text:
Buffalo Zoo

Founded in 1875, the Buffalo Zoo, located at 300 Parkside Ave in Buffalo, New York, is the seventh oldest zoo in the United States. Each year, the Buffalo Zoo welcomes approximately 400,000 visitors and is the second largest tourist attraction in Western New York; second only to Niagara Falls. Located on 23.5 acre of Buffalo's Delaware Park, the zoo exhibits a diverse collection of wild and exotic animals, and more than 320 different species of plants. The zoo is open year-round.

History
The zoo traces its history to the mid-19th century when Jacob E. Bergtold, a Buffalo furrier, presented a pair of deer to the city of Buffalo. To provide the deer with room to graze, Elam R. Jewett, the publisher of the Buffalo Daily Journal, offered to house the deer on his estate. Simultaneously, plans were being made for the municipal North Park (today's Delaware Park), and Mayor William F. Rogers hired landscape architect, Frederick Law Olmsted, to include a zoo as part of the park's design. Five years after, the deer were donated, more animals were added to the collection, and the first permanent building was erected in 1875, officially establishing the Buffalo Zoological Gardens.

The zoo underwent a large expansion during the Great Depression and became a major work site for the Works Progress Administration. Among the new structures was the Buffalo Zoo Entrance Court at Parkside Avenue and Amherst Street. It was designed by African-American architect John Edmonston Brent (son of architect Calvin Brent ) and built 1935–1938. The Buffalo Zoo Entrance Court was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2013.

Throughout the next several decades, more exhibits and facilities were added, including the Reptile House (1942), Children's Zoo (1965), Giraffe House and Veterinary Hospital (1967), and The Gorilla Habitat Building (1981). The zoo's mission also began to change during the 1980s and 1990s under the direction of Minot Ortolani, as it began reducing the numbers of animals in its collection to focus on the breeding of endangered species that might not otherwise have a chance at survival. In addition to its conservation efforts, the zoo also placed more of an emphasis on education to teach visitors about the animals and their natural habitats. From 2000 - 2017 the President/CEO of the zoo was Dr Donna M. Fernandes, with Norah B. Fletchall succeeding her in 2017.

In 2002, a 15-year master plan was unveiled to transform the zoo. New visitor amenities and naturalistic habitats were planned, including the Asian River and Highlands Zone, African Watering Hole, Arctic Edge, and the Wonders of Water Children's Zoo. Phase One of the Master Plan has resulted in the opening of the Vanishing Animals exhibit, EcoStation, Otter Creek, and Sea Lion Cove. The completion of Phase One was marked by the September 10, 2008, opening of the South American Rainforest, a four-season attraction that features a two-story waterfall, dozens of colorful birds, and a variety of other rainforest species. In the fall of 2015 the $14 million Arctic Edge opened to the public featuring Arctic wolves, lynxes and polar bears. In 2016 the Arctic wolves were replaced by Arctic foxes which fit the size of the exhibit better than the wolves. Arctic Edge is currently home to two polar bears Anana and Luna. Luna is the offspring of Anana and Nanuq, who now resides at the Columbus Zoo.

In March 2018, the zoo's Reptile House was closed for 14 months to undergo a $3.7 million remodel. It reopened on May 24, 2019, as the Donna M. Fernandes Amphibian and Reptile Center with a new roof, refreshed exhibits, interactive graphics and a conservation room.

In August 2018, the zoo announced it would be sending its two Asian elephants, Jothi and Surapa to the Audubon Zoo in New Orleans due to being unable to care for them anymore. They arrived at the Audubon Zoo later that year. As of 2022, the former elephant habitat is currently occupied by black rhinos.

In early June 2020, a red-footed tortoise was reportedly stolen from the zoo. There was an ongoing police search, but the tortoise, 'Red', was never found.

Animals

 * Mammals

 * Addax
 * African lion
 * American bison
 * American Milking Devon cow
 * Arctic fox

 * Axis deer
 * Babydoll Southdown sheep
 * Bennett's wallaby
 * Black howler monkey
 * Black-capped squirrel monkey
 * Brown capuchin
 * California sea lion
 * Canada lynx
 * Capybara
 * Common squirrel monkey
 * Common vampire bat
 * Dama Wallaby
 * Eastern black rhinoceros
 * Ferret

 * Gemsbok
 * Giant anteater
 * Giraffe
 * Golden lion tamarin
 * Indian rhinoceros
 * Japanese macaque
 * Lesser hedgehog tenrec
 * Linnaeus's two-toed sloth
 * Long-tailed chinchilla
 * Meerkat
 * Mule
 * Naked Mole Rat
 * Nigerian dwarf goat
 * North American porcupine
 * North American river otter
 * Ocelot
 * Plains zebra
 * Polar bear
 * Tufted deer

 * Red panda
 * Red-rumped agouti
 * Ring-tailed lemur
 * Roan antelope
 * Rocky Mountain bighorn sheep
 * Sand Cat
 * Snow leopard
 * Southern tamandua
 * Southern three-banded armadillo
 * Spotted hyena
 * Amur tiger
 * Tammar wallaby
 * Western lowland gorilla
 * White-faced saki

 * Birds

 * American kestrel
 * Bald eagle
 * Black vulture
 * Black-crowned night heron
 * Blue-crowned motmot
 * Boat-billed heron
 * Bourke's parrot
 * Call duck
 * Cinereous vulture
 * Cloncurry parrot

 * Dominique chicken.
 * Eastern rosella
 * Eastern screech owl
 * Great horned owl
 * Green-backed trogon
 * Green-winged macaw
 * Lady Ross' turaco
 * Laughing kookaburra
 * Mandarin duck
 * Narragansett turkey

 * Princess parrot
 * Roseate spoonbill
 * Turtle dove
 * Scarlet ibis
 * Scarlet macaw
 * Senegal parrot
 * Sun conure
 * Sunbittern
 * Swan goose
 * Trumpeter hornbill
 * Western cattle egret
 * Yellow-crowned night heron
 * Von der Decken's hornbill

 * Reptiles

 * Annam leaf turtle
 * Arrau turtle
 * Ball python
 * Black tree monitor
 * Blanding's turtle
 * Brazilian rainbow boa
 * Carpet python
 * Chinese crocodile lizard
 * Chinese three-striped box turtle
 * Chuckwalla
 * Caiman Lizard
 * Desert grassland whiptail lizard
 * Desert tortoise
 * Dumeril's monitor
 * Eastern box turtle
 * Eastern diamondback rattlesnake
 * Eastern indigo snake
 * Gila monster

 * Gopher tortoise
 * Green anaconda
 * Hermann's tortoise
 * Indochinese box turtle
 * Jamaican boa
 * King cobra
 * Komodo dragon
 * Legless lizard
 * Leopard gecko
 * Mangrove snake
 * Massasauga
 * Mata mata
 * Mexican beaded lizard
 * Mexican lance-headed rattlesnake
 * Northern blue-tongued skink
 * Pancake tortoise
 * Prehensile-tailed skink
 * Pueblan milk snake

