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Deprotonation

Deprotonation (or dehydronation) is the removal (transfer) of a proton (or hydron, or hydrogen cation), (H+) from a Brønsted–Lowry acid in an acid–base reaction. The species formed is the conjugate base of that acid. The complementary process, when a proton is added (transferred) to a Brønsted–Lowry base, is protonation (or hydronation). The species formed is the conjugate acid of that base.

A species that can either accept or donate a proton is referred to as amphiprotic. An example is the H2O (water) molecule, which can gain a proton to form the hydronium ion, H3O+, or lose a proton, leaving the hydroxide ion, OH−.

The relative ability of a molecule to give up a proton is measured by its pKa value. A low pKa value indicates that the compound is acidic and will easily give up its proton to a base. The pKa of a compound is determined by many aspects, but the most significant is the stability of the conjugate base. This is primarily determined by the ability (or inability) of the conjugated base to stabilize negative charge. One of the most important ways of assessing a conjugate base's ability to distribute negative charge is using resonance. Electron withdrawing groups (which can stabilize the molecule by increasing charge distribution) or electron donating groups (which destabilize by decreasing charge distribution) present on a molecule also determine its pKa. The solvent used can also assist in the stabilization of the negative charge on a conjugated base.

Bases used to deprotonate depend on the pKa of the compound. When the compound is not particularly acidic, and, as such, the molecule does not give up its proton easily, a base stronger than the commonly known hydroxides is required. Hydrides are one of the many types of powerful deprotonating agents. Common hydrides used are sodium hydride and potassium hydride. The hydride forms hydrogen gas with the liberated proton from the other molecule. The hydrogen is dangerous and could ignite with the oxygen in the air, so the chemical procedure should be done in an inert atmosphere (e.g., nitrogen).

Deprotonation can be an important step in a chemical reaction. Acid–base reactions typically occur faster than any other step which may determine the product of a reaction. The conjugate base is more electron-rich than the molecule which can alter the reactivity of the molecule. For example, deprotonation of an alcohol forms the negatively charged alkoxide, which is a much stronger nucleophile.

To determine whether or not a given base will be sufficient to deprotonate a specific acid, compare the conjugate base with the original base. A conjugate base is formed when the acid is deprotonated by the base. In the image above, hydroxide acts as a base to deprotonate the carboxylic acid. The conjugate base is the carboxylate salt. In this case, hydroxide is a strong enough base to deprotonate the carboxylic acid because the conjugate base is more stable than the base because the negative charge is delocalized over two electronegative atoms compared to one. Using pKa values, the carboxylic acid is approximately 4 and the conjugate acid, water, is 15.7. Because acids with higher pKa values are less likely to donate their protons, the equilibrium will favor their formation. Therefore, the side of the equation with water will be formed preferentially. If, for example, water, instead of hydroxide, was used to deprotonate the carboxylic acid, the equilibrium would not favor the formation of the carboxylate salt. This is because the conjugate acid, hydronium, has a pKa of -1.74, which is lower than the carboxylic acid. In this case, equilibrium would favor the carboxylic acid.

title: Deprotonation


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Knapdale

Knapdale (Cnapadal, ) forms a rural district of Argyll and Bute in the Scottish Highlands, adjoining Kintyre to the south, and divided from the rest of Argyll to the north by the Crinan Canal. It includes two parishes, North Knapdale and South Knapdale. The area is bounded by sea to the east and west (Loch Fyne and the Sound of Jura respectively), whilst the sea loch of West Loch Tarbert almost completely cuts off the area from Kintyre to the south. The name is derived from two Gaelic elements: Cnap meaning hill and Dall meaning field.

Knapdale gives its name to the Knapdale National Scenic Area, one of the forty national scenic areas in Scotland, which are defined so as to identify areas of exceptional scenery and to ensure their protection from inappropriate development. The designated area covers 32,832 ha in total, of which 20,821 ha is on land and 12,011 ha is marine (i.e. below low tide level).

Geography
The A83 runs up the eastern coastline of the area between Tarbert and Lochgilphead; the B8024 also links these two places (which lie outwith Knapdale), but does so via a much longer route along the north shore of West Loch Tarbert and the western coast of South Knapdale. Most of the western coastline of North Knapdale is accessible by two unclassified roads, although there is a gap between Kilmory and Ellary where the route is not public road. The B8024 through Knapdale forms part of Route 78 of the National Cycle Network, which runs between Inverness and Campbeltown.

The western coast of Knapdale is deeply indented by two sea lochs, Loch Sween and Loch Caolisport. The highest point within Knapdale is Stob Odhar, at 562 m above sea level. Alongside Stob Odhar, two other summits within Knapdale are sufficiently prominent to be categorised as Marilyns: Cruach Lusach (467 m) and Cnoc Reamhar (265 m), however there are no summits above 600 m in the area.

Places in Knapdale include:
 * Achahoish
 * Achnamara
 * Ardrishaig
 * Crinan
 * Kilberry
 * Kilmory
 * Tayvallich

Demographics
The United Kingdom Census 2001 reported a population of 2345 people in South Knapdale and 491 in North Knapdale, a total of 2836 for the district. This represents a slight increase over the 1991 figure of 2704, when there were 439 people living in North Knapdale, and 2265 in South Knapdale. Census figures for the 19th and 20th centuries show a continuing and steady decline of population in North Knapdale, from a peak of around 2700 in 1825 to under 500 in 1950. Possible boundary changes make historic comparisons for South Knapdale less certain, but this part of the region appears not to have suffered the same depopulation as the north, and even modest growth, a rise from around 1750 in 1801 to around 2700 in 1901.

Gaels and Norwegians
In the early first millennium, following an Irish invasion, Gaelic peoples colonised the surrounding area, establishing the kingdom of Dál Riata. The latter was divided into a handful of regions, controlled by particular kin groups, of which the most powerful, the Cenél nGabráin, ruled over Knapdale, along with Kintyre, the region between Loch Awe and Loch Fyne (Craignish, Ardscotnish, Glassary, and Glenary), Arran, and Moyle (in Ulster). Dunadd, the capital of Dál Riata, was located in this region, slightly to the north of the modern day limit of Knapdale, in what was then marshland.

This Gaelic kingdom thrived for a few centuries, but was ultimately destroyed when Norse Vikings invaded, and established their own domain, spreading more extensively over the islands north and west of the mainland. Following the unification of Norway, they had become the Norwegian Kingdom of the Isles, locally controlled by Godred Crovan, and known by Norway as Suðreyjar (Old Norse, traditionally anglicised as Sodor), meaning southern isles. The former territory of Dal Riata acquired the geographic description Argyle (now Argyll): the Gaelic coast.

In 1093, Magnus, the Norwegian king, launched a military campaign to assert his authority over the isles. Malcolm, the king of Scotland, responded with a written agreement, accepting that Magnus' had sovereign authority of over all the western lands that Magnus could encircle by boat. The unspecific wording led Magnus to have his boat dragged across the narrow isthmus at Tarbert, while he rode within it, so that he would thereby acquire Kintyre, in addition to the more natural islands of Arran and Bute.

Supposedly, Magnus's campaign had been part of a conspiracy against Malcolm, by Donalbain, Malcolm's younger brother. When Malcolm was killed in battle a short time later, Donalbain invaded, seized the Scottish kingdom, and displaced Malcolm's sons from the throne; on becoming king, Donalbain confirmed Magnus' gains. Donalbain's apparent keenness to do this, however, weakened his support among the nobility, and Malcolm's son, Duncan, was able to depose him.

A few years later, following a rebellion against Magnus' authority in the Isles, he launched another, fiercer, expedition to re-assert his authority. Many of the rebels, and their forces, sought refuge; they chose to flee to Kintyre and Knapdale. In 1098, being aware of Magnus' ferocity, the new Scottish king, Edgar (another son of Malcolm), quitclaimed to Magnus all sovereign authority over the isles, and the whole Kintyre peninsula - including Knapdale.

In the Isles
In the mid 12th century, Somerled, the husband of Godred Crovan's granddaughter, led a successful coup, and seized the kingship of the Isles.

During the later part of this century, Knapdale was evidently possessed by Suibhne, eponym of both Castle Sween and the MacSweens. In 1262, following increasing hostility between Norway and Scotland, the Scots forced Suibhne's heir, Dubhghall, to give up his lands - including Knapdale - to Walter Stewart, Earl of Menteith. In 1263, Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway launched an invasion of Scotland to reassert Norwegian sovereignty. One of his supporters was Murchadh Mac Suibhne, who was rewarded with the Isle of Arran for his services. Nevertheless, following Hákon's death later that year, Magnús Hákonarson, King of Norway ceded the Suðreyjar to Alexander III, King of Scotland, by way of the Treaty of Perth, in return for a very large sum of money.

Early Scottish Knapdale
By the 13th century, Somerled's descendants had formed into three main families: the MacDougalls, MacRorys and the MacDonalds. At the end of the century, a dispute arose over the Scottish kingship between John Balliol and Robert de Bruys; the MacSweens backed John, hoping to recover Knapdale, the MacDougalls also took John's side, while the MacDonalds and MacRory backed de Bruys. When de Bruys defeated John, he declared the MacDougall lands forfeit, and gave them to the MacDonalds; the MacSweens largely became gallowglass mercenaries in Ireland. De Bruys awarded landlordship of the MacSween's former Knapdale lands to Walter's descendants.

The head of the MacDonald family married the heir of the MacRory family, thereby acquiring the remaining share Somerled's realm, and transforming it into the Lordship of the Isles, which lasted for over a century. After 4 years and 3 children, he divorced Amy, and married Margaret, the daughter of Robert II, the Scottish king, who gave him Knapdale as a dowry.

In 1462, however, John, the then Lord of the Isles, plotted with the English king to conquer Scotland; civil war in England delayed the discovery of this for a decade. Upon the discovery, in 1475, there was a call for forfeiture, but a year John calmed the matter, by quitclaiming Ross (Easter, Wester, and Skye), Kintyre, and Knapdale, to Scotland.

