestic tasks, and enabled them to instead pursue other interests.

The governments of communist countries in the early and middle 20th century, such as the Soviet Union and China, encouraged married women to keep working after giving birth. There were very few housewives in communist countries until free market economic reform in the 1990s, which led to a resurgence in the number of housewives. Conversely, in the Western World of the 1950s, many women quit their jobs to be housewives after giving birth. Only 11% of married women in the US kept working after giving birth.

In the 1960s in western countries, it was becoming more accepted for a woman to work until she got married, when it was a widely held belief that she should stop work and become a housewife. Many women believed that this was not treating men and women equally and that women should do whatever jobs they were able to do, whether they were married or not. The Feminine Mystique, a 1963 book by Betty Friedan which is widely credited with sparking the beginning of second-wave feminism in the US, discussed, among other things, the lives of housewives from around the US who were unhappy despite living in material comfort and being married with children. At this time, many women were becoming more educated. As a result of this increased education, some women were able to earn more than their husbands. In very rare cases, the husband would remain at home to raise their young children while the wife worked. In 1964, a US stamp was issued honoring homemakers for the 50th anniversary of the Smith-Lever Act.

In the late 20th century, in many countries, it became harder for a family to live on a single wage. Subsequently, many women were required to return to work following the birth of their children. However, the number of male homemakers began gradually increasing in the late 20th century, especially in developed Western nations. In 2010, the number of male homemakers in the US had reached its highest point: 2.2 million. Though the male role is subject to many stereotypes, and men may have difficulties accessing parenting benefits, communities, and services targeted at mothers, it became more socially acceptable by the 2000s. The male homemaker was more regularly portrayed in the media by the 2000s, especially in the US. However, in some regions of the world, the male homemaker remains a culturally unacceptable role.

Self employed
Examples of notable housewives include:
 * England
 * Irene Lovelock (1896-1974), the founder of the British Housewives' League
 * Elizabeth Rebecca Ward (1880-1978), wrote under the pen-name of Fay Inchfawn
 * Germany
 * Johanne Walhorn (1911 - 1995), a lawyer who re-established the German Housewives Association in Münster
 * India
 * Sudha Murty (b. 1950), engineering teacher, writer and social worker
 * The Netherlands
 * Fanny Blankers-Koen (1918-2004), a Dutch athlete known as "The Flying Housewife"
 * Norway
 * Alette Engelhart (1896-1984), a Norwegian housewives' leader
 * United States
 * Martha B. Alexander (b. 1939), a former Democratic member of the North Carolina General Assembly
 * Margaret Dayton (b. 1949), a politician from Utah
 * Geanie Morrison (b. 1950), American politician
 * Terry Rakolta (b. 1944), American activist
 * Ann Romney (b. 1949), American equestrian, author, and philanthropist
 * Margot Seitelman (1928 – 1989), the first executive director of American Mensa
 * Barbara Stafford (b. 1953), American politician

Songs about the housewife's lot
The housewife's work has often been the subject of folk songs. Examples include: "The Housewife's Lament" (from the diary of Sarah Price, Ottawa, Illinois, mid 19th century); "Nine Hours a Day" (1871 English song, anonymous); "A Woman's Work is Never Done", or "A Woman Never Knows When her Day's Work is Done"; "The Labouring Woman"; "How Five and Twenty Shillings were Expended in a Week" (English popular songs); and "A Woman's Work" (London music hall song by Sue Pay, 1934). "The Housewife's Alphabet" by Peggy Seeger was issued as a Blackthorne Records single in 1977 with "My Son".

title: Housewife


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Ikeda, Tokushima

Ikeda (池田町) was a town located in Miyoshi District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 16,236 and a density of 96.76 persons per km2. The total area was 167.8 km2.