 * Red-footed tortoise
 * Reticulated python
 * Sheltopusik
 * Sidewinder
 * Spotted turtle
 * Tentacled snake
 * Virgin Islands boa
 * Yellow-spotted river turtle

 * Amphibians
 * Anderson's crocodile newt
 * Axolotl
 * Cane toad
 * Dyeing poison frog
 * Green and black poison dart frog
 * Hellbender
 * Mission golden-eyed tree frog
 * Panamanian golden frog
 * Puerto Rican crested toad
 * Solomon Islands leaf frog
 * Yellow-banded poison dart frog

 * Fish
 * Cichlids
 * Common pleco
 * Magdalena River stingray
 * Ocellate river stingray
 * Silver dollar fish
 * Spotted Rafael catfish

 * Invertebrates
 * blue death feigning beetle
 * Brazilian greysmoke spider
 * Chaco goldenknee tarantula
 * Chilean rose tarantula

title: Buffalo Zoo


text:
Talk:Arthur Gould (rugby union)

Question
Does anyone know which Newport this refers to, so that we can disambiguate it? Don't say 'the one in Wales', there are two. DJ Clayworth 15:35, 5 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Possible Good Article
I've been through the article a few times and I think its worth a GA nomination. It fits the criteria I think - well-written; factually accurate and verifiable by references; broad; neutral; and stable. The very start of the lead reads slightly awkwardly to me, it mentions Gould being a Welsh international centre and full-back, and I put myself in the position of the "ignorant" (in the best sense of the word) reader and asking myself what that is! It does then go on to mention Gould as a rugby player in the next few words but maybe the emphasis needs a change. It reads well enough to me, plenty of detailed coverage of Gould's rugby career and detail about his life outside the game. No reference to the facts about his death though as far as I can see. These are just a few initial thoughts and I'll put it to one side and come at it fresh again tomorrow.

Pretty good article anyway about a major figure in the early-ish history of Welsh international rugby. --Bcp67 (talk) 19:31, 25 July 2009 (UTC)

 * Don't think I can add any more to it to be honest - I'd suggest you put it up for GA nomination and see how it gets on. It might not necessarily pass first time but I doubt it would need much further work. It's readable, comprehensive, well-referenced and decently illustrated, for my money at least.--Bcp67 (talk) 19:39, 27 July 2009 (UTC)

bio at this link from 1899
Thought I would post this link here, and editors of this article can take a look and see if anything useful is in it. It may or may not be useful: Famous Players: A J Gould (scroll down a little bit SauliH (talk) 04:40, 10 September 2010 (UTC)

Saracerns Ground
The article states "... and three days later the first team took to the field at the Saracerns Ground in Walthamstow against London Scottish", by Saracerns does this mean Saracens F.C., and Palmerston Road, Walthamstow? Best Regards. DynamoDegsy (talk) 17:18, 19 February 2013 (UTC)
 * It should read "Saracens" and it is at Palmerston Road". FruitMonkey (talk) 19:20, 19 February 2013 (UTC)

Middlesex
I've been trying to find more information on Gould playing for Middlesex. Looks like he played against the 1888–89 New Zealand Native football team in 1888. This match was on 22 October, but Gould was unavailable for Wales later that year. The second link also suggests Middlesex had an undefeated season in 1887, possibly when Gould was playing for them. - Shudde  talk 04:16, 29 June 2013 (UTC)
 * Found a couple more and
 * More

Things remaining from peer review
There are a few outstanding points from the peer review that need to be addressed before the article is ready for FAC. I'll list them here:
 * Gould is regarded as the first superstar of Welsh rugby -- need to say by who
 * May be worth including a reference for the note that injury replacements were not permitted during Gould's career.
 * took a swiftly heeled ball -- may need rewording to remove jargon
 * The game swung again when Percy Phillips took a swiftly heeled ball and passed to Gould -- do we know what position Phillips was playing?
 * all round player and even-time sprinter -- "even-time sprinter" will not be understood by many, should be reworded
 * The game was played in front of 17,000 supporters at Rodney Parade, and was the 18th time Gould had captained his country – a record eventually broken by Ieuan Evans in 1994 -- should consider rewording, record could be taken to refer to attendance rather than captaincy
 * Need to check images, including captions and formatting as per MOS:IMAGE.

The following statements need an inline reference, or a check that the succeeding inline citation supports the statement (except in the case of the succeeding citation being in a new paragraph, in which case it should be replicated at the end of the sentence):
 * After playing just a handful games during the three seasons preceding it, in the 1889–90 season he managed 15 games for the club – scoring ten tries and five dropped goals.
 * Gould was first capped for Wales against England in the opening game of the 1885 Home Nations Championship. He joined his brother Bob in the side, and played at full back, his preferred position at the time. Played under the captaincy of Newport team-mate Charlie Newman, this was Wales' eighth-ever international and fourth encounter with England. The Welsh lost by a goal and a try to a goal and four tries. Wing Martyn Jordan of London Welsh scored both Welsh tries, with one successfully converted into a goal.
 * For the 1885–86 season Gould switched from full back at Newport to the centre position; this tactic was adopted by Wales and Gould replaced Cardiff's Hancock at centre for their first match of the 1886 Home Nations Championship against England. The match resulted in a Welsh loss. In Wales' next game, against Scotland, Wales became the first country to trial the four threequarter system.
 * In the second game, played away to Ireland, George Bowen was given the centre position in the last match Wales would play with a three threequarter system. Gould then missed the first Welsh international against an overseas touring side, when the New Zealand Natives were beaten at St. Helen's in Swansea, and was still absent two months later for the opening game of the 1889 Championship.
 * Bancroft was full back in Gould's next 18 international games. Gould regained the captaincy for the next game, an encounter with England at Crown Flatt in Dewsbury, and from that point held the captaincy whenever he represented Wales.
 * There was little consistency for Gould at centre, with three different centre-pairings in each of the matches; Garrett against England, Conway Rees at home to Scotland and in the Irish encounter, Gould's younger brother Bert.
 * In the next match Gould was partnered by Dai Fitzgerald in a win over Scotland, but was unavailable for the encounter with Ireland and was replaced by Jack Elliott from Cardiff RFC.
 * This was followed by a close loss to Scotland at Raeburn Place and a narrow win over Ireland at the Cardiff Arms Park.
 * This caused a stir from the other Home Unions as it was seen as an attempt to pay Gould for playing, and as such was professionalism. As the arguments continued, Gould played his final international game, a solid 11–0 win over England.