As a comital province (medieval Latin:provincia), Knapdale was extended to include the adjacent lands between Loch Awe and Loch Fyne, which had been under MacSween lordship. In shrieval terms, Knapdale was initially served by the Sheriff of Perth; 5 years later, however, it was transferred to Tarbertshire. Gradually, when the Campbells to the east and north grew more powerful, the centre of power shifted towards them, and the sheriff court moved to Inveraray at the extreme northeast of the then Knapdale. Somewhat inevitably, in 1633, shrieval authority was annexed by the sheriff of Argyll.

When the comital powers were abolished by the Heritable Jurisdictions Act, provincial Knapdale ceased to exist, and the term came to exclusively refer to the present district, south of Lochgilphead. In 1899, counties were formally created, on shrieval boundaries, by a Scottish Local Government Act; the district of Knapdale – together with the rest of the former province – therefore became part of the County of Argyll.

Modern times
Knapdale Forest, planted in the 1930s, covers much of the region. During the 1930s, the Ministry of Labour supplied the men from among the unemployed, many coming from the crisis-hit mining and heavy industry communities of the Central Belt. They were housed in one of a number of Instructional Centres created by the Ministry, most of them on Forestry Commission property; by 1938, the Ministry had 38 Instructional Centres across Britain. The camp was used to hold enemy prisoners during the Second World War. The hutted camp in Knapdale was located at Cairnbaan, just south of the Crinan Canal, and a surviving building remains in use as a Forestry and Land Scotland workshop.

Following late 20th century reforms, Knapdale is now within the wider region of Argyll and Bute.

Ownership
Much of Knapdale is in the ownership of Forestry and Land Scotland. The two largest private estates are located to either side of Loch Caolisport: the Ellary & Lochead Estate covers 11183 acre on the north side of the loch, whilst the Ormsary covers 19595 acre on the southern side. Ormsay Estate belongs to Sir William Lithgow, 2nd Baronet of Ormsay and vice-chairman of Scottish shipbuilding company Lithgows.

A 173 acre estate in the area belongs to former chief executive of Network Rail, Iain Coucher. Nick-named "Iainland", the property was purchased by Coucher in 2010 following his controversial departure from the company, and includes two islands in the Sound of Jura.

Historic sites
Local attractions include the Chapel of Keills, which is dedicated to St Cormac and was built in the 1100s. The chapel is home to almost 40 carved stones from the early Christian and Medieval periods, of which the most significant is the eighth century Keills Cross, a free-standing cross similar to those found on Iona. A grave-slab in the chapel has a carving of a clarsach similar to the Queen Mary Harp currently at the Museum of Scotland in Edinburgh, one of only three surviving medieval Gaelic harps. West Highland grave slabs from the Argyll area suggest that Knapdale is where this harp originated. Further early Christian and Medieval carved stones can also be found at Kilberry, and at the thirteenth century Kilmory Knap Chapel. Castle Sween, on the shores of Loch Sween, was built in the twelfth century and is one of the oldest castle on the Scottish mainland that can be dated with any certainty.

Environment
Four lochs within Knapdale (Loch nan Torran, Loch Fuar-Bheinne, Dubh Loch and Loch Clachaig) are collectively designated as a Special Protection Area due to their importance for breeding black-throated divers. The sea loch of Loch Sween has been designated as a Nature Conservation Marine Protected Area (NCMPA). The inner loch contains maerl beds and burrowed mud, and supports a colony of volcano worm, whilst the sea bed in the more strongly tidal areas at the mouth of Loch Sween is composed of coarser sediments. The loch is also home to one of Scotland's most important populations of native oyster.

Taynish National Nature Reserve is situated within North Knapdale, lying southwest of the village of Tayvallich on the west side of Loch Sween. The reserve encompasses almost all of the Taynish peninsula, which is around 5 km long and 1 km wide. The woodlands at Taynish are often described as a 'temperate rainforest', benefiting from the mild and moist climate brought about by the Gulf Stream. Taynish is owned and managed by NatureScot, and was declared a National Nature Reserve in 1977.

In 2005, the Scottish Government turned down a licence application for unfenced reintroduction of the Eurasian beaver in Knapdale. However, in late 2007 a successful application was made for a release project. The trial was to be run over five years by the Scottish Wildlife Trust and the Royal Zoological Society of Scotland, with Scottish Natural Heritage (SNH) monitoring the project. The first beavers were released in May 2009, although the initial release into the wild of 11 animals received a setback during the first year with the disappearance of two animals and the unproven allegation of the illegal shooting of a third. The remaining population was increased in 2010 by further releases, and in November 2016, the Scottish Government announced that beavers could remain permanently, and would be given protected status as a native species within Scotland. Beavers will be allowed to extend their range naturally from Knapdale (and, separately, along the River Tay); however to aid this process and improve the health and resilience of the population a further 28 beavers will be released in Knapdale between 2017 and 2020.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Knapdale


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Jim Ede

Harold Stanley Ede (7 April 1895 – 15 March 1990), also known as Jim Ede, was a British collector of art and friend to artists.

Life and career
Jim Ede was born in Penarth, Wales, the son of solicitor Edward Hornby Ede and Mildred, a teacher.

Ede studied painting under Stanhope Forbes at Newlyn Art School between 1912 and 1914. He was commissioned in September 1914 during the First World War, serving with the South Wales Borderers and the Indian Army. He relinquished his commission in consequence of ill health, and was granted the rank of captain, 29 July 1919.

After the war, he continued his studies at the Slade School of Art. In 1921, Ede became assistant curator at the National Gallery of British Art (later the Tate Gallery) in London whilst continuing to study part-time at the Slade. Shortly after, he married Helen Schlapp whom he had met in Edinburgh. Whilst working at the Tate, he tried to promote the work of contemporary artists, including Picasso and Mondrian. However, he was often thwarted by the more conservative attitudes of the gallery directors. During his time at the Tate, Ede formed numerous friendships with avant-garde artists of the day. In the process, he acquired many works of art that were largely under-appreciated at the time. In particular, he secured much of the work of Henri Gaudier-Brzeska from the estate of Sophie Brzeska. The collection included numerous letters sent between Henri and Sophie, and Ede used these as the basis for his book Savage Messiah on the life and work of Gaudier-Brzeska, which in turn became the basis of Ken Russell's film of the same name.

Middle years
In 1936, Ede tired of fighting the establishment at the Tate and left to live in Morocco, building a house outside Tangiers. Somewhat ahead of his time, he adopted a minimalist style of interior design advocating plain white-washed walls and the minimum of furniture required to complete a room. For the next twenty years, he led an itinerant life, writing, broadcasting and lecturing in Europe and America, whilst keeping the house in Morocco as a base.

Artistic legacy
Returning to England in 1956, Ede converted four cottages in Cambridge as a place to live and display his art collection. It was part of his philosophy that art should be shared in a relaxed environment; to this end he would hold 'open house', giving personal tours of the collection to students from the University of Cambridge over afternoon tea. Students could also borrow paintings from his collection to hang in their rooms during term-time. In 1966, Ede gave the house and collection to the university, establishing Kettle's Yard art gallery.

Ede continued to live at Kettle's Yard until 1973, and then moved to Edinburgh where he lived out his retirement.

In 2023 Laura Freeman published Ways of Life: Jim Ede and the Kettle’s Yard Artists.

Publications

 * Savage Messiah, H.S. Ede, Heinemann (1931) — Biography of the sculptor Henri Gaudier-Brzeska. Reprinted, Kettle's Yard Gallery (1971), ISBN 0-900406-15-1.
 * Savage Messiah: a biography of the sculptor Henri Gaudier-Brzeska; with new texts by Sebastiano Barassi, Evelyn Silber and Jon Wood. Leeds: Henry Moore Institute, 2011 ISBN 1-905462-34-4
 * A Way of Life, H. S. Ede, Kettle's Yard Gallery, ISBN 0-907074-57-X. Guide to Kettle's Yard and its collection.
 * Kettle's Yard and its Artists, ed. Michael Harrison, Cambridge 2009 ISBN 978-1-904561-33-0

title: Jim Ede


text:
Talk:Ikurriña

Untitled
Someone please add an image of the flag. Kent Wang 20:15, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * From Ikurrina http://eo.wikipedia.org/upload/c/c5/Es-pv.gif -- Error 04:18, 15 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Inspiration?
I've added a line about the Ikurriña's resemblance to the Union flag, after reading the following items:

"...the red, green and white ikurriña, modelled on the Union Jack (like many basques, he admired the feisty island nation as a role model" - Cadogan guide to Bilbao & the Basque Lands (1st ed.), p39

"Even Arana's Ikurriña was modeled on the union jack." - Mark Kurlansky, 'The Basque History of the World', p169

If anyone knows that this is definitely wrong, please feel free to correct me! --RobC 19:54, 1 Jan 2005 (UTC)

There is a rumour (sorry, but I can not quote a source): Sabino´s father owned a shipping company, so Sabino thought that a flag resembling a Union Jack would be and excellent protection against piracy for the basque ships. In sea conditions, it is very difficult to distinguish a Union Jack from a Ikurrina.

 * From memory, Sabino's father was ruined before the development of the ikurriña. --Error 01:13, 21 March 2006 (UTC)

 * I read somewhere that, despite being a germanophile himself, Sabino Arana sought inspiration in the Union Jack, given the long time relationship between the Basque Country and the Islands and in an attempt to get close to what was seen as a historical arch-enemy of Spain and, thus, a potential ally for Basque nationalism.
 * This sounds quite likely, but even if it wasn't, it is obvious that the Union Jack design was known to Arana.
 * I am thus adding the Union Jack reference. Mountolive 07:47, 12 February 2007 (UTC)
 * Sabino was not a germanophile.On the opposite, he was a staunch anglophile, as all the first Basque Nationalists at large. Perhaps you're referring to his brother Luis, although it's not clear to what extent he was germanophile.On the other hand, the Union Jack was not the British naval or merchant ensign in 1894, just the naval jack. The ikurriña doesn't look neither like the white ensign (naval) nor like the red coaster (merchant).The 1894 ikurriña was basically red. The white cross and the green saltire were rather thin to say the least.