On March 1, 2006, Ikeda, along with the towns of Ikawa, Mino and Yamashiro, and the villages of Higashiiyayama and Nishiiyayama (all from Miyoshi District), was merged to create the city of Miyoshi.

title: Ikeda, Tokushima


text:
Robert Broadnax Glenn

Robert Brodnax Glenn (August 11, 1854 – May 16, 1920) was an American lawyer, prosecuting attorney, U.S. Attorney, and politician who served as a state senator and as the 51st Governor of the U.S. state of North Carolina from 1905 to 1909.

Early life and career
A native of Rockingham County, North Carolina, Glenn was born to Chalmers Lanier Glenn and Annie S. Dodge. He graduated from Davidson College in 1874(?), then attended the University of Virginia law school for a year then studied law under Chief Justice Richmond Mumford Pearson. He began practicing law in Stokes County before moving to Winston-Salem, where he joined the law firm of Glenn, Manly & Henderson, a predecessor firm to the modern-day Womble Carlyle Sandridge & Rice PLLC. In 1885, he became prosecuting attorney for the state's ninth district. From 1893 until 1897, he served as United States Attorney for the Western District of North Carolina. Glenn was elected to the North Carolina Senate in 1898.

Governor
Glenn was known as the "Prohibition Governor" for his successful 1908 campaign to ban liquor statewide. Glenn was also interested in conservation, as evidenced by his remark at the National Governors Association meeting of 1908: "our forests are being denuded...the failure of the People throughout the States to protect the great forest industry of our country...is one of the chief sources if not the greatest source of all [natural resource waste]...Our People, regardless of the future, have been living only for the present, thinking of themselves and not of their children and their children's children."

In 1906, a mob in Salisbury, North Carolina lynched five black men who were accused of murdering a white family. Governor Glenn ordered three companies of state militia to the scene, but it was too late; the five were already dead. The next day, Glenn, at the sheriff's request, sent the military companies to Salisbury to guard the jail now holding one alleged lyncher. Glenn went to Salisbury himself two days later to testify in the trial of the soon to be convicted lynching "leader," George Hall. Eventually, the lynch mob leader was tried and sentenced to fifteen years in prison, the first such conviction for lynching in North Carolina history. Hall, however, was pardoned by Governor Kitchin before serving the full term. Public outcry over the lynching and concern about its negative effect on North Carolina's business prospects prompted Glenn to send out an executive order to all county sheriffs and all state militia companies to inform him immediately of any rumor of a lynching in the future, and to shoot to kill if necessary to guard prisoners threatened by mob violence.

In 1908, while still serving as governor, Glenn was ordained as an elder at First Presbyterian Church (Raleigh, North Carolina), in what was believed to be the first instance of a sitting governor of the state assuming an ordained office in any church.

Legacy
Glenn was a resident of Winston-Salem, North Carolina. Robert B. Glenn High School in Kernersville, North Carolina is named after the former governor.

His boyhood home, Lower Sauratown Plantation, was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1984.

title: Robert Broadnax Glenn


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Yamashiro, Tokushima

Yamashiro (山城町) was a town located in Miyoshi District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 5,220 and a density of 39.67 persons per km2. The total area was 131.59 km2.

On March 1, 2006, Yamashiro, along with the towns of Ikawa, Ikeda and Mino, and the villages of Higashiiyayama and Nishiiyayama (all from Miyoshi District), was merged to create the city of Miyoshi.

title: Yamashiro, Tokushima


text:
Ikawa, Tokushima

Ikawa (井川町) was a town located in Miyoshi District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 5,044 and a density of 113.35 persons per km2. The total area was 44.5 km2.

On March 1, 2006, Ikawa, along with the towns of Ikeda, Mino and Yamashiro, and the villages of Higashiiyayama and Nishiiyayama (all from Miyoshi District), was merged to create the city of Miyoshi.

title: Ikawa, Tokushima


text:
Mikamo, Tokushima

Mikamo (三加茂町) was a town located in Miyoshi District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the town had an estimated population of 9,926 and a density of 146.53 persons per km2. The total area was 67.74 km2.