Once these are done, I think we're very close to being ready for FAC. -- Shudde  talk 09:07, 13 January 2014 (UTC)
 * I'll pick these up tomorrow evening. I will have no issue sourcing them all. FruitMonkey (talk) 23:07, 13 January 2014 (UTC)
 * Will that do? FruitMonkey (talk) 18:17, 19 February 2014 (UTC)
 * Great! I'm pretty tired tonight so will make a final sweep and then nominate. That should happen in the next couple of days. I'll let you know as soon as I do this. -- Shudde  talk 10:22, 20 February 2014 (UTC)

Restating without the poetry
"He never ceased practising in order to develop his fitness and skills" seems a bit syrupy since if he never ceased practice then how is it that he found the time to have a family? Maybe, like Winston Churchhill, he was half American (eagle that is that fly to heights as part of their mating; but then that might be a potential adult film scenario but is not necessarily rugby).66.74.176.59 (talk) 01:59, 10 October 2014 (UTC)
 * Agreed. He had to stop practicing to actually play. Howabout changing to something like: "Throughout his career he followed a practise regimen to develop his fitness and skills"?--Khajidha (talk) 13:16, 10 October 2014 (UTC)
 * or at least if there is a source that comments on his practicing then say that he was known for practicing his skills set but not that Victorian peppermint stick stuff with a liquidy chewy center. Even Geo. Washington never had to fess up to cutting down a cherry tree to show his integrity.66.74.176.59 (talk) 01:33, 11 October 2014 (UTC)

Thanks for a great article
Thanks to : and : for getting this to FA status, and getting featured on the 150th anniversary of his birth was a nice touch. While doing some categorization of files for Newport, Wales on commons I came across this:

There is a brief description of the cartoon on commons. Would it be useful as an addition to the "Gould affair" section? Robevans123 (talk) 20:02, 30 October 2014 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just modified 3 external links on Arthur Gould (rugby union). Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20141015151809/http://papuraunewyddcymru.llgc.org.uk/en/page/view/3237183/ART29/Arthur%20Gould to http://papuraunewyddcymru.llgc.org.uk/en/page/view/3237183/ART29/Arthur%20Gould
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20131203004226/http://www.planetrugby.com/story/0%2C25883%2C3820_1968298%2C00.html to http://www.planetrugby.com/story/0%2C25883%2C3820_1968298%2C00.html
 * Corrected formatting/usage for http://www.newportpast.com/nfs/y90t99/chapter8.htm

When you have finished reviewing my changes, you may follow the instructions on the template below to fix any issues with the URLs.

Cheers.— InternetArchiveBot  (Report bug) 22:51, 19 May 2017 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Arthur Gould (rugby union)


text:
1921 Upper Silesia plebiscite

The Upper Silesia plebiscite was a plebiscite mandated by the Versailles Treaty and carried out on 20 March 1921 to determine ownership of the province of Upper Silesia between Weimar Germany and Poland. The region was ethnically mixed with both Germans and Poles; according to prewar statistics, ethnic Poles formed 60 percent of the population. Under the previous rule by the German Empire, Poles claimed they had faced discrimination, making them effectively second class citizens. The period of the plebiscite campaign and inter-Allied occupation was marked by violence. There were three Polish uprisings, and German volunteer paramilitary units came to the region as well.

The area was policed by French, British, and Italian troops, and overseen by an Inter-Allied Commission. The Allies planned a partition of the region, but a Polish insurgency took control of over half the area. The Germans responded with volunteer paramilitary units from all over Germany, which fought the Polish units. In the end, after renewed Allied military intervention, the final position of the opposing forces became, roughly, the new border. The decision was handed over to the League of Nations, which confirmed this border, and Poland received roughly one third of the plebiscite zone by area, including the greater part of the industrial region.

After the referendum, on 20 October 1921, a conference of ambassadors in Paris decided to divide the region. Consequently, the German-Polish Accord on East Silesia (Geneva Convention), a minority treaty, was concluded on 15 May 1922 which dealt with the constitutional and legal future of Upper Silesia that had partly become Polish territory.

Ethnolinguistic structure before the plebiscite
The earliest exact census figures on ethnolinguistic or national structure (Nationalverschiedenheit) of the Prussian part of Upper Silesia, come from 1819. Polish immigration from Galicia, Congress Poland and Prussian provinces into Upper Silesia during the 19th century was a major factor in their increasing numbers. The last Prussian general census figures available are from 1910 (if not including the 1911 census of school children – Sprachzählung unter den Schulkindern – which revealed a higher percent of Polish-speakers among school children than the 1910 census among the general populace). Figures (Table 1.) show that large demographic changes took place between 1819 and 1910, with the region's total population quadrupling, the percent of Germans increasing significantly, while Polish-speakers maintained their steady increasing numbers. Also the total land area in which Polish was spoken, as well as the land area in which it was spoken, declined between 1790 and 1890. Polish authors before 1918 estimated the number of Poles in Prussian Upper Silesia as slightly higher than according to official German censuses. The three western districts of Falkenberg (Niemodlin), Grottkau (Grodków) and Neisse (Nysa), though part of Regierungsbezirk Oppeln, were not included in the plebiscite area, as they were almost entirely populated by Germans.

The plebiscite
The Paris Peace Conference at the end of World War I placed some formerly German territory in neighboring countries, some of which had not existed at the beginning of the war. In the case of the new Polish state, the Treaty of Versailles established some 54,000 square kilometers of formerly German territory as part of newly independent Poland. Many of these areas were ethnically mixed. In three of these ethnically mixed areas on the new German-Polish border, however, the Allied leaders provided for border plebiscites or referendums. The areas would be occupied by Allied forces and governed in some degree by Allied commissions. The most significant of these plebiscites was the one in Upper Silesia, since the region was a principal industrial center. The most important economic asset was the enormous coal-mining industry and its ancillary businesses, but the area yielded iron, zinc, and lead as well. The "Industrial Triangle" on the eastern side of the plebiscite zone – between the cities of Beuthen (Bytom), Kattowitz (Katowice), and Gleiwitz (Gliwice) was the heart of this large industrial complex. The Upper Silesia plebiscite was therefore a plebiscite for self-determination of Upper Silesia required by the Treaty of Versailles. Both Germany and Poland valued this region not only for reasons of national feeling, but for its economic importance as well.

The area was occupied by British, French, and Italian forces, and an Interallied Committee headed by a French general, Henri Le Rond. The plebiscite was set for 20 March 1921. Both Poles and Germans were allowed to organize campaigns. Each side developed secret paramilitary forces – both financed from the opposing capitals, Warsaw and Berlin. The major figure of the campaign was Wojciech Korfanty, a pro-Polish politician.

The Poles carried out two uprisings during the campaign, in August 1919 and August 1920. The Allies restored order in each case, but the Polish insurrectionists clashed with German "volunteers," the Freikorps.

A feature of the plebiscite campaign was the growing prominence of a strong autonomist movement, the most visible branch of which was the Bund der Oberschlesier/Związek Górnoślązaków. This organization attempted to gain promises of autonomy from both states and possible future independence for Upper Silesia.