Baserri profile

 * Although this may seem artificial, the colors work because they reflect the common image of a white-washed, red-trimmed Basque house near a lush green mountain.

This seems dubious without a citation. All I have to connect a baserri with the Ikurrina is that the Basque pavilion in Expo 92 Seville was said to be inspired by a a baserri profile in those three colors. --Error 01:13, 21 March 2006 (UTC)

SAINT-PIERRE and MIQUELON flag?
Anyone else notice that the St Pierre and Miquelon flag have the Basque flag in the corner? think it's worth mentioning? The flag:You are mistaken. It's the official one or nearly so, really. The Breton and Norman flags are also part of the local flag. It's just an homage to the islanders' ancestors. The actual official flag, anyway, is the French one.
 * The unofficial flag of SPM, mind you. — Nightst a  llion  (?) 20:48, 10 August 2006 (UTC)

France

 * (it kept being used in the Basque provinces under French sovereignty).

What was the attitude of the German occupiers? --Error 23:25, 18 September 2006 (UTC)

A French battalion colour (1698-1741)
A Walloon regiment in French service carried in 1698-1741 a colour that was basically an ikurriña "avant la lettre". It was known, among some other titles, as the De la Vallière's Regiment or D'Escars' Regiment. It's a funny coincidence. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.142.175.22 (talk) 12:40, 11 December 2007 (UTC)
 * "http://www.drapeaux.org/France/Ancien_Regime/N_Des_Cars.htm" —Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.142.175.22 (talk) 10:46, 28 January 2008 (UTC)

Borgoña cross...
The proper wikipedia term for this kind of saltire is CROSS OF BURGUNDY. The Arana Brothers were acquainted with the Burgundian saltires that appeared on what they took for ancient local Biscayan merchant flags, for instance that of the sailing vessels of the Consulate of Bilbao. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.142.175.22 (talk) 10:53, 5 August 2008 (UTC)
 * Ops, I made a mistake. For reasons unknown to me, the English Wikipedia article is called "Cross of Burgundy Flag" instead of just "Cross of Burgundy" , like in the Dutch Wikipedia ("Bourgondisch Kruis"), the Spanish one ("Cruz de Borgoña"), &c. Anyway, like all the late 19th-century people from Bilbao, the Arana brothers were acquainted with the idealized flag of the Consulate of Bilbao (See the discussion page of the article "Cross of Burgundy Flag", at leats the paragraphs on the "Consulate of Bilbao" and -perhaps too- the "Basque Nationalist 'Mendigoxale' Flag").  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.142.175.22 (talk) 12:45, 4 December 2008 (UTC)

Italian migrants...
The reference to the Italian flag and the Italian migrants seems a bit out of place. Why not the Mexican flag, the Hungarian one or the Austro-Hungarian merchant ensign? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.142.175.22 (talk) 09:08, 6 August 2008 (UTC)
 * Citation needed added.
 * --Error (talk) 22:35, 14 October 2008 (UTC)
 * My English is rather broken too, but this article's current syntax and vocabulary need some polishing up.

Swastika
I removed:
 * Another controversial point is their use of the swastika before 1930. Nowadays only a few of members of the smaller parties use the other similar symbol, the lauburu.

I don't see a relation between ikurrina and swastika. If you mean another thing, rephrase.

The lauburu may not be used politically but is popular as a decoration. --Error (talk) 22:35, 14 October 2008 (UTC)
 * There was a Basque Nationalist badge -a pin- that merged the swastika and the ikurriña (the ikurriña's white cross evolved into a white swastika, so to speak), but it was discarded in the mid-1930s or early in the Spanish civil war (1936-39), for obvious reasons. Anyway, it should be noted that in Basque Nationalist iconography the swastika was a straight-armed lauburu. On the other hand, in the early 1930s many people said ikurriña when referring to the lauburu, and perhaps vice versa. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.8.98.118 (talk) 12:22, 10 March 2010 (UTC)

 * Basque Nationalists, or at least the Basque Youth from Bilbao, began using a tiny pin in the shape of a silver swastika in December 1914. Hitler was 25 years old. The German National Socialist Labour Party didn't exist. Their swastika was based on an article published by Sabino Arana in c.1900, something about "solar cults of the ancient Basques". Arana, in turn, was based on some archaelogical Roman military findings from Great Britain: votive steles belonging to the Cohors I Fida Vardullorum Civium Romanorum Equitata (the Vardullians were the tribesmen who more or less inhabitated current Guipuzcoa), a Roman auxiliary infantry & cavalry unit garrisoning Britannia. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.8.98.118 (talk) 11:05, 28 February 2011 (UTC)
 * A picture of a Roman Vardullian stele from the UK :"http://lasombradeltejo.blogspot.com/2009/07/el-cantabrum-aproximacion-al-estudio_01.html"

Colors meaning
Red is the color of Biscay, green is the color of Guernica's Oak and white is the color of catholicism. The St. andrew's cross represents the legendary battle between basques and iberian people fought in St. andrew's day in 867. http://www.rbvex.it/catalognapb.html#paba the site is in italian, sorry for my english —Preceding unsigned comment added by 93.37.60.93 (talk) 10:58, 25 August 2010 (UTC)
 * You are making a little mistake, that battle, -or at least that foundation legend- was between the Leonese -see perhaps Kingdom of León, or at least Kingdom of Asturias- under a certain Ordoño, who allegedly lost his life, and the Biscaynes under a mythical -and rather dubious- Jaun Zuria (White Lord in Basque), son of a prince from Scotland and a native girl. According to the -rather dubious- legend, he has been deprived of his legitimate rights to the the throne of Scotland by his envious relatives, so that Jaun Zuria took up shelter in Biscay, leading the Biscaynes into revolt against the "foreign invaders", and defeating them the at the "battle" of Arrigorriaga (Red Stones in Basque). There no historical evidence to support this legend (some author pointed out that Jaun Zuria might have been a Viking from Ireland -the land of the genuine Scotts- or Wales). Juan Zuria is on paper the 1st Lord-Master of Biscay, a mythical personage like King Arthur in England -perhaps based on some Roman-Briton military commander from the time of the Saxon encroachment-  and like counts Rasura and Laínez in Castile. Sabino Arana late in the 19th century placed arbitrariously the battle of Arrigorriaga on Saint Andrew's Day (30 November). This way he could explain why there was a green saltire on the ikurriña, designed in 1894, and based on the Union Jack and on the coat of arms of Biscay.  —Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.8.98.118 (talk) 11:25, 28 February 2011 (UTC)
 * According to this version, Jaun Zuria was son to a Scottish princess instead of a prince:"http://www.euskomedia.org/aunamendi/63734" —Preceding unsigned comment added by 212.8.98.118 (talk) 11:30, 28 February 2011 (UTC)

Eiii!! Ikurrina se escribe sin <<ñ>>. Es como hablar del Athletick de Bilbao refiriendose como si de AthletiCO de Bilbao se tratase. Hay una gran diferencia dado que athletico es de madrid y Athletick de Bilbao. Incluso se podria decir que es... bueno se podria no, lo digo con rotunda seguridad de quien no necesita probar un echo axiomatico: Es unico en el mundo dado que en él solo juegan Vascos. Lo cual es de lo mas noble dado que hoy en dia los equipos parecen mas una empresa de millonetis que un juego de caballeros. Pero volviendo a lo de la bandera. Es muy importante el echo de escribir bien IKURRINA sin la caracteristica española "ñ" dado que en euskera no existe dicha letra. Es como si se fuera a escribir en ingles y se utilizara la "ñ". Vamos una absoluta incoherencia. Incluso para mi que soy vasco (creo... ya que no encuentro mi patria) puede hasta resultar ofensivo. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2003:62:4F45:1501:9CBA:ACF4:C704:2D3A (talk) 22:38, 29 June 2014 (UTC)

title: Talk:Ikurriña


text:
I Like Pumpkins

I Like Pumpkins is an illustrated book for young children written and illustrated by children's book author Jerry Smath in which a young girl vividly describes her fondness for pumpkins at Halloween. The book is written in rhyming text and includes five pages of pumpkin-related games and puzzles. It has been used in elementary classrooms as both a class reading and supplementary resource. Schools have also used the book as a part of interdisciplinary units on pumpkins which may incorporate the planting and growing of pumpkin plants, arts and crafts activities related to pumpkins, or basic mathematics activities that use pumpkins as units for counting or grouping.

The book was released in the fall of 2003, coinciding with the celebration of Halloween. It was published by Scholastic, Incorporated. Reviewers have suggested that the book may be used by parents or teachers as an introduction to discussion about pumpkins or Halloween.

Synopsis
The main character of the book is a little girl who loves pumpkins. She describes the many uses of pumpkins that she appreciates, including plastic pumpkins, pumpkins used to hold candy, jack-o-lanterns, pumpkin seeds, and her favorite, pumpkin pie. The illustrations show her and her mother traveling by car to a pumpkin patch, picking out a pumpkin, and then returning home. Along the way, they see a number of strange sights, including Frankenstein and his pet purple alligator who are returning home with their own respective pumpkins. One image shows a fantasy version of the girl's bedroom which is decorated with a pumpkin theme, including a pumpkin-themed headboard for her bed and an alarm clock in the shape of a pumpkin. The book ends with a series of pumpkin-themed puzzles that ask readers to identify a pumpkin that is different from the others, count which of a set of farmers has the most pumpkins, locate hidden pumpkins in a parade scene, and identify a pumpkin that looks like the little obese monkey in the book.

title: I Like Pumpkins


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Malea

Malea may refer to:

Genera

 * Malea (plant), a genus of flowering plant in the family Ericaceae
 * Malea (gastropod), a genus of large sea snails, containing two species

Places

 * Malea, a village in Zau de Câmpie Commune, Mureș County, Romania
 * Maléa, a town in northeastern Guinea
 * Malea (Arcadia), a town in ancient Arcadia, Greece
 * Malea (Lesbos), a town in ancient Lesbos, Greece
 * Cape Malea, one of the peninsulas in the southeast of the Peloponnese in Greece
 * Malea, ancient name of Cape Agrilia, a peninsula in the southeast of Lesbos, Greece

title: Malea


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Treshnish Isles

The Treshnish Isles are an archipelago of small islands and skerries, lying west of the Isle of Mull, in Scotland. They are part of the Inner Hebrides. Trips to the Treshnish Isles operate from Ulva Ferry, Tobermory, Ardnamurchan and Tiree.