On March 1, 2006, Mikamo, along with the town of Miyoshi (also from Miyoshi District), was merged to create the town of Higashimiyoshi.

title: Mikamo, Tokushima


text:
Higashiiyayama, Tokushima

Higashiiyayama (東祖谷山村) was a village located in Miyoshi District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the village had an estimated population of 2,114 and a density of 9.25 persons per km2. The total area was 228.62 km2.

On March 1, 2006, Higashiiyayama, along with the towns of Ikawa, Ikeda, Mino and Yamashiro, and the village of Nishiiyayama (all from Miyoshi District), was merged to create the city of Miyoshi.

Geography
Situated near the border with Kōchi Prefecture, it has much precipitation, mostly due to the East Asian rainy season. In the winter, there is much snowfall in this mountainous town. Mount Tsurugi, the second highest mountain in Shikoku at 1955 metres is located here.

 * Mountains: Mount Tsurugi, Miune
 * Rivers: Iya River

Surrounding municipalities

 * Tokushima Prefecture
 * Mima
 * Tsurugi
 * Mikamo
 * Nishiiyayama
 * Naka
 * Kōchi Prefecture
 * Ōtoyo
 * Monobe

title: Higashiiyayama, Tokushima


text:
Nishiiyayama, Tokushima

Nishiiyayama (西祖谷山村) was a village located in Miyoshi District, Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of 2003, the village had an estimated population of 1,840 and a density of 17.35 persons per km2. The total area was 106.06 km2.

On March 1, 2006, Nishiiyayama, along with the towns of Ikawa, Ikeda, Mino and Yamashiro, and the village of Higashiiyayama (all from Miyoshi District), was merged to create the city of Miyoshi.

title: Nishiiyayama, Tokushima


text:
David Rumsey Historical Map Collection

The David Rumsey Historical Map Collection is a large private map collection with over 150,000 maps and cartographic items. The collection was created by David Rumsey who, after making his fortune in real estate, focused initially on collecting 18th- and 19th century maps of North and South America, as this era "saw the rise of modern cartography."

After 2004 Rumsey expanded the collection to include maps from the 16th through 21st centuries, covering more of the world. In 2008 the collection's website was cited as one of only seven websites with freely available "skillfully compiled carto-bibliographic entries with corresponding early-map images." At that time the site comprised 16,000 digital images.

In February 2009, David Rumsey announced that the entire collection would be donated to Stanford University, including 150,000 maps and their digital images, as well as the database used to track the images. Stanford houses the collection in the new David Rumsey Map Center which opened in the main library in 2016. The website (where the images are posted on-line) was to continue as a separate public resource.

As of February 2022, there were over 114,000 digitized items available through the website, hundreds of which were hosted through Google Earth layers. Select maps are also featured at the Rumsey Maps island in Second Life. as well as 2D and 3D GIS. A new MapRank search tool has been added enabling geographical searching of about 60,000 maps from the collection by map location and coverage. In addition, a georeferencing tool has been added that allows site users to georeference and display any of the maps in the collection. The website has additional viewers from Luna Imaging, Inc, including the LUNA browser which doesn’t require any special plug-ins or software to view the collection, zoom into image detail, create slide shows, media groups, or presentations.

The website also has a blog listing new additions to the collection, featured maps, news, videos, and related sites.

When a document is found on the website, it is usually accompanied by extensive metadata, such as author, date of publication, short title, type, dimensions, note(s), area, full title of the document, full title of the publication it may be part of with notes and download options.

title: David Rumsey Historical Map Collection


text:
Miyoshi District, Tokushima

Miyoshi (三好郡) is a district located in Tokushima Prefecture, Japan.

As of June 1, 2019, the district has an estimated population of 14,025 and a density of 115 persons per km2. The total area is 122.48 km2.