There were 1,186,758 votes cast in an area inhabited by 2,073,663 people. It resulted in 717,122 votes being cast for Germany and 483,514 for Poland. The towns and most of the villages in the plebiscite territory gave German majorities. However, the districts of Pless (Pszczyna) and Rybnik in the southeast, as well as Tarnowitz (Tarnowskie Góry) in the east and Tost-Gleiwitz (Gliwice) in the interior showed considerable Polish majorities, while in Lublinitz (Lubliniec) and Groß Strehlitz (Strzelce Opolskie) the votes cast on either side were practically equal. All the districts of the industrial zone in a narrower sense – Beuthen (Bytom), Hindenburg (Zabrze), Kattowitz (Katowice), and Königshütte (Chorzów) – had slight German majorities, though in Beuthen and Kattowitz this was due entirely to the town vote (four-fifths in Kattowitz compared to an overall 60%). Many country communes of Upper Silesia had given Polish majorities. Overall, however, the Germans won the vote by a measure of 59.4% to 40.6%. The Interallied Commission deliberated, but the British proposed a more easterly border than the French, which would have given much less of the Industrial Triangle to Poland.

In late April 1921, when pro-Polish forces began to fear that the region would be partitioned according to the British plan, elements on the Polish side announced a popular uprising. Korfanty was the leading figure of the uprising, but he had much support in Upper Silesia as well as support from the Polish government in Warsaw. Korfanty called for a popular armed uprising whose aim was to maximize the territory Poland would receive in the partition. German volunteers rushed to meet this uprising, and fighting on a large scale took place in the late spring and early summer of 1921. Germanophone spokesmen and German officials complained that the French units of the Upper Silesian army of occupation were favoring the insurrection by refusing to put down their violent activities or restore order.

Twelve days after the start of the uprising, Wojciech Korfanty offered to take his Upper Silesian forces behind a line of demarcation, on condition that the released territory would not be occupied by German forces, but by Allied troops. On 1 July 1921 British troops returned to Upper Silesia to help French forces occupy this area. Simultaneously with these events, the Interallied Commission pronounced a general amnesty for the illegal actions committed during the recent violence, with the exception of acts of revenge and cruelty. The German defense force was finally withdrawn.

Because the Allied Supreme Council was unable to come to an agreement on the partition of the Upper Silesian territory on the basis of the confusing plebiscite results, a solution was found by turning the question over to the Council of the League of Nations. Agreements between the Germans and Poles in Upper Silesia and appeals issued by both sides, as well as the dispatch of six battalions of Allied troops and the disbandment of the local guards, contributed markedly to the pacification of the district. On the basis of the reports of a League commission and those of its experts, the Council awarded the greater part of the Upper Silesian industrial district to Poland. Poland obtained almost exactly half of the 1,950,000 inhabitants, viz., 965,000, but not quite a third of the territory, i.e., only 3,214.26 km2 (1,255 mi2) out of 10,950.89 km2 (4,265 mi2) but more than 80% of the heavy industry of the region.

The German and Polish governments, under a League of Nations recommendation, agreed to enforce protections of minority interests that would last for 15 years. Special measures were threatened in case either of the two states should refuse to participate in the drawing up of such regulations, or to accept them subsequently. In the event, the German minority remaining on the Polish side of the border suffered considerable discrimination in the subsequent decades.

The Polish Government, convinced by the economic and political power of the region and by the autonomist movement of the plebiscite campaign, decided to give Upper Silesia considerable autonomy with a Silesian Parliament as a constituency and the Silesian Voivodship Council as the executive body. On the German side the new Prussian province of Upper Silesia (Oberschlesien) with regional government in Oppeln was formed, likewise with special autonomy.

Results

According to Article 88 of the Treaty of Versailles all inhabitants of the plebiscite district older than 20 years of age and those who had "been expelled by the German authorities and have not retained their domicile there" were entitled to return to vote.

This stipulation of the Treaty of Versailles allowed the participation of thousands of Upper Silesian migrant workers from western Germany (Ruhrpolen). Hugo Service regards the transport of these eligible voters to Silesia, organized by German authorities, "a cynical act aimed at boosting the German vote", in his opinion it was one of the reasons for the overall result. As Service writes, despite the fact that almost 60% of Upper Silesians voted for their region to remain part of Germany it would be dubious to claim that most of them were ethnically German or regarded themselves as Germans. Voting for Germany in the 1921 vote and regarding oneself as German were two different things. People had diverse, often very pragmatic reasons for voting for Germany, which usually had little to do with a person regarding him or herself as having a German ethnonational identity.

According to Robert Machray, 192,408 of all plebiscite voters were migrants, making up 16% of the total electorate. Among them, 94.7% voted for Germany. There were cases of votes being cast in the name of already deceased persons who died outside of Upper Silesia, and since their deaths were registered" in comparatively inaccessible German registration departments in Central Germany", it was often difficult to detect voter fraud. Additionally, "the general conditions in which the plebiscite was held by no means created an atmosphere for a free and independent vote" – the administration was staffed by ethnic Germans only, and no Polish schools were allowed, limiting Polish cultural life to churches and private organisations. The Polish population of Silesia overwhelmingly consisted of poor workers and small farmers, who owned no real property and were highly dependent on the German authorities to provide appropriate instrastructure. All offices and every industry was controlled by the German population, who exerted an overwhelming pressure on Poles to vote for Germany, and they "frequently exceeded their lawful powers and supported many forms of anti-Polish activities".

Demobilised German officers joined the Freikorps and terrorised the Polish population,; Machray states that "Upper Silesia was the scene of incessant confusion, sanguinary struggles with armed German attacks on Polish meetings and on the terrorized and defenceless Polish population, especially in the rural areas." Emil Julius Gumbel investigated and condemned the cases of widespread intimidation and murders by Freikorps and Selbstschutz divisions, remarking: “a denunciation, a suspicion without foundation under the given circumstances, was sufficient. The man concerned is fetched from his lodgings and instantly shot ... all this only because the man was a Pole or was considered a Pole and worked for union with Poland.” Machray establishes that many Poles were either prevented from voting or were intimidated into voting for Germany, noting that in provinces such as Kozle and Olesno, a minority of voters voted for Poland, despite the fact that these areas were overwhelmingly Polish according to the 1910 census, with Poles making up 75% of the Kozle and 81% of the Olesno provinces, respectively. Machray concludes that given the aggressive anti-Polish campaign conducted by local authorities and German volunteers, "the results were far from being an objective reflection of the true desires of the oppressed people". The constant ethnic tensions and attacks on Polish voters resulted in the Silesian Uprisings.

Comparison of district demographics with voting behavior
The following table compares the percentage of German speakers (excluding bilinguals) as reported in the 1910 census in each district, with the pro-German vote share registered in the respective district. In almost all districts, the percentage of pro-German votes exceeded the percentage of those who identified as German by almost 25% on average, suggesting that many non-Germans voted in favour of Germany. The above-mentioned population percentages refer to the entire area of the respective districts, however in a few cases, only parts of a district were included in the plebiscite area:

1 Only a small part of the Namslau district was part of the plebiscite area; 1905 census data was used for this district

2 The predominantly German south-western part of the Neustadt district (including the town of Neustadt) was not part of the plebiscite area

3 The southern part of the Ratibor district (Hlučín Region) was ceded to Czechoslovakia in 1919 and hence was not included in the plebiscite area

Settlements that voted to secede for Poland
In the 1921 plebiscite, 40.6% of eligible voters decided to secede from Germany and become Polish citizens. In total over seven hundred towns and villages voted in majority to secede from Germany and become part of Poland, especially in the rural districts of Pszczyna, Rybnik, Tarnowskie Góry, Toszek-Gliwice, Strzelce Opolskie, Bytom, Katowice, Lubliniec, Zabrze, Racibórz, Olesno, Koźle and Opole.

title: 1921 Upper Silesia plebiscite


text:
Singing school

A singing school is a school in which students are taught to sightread vocal music. Singing schools are a long-standing cultural institution in the Southern United States. While some singing schools are offered for credit, most are informal programs.