Geography
The archipelago extends over a distance of roughly 7 km, from the island of Bac Beag in the south (towards Cairn na Burgh Beag) to the north-east. The largest island in the group, Lunga, is 7 km west of Gometra, 6 km south-west of Rubha' a' Chaoil (on the Isle of Mull), 12 km south-east of Coll, and 5 km north-west of Staffa.

Other relatively large islands in the group are Cairn na Burgh Mòr, Fladda and Bac Mòr. There are numerous small skerries, particularly north of Lunga. All the islands are of volcanic origin.

History
There are several possible duns on the islands of Iron Age origin. Little is known of the early history, although these prominent landmarks would have been significant waypoints for the Norse settlers during their conquest in the early years of the Kingdom of the Isles, which lasted from the 9th to the 13th centuries. There are remains on Lunga of a village of blackhouses abandoned in 1857

The Isles were purchased in 1938 by explorer and naturalist Col. Niall Rankin and they were sold to the Hebridean Trust in 2000. The Trust are guardians of the islands to protect them and the wildlife and to monitor and study the ecology and archaeology. In June 2023, the islands were placed under the protection of the National Trust for Scotland, allowing the Hebridean Trust to concentrate on community projects on Tiree.

Due to the beauty and remoteness of the Isles and the abundance of wildlife, particularly the puffins, they are very popular with tourists who visit by boat, generally to Lunga, for day-trips during the summer.

Etymology
Treisinis is a Gaelic name of unknown meaning that includes the Old Norse root ness, meaning 'headland'.

Bac Mòr is also known as "The Dutchman's Cap" in English due to its shape. Bac Beag is from the Gaelic Am Baca Beag, with Bac meaning 'bank' or 'dune' and Beag simply being a diminutive in contrast to Mòr. Bac Mòr is also known as Baca Rois in Gaelic, which means 'dune of the Ross' and is a reference to the shape of the island when framed against the Ross of Mull. Lunga is probably from the Old Norse lungr-øy, meaning 'longship island'. Sgeir an Eirionnaich and Sgeir a' Chaisteil are Gaelic names meaning 'Irishman's skerry' and 'castle skerry' respectively. Cairn na Burgh Mòr means 'cairn of the large fort' and Cairn na Burgh Beg is thus 'cairn of the small fort'.

The name Fladda originates from the Old Norse for 'flat island'.

Natural history and conservation
The Treshnish Isles are part of the Loch na Keal National Scenic Area, one of 40 in Scotland. They are also designated as a Site of Special Scientific Interest, a Special Protection Area due to their importance for breeding seabirds and a marine Special Area of Conservation. They are also known for their Atlantic grey seals and ruined castles.

title: Treshnish Isles


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Great Depression in Canada

The worldwide Great Depression of the early 1930s was a social and economic shock that left millions of Canadians unemployed, hungry and often homeless. Few countries were affected as severely as Canada during what became known as the "Dirty Thirties", due to Canada's heavy dependence on raw material and farm exports, combined with a crippling Prairies drought known as the Dust Bowl. Widespread losses of jobs and savings ultimately transformed the country by triggering the birth of social welfare, a variety of populist political movements, and a more activist role for government in the economy.

In 1930-1931 the Canadian government responded to the Great Depression by applying severe restrictions to entry into Canada. New rules limited immigration to British and American subjects or agriculturalists with money, certain classes of workers, and immediate family of the Canadian residents. A large number of unemployed immigrants were also deported.

Economic results
By 1930, 30% of the labour force was out of work, and one fifth of the population became dependent on government assistance. Wages fell, as did prices. Gross National Expenditure had declined 42% from the 1929 levels. In some areas, the decline was far worse. In the rural areas of the prairies, two thirds of the population were on relief.

Further damage was the reduction of investment: both large companies and individuals were unwilling and unable to invest in new ventures.

In 1932, industrial production was only at 58% of the 1929 level, the second lowest level in the world after the United States, and well behind nations such as Britain, which only saw it fall to 83% of the 1929 level. Total national income fell to 55% of the 1929 level, again worse than any nation other than the U.S.

Impact
Canada's economy at the time was just starting to shift from primary industry (farming, fishing, mining and logging) to manufacturing. Exports of raw materials plunged, and employment, prices and profits fell in every sector. Canada was the worst-hit because of its economic position. It was further affected as its main trading partners were Britain and the U.S., both of which were badly affected by the worldwide depression.

One of the areas not affected was bush flying, which, thanks to a mining and exploration boom, continued to thrive throughout this period. Even so, most bush flying companies lost money, impacted by the government's cancellation of airmail contracts in 1931-2.

Unemployment
Urban unemployment nationwide was 19%; Toronto's rate was 17%, according to the census of 1931. Farmers who stayed on their farms were not considered unemployed. By 1933, 30% of the labour force was out of work, and one-fifth of the population became dependent on government assistance. Wages fell as did prices. In some areas, such as mining and lumbering areas, the decline was far worse.

Prairie Provinces
The Prairie Provinces and Western Canada were the hardest-hit. In the rural areas of the prairies, two thirds of the population were on relief. The region fully recovered after 1939. The fall of wheat prices drove many farmers to the towns and cities, such as Calgary, Alberta; Regina, Saskatchewan; and Brandon, Manitoba. Population in the prairie provinces fell below natural replacement level. There was also migration from the southern prairies affected by Dust Bowl conditions such as the Palliser's Triangle to aspen parkland in the north.

During the depression, there was a rise of working class militancy organized by the Communist Party. The labour unions largely retreated in response to the ravages of the depression at the same time that significant portions of the working class, including the unemployed, clamoured for collective action.

Numerous strikes and protests were led by the Communists, many of which culminated in violent clashes with the police. Some notable ones include a coal miners strike that resulted in the Estevan Riot in Estevan, Saskatchewan that left three strikers dead by RCMP bullets in 1931, a waterfront strike in Vancouver that culminated with the "Battle of Ballantyne Pier" in 1935, and numerous unemployed demonstrations up to and including the On-to-Ottawa Trek that left one Regina police constable and one protester dead in the "Regina Riot". Although the actual number of Communist Party militants remained small, their impact was far disproportionate to their numbers, in large part because of the anticommunist reaction of the government, especially the policies of Prime Minister R. B. Bennett who vowed to crush Communism in Canada with an "iron heel of ruthlessness".

These conflicts diminished after 1935, when the Communist Party shifted strategies and Bennett's Conservatives were defeated. Agitation and unrest nonetheless persisted throughout the depression, marked by periodic clashes, such as a sit-down strike in Vancouver that ended with "Bloody Sunday". These developments had far-reaching consequences in shaping the postwar environment, including the domestic cold war climate, the rise of the welfare state, and the implementation of an institutional framework for industrial relations.

Women
Women's primary role were as housewives; without a steady flow of family income, their work became much harder in dealing with food and clothing and medical care. The birthrates fell everywhere, as children were postponed until families could financially support them. The average birthrate for 14 major countries fell 12% from 19.3 births per thousand population in 1930, to 17.0 in 1935. In Canada, half of Roman Catholic women defied Church teachings and used contraception to postpone births.

Among the few women in the labor force, layoffs were less common in the white-collar jobs and they were typically found in light manufacturing work. However, there was a widespread demand to limit families to one paid job, so that wives might lose employment if their husband was employed.

Housewives updated strategies their mothers used when they were growing up in poor families. Cheap foods were used, such as soups, beans and noodles. They purchased the cheapest cuts of meat—sometimes even horse meat—and recycled the Sunday roast into sandwiches and soups. They sewed and patched clothing, traded with their neighbors for outgrown items, and made do with colder homes. New furniture and appliances were postponed until better days. These strategies show that women's domestic labor—cooking, cleaning, budgeting, shopping, childcare—was essential to the economic maintenance of the family and offered room for economies. Many women also worked outside the home, or took boarders, did laundry for trade or cash, and did sewing for neighbors in exchange for something they could offer. Extended families used mutual aid—extra food, spare rooms, repair-work, cash loans—to help cousins and in-laws.

Women held 25-30% of the jobs in the cities. Few women were employed in heavy industry, railways or construction. Many were household workers or were employed in restaurants and family-owned shops. Women factory workers typically handled clothing and food. Educated women had a narrow range of jobs, such as clerical work and teaching. It was expected that a woman give up a good job when she married. Srigley emphasizes the wide range of background factors and family circumstances, arguing that gender itself was typically less important than race, ethnicity, or class.

Teachers
School budgets were cut a lot across the country, although enrollments went up and up because dropouts could not find jobs. To save money the districts consolidated nearby schools, dropped staff lines, postponed new construction, and increased class size. Middle-class well-educated teachers were squeezed by the financial crisis facing their employers. In Ontario, new teachers were not hired so the average age and experience increased. However, their salaries fell and men who otherwise would have taken higher status business jobs increasingly competed against women. Married women were not hired on the grounds it was unfair for one family to have two scarce jobs that breadwinners needed. Women teachers, who had made major gains in the 1910-20 era, saw themselves discriminated against. The teacher's unions were practically helpless in the crisis, even in Ontario where they were strongest. After prosperity returned in the 1940s, however, money was available again, there was a shortage of teachers, and the unions proved more effective. For example, in Quebec, the Corporation Général des Instituteurs et des Institutrices Catholics (CIC) was founded in 1946 (it became the Centrale de l'Enseignement du Québec (CEQ) in 1967). It sought higher pensions and salaries and better working conditions, while insisting the teachers were full-fledged professionals. In remote rural areas professionalization was uncommon; local school boards tightly controlled the one-room schools, typically hiring local women with a high school education or a year at university as teachers, so their meagre salaries would remain in the community.