Towns and villages

 * Higashimiyoshi

Mergers

 * On March 1, 2006 the towns of Ikawa, Ikeda, Mino and Yamashiro, and the villages of Higashiiyayama and Nishiiyayama merged to form the new city of Miyoshi. (Merger Information Page)
 * On March 1, 2006 the towns of Mikamo and Miyoshi merged to form the new town of Higashimiyoshi. (Merger Information Page)

title: Miyoshi District, Tokushima


text:
Talk:Conrad Hilton, Jr

Fair enough. The way it was written was ambigious since it was all one sentence and it wasn't clear from context if the father or the son had married Elizabeth Taylor. Putting the entry into two sentences on two lines does make a simple "He" unambigious, though. Thanks. Moncrief

I changed the location of the page about the region known as the Los Angeles Westside. I don't know if your link needs to go there or stay pointed to the district called West Los Angeles.

title: Talk:Conrad Hilton, Jr


text:
Metropolitan Borough of Walsall

The Metropolitan Borough of Walsall is a metropolitan borough in the West Midlands, England. It is named after its largest settlement, Walsall, but covers a larger area which also includes Aldridge, Bloxwich, Brownhills, Darlaston, Pelsall and Willenhall.

The borough had an estimated population of 254,500 in 2007.

The borough was created on 1 April 1974 under the Local Government Act 1972. It is bounded on the west by the City of Wolverhampton, the south by the Metropolitan Borough of Sandwell, to the south east by the City of Birmingham, and by the Staffordshire districts of Lichfield, Cannock Chase and South Staffordshire to the east, north and northwest respectively. Most of the borough is highly industrialised and densely populated, but areas around the north and east of the borough are open space.

History
Prior to 1966, the area that would later become the metropolitan borough of Walsall was governed by five smaller local authorities: The four urban districts were all within the administrative county of Staffordshire, in a two-tier structure with Staffordshire County Council providing county-level services. Walsall itself was a self-governing county borough, independent from the county council, but was still deemed to be part of Staffordshire for ceremonial purposes.
 * Aldridge Urban District
 * Brownhills Urban District
 * Darlaston Urban District
 * Walsall County Borough
 * Willenhall Urban District

A review of local government in the West Midlands area was carried out under the Local Government Act 1958, culminating in the West Midlands Review Order 1965, which merged many of the districts in the area with effect from 1 April 1966. Darlaston and Willenhall were both absorbed into the county borough of Walsall, whilst the two urban districts of Brownhills and Aldridge merged to become Aldridge-Brownhills Urban District. At the same time, there were also more minor boundary adjustments with neighbouring areas around the edges of the new districts.

The new arrangements were relatively short-lived. Under the Local Government Act 1972, local government in the area was reviewed again, with Walsall County Borough and Aldridge-Brownhills Urban District merging to become the Metropolitan Borough of Walsall on 1 April 1974. On the same date the area became part of the new metropolitan county of West Midlands. For the next twelve years there was a two-tier structure in place, with West Midlands County Council providing higher county-level services. The county council was abolished in 1986.

There were adjustments to some of the boundaries between Walsall and its neighbours in 1994.

Parliamentary constituencies
Since the 2024 general election, the residents of the Metropolitan Borough of Walsall are represented in the British Parliament by Members of Parliament (MPs) for four separate parliamentary constituencies. Two, Walsall and Bloxwich and Aldridge-Brownhills fall wholly within the borough and are represented by Valerie Vaz (Labour) and Wendy Morton (Conservative) respectively. Parts of the borough are within the constituencies of Wolverhampton North East and Wolverhampton South East, represented by Sureena Brackenridge and Pat McFadden (both Labour) respectively.

Prior to Brexit in 2020, the borough was part of the West Midlands constituency in the European Parliament. The West Midlands region elected seven MEPs.