Historically, singing schools have been strongly affiliated with Protestant Christianity. Some are held under the auspices of particular Protestant denominations that maintain a tradition of a cappella singing, such as the Church of Christ and the Primitive Baptists. Others are associated with Sacred Harp, Southern Gospel, and similar singing traditions, whose music is religious in character but sung outside the context of church services.

Often the music taught in singing schools uses shape note or "buckwheat" notation, in which the notes are assigned particular shapes to indicate their pitch. There are two main varieties: the four-note, or fasola, system used in Sacred Harp music, and the seven-note system developed by Jesse B. Aikin used in southern gospel music. Some churches, including some Baptist churches (though fewer and fewer), use hymnals printed in shape notes.

Origins

The first American singing schools began in New England in the early 1700s as an effort to spread the use of written music in congregational singing. In some denominations, controversies existed on whether congregations should sing audibly, and whether singing should be limited to the Psalms of David. This New England controversy centered around "regular singing" versus the "usual way". The "usual way" consisted of the entire congregation singing in unison tunes passed on by oral tradition, often by lining out. "Regular singing" consisted of singing by note or rule. Though intended for the entire congregation, "regular singing" sometimes divided the congregation into singers and non-singers. Massachusetts ministers John Tufts and Thomas Walter were among the leaders in this "reform movement". Tufts' An Introduction to the Singing of Psalm Tunes is generally considered the first singing school manual. By the middle of the 18th century, the arguments for "regular singing" had generally won the day.

By the end of the 18th century, the singing school manuals had become standardized in an oblong-shaped tunebook, usually containing tunes with only one stanza of text. William Billings was one of the most important of the New England singing school teachers of this period. One of his singing schools was held in 1774 in Stoughton, Massachusetts. According to Hall, "The school taught by William Billings is the first and only one with all the pupils given." A few members of this singing school later helped organize the Stoughton Musical Society in 1786, now the oldest surviving choral society in the United States.

New systems of music notation, including shape notes, were developed by singing school teachers as an aid in learning to sing by sight. Early shape note systems were an extension of "Old English" or "Lancashire" sol-fa, developed in Britain in the 17th century, with the intention of teaching school children to sing, and remained in use there until the 20th. This system was used in America from the late 17th century. The use of "shape-notes" themselves was an American innovation, first put into use in 1798 in Philadelphia and soon popular in the many hymn collections published in the early 19th century. The four-shape "fasola" system was prominent before the Civil War and survives largely in the Sacred Harp tradition, while various seven-shape systems gained popularity beginning in the 1860s and are still seen in some denominational hymnals and in Southern Gospel music.

By the 1820s, the "Yankee singing school" had become a nationwide phenomenon. However, advocates of European classical music like Lowell Mason sought to suppress the tradition in favor of a more cosmopolitan idiom, which came to be taught at public schools. Eventually, singing schools in the north faded to obscurity, while in the south and west they became a prominent social event for small-town Americans looking for something to do.

Continued use in the South
Singing schools were often taught by traveling singing masters who would stay in a location for a few weeks and teach a singing school. A singing school would be a large social event for a town; sometimes nearly everyone in the town would attend and people would come from many miles away. Many young men and women saw singing schools as important to their courtship traditions. Sometimes the entire life of a town would be put on hold as everyone came out to singing school. In this way, singing schools resembled tent revivals.

Laura Ingalls Wilder related attending a singing school as a young lady in These Happy Golden Years, one of the Little House books. Her husband, Almanzo Wilder, courted her there.

One common tradition was the "singing school picture" taken of the teacher and students on the last day of school. Many old black and white photographs exist as records of these events from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; genealogical researchers often find these records useful. The pictures were often taken in front of a blackboard with the name of the teacher and date of the school. Some of these pictures show small classes, while others record very large schools.

Singing schools underwent many changes as cities grew and the population moved away from an agrarian lifestyle. One of the most notable changes was the length of schools; at one time it was common for schools to last four weeks. This was shortened over time, and today most of the larger singing schools last for two weeks, though the Gospel Singers of America School of Gospel Music still lasts for three weeks.

Singing schools began to hold less interest for the general public as time went on and could rarely get attendance from an entire town. Instead, schools were attended by interested students from a much larger region. In the case of Sacred Harp singing schools, students usually attended because of their interest in the Sacred Harp singing tradition; in other schools, students attended because of an interest in vocal church music, especially for those churches that maintain an all-a capella music tradition.

The tradition of having singing school masters who traveled between various towns where they held singing schools faded away in favor of holding annual schools in the same location. Primitive Baptists have established three permanently located singing schools in the state of Texas (Harmony Hill at Azle, Harmony Plains at Cone, and Melody Grove at Warren). There are several non-denominational seven-shape singing schools throughout the southern United States, including the North Georgia School of Gospel Music in Georgia, Ben Speer's Stamps-Baxter School of Music in Tennessee, Cumberland Valley School of Gospel Music in Tennessee and the Alabama School of Gospel Music in Alabama. Camp Fasola, which was founded in 2003, is an attempt by Sacred Harp enthusiasts to establish a permanent annual singing school.

Singing schools are also common in Missionary Baptist churches, as well as rural churches across the South, including Methodist, Church of God, Southern Baptist, and other denominations. Many of these churches still prefer to use shape note hymnals, as opposed to round note versions that many denominational publishing houses provide. In southern gospel singing schools, convention songbooks are used to teach sight-singing, music theory, and conducting. Some music publishing companies have also published music theory books for use in the schools.

Curriculum
The basic subjects taught at singing schools are music theory and sight reading (the ability to sing a piece of music on first reading). Most southern gospel schools also focus extensively on song leading, the ability to direct a group in vocal music. Song leading requires both music theory skills and public speaking skills. In addition, many schools teach composition and ear training. Most song leading classes are open to both genders, but some schools are associated with Christian religious traditions that allow only male leadership and therefore only offer such classes to males. Sacred Harp singing schools use one or more of the 20th century editions of The Sacred Harp as curriculum. Some of these schools are one-day workshops held in conjunction with a singing convention. The emphasis is on teaching newcomers and advanced musicians the note system and traditions of Sacred Harp.