Labour policy
Case studies of four Canadian textile firms—two cotton and two hosiery and knitting—demonstrate the range business response to the economic crisis. Each faced a different array of conditions, and each devised the appropriate restructuring strategies. The large corporations responded by investing in more expensive machinery and automation, hiring less skilled workers to tend the automated equipment, and tweaking their product lines to changing consumer tastes. However the smaller hosiery and knitting firms lacked the capital to invest or the research needed to monitor consumer tastes. They used time-tested "Taylorized" scientific management or made piecemeal changes. Power shifted upward to management, as strikes were too risky in the early 1930s and the opportunity to find a better job had drastically narrowed. By 1935, however, the influence of militant American unions spilled over the border and Canadian unions became more forceful and harmonious. The activity was most notable in Ontario's automobile factories, beginning in Windsor in late 1936, where the new Automobile Workers of America (UAW) chartered its first Canadian local at the Kelsey-Hayes factory.

World trade
The Stock Market crash in New York led people to hoard their money; as consumption fell, the American economy steadily contracted, 1929-32. Given the close economic links between the two countries, the collapse quickly affected Canada. Added to the woes of the prairies were those of Ontario and Quebec, whose manufacturing industries were now victims of overproduction. Massive lay-offs occurred and other companies collapsed into bankruptcy. This collapse was not as sharp as that in the United States, but was the second sharpest collapse in the world.

Canada did have some advantages over other countries, especially its extremely stable banking system that had no failures during the entire depression, compared to over 9,000 small banks that collapsed in the United States.

Canada was hurt badly because of its reliance on base commodities, whose prices fell by over 50%, and because of the importance of international trade. In the 1920s about 25% of the Canadian Gross National Product was derived from exports. The first reaction of the U.S. was to raise tariffs via the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act, passed into law June 17, 1930. This hurt the Canadian economy more than most other countries in the world, and Canada retaliated by raising its own rates on American exports and by switching business to the Empire.

In an angry response to Smoot–Hawley, Canada welcomed the British introduction of trade protectionism and a system of Commonwealth preference during the winter of 1931-32. It helped Canada avoid external default on their public debt during the Great Depression. Canada had a high degree of exposure to the international economy, which left Canada susceptible to any international economic downturn. The onset of the depression created critical balance of payment deficits, and it was largely the extension of imperial protection by Britain that gave Canada the opportunity to increase their exports to the British market. By 1938 Britain was importing more than twice the 1929 volume of products from Australia, while the value of products shipped from Canada more than doubled, despite the dramatic drop in prices. Thus, the British market played a vital role in helping Canada and Australia stabilize their balance of payments in the immensely difficult economic conditions of the 1930s.

Government reaction
At the Depression, the provincial and municipal governments were already in debt after an expansion of infrastructure and education during the 1920s. It thus fell to the federal government to try to improve the economy. When the Depression began Mackenzie King was Prime Minister. He believed that the crisis would pass, refused to provide federal aid to the provinces, and only introduced moderate relief efforts. The government's reaction to The Great Depression is the focus of the 2013 documentary Catch The Westbound Train from Prairie Coast Films.

New Deal
The Bennett Government, which defeated Mackenzie King in the 1930 election, initially refused to offer large-scale aid or relief to the provinces, much to the anger of provincial premiers, but it eventually gave in and started a Canadian "New Deal" type of relief by 1935. By 1937, the worst of the Depression had passed, but it left its mark on the country's economic landscape. Atlantic Canada was especially hard hit. Newfoundland (an independent dominion at the time) was bankrupt economically and politically and gave up responsible government by reverting to direct British control.

First World War veterans built on a history of postwar political activism to play an important role in the expansion of state-sponsored social welfare in Canada. Arguing that their wartime sacrifices had not been properly rewarded, veterans claimed that they were entitled to state protection from poverty and unemployment on the home front. The rhetoric of patriotism, courage, sacrifice, and duty created powerful demands for jobs, relief, and adequate pensions that should, veterans argued, be administered as a right of social citizenship and not a form of charity. At the local, provincial, and national political levels, veterans fought for compensation and recognition for their war service, and made their demands for jobs and social security a central part of emerging social policy.

The Liberal Party lost the 1930 election to the Conservative Party, led by R.B. Bennett. Bennett, a successful western businessman, campaigned on high tariffs and large-scale spending. Make-work programs were begun, and welfare and other assistance programs became vastly larger. This led to a large federal deficit, however. Bennett became wary of the budget shortfalls by 1932, and cut back severely on federal spending. This only deepened the depression as government employees were put out of work and public works projects were cancelled.

One of the greatest burdens on the government was the Canadian National Railway (CNR). The federal government had taken over a number of defunct and bankrupt railways during the First World War and the 1920s. The debt the government assumed was over $2 billion, a massive sum at the time, but during the boom years it seemed payable. The Depression turned this debt into a crushing burden. Due to the decrease in trade, the CNR also began to lose substantial amounts of money during the Depression, and had to be further bailed out by the government.

With falling support and the depression only getting worse, Bennett attempted to introduce policies based on the New Deal of Franklin Delano Roosevelt in the United States. Bennett thus called for a minimum wage, unemployment insurance, and other such programs. This effort was largely unsuccessful; the provinces challenged the rights of the federal government to manage these programs. Some of the federal efforts were successful: the Companies' Creditors Arrangement Act and Farmers' Creditors Arrangement Act, which provided alternatives to bankruptcy for distressed businesses, were held to be constitutional by the Reference Re Farmers' Creditors Arrangement Act.

The judicial and political failure of Bennett's New Deal legislation shifted the struggle to reconstitute capitalism to the provincial and municipal levels of the state. Attempts to deal with the dislocations of the Great Depression in Ontario focused on the "sweatshop crisis" that came to dominate political and social discourse after 1934. Ontario's 1935 Industrial Standards Act (ISA) was designed to bring workers and employers together under the auspices of the state to establish minimum wages and work standards. The establishment of New Deal style industrial codes was premised on the mobilization of organized capital and organized labour to combat unfair competition, stop the spread of relief-subsidized labour, and halt the predations of sweatshop capitalism. Although the ISA did not bring about extensive economic regulation, it excited considerable interest in the possibility of government intervention. Workers in a diverse range of occupations, from asbestos workers to waitresses, attempted to organize around the possibility of the ISA. The importance of the ISA lies in what it reveals about the nature of welfare, wage labour, the union movement, competitive capitalism, business attitudes toward industrial regulation, and the role of the state in managing the collective affairs of capitalism. The history of the ISA also suggests that "regulatory unionism", as described by Colin Gordon in his work on the American New Deal, may have animated key developments in Canadian social, economic, and labour history.

The failure to help the economy led to the federal Conservatives' defeat in the 1935 election when the Liberals, still led by Mackenzie King, returned to power.

The public at large lost faith in both the Liberal Party of Canada and the Conservative Party of Canada. This caused the rise of a third party: the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (a socialist party that achieved some success before joining the Canadian Labour Congress in 1961, becoming the New Democratic Party).

With the worst of the Depression over, the government implemented some relief programs such as the National Housing Act and National Employment Commission, and it established Trans-Canada Airlines (1937, the predecessor to Air Canada). However, it took until 1939 and the outbreak of war for the Canadian economy to return to 1929 levels.

Liberals return
After 1936 the prime minister lost patience when westerners preferred radical alternatives such as the CCF (Co-operative Commonwealth Federation) and Social Credit to his middle-of-the-road liberalism. Indeed, he came close to writing off the region with his comment that the prairie dust bowl was "part of the U.S. desert area. I doubt if it will be of any real use again." Instead he paid more attention to the industrial regions and the needs of Ontario and Quebec regarding the proposed St. Lawrence Seaway project with the United States. As for the unemployed, he was hostile to federal relief and reluctantly accepted a Keynesian solution that involved federal deficit spending, tax cuts and subsidies to the housing market.

Mackenzie King returned as prime minister, serving until his retirement in 1948. During all but the last two years he was also secretary of state for external affairs, taking personal charge of foreign policy.

Social Credit
Social Credit (often called SoCred) was a populist political movement strongest in Alberta and neighbouring British Columbia, 1930s-1970s. Social Credit was based on the economic theories of an Englishman, C. H. Douglas. His theories became very popular across the nation in the early 1930s. A central proposal was the free distribution of dividends (or social credit), called "funny money" by the opposition.

During the Great Depression in Canada the demand for radical action peaked around 1934, after the worst period was over and the economy was recovering. Mortgage debt was significant because farmers could not meet their interest payments. The insecurity of farmers, whose debts were increasing and who had no legal protection against foreclosure, was a potent factor in creating a mood of political desperation. The radical farmers party, UFA was baffled by the depression and Albertans demanded new leadership.

Prairie farmers had always believed that they were being exploited by Toronto and Montreal. What they lacked was a prophet who would lead them to the promised land. The Social Credit movement began in Alberta in 1932; it became a political movement in 1935 and suddenly burned like a prairie fire. The prophet and new premier was radio evangelist William Aberhart (1878–1943). The message was biblical prophecy. Aberhart was a fundamentalist, preaching the revealed word of God and quoting the Bible to find a solution for the evils of the modern, materialistic world: the evils of sophisticated academics and their biblical criticism, the cold formality of middle-class congregations, the vices of dancing and movies and drink. "Bible Bill" preached that the capitalist economy was rotten because of its immorality; specifically it produced goods and services but did not provide people with sufficient purchasing power to enjoy them. This could be remedied by the giving out money in the form of "social credit", or $25 a month for every man and woman. This pump priming was guaranteed to restore prosperity, he prophesied to the 1600 Social Credit clubs he formed in the province.