Council
In 1974, Walsall Metropolitan Borough Council was created to administer the new metropolitan borough. Elections to the council take place in three out of every four years, with one-third of the seats being contested at each election. Between its formation in 1974 and the 2003 election, the council varied between control by the Labour Party, and where no one party had an overall majority. From 2003 to 2011 the Conservative Party then held a majority of councillors. At the 2011 election the Conservative Party lost five seats, while Labour gained eight, and afterwards no party held a majority. At the 2019 election, the Conservative Party regained control of the council.

Demography
At the time of the United Kingdom Census 2001, according to the Office for National Statistics, the Metropolitan Borough of Walsall had a total resident population of 253,499, of which 123,189 (48.6%) were male and 130,310 (51.4%) were female, with 101,333 households. The Borough occupied 10395 ha at the time of the 2001 census.

Its population density was 22.79 people per hectare compared with an average of 28.41 across the West Midlands metropolitan county. The median age of the population was 37, compared with 36 within the West Midlands metropolitan county and 37 across England and Wales.

The majority of the population of the Metropolitan Borough of Walsall were born in England (91.77%); 1.42% were born elsewhere within the United Kingdom, 0.82% within the rest of the European Union, and 6.00% elsewhere in the world.

Data on religious beliefs across the borough in the 2001 census show that 72.1% declared themselves to be Christian, 10.0% said they held no religion, and 5.4% reported themselves as Muslim. Whereas in the 2011 Census 59% declared themselves to be Christian, 26% said they held no religion or did not state their religion, and 8.2% reported themselves as Muslim.

Within the Metropolitan Borough, 42.84% of households owned a single car or van, with 31.05% owning none. The average car ownership per household was 1.01, compared with 0.96 across the West Midlands metropolitan county.

Population change
The table below details the population change in the area since 1801. Although the Metropolitan Borough of Walsall has existed as a metropolitan borough only since 1974, figures have been generated by combining data from the towns, villages, and civil parishes that would later be constituent parts of the borough.

Economy
At the time of the 2001 census, there were 105,590 people (41.7%) in employment who were resident within Walsall Metropolitan Borough. Of these, 18.60% worked within the wholesale and retail trade, including repair of motor vehicles; 26.44% worked within manufacturing industry; and 9.85% worked within the health and social work sector.

At the 2001 UK census, Walsall Metropolitan Borough had 180,623 residents aged 16 to 74. 2.3% of these people were students with jobs, 6.0% looking after home or family, 6.8% permanently sick or disabled and 2.4% economically inactive for other reasons. These figures are roughly in line with the averages for England, though Metropolitan Borough of Walsall has a higher rate of people who are permanently sick and disabled, where the national average is 5.3%.

The Metropolitan Borough of Walsall is split between several travel to work areas (TTWA). The central and northern areas of the borough (including the towns of Walsall, Bloxwich and Brownhills) are within the Walsall and Cannock TTWA, whilst the majority of the area west of the M6 motorway (including the towns of Willenhall and Darlaston) is within the Wolverhampton TTWA. The southeast of the Metropolitan Borough (including Streetly) is within the Birmingham TTWA. The entire borough is within the Birmingham Larger Urban Zone.

Average house prices in the Metropolitan Borough of Walsall were fourth out of the metropolitan boroughs in the West Midlands county, with the average house price within the borough being £131,131 during the period April – June 2009, compared with the average across the Metropolitan County of £128,142. Following transfer from the council in 2003, social housing in the area is primarily managed by WATMOS (consisting of eight Tenant management organisations), and the Walsall Housing Group.

Transport
The A34 trunk road runs directly through the middle of Walsall.

An elevated section of the M6 Motorway built in 1968 half circles around Walsall to the West of the town. There can be increased congestion on the local A roads whenever the motorway is temporarily closed or in a state of serious delay as road users try to bypass the problem. Junctions (North to South) 11, 10, 9 and 7 allow access to and from various parts of the town. The M6 and M5 join at junction 8.

The A454 runs through Walsall on its way to Sutton Coldfield from Bridgnorth.