Many singing schools have published their own small textbooks on music theory, harmony, and song and lyric composition. These are often offered to students as part of the tuition charge of the school.Some schools, such as Cumberland Valley School of Gospel Music, include in the tuition charge a convention songbook rather than a textbook. At some schools students purchase a pitch pipe or tuning fork. Primitive Baptists commonly practice pitching by ear rather than with a pitch pipe. Southern gospel schools primarily use the piano as accompaniment. Pitch pipes are sometimes used in individual classes for brief practice.

It is common for students to continue to return to their singing school year after year, even after completing the entire curriculum the school offers, for additional practice as well as for the social opportunity the school represents. Many singing school students eventually become teachers. Though singing schools are not as prominent today as they were, for many people they are still an important yearly event.

List of singing masters
Ordered chronologically by date of birth.

Date needed:
 * William Billings (1746–1800)
 * Justin Morgan (1747–1798)
 * Benjamin Dearborn (1754–1838)
 * Jacob French (1754–1817)
 * Joseph Funk (1778–1862)
 * Benjamin Franklin White (1800–1879)
 * Jesse B. Aikin (1808–1900)
 * William Walker (1809–1875)
 * Aldine Silliman Kieffer (1840–1904)
 * Wilson Marion Cooper (1850–1916)
 * Seaborn Denson (1854–1936)
 * Charles H. Gabriel (1856–1932)
 * Anthony Johnson Showalter (1858–1924)
 * Thomas Denson (1863–1935)
 * James David Vaughan (1864–1941)
 * Judge Jackson (1883–1958)
 * Tillit Sidney Teddlie (1885–1987)
 * William Burton Walbert (1886–1959)
 * Virgil Oliver Stamps (1892–1940)
 * C.C. Stafford (1893-1977)
 * Robert Sterling Arnold (1905–2003)
 * Dorsey Yarborough (1913-2002)
 * Joe Roper (1915–1990)
 * Videt Richard Polk (1918–2002)
 * Dewey Caldwell (1926-1997)
 * Byron E. Reid (born 1929)
 * Hugh McGraw (1931–2017)
 * Bobby Jean Burnett Sr. (1932–2008)
 * Pauline Thompson (born 1944)
 * Joel D. McKissack (born 1955)
 * Richard DeLong (born 1963)
 * Eugene McCammon (currently active)
 * Tim Eriksen (born 1966)

 * Autrey Hayes
 * Key Dillard
 * Gene Jeffress
 * Jimmy L. Jeffress
 * James E. Reid

List of singing schools

 * Alabama School of Gospel Music, Snead State Junior College, Boaz, Alabama
 * Ben Speer's Stamps-Baxter School of Gospel Music, Murfreesboro, Tennessee
 * Brockwell Gospel Music School, Brockwell, Arkansas
 * Camp Fasola (Sacred Harp-affiliated), Anniston, Alabama and Double Springs, Alabama
 * Cumberland Valley School of Gospel Music, Pulaski, Tennessee
 * Do Re Mi Gospel Music Academy, Lebanon, Tennessee
 * Four States Praise Camp, Lewisville, Arkansas
 * Gospel Singers of America, Pass Christian, Mississippi
 * Haralson County Singing School, Bremen, Georgia
 * Haskell Singing School, Church of Christ, Haskell, Texas
 * Foundation School of Church Music, Church of Christ, Buda, Texas
 * Jeffress School of Gospel Music, Crossett, Arkansas
 * Harmony Highlands Singing School, Jasper, Alabama
 * Harmony Hill Singing School, Azle, Texas
 * Harmony Plains Singing School, Cone, Texas
 * Leoma School of Gospel Music, Lawrenceburg, Tennessee
 * Mountain State School of Gospel Music, Dunbar, West Virginia
 * National School of Gospel Music, Tennessee, Kansas, and California
 * North Georgia School of Gospel Music, Dahlonega, Georgia
 * R. J. Stevens Music Singing School, Wilburton, Oklahoma
 * Southern Gospel Music School of America, Chattanooga, Tennessee
 * Texas Normal Singing School (ACU Singing School), Abilene, Texas
 * Texas Southern Gospel School of Music, Navarro College, Corsicana, Texas
 * Tri-County Singers Association School, Charleston, West Virginia
 * West Virginia School of Gospel Music, Kenna, West Virginia
 * Worship Leader Institute, Tulsa, Oklahoma

Articles

 * Shape-Note Singing Schools - by David Warren Steel
 * Singing With So-Fa Syllables - article about singing schools and shape notes
 * Singing Stoughton - by Roger Lee Hall, on the history of the Stoughton Musical Society, which emerged from early singing schools

Web sites of singing schools

 * The Alabama School of Gospel Music, Boaz, Alabama
 * Ben Speer's Stamps-Baxter School of Music, Murfreesboro, Tennessee
 * Brockwell Gospel Music School, Brockwell, Arkansas
 * Camp Doremi, Little Switzerland, North Carolina
 * Camp Fasola, Alabama
 * Cumberland Valley School of Gospel Music, Pulaski, Tennessee
 * Do Re Mi Gospel Music Academy, Lebanon, Tennessee
 * Foundation School of Church Music, Buda, Texas
 * Four States Praise Camp, Canfield, Arkansas
 * Gospel Singers of America School of Gospel Music, Pass Christian, Mississippi
 * Harmony Highlands, Jasper, Alabama
 * Harmony Hill Singing School, Azle, Texas
 * Harmony Plains Singing School, Cone, Texas
 * Jeffress School of Gospel Music, Crossett, Arkansas
 * Leoma School of Gospel Music, Lawrence County Youth Camp, Lawrenceburg, Tennessee
 * National School of Music
 * North Georgia School of Gospel Music, Dahlonega, Georgia
 * The Singing School at Abilene Christian University, Abilene, Texas
 * Southern Gospel Music School of America, Chattanooga, Tennessee
 * Texas Southern Gospel School of Music, Corsicana, Texas
 * Mountain State School of Gospel Music, Dunbar, WV

Video documentaries

 * Shearon, Stephen, and Mary Nichols, prod. (2010) "I'll Keep On Singing": The Southern Gospel Convention Tradition.
 * Hall, Roger, prod. (2010) "Dedication": Singing in Stoughton (William Billings Singing School).

title: Singing school


text:
Talk:Singular solution

To Dani, MathKnight 15:43, 5 Mar 2004 (UTC)
 * ODE = ordinary differential equation
 * PDE = partial differential equation

Singular solution not always tangent to general solution curves
bc The ODE $$y' = - 2y^{\frac{3}{2}} $$ can be solved in several ways.

When one uses $$y = \frac{1}$$ as a general solution (only the right half of every curve satisfies the diff. eq., as only the right half has a negative derivative), it is easy to see that $$ y = 0 $$ is a singular solution. As this is an asymptote to the curves, it's not really a tangent.

One can also use $$y=\frac{K^2}$$ as a general solution (again, only the right half of every curve is okay). The singular solution we found above, $$ y = 0 $$, is part of this family of curves. But now, the curve $$y = \frac{1}{x^2} $$ is a singular solution. It is not tangent to any of the general solution curves. But it is an 'asymptotic curve' for $$K \to \pm \infty $$.