Alberta's businessmen, professionals, newspaper editors and the traditional middle-class leaders vehemently protested Aberhart's crack-pot ideas, but they had not solved any problems and spoke not of the promised land ahead. Aberhart's new party in 1935 elected 56 members to the Alberta Assembly, compared to 7 for all the other parties.

Alberta's Social Credit Party remained in power for 36 years until 1971. It was re-elected by popular vote no less than 9 times, achieving success by moving from left to the right.

Social Credit in office
Once in office in Alberta, Aberhart gave a high priority to balancing the provincial budget. He reduced expenditures and increased the sales tax and the income tax. The poor and unemployed got nothing. The $25 monthly social dividend never arrived, as Aberhart decided nothing could be done until the province's financial system was changed, and 1936 Alberta defaulted on its bonds. He did pass a Debt Adjustment Act that cancelled all the interest on mortgages since 1932 and limited all interest rates on mortgages to 5%, in line with similar laws passed by other provinces. In 1937 backbenchers passed a radical banking law that was disallowed by the national government (banking was a federal responsibility). Efforts to control the press were also disallowed. The party was authoritarian and tried to exert detailed control over its officeholders; those who rebelled were purged or removed from office by the new device of recall elections. Although Aberhart was hostile to banks and newspapers, he was basically in favour of capitalism and did not support socialist policies as did the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) in Saskatchewan.

By 1938 the Social Credit government abandoned its notions about the $25 payouts, but its inability to break with UFA policies led to disillusionment and heavy defections from the party. Aberhart's government was re-elected in the 1940 election, carrying 43% of the vote. The prosperity of the Second World War relieved the economic fears and hatreds that had fuelled farmer unrest. Aberhart died in 1943, and was succeeded as Premier by his student at the Prophetic Bible Institute and lifelong close disciple, Ernest C. Manning (1908–1996).

The Social Credit party, now firmly on the right, governed Alberta until 1968 under Manning.

Recovery
The Canadian recovery from the Great Depression proceeded slowly. Economists Pedro Amaral and James MacGee find that the Canadian recovery has important differences with the United States. In the U.S. productivity recovered quickly while the labour force remained depressed throughout the decade. In Canada employment quickly recovered but productivity remained well below trend. Amaral and MacGee suggest that this decline is due to the sustained reduction in international trade during the 1930s.

In the midst of the Great Depression, the Crown-in-Council attempted to uplift the people, and created two national corporations: the Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission (CRBC), and the Bank of Canada. The former, established in 1932, was seen as a means to keep the country unified and uplifted in these harsh economic times. Many poor citizens found radio as an escape and used it to restore their own faiths in a brighter future. Broadcasting coast to coast mainly in English, with some French, primarily in Quebec, the CRBC played a vital role in keeping the morale up for Canadians everywhere. The latter was used to regulate currency and credit which had been horribly managed amongst Canadian citizens in the prior years. It was also set up to serve as a private banker’s bank and to assist and advise the Canadian government on its own debts and financial matters. The bank played an important role to help steer government spending in the right direction. The bank's effort took place through the tough years of the depression and on to the prosperity that followed into and after the Second World War.

Both of these corporations were seen as positive moves by the Canadian government to help get the economy back on track. 1937 was an important year in the recovery from the Great Depression. The Bank of Canada was nationalized in that year, and the Canadian Radio Broadcasting Commission (CRBC) became the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) in that same year. Both corporations were successful aids in the cultural and financial recovery of the Canadian economy during the Great depression.

It took the outbreak of World War II to pull Canada out of the depression. From 1939, an increased demand in Europe for materials, and increased spending by the Canadian government created a strong boost for the economy. Unemployed men enlisted in the military. By 1939, Canada was in the first prosperity period in the business cycle in a decade. This coincided with the recovery in the American economy, which created a better market for exports and a new inflow of much needed capital.

title: Great Depression in Canada


text:
Kathy Wilkes

Kathleen Vaughan Wilkes (23 June 1946 – 21 August 2003) was an English philosopher and academic who played an important part in rebuilding the education systems of former Communist countries after 1990. She established her reputation as an academic with her contributions to the philosophy of mind in two major works and many articles in professional journals. As a conscientious college tutor, she won the respect and affection of her students and academic colleagues. Her most notable contribution lay in her clandestine activities behind the Iron Curtain, which led to the establishment of underground universities and academic networks in Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe. For her work in support of this network President Václav Havel awarded her the Commemorative Medal of the President of the Czech Republic in October 1998.

Early life and academic career
Wilkes, who was known as Kathy, was the daughter of Rev. J C Vaughan Wilkes who had been a master at Eton and Warden of Radley College before entering holy orders, and was for many years vicar of Marlow. Her paternal grandparents had founded and run St Cyprian's School, Eastbourne, while her grandfather on her mother's side (the Very Rev Cyril Alington) had been Headmaster of Eton, Dean of Durham and author of many famous hymns. She was educated at Wycombe Abbey and St Hugh's College, Oxford, where she achieved a double First. Her achievement was all the greater in light of the excruciating pain she was suffering from as a result of a teenage riding accident. She spent a period at Princeton University, where she studied with Thomas Nagel, Richard Rorty and others, and received her Ph.D. She then lived the life of an Oxbridge don. After a time at King's College, Cambridge, she became a fellow of St Hilda's College, Oxford, in 1973, and was a lecturer in philosophy in the University of Oxford for the rest of her career.

Essay Prize
In 2021 one of the premier essay competitions at Wycombe Abbey, her former school, was named for Kathy Wilkes. Each year the year 9 (UIV in the school's lexicon) pupils are invited to submit essays of up to 1500 words on topics ranging from philosophy to history to education theory. The prize is judged by Wycombe Abbey Seniors.

Work in Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe: Czechoslovakia
During her time at Oxford, she worked, often in secret, for the education systems of eastern Europe. In 1979 she was the first of Oxford university's philosophers to respond to an invitation from the dissident philosophical community in Prague to conduct secret seminars there. She showed extraordinary courage in conducting secret meetings in crowded flats with groups of philosophers. Despite her large frame and ungainly walk, she would lead the secret policemen who followed her on wild goose chases through Slavic cities, unconcerned by their harassment. She made the difficult and risky trip many times, smuggling in banned books and taking out samizdat manuscripts. With her western friends, she created the Jan Hus Foundation, which was to become a major source of support for the dissident community. She encouraged and financially supported dissident intellectuals, finally bringing the Czech philosopher Julius Tomin and family to England. Having lost her Czech visa, she achieved this by returning to Prague with a new passport in her full name "Vaughan-Wilkes" to confuse the authorities. Having never driven there before, she drove the family precariously in a heavily overladen Zhiguli to the West knowing that the slightest traffic infringement would bring down the law. Back in England she arranged housing and paid for the children's education.

Work in the former Yugoslavia
Wilkes became chairman of the executive committee of the Inter-University Centre in Dubrovnik in 1986. Concerned at the lack of voice for philosophers in the east who were interested in the analytic approach, with Bill Newton-Smith as her co-editor, she created a journal known initially as the Dubrovnik Papers, and now flourishing as International Studies in the Philosophy of Science. She paid for a young Croatian psychologist's education at Oxford, maintaining throughout that the fees were being met by a fictitious 'Alington trust'. During the siege of Dubrovnik by the JNA in 1991–1992 during the Croatian war of independence, she refused to leave, seeing it her duty to give comfort and support to the sufferers and to inform the world of the city's distress.

Following the collapse of their political regimes, especially that of the former Yugoslavia, she worked to try to restore their academic standards, spending time in Croatia, where she was honoured with a doctorate from the University of Zagreb.

Kathy Wilkes was specifically referenced by her colleague Roger Scruton who took her as his model of the English gentleman, arguing that "her virtues were revealed in nothing so much, as her habit of concealing them". She appeared in the Channel 4 documentary series College Girls, broadcast in 2002 about some St Hilda's students.

Works

 * Physicalism (1978)
 * Real People (1988), Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-19-824080-5
 * Modelling the Mind (1990) editor with W. Newton Smith

title: Kathy Wilkes


text:
Jesse Burkett

Jesse Cail Burkett (December 4, 1868 – May 27, 1953), nicknamed "Crab", was an American professional baseball left fielder. He played in Major League Baseball (MLB) from 1890 to 1905 for the New York Giants, Cleveland Spiders, St. Louis Perfectos / Cardinals, St. Louis Browns, and Boston Americans.

Burkett batted over .400 twice, and held the major league single-season hits record for 15 years. After his playing career, Burkett managed in the minor leagues. He was elected into the National Baseball Hall of Fame in 1946. Burkett holds the record for the most inside-the-park home runs in MLB history, with 55. He is also regarded as one of the greatest bunters of all time.

Early life
Burkett was born in Wheeling, West Virginia, to Granville and Ellen Burkett. His father was a laborer and painter who worked for the Wheeling and Belmont Bridge Company. Beginning his professional career as a pitcher, he won 27 games at the age of 19 in 1888 for the Scranton Miners of the Central League. In 1889, he compiled a 39–6 win–loss record for the Worcester Grays of the New England League. He acquired his nickname, "Crab", due to his serious disposition, and willingness to argue, fight and insult sportswriters, umpires, opposing players, and rookies.

Early career
Burkett made his major league debut for the New York Giants of the National League (NL) in 1890 as a pitcher and outfielder. His pitching was ineffective as he went 3–10 with an earned run average of 5.57. As an outfielder he had a breakout year with a batting average of .309, good for second-best on the team. He was then purchased by the Cleveland Spiders in February 1891 and played most of 1891 in the minors, batting .316 for the Lincoln Rustlers and pitching to a 4–6 record. He played the last 40 games of the 1891 season with the Cleveland Spiders and continued to play for them through the 1898 season. In 1892, he hit .275 and was among the league's top ten players in runs scored and triples. The next season, his batting average increased to .348 (sixth highest in the league) and drew 98 walks (fifth-most in the league). He remained in the top ten in walks in almost every season throughout his career.