Localities
 See List of areas in Walsall

Education
45% of pupils in the Borough of Walsall achieved five GCSEs with grades of A*-C, below the national average of 56%.

The borough's education format is a traditional 5–7 infant, 7–11 junior and 11-16/18 secondary school system, with some infant and junior schools being combined single site primary schools, while others have infant and junior schools on separate sites. The towns of Walsall, Bloxwich, Darlaston and Willenhall have always used these age ranges, but the Aldridge, Brownhills and Streetly areas (which became part of the Metropolitan Borough of Walsall in 1974) adopted 5–9 first, 9–13 middle and 13-16/18 secondary schools in September 1972. However, this system was discontinued and replaced with the traditional age ranges in September 1986 to fit in with the other schools in the Walsall borough.

Freedom of the Borough
The following people and military units have received the Freedom of the Borough of Walsall.

Individuals

 * Professor Rashid Gatrad: 29 January 2014.
 * Neville John "Noddy" Holder: 24 June 2014.
 * Ian Shires: 17 November 2021.

Military units

 * The South Staffordshire Regiment: 1946.
 * The Staffordshire Regiment: 1959.
 * The Mercian Regiment: 2007.

title: Metropolitan Borough of Walsall


text:
Daniel Lindsay Russell

Daniel Lindsay Russell Jr. (August 7, 1845 – May 14, 1908) was an American politician who served as the 49th governor of North Carolina, from 1897 to 1901. An attorney and judge, he had also been elected as state representative and to the United States Congress, serving from 1879 to 1881. Although he fought with the Confederacy during the Civil War, Russell and his father were both Unionists. After the war, Russell joined the Republican Party in North Carolina, which was an unusual affiliation for one of the planter class. In the postwar period he served as a state judge, as well as in the state and national legislatures.

Elected on a fusionist ticket in 1896, a collaboration between Republicans and Populists that was victorious over the Democrats, Russell was the first Republican elected as governor in North Carolina since the end of the Reconstruction era in 1877. During his term, he approved legislation to extend the franchise by reducing the property requirement; it benefited the white majority in the state as well as blacks.

To prevent such a political coalition from being successful again, in the 1898 elections Democrats conducted a campaign of fear, stressing white supremacy, and regained power in the state legislature. Democrats in the Wilmington Insurrection of 1898, which took place in the largest city, overthrew the elected, biracial government headed by a white mayor and majority white council, beginning two days after the election. Russell's efforts to suppress the white riot were unsuccessful, and mobs attacked black neighborhoods, driving so many blacks permanently from the city that it became majority white.

The following year Democrats in the state legislature passed a new constitution over Russell's opposition and without submitting it to voters. It effectively disfranchised nearly all blacks and many poor whites. As a result, Russell was the last Republican to serve as governor of the state until 1973.

Early life and education
Born on Winnabow Plantation in Brunswick County near Wilmington, North Carolina, Russell Jr. was the son of Daniel Lindsay Russell and Elizabeth Caroline Sanders, daughter of a prominent planter family. Following his mother's death three months after his birth, Russell Jr. lived at his mother's family's Palo Alto Plantation for six years before leaving for the Bingham School in Orange County, North Carolina. Russell attended the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, but left soon after the outbreak of the American Civil War. In college he was a member of the Delta Psi fraternity (aka St. Anthony Hall) He was commissioned as a captain in the Confederate Army and served in the war.

Career
Russell was elected to the North Carolina General Assembly House of Commons (the lower house of the legislature) in North Carolina General Assembly of 1862-1864 during the Civil War. During that time, he also studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1866. He set up practice in Wilmington. He and his father had both been Union sympathizers during the war, and Russell joined the Republican Party during Reconstruction.

In 1868, Russell was appointed a Superior Court judge in the 4th judicial circuit, a post he held until 1874. In 1871 he was a delegate to a state constitutional convention. In 1876, he was a delegate to the 1876 Republican National Convention, and was again elected to the legislature.