A singular solution as a tangent is apparently not a general rule. But I'm not an expert, so maybe I missed something.

Pedro

title: Talk:Singular solution


text:
Talk:The Color Purple

Genres
Shouldn't we add genres? Other Wikipedia articles about books have them as well. 82.95.83.128 (talk) 16:35, 13 November 2011 (UTC)

Novel Setting
The novel, as well as the film, spans multiple decades (1900s-1940s). Isn't it easier to say early 20th century, instead of 1930s throughout the article? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 76.90.82.217 (talk) 17:54, 8 August 2010 (UTC)

Book bans
What about the controversy this book creates in classrooms? It's been banned quite a few times in the past 20 years since it was first published, isn't anyone going to mention that? I'd do it myself but I'm not familiar with the Wikipedia formatting system, I just fix little things

Kathar, a self-described Wikignome
 * Yes, it would be interesting, but I don't know anything about it. Why don't you write it on the talk page and someone can put it in the main article if you're not that comfortable? The JPS 10:59, 12 Apr 2005 (UTC)

musical of the same name
There is a current Broadway musical of the same name. Is it the same story line? If so, shouldn't we create a disambigun page for the three works (book, film, musical)? arctic 04:38, 27 March 2006 (UTC)

I think there's a good chance it is the same. I haven't read the book, but the musical soundtrack seems to follow the plotline described here. arctic 04:41, 27 March 2006 (UTC)

Okay so anybody can edit this and what if someone changes something

if someone changes something, then that's too bad. i'm tellin ya, this is an online encyclopidia that's FREE. although it's nice and handy, it shouldn't be relied totally and should be cross-referenced with something else because anyone can put anything on this!!!!!!!

Title?
What's the significance of the title? Mike Schiraldi 16:45, 4 July 2006 (UTC)

I am going to answer that question.

Alice Walker writes about a black community with black people either being persecuted by white people, or women being persecuted by men. The color of the skin has a very important place in African American History. The color purple is Celie's skin color, whereas Squeak (Harpo's second girlfriend) and Sofie (Harpo's wife) both have more of a yellow (as quoted) and "bright" (as quoted) color; whereas Shug Avery is "as black as my shoe." The skin color of the people is the biggest importance in this book; and I am very surprised you didn't catch that!!!!!

What a load of rot. How on Earth is purple the color of Celie's skin? The fact is Celie longs to wear purple, a color she associates with royalty and with vibrant women such as Shug, and a color she thinks God may have created in order to receive love. In the novel’s conclusion, she surrounds herself with purple. I am very very surprised you didn't catch that and that you thought Celie was some purple alien person!!!!!!

Red = menstral flow.

What the heck does menstrUal flow have to do with anything? You guys are a bunch of losers who suck at interpreting books. I'm not going to post anything anymore; argue about the stupid novel if you want, but I'm out of here.

S.T: The color purple has nothing to do with celie. it is the metaphor shug avery uses 2 describe how people take things for granted.
 * 'The color purple' is the color of flowers in the field. I don't have the book with me but I always understood that the flowering field became 'god' for Celie when she could no longer believe in the God from the church that couldn't/wouldn't answer her letters and allowed her to have such a miserable life.

Tell me where Shug describes people like this.

SR:

The color purple in the book is shorthand for for the emotions and spiritual associations in this book, it represents freedom, beauty and it is part of a philosophical argument on the nature of God

"I think it pisses God off if you walk by the color purple in a field somewhere and don't notice it" Shug to Celie

(see  Transformations of The Color Purple, in Reynolds, Novel Women 1993 for further discussion)

Also lavender represents female to female sexuality in some cultures.

Incest category
An anon user just removed the "incest in fiction" category from this article, which I reverted because it was done without explanation or discussion. However, there isn't actually any incest in this book, right? It's presumed at first, but later proven false. (It's still child abuse.) Does that invalidate the category? Mr. Darcy talk 22:16, 22 November 2008 (UTC)
 * I've had no responses after almost two weeks, so I'm removing the category pending further discussion. Mr. Darcy talk 22:49, 2 December 2008 (UTC)
 * Incest is an issue in the book nevertheless. Incest is not merely a matter of genetics. Str1977 (talk) 14:20, 24 July 2023 (UTC)

Alphonso
how should we describe this guys relation to Celie. do we call him her father which is what the character believed to be true until near the end of the book or do we call him her step-father which is her actual relationship to him as revealed in the book? I am changing the how he is refured to from father to stepfather. Tydoni (talk) 01:14, 25 July 2009 (UTC)

Role Confusion: Lack of Identification in Gender
“In this relationship, Sofia is more of the man, while Harpo obtains weak women qualities.”

I'd like this to be changed to be less gender-biased "Sofia is more dominant, while Harpo takes a more submissive role, that which is seen stereotypically as female." The whole section needs some work, but there's my contribution. Mccarth125 (talk) 07:39, 27 May 2009 (UTC)

Changed sentence “In this relationship, Sofia is more of the man, while Harpo obtains weak women qualities.” to "In this relationship, Sofia is more dominant, while Harpo takes a more submissive role, that which is seen stereotypically as female." Mccarth125 (talk) 07:39, 27 May 2009 (UTC)

Charcters
I think the choice of charcters in the analysis part is kind of wierd. Why is the major's wife there and not other characters that are more important. Should atleast add Harpo to that section. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 79.161.195.107 (talk) 15:16, 25 October 2009 (UTC)

Language of the novel
I'm surprised that the article doesn't seem to mention that the novel is written in dialect - I'd certainly be interested to learn how accurately it represents the language of poor rural African Americans in the 1930s. --rossb (talk) 17:31, 17 August 2012 (UTC)

Get rid of the women's studies bullshit and write English
This section "Disruption of traditional gender roles Many characters in the novel break the boundaries of traditional male or female gender roles. Sofia's strength and sass, Shug's sexual assertiveness, and Harpo's insecurity are major examples of such disparity between a character's gender and they the traits he or she displays. This blurring of gender traits and roles sometimes involves sexual ambiguity, as we see in the sexual relationship that develops between Celie and Shug. Disruption of gender roles sometimes cause problems. Harpo's insecurity about his masculinity leads to marital problems and his attempts to beat Sofia. Likewise, Shug's confident sexuality and resistance to male domination cause her to be labeled a tramp. Throughout the novel, Walker wishes to emphasize that gender and sexuality are not as simple as we may believe. Her novel subverts and defies the traditional ways in which we understand women to be women and men to be men. Throughout the novel, the assertion of what the African-American femininity is compared to the exploration of African-American male struggle with masculinity. The idea of African-American women femininity is focused around the abilities of the husband to care for the wife and family. The normative roles by men are viewed as the source of oppressive behavior by men. Therefore, if the African American male is not fulfilling his role, it is unlikely for the African-American woman to fulfill her role of femininity because she is predicated on his abilities."

is unreadable unless you are a member of the sanctimonious women's studies set. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 68.106.46.205 (talk) 22:03, 17 September 2012 (UTC)