Burkett was never known as a great defender, but after committing a league leading 46 errors in 1893, he was coached by fellow outfielder Jimmy McAleer to improve his fielding. Nonetheless, he routinely finished in the top five for errors committed by an outfielder and has the fourth-most errors committed by an outfielder in history.

Peak years and batting .400
In 1895, Burkett batted .405  and led the NL in batting average, beating Ed Delahanty who also had an average of over .400, and hits (225), which were 12 more than Hall of Famer Willie Keeler. The following season, he set a career-high in batting average, at .410, and led the league in batting average, hits (240), and runs scored (160). His 240 hits were a major league record for 15 years until Ty Cobb hit 248 in 1911. Burkett was the second player in major league history to bat over .400 twice, the first being Ed Delahanty. The Spiders finished second in 1895 and 1896 and played the Baltimore Orioles both seasons in the Temple Cup series, beating the Orioles in 1895.

Early in the 1897 season, Burkett was hit in the head by a pitch by Fred Klobedanz which knocked him unconscious. He was out of action for two weeks, but played on May 31, collecting two hits in his first game back. On August 4, 1897 Burkett was ejected from both games of a doubleheader against the Louisville Colonels. In the first game, Burkett and an umpire (Bill Wolf) got into a heated argument and Burkett was thrown out; when he did not leave the field, the umpire threatened to forfeit the game to Louisville. Manager Patsy Tebeau agreed to forfeit the game to the Colonels by a score of 9–0. In the next game of the double header, the arguments against Bill Wolf continued, and by the ninth inning Burkett was ejected again. Similar to the first game, he did not leave the field and two police officers were called in and dragged Burkett from the field. In the 1897 season, Burkett finished third in batting average behind fellow Hall of Famers Willie Keeler and Fred Clarke.

Move to St. Louis and later career
By the end of 1898 the Cleveland Spiders were unable to afford to play in Cleveland and pay their highly paid players, and as a result played 35 of their last 38 games on the road. In the offseason, owner Frank Robison bought the struggling St. Louis Cardinals and in March 1898, Burkett along with teammate Cy Young were moved from the Cleveland Spiders to the St. Louis Perfectos. He played for the Perfectos/Cardinals for three seasons. In 1899 he had originally finished the season batting .402 (making him the first baseball player to hit .400 or greater in three separate seasons), but it was downgraded to .396 later.

In 1901, he led the NL in batting average (.376), on-base percentage (.440), hits (226), and runs scored (142); this marked the third time he had led the league in batting average. Before the 1902 season, Burkett jumped to the St. Louis Browns of the American League and batted over .300 for the last time in his career. The following year, the American League began to count foul balls as strikes, causing his batting average to fall below .300 on the season for the first time since 1892. The next year his batting average fell again to .271, and had a career low in stolen bases. His errors in the outfield went down, but that was partially due to his decreased range and fewer opportunities.

In 1905, he was traded to the Boston Americans for George Stone; this meant he could be closer to his home in Worcester. His level of play continued to decrease as he set a career low in batting average as Boston finished in fourth place at the end of the season. At the end of the season, he retired. He had the second most career hits in baseball at the time. He has the highest batting average (.378) and on-base percentage (.444) in St. Louis Cardinals history.

Later life
Burkett managed the New England League's Worcester Busters from 1906 to 1915 and played some games for the team, as well. In 1906, he led the league with a .344 batting average.

Newspapers described Burkett as retiring from baseball in 1916. He secured a position with a brass factory in Worcester in December. However, he signed on as a coach with College of the Holy Cross late that month. In four seasons coaching the Holy Cross Crusaders, Burkett amassed an 88–12–1 record (.870); nine players on his 1919 team were designated All-East players.

Burkett managed sporadically in the minor leagues until 1933. He was elected into the Baseball Hall of Fame in 1946. The Wheeling native became the first West Virginian elected into the Hall of Fame.

Burkett died in Worcester, Massachusetts, on May 27, 1953.

title: Jesse Burkett


text:
Talk:Eudicots/Archive 1

Taxonomy query
''Note that these names are not formed in the manner specified by the International Code for Botanical Nomenclature so are only provisional, and not the valid names for the groups. The valid name for the "eudicots" and the other groups given here have yet to be selected or determined.''

This is inaccurate. The names eudicotyledon and tricolpates are valid names for the group, in the same way that monocotyledons is a valid name for its group. They are not valid names for the formal ranked taxon corresponding to the group, should one be used, but that's a different matter. And as stated repeatedly, systems that treat the eudicots as a class call must call it the Rosopsida, so the claim that the name hasn't been selected is false.
 * Repeatedly where? And if so, why are those silly 'Euro-sid' names still there? Group names prefixed Eu- are definitely proscribed by the ICBN - MPF 21:37, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Twice here, and once on flowering plant. The "silly" names are here because those are the names of the groups in question, as used by the majority of people discussing relationships. They don't have to conform to the ICBN because they're not formal ranked taxa, which haven't emerged yet and ultimately may not correspond to them. In general, the informal names are better for discussion when the classification is unstable. Rosopsida can refer to the eudicots, to some subgroup of the eudicots, or to nothing depending on the author. Eudicots always refers to the same thing, which happens to be called Rosopsida when treated as a class. Are we really going to have to explain the difference between clades and taxa on every single page where the latter are unsettled? -- Josh
 * Thanks for the clarification, but it wasn't at all obvious, with the way the ICBN names were not emphasized. All this being the case, there is definitely a need for an explanation on the page about why the ICBN is not being followed. MPF 23:16, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

It isn't being followed because it only applies to formal taxa. That's something that should be explained on the ICBN page, not here.

 * PhyloCode names are formal taxa under PhyloCode rules, but they are not formal ranked taxa. In other words, they don't have to conform to certain rules such as standard endings, but there is a whole set of PhyloCode rules.  As Josh said, PhyloCode names are VERY specific, and immutable.  I just wanted to add that the director of the PhyloCode website mentioned that "Tricolpates" is the preferred name; I plan to quiz him on some more. jaknouse 00:09, 13 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Cladonomy
This is a "nice" example of Cladonomy. Berton 13:57, 24 August 2006 (UTC)

Importance/Quality
Whether this article is the important one, or Dicotyledon, or both, kind of depends on how we organize the material. But eudicots are one of the largest and most familiar groups of plants, and we could have more material (and better-organized material) about things like common traits of eudicots, their molecular biology, adaptations, etc, etc. Kingdon 23:53, 20 March 2007 (UTC)

Taxoboxes for clades?
I'm removing the taxobox because "Eudicots" is not a class nor a taxon at any level. I'm not sure if "taxoboxes" have been added to any of the other unranked clades of the APG II system but feel free to discuss it at either Wikipedia talk:WikiProject Tree of Life or Wikipedia talk:WikiProject Plants. MrDarwin 16:44, 27 April 2007 (UTC)
 * The are lots and lots of clades in the taxoboxes. They are part of the tree. In this case they can be situated as plants and eukaryotes. Then, there is the need of a taxobox. "Clades" are considered "unranked taxons". They are not out of the tree! 80.30.238.120 11:06, 7 August 2007 (UTC)
 * There are plenty of taxoboxes for unranked clades. I'm especially thinking of the higher groupings of animals and protista, although browsing around also saw at least one case where someone removed a taxobox (without explanation, so it is hard to know what the reasoning was).  Insects might be another case where recent systematic work uses clades rather than ranked taxa (I'm far from an expert on that one, though).  I guess I don't see the argument against taxoboxes, especially if there seems to be some modicum of agreement about what the clades are. Kingdon 18:40, 12 August 2007 (UTC)
 * I think it's a bit weird personally, and would generally like to see taxoboxes used only for ranked clades--you know, other stuff exists not being an argument. KP Botany 19:43, 12 August 2007 (UTC)
 * Correct me if I'm wrong, but the whole point of the taxoboxes in the first place was to keep track of taxa. The problem with the taxobox as it now appears in this article is that it is confusing taxa with clades.  Yes, clades can be taxa, but that means they have to be given (1) a taxonomic rank and (2) a name.  And now the perfectly good orders are being called clades--which they only are in the context of their definition and circumscription by the Angiosperm Phylogeny Group.  MrDarwin 21:08, 12 August 2007 (UTC)
 * My bad, I meant taxa! I don't want it used for mixed clades and taxa, simply the name at the appropriate taxonomic rank according to an authority.  I think it's weird to use them for mixed systems, constitutes original research, and confuses the heck out of users, particularly without authorities for the nomenclature in the taxobox, there is no way we should be mixing clades that are not firmly in the hierarchy.  KP Botany 21:21, 12 August 2007 (UTC)

KP, I didn't mean it as a criticism of you or your comments and didn't realize it read that way--my comments were directly solely at the taxobox in the article and the way it was presenting its information--which had been added & edited by another editor entirely. MrDarwin 23:28, 12 August 2007 (UTC)
 * Thanks, Mr. Darwin, I wasn't worried about being criticized so much as being clear, particularly after saying so many times that I want taxonomies in taxoboxes to be attached to specific references, I don't want to be seen as saying they should be more mixed than they already are--something I consider very problematic about taxoboxes in general. Adding APGII clades to the various plant taxonomies already contained in the taxoboxes is, imo, a step in the wrong direction.  I was more horrified by what I said, than worried about being criticized.  KP Botany 03:30, 13 August 2007 (UTC)

The title
should be singular. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 70.230.159.92 (talk) 03:17, 1 September 2012 (UTC)

Section 'Subdivisions' should be more than a list.
I hate to complain about a problem, rather than just fix the problem, but I really don't know enough about biology to be productive here.

The Problem: I read eudicots, rosids, and asterids. Although each article lists some representative species, I (the reader) have no understanding what criteria was used to subdivide eudicots into rosids and asterids (and others). Why is one plant a rosid but not an asterid? These articles read as though plant life is subdivided arbitrarily, though I suspect the subdivision is somewhat rational. My intuition tells me that there must be some expressible, meaningful distinction between these subgroups.