Around this time, the paramilitary white supremacist "Red Shirts" fought to suppress the Republican Party and black voting in North Carolina. Their goal was to gain political control through the Democratic Party.

After the 1876 presidential election, Reconstruction ended and Federal troops were withdrawn from the South. Despite this loss of protection, Republicans and their black supporters remained active in North Carolina.

In 1878, Russell ran for U.S. Representative as a "fusion" candidate of the Republican and Greenback parties. In a close election, he defeated the Democratic incumbent Alfred M. Waddell by 11,611 votes to 10,730. Russell served one term in the 46th United States Congress (March 4, 1879 – March 4, 1881) and did not stand for renomination in 1880.

For the next decade, Russell practiced law and remained active in the Republican party. Then in the 1890s, the new Populist Party appeared. Though in most of the U.S., the Populists were allied with the Democrats, they allied with the Republicans in North Carolina, as common foes of the dominant Democratic Party organization. The alliance ran "fusion" candidates for many offices.

In 1896, the two parties held separate state conventions to allow the Populists to nominate presidential electors pledged to Democrat William J. Bryan. At the Republican state convention in Raleigh on May 16, 1896, Russell was nominated for Governor of North Carolina on the seventh ballot over former U.S. Representative Oliver H. Dockery. Disgruntled, Dockery convinced the Populists to run a separate statewide slate of candidates, with William A. Guthrie for Governor and Dockery for Lieutenant Governor. The Republicans and Populists ran joint candidates for the other state-wide offices.

Despite this breakdown of the alliance, many Populists supported Russell anyway, and some disgruntled Democrats voted for Guthrie. This allowed Russell to win the November 3 election with 153,787 votes (46.5%) to 145,266 votes for Democrat Cyrus B. Watson, 31,143 for Populist William A. Guthrie, and 809 for others. He served one four-year term. The Republican candidate for Lt. Governor was also elected, and the fusion ticket swept the other state-wide offices.

The Republican-Populist alliance had continued in elections to the legislature, and fusionists won control. They extended the franchise for the first time since Reconstruction by reducing property requirements for voters. This benefited many whites, who were the majority in the state, but also blacks. Russell signed the bill. With the broadened franchise, a number of blacks were elected to the legislature and to local government offices.

Although Russell was not up for election in 1898, Democrats used him as a foil in their campaign that year. They attacked him for undermining "white supremacy" and fanned fears of "negro rule", and regained control of the legislature.

Wilmington Insurrection of 1898
On November 8, 1898, a part-black fusion slate won elections in Wilmington, then the state's largest city and with a black majority. Alfred Waddell, whom Russell had defeated for Congress in 1878, led thousands of white rioters in the Wilmington Insurrection of 1898; they seized the city government by force, and destroyed the only black-owned newspaper in the state.

The mob went on to attack the city's African-American neighborhoods, particularly Brooklyn, killing some people and chasing hundreds out of town. Governor Russell ordered the Wilmington Light Infantry (WLI) and federal Navy Reserves to quell the riot; instead they became involved. Because of the attacks, nearly 2,100 blacks left the city permanently, and its demographics were changed to a white majority.

To prevent "fusionist" coalitions or Republicans winning office again, in 1899 the Democrats used their control of the state legislature to pass an amendment that effectively disenfranchised blacks and many poor whites. As a result, voter rolls dropped dramatically, blacks were excluded from the political system, and the Republican Party was crippled in the state. This condition lasted until the 1960s, when Federal civil-rights legislation restored black voting rights and white Southerners began to abandon their reflexive loyalty to the Democrats.

Russell was the last Republican elected as governor until 1972, when this transformation was well under way.

After finishing his term, Russell resumed the practice of law in Wilmington and operated his Belville Plantation. He died at his plantation near Wilmington in 1908. He was interred in the family burying ground in Onslow County, North Carolina.

title: Daniel Lindsay Russell