The Proposal: Is there some way to describe the grouping here? I propose a brief summary of the characteristics which divide rosids and asterids. I think this summary should be a list of differences, each difference taking this form:
 * Rosids feature X. In contrast, Asterids feature Y.

Thanks, 71.63.4.110 (talk) 22:42, 15 November 2014 (UTC)
 * Modern classification is based almost entirely on molecular phylogenetic studies, so the eudicots are divided up the way they are because their gene sequences suggest that's the way they evolved. Once the groups are set up in this way, it's then possible to look for more obvious differences, but these are secondary and there may be few common features. Mauseth (Botany, 5th ed. p.565) says of rosids, for example, that they are "so diverse with respect to vegetative body, flowers, chemistry, and ecology that it is difficult to see that they are all related". Asterids are a bit easier to characterize. I agree that we should try to add something to the article. Peter coxhead (talk) 08:32, 16 November 2014 (UTC)
 * Thank you for your reply. I now understand why it is difficult to write more than a list of subdivisions.  In essence, the words 'Eudicot', 'Asterid', and 'Rosid' refer to ancient common ancestors (ignoring horizontal gene transfer), not to collections of common traits.  Still, if we can't describe the distinction, then the names don't convey much information and I question the merit of these articles.  A few ideas spring to mind:
 * Since these groups are divided according to their genotype (rather than phenotype, as I had incorrectly assumed), would it be easier to describe the characteristics of the genome which divide rosids and asterids? Something like 'The fourth chromosome of rosids have X; In contrast, the fourth chromosome of asterids have Y'?
 * Have biologists tried to characterize these common ancestors in a manner analogous to how linguists attempt to reconstruct proto-languages? If so, perhaps the articles could describe the reconstructed common ancestors.
 * Other than assigning new species to the taxonomy, how do biologists use the distinction? If the only use is to assign new species to the taxonomy, then the taxonomy is merely write-only documentation.
 * Thanks, 71.63.4.110 (talk) 16:35, 16 November 2014 (UTC)
 * Well, I'm not a professional botanist, but my impression is that the very top-level clades aren't particularly useful, other than as a grouping of orders and families. Thus a new species would be assigned to a genus, or a new genus to a family, and hence it would belong in one of the higher-level clades. If you go to the main tree in APweb and click on the names there is some information on each of the clades (APweb is regarded as a very reliable source although only a website.) As I noted before, we need to try to get some of this information into the articles. Peter coxhead (talk) 17:32, 16 November 2014 (UTC)
 * Peter's right -- these higher clades are ridiculous hard to define in terms of characters that make them unique, but this problem is not restricted to top-level clades. The family Orchidaceae is really best circumscribed by a single character: presence of a protocorm stage of development. The other characters often cited for Orchidaceae are not unique to it or have some reversals/exceptions. For asterids, the characters considered defining are the presence of iridoids and ovules with a single integument. There aren't decent synapomorphies for the rosids yet, if I recall correctly; I'll check my references to confirm that. Rkitko (talk) 23:47, 16 November 2014 (UTC)
 * Thanks, both. I browsed the APweb site for a while, but I'm clearly out of my league in this area.  I don't think I'll be able to add the new content to these articles, though I'd be happy to copyedit or otherwise clean up.  71.63.4.110 (talk) 14:29, 18 November 2014 (UTC)

title: Talk:Eudicots/Archive 1


text:
List of Native American actors

This is a list of Native American actors in the United States, including Alaskan Natives.

While Native American identity can be complex, it is rooted in political sovereignty that predates the creation of colonial nation states like the United States, Canada, and Mexico and persists into the 21st century recognized under international law by treaty. The Bureau of Indian Affairs defines Native American as having American Indian or Alaska Native ancestry. Legally, being Native American is defined as being enrolled in a federally recognized tribe, including Alaskan villages. Ethnologically, factors such as culture, history, language, religion, and familial kinships can influence Native American identity. All individuals on this list should have confirmed Native American ancestry. Historical figures might predate tribal enrollment practices and would be included based on ethnological tribal membership, while any contemporary individuals should either be enrolled members of federally recognized tribes or have cited Native American ancestry and be recognized as being Native American by their respective tribes(s). Contemporary unenrolled individuals should only be listed as being of descent from a tribe if they have confirmed heritage.

A

 * Victor Aaron (1956–1996), Yaqui descent
 * Apesanahkwat, Menominee Nation

B

 * Dewey Beard a.k.a. Iron Hail, Lakota, Miniconjou
 * Irene Bedard, Inupiat
 * Chief John Big Tree, Seneca
 * Moses Brings Plenty, Oglala Lakota
 * Cole Brings Plenty, nephew of Moses

C

 * Tonantzin Carmelo, Tongva/Kumeyaay descent
 * Alaqua Cox, Menominee/Mohican

D

 * Cody Deal (born 1986), Osage Nation

E

 * Chris Eyre, Southern Cheyenne director and producer

F

 * Abel Fernandez (1930–2016), Yaqui descent

G

 * Forrest Goodluck, Navajo
 * Kiowa Gordon, Hualapai Tribe
 * Rodney A. Grant, Omaha
 * Saginaw Grant, member of Sac and Fox Nation
 * Kimberly Norris Guerrero, Colville (enrolled), Salish-Kootenai, and Cherokee

H

 * Charlie Hill, Oneida, Mohawk, Cree
 * Nathan Lee Chasing His Horse, Lakota
 * Jack Hoxie, Nez Perce
 * Miko Hughes, Chickasaw
 * Blu Hunt - American actress, Oglala Lakota

I

 * Iron Hail, a.k.a. Dewey Beard, Lakota, Miniconjou

J

 * Ben Johnson, Cherokee, grew up on an Osage reservation

K

 * Oscar Kawagley, Yup'ik
 * Geraldine Keams, Navajo
 * Stepfanie Kramer, Eastern Band Cherokee

L

 * Eddie Little Sky, Oglala Lakota
 * Phil Lucas, Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma filmmaker, actor, writer, producer, director, and editor
 * Lily Gladstone, Blackfeet Nation descent actress

M

 * Randolph Mantooth, Seminole
 * Robin Maxkii, Stockbridge-Munsee, actress
 * Zahn McClarnon, Hunkpapa Lakota, actor
 * Russell Means, Oglala Lakota, activist, actor
 * Tatanka Means, Navajo, Lakota
 * Amber Midthunder (Fort Peck Sioux)

R

 * Arthur Redcloud, Navajo
 * Red Shirt (Oglala), Lakota
 * Red Wing, (Lillian St. Cyr), Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska
 * Steve Reevis, Blackfeet
 * Branscombe Richmond, Aleut
 * Pernell Roberts, film and television actor, Muscogee
 * Will Rogers (1879–1935), Cherokee, film and vaudeville actor, movie producer
 * Ned Romero, film and television actor, Chitimacha
 * Lois Red Elk enrolled member of the Ft. Peck Sioux in Montana.

S

 * Frank Salsedo, Wappo
 * Will Sampson, Muscogee (Creek) Nation
 * Larry Sellers, Osage, Cherokee, Lakota
 * Martin Sensmeier, Tlingit, Koyukon Athabascan
 * Sitting Bull, Lakota, Hunkpapa
 * John Sitting Bull, Lakota, Hunkpapa
 * William Sitting Bull, Lakota, Hunkpapa
 * Charles Soldani, Osage and Kaw actor
 * Eddie Spears, Brulé
 * Michael Spears, Brulé
 * Chaske Spencer, Sioux-Nez Perce-Cherokee-Muscogee Creek-French-Dutch
 * Luther Standing Bear, Oglala Lakota author and actor
 * Wes Studi, Cherokee Nation

T

 * Jim Thorpe, Sac and Fox
 * Chief Thunderbird, Cheyenne
 * John Trudell, Dakota people
 * Sheila Tousey, Menominee, Stockbridge-Munsee

U

 * Misty Upham, Blackfeet Tribe

W

 * Noah Watts, Crow/Blackfeet
 * Floyd Red Crow Westerman, Sisseton Wahpeton Oyate

Y

 * James Young Deer, Nanticoke, 1876–1946
 * Chief Yowlachie, Yakima

title: List of Native American actors


text:
Talk:List of current members of the U.S. House of Representatives

Obsolete
I created a new redirect page called List of current members of the United States House of Representatives to comply with WP:USC naming conventions. There are currently no pages linking to this page. Since this page contains discussion and edit history I will not nominate for deletion. I will redirect this article to the new redirect page.--G1076 19:08, 14 March 2006 (UTC)

Merger to 109th United States Congress
Discuss proposed merger on that talk page-> Talk:109th United States Congress, not here. (Mark Adler 16:52, 14 October 2005 (UTC))

Other
(To the anonymous user who posted a long list of questions here) Please, the all caps makes it very hard to read, and you are asking far too many questions all at once. If you have one or two questions you need answered, please take them to Reference desk and type them there in lowercase, not CAPITAL LETTERS. If you truly have dozens of questions, I suggest you read the articles here first, or try a book from your local library. Thank you. Jwrosenzweig 20:30, 12 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Can someone change the designation of John Sweeney from the NY 20th district from Democrat to Republican? I'm quite sure that's his true party, and I can't seem to do it, as the article is too long. Thanx. -R. fiend

Done Adam 05:46, 3 Apr 2004 (UTC)

has there been a consensus on what information should be included in individual in pages for congressmen? i'm trying to do articles for all texas reps that currently are without pages and i was wondering what else i should consider adding. Lloyd Doggett and Ruben Hinojosa are currently the most complete and polished of the ones i've done. Thepedestrian 19:24, Jul 20, 2004 (UTC)

Why are people elected to the House on November 2 being added to this list? They are not yet member of the House and will not be until January. Adam 08:12, 7 Nov 2004 (UTC)

Yeah, there are a lot of articles updated recently to make it sound as if newly-elected people are already in their new positions, which isn't the case. Additions of newly-elected Representatives should be reversed. RickK 08:17, Nov 7, 2004 (UTC)