Unsourced material
Below was tagged for needing sources long-term. Feel free to reinsert with appropriate references. DonIago (talk) 14:11, 30 December 2016 (UTC)

Reason for title?
Hello, does anyone know what is the reason behind the title, "The Color Purple"? It doesn't seem to be explained in the article... Thanks 2A02:C7D:DA0A:DB00:9475:7786:6B62:5D87 (talk) 08:06, 14 February 2017 (UTC)

Chapters of the book
Can't we have a list of the chapters in the book 41.89.10.241 (talk) 10:55, 14 February 2024 (UTC)

 * To what end? MOS:NOVEL doesn't really seem to discuss it, but how does a simple list of chapters improve a reader's understanding of the book? I imagine you can find such a listing via Google in any case. DonIago (talk) 16:10, 14 February 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:The Color Purple


title: User:Moogle10000


text:
Solomon Kullback

Solomon Kullback (April 3, 1907 – August 5, 1994) was an American cryptanalyst and mathematician, who was one of the first three employees hired by William F. Friedman at the US Army's Signal Intelligence Service (SIS) in the 1930s, along with Frank Rowlett and Abraham Sinkov. He went on to a long and distinguished career at SIS and its eventual successor, the National Security Agency (NSA). Kullback was the Chief Scientist at the NSA until his retirement in 1962, whereupon he took a position at the George Washington University.

The Kullback–Leibler divergence is named after Kullback and Richard Leibler.

Life and career
Kullback was born to Jewish parents in Brooklyn, New York. His father Nathan had been born in Vilna, Russian Empire, (now Vilnius, Lithuania) and had immigrated to the US as a young man circa 1905, and became a naturalized American in 1911. Kullback attended Boys High School in Brooklyn. He then went to City College of New York, graduating with a BA in 1927 and an MA in math in 1929. He completed a doctorate in math from George Washington University in 1934. His intention had been to teach, and he returned to Boy's High School to do so, but found it not to his taste; he discovered his real interest was using mathematics, not teaching it.

At the suggestion of Abraham Sinkov, who showed him a Civil Service flyer for "junior mathematicians" at US$2,000 per year, he took the examination. Both passed, and were assigned to Washington, D.C. as junior cryptanalysts.

Upon arrival in Washington, Kullback was assigned to William F. Friedman. Friedman had begun an intensive program of training in cryptology for his new civilian employees. For several summers running, the SIS cryptanalysts attended training camps at Fort Meade until they received commissions as reserve officers in the Army. Kullback and Sinkov took Friedman's admonitions on education seriously and spent the next several years attending night classes; both received their doctorates in mathematics. Afterward, Kullback rediscovered a love of teaching; he began offering evening classes in mathematics at George Washington University from 1939.

Once they had completed the training, the three were put to the work for which they had actually been hired, compilations of cipher or code material for the U.S. Army. Another task was to test commercial cipher devices which vendors wished to sell to the U.S. government.

Kullback worked in partnership with Frank Rowlett against RED cipher machine messages. Almost overnight, they unravelled the keying system and then the machine pattern – with nothing but the intercepted messages in hand. Using the talents of linguist John Hurt to translate text, SIS started issuing current intelligence to military decision-makers.

In May 1942, five months after attack on Pearl Harbor, Kullback, by then a Major, was sent to Britain. He learned at Bletchley Park that the British were producing intelligence of high quality by exploiting the Enigma machine. He also cooperated with the British in the solution of more conventional German codebook-based systems. Shortly after his return to the States, Kullback moved into the Japanese section as its chief.

When the National Security Agency (NSA) was formed in 1952, Rowlett became chief of cryptanalysis. The primary problem facing research and development in the post-war period was development of high-speed processing equipment. Kullback supervised a team of about 60 people, including such innovative thinkers in automated data processing development as Leo Rosen and Sam Snyder. His staff pioneered new forms of input and memory, such as magnetic tape and drum memory, and compilers to make machines truly "multi-purpose". Kullback gave priority to using computers to generate communications security (COMSEC) materials.

Kullback's book Information Theory and Statistics was published by John Wiley & Sons in 1959. The book was republished, with additions and corrections, by Dover Publications in 1968.

Retirement
Solomon Kullback retired from NSA in 1962, and focused on his teaching at George Washington University and publishing new papers. In 1963 he was elected as a Fellow of the American Statistical Association. He reached the rank of colonel, and was inducted into the Military Intelligence Hall of Fame.

Kullback is remembered by his colleagues at NSA as straightforward; one described him as "totally guileless, you always knew where you stood with him." One former NSA senior recalled him as a man of unlimited energy and enthusiasm and a man whose judgment was usually "sound and right."

title: Solomon Kullback


text:
Infectious Grooves

Infectious Grooves is an American funk metal supergroup led by vocalist Mike Muir and initially a side project from his group Suicidal Tendencies. The current lineup also includes guitarists Dean Pleasants and Dave Kushner, bassist Robert Trujillo, and drummer Jay Weinberg. To date, the project released four albums between 1991 and 2000.

Though Muir's sense of humor was often obvious with Suicidal Tendencies, Infectious Grooves often brought out a goofier type of humor, incorporating comedy skits involving an anthropomorphic reptile named Sarsippius. A mascot costume of Sarsippius was later created and often appeared during the band's live performances.

The Infectious Grooves were on hiatus between the release of their fourth album, 2000's Mas Borracho, and 2007, while the band's personnel were busy with other projects. According to Muir, Infectious Grooves had been working on new material. In April 2008 the band began a one-month tour across Europe, featuring Stephen Bruner on bass, Eric Moore on drums, Dean Pleasants, and Tim Stewart on guitars.

Most of the band's original lineup reunited for the Orion Music + More festival in June 2013, with ex-Faith No More guitarist Jim Martin filling in for Adam Siegel.

The band is touring in 2024 with Dave Kushner on guitar and Jay Weinberg on drums.

Unofficial members

 * Dave Kushner - rhythm guitar (on album #1), rhythm guitar on 2024 Australian dates
 * Rocky George - lead guitar (on album #1)
 * Dave Dunn - keyboards (on album #1)
 * Jim Martin - live rhythm guitar in 2013
 * Jay Weinberg - drums on 2024 Australian dates

title: Infectious Grooves


text:
Environmental sociology

Environmental sociology is the study of interactions between societies and their natural environment. The field emphasizes the social factors that influence environmental resource management and cause environmental issues, the processes by which these environmental problems are socially constructed and define as social issues, and societal responses to these problems.

Environmental sociology emerged as a subfield of sociology in the late 1970s in response to the emergence of the environmental movement in the 1960s. It represents a relatively new area of inquiry focusing on an extension of earlier sociology through inclusion of physical context as related to social factors.

Definition
Environmental sociology is typically defined as the sociological study of socio-environmental interactions, although this definition immediately presents the problem of integrating human cultures with the rest of the environment. Different aspects of human interaction with the natural environment are studied by environmental sociologists including population and demography, organizations and institutions, science and technology, health and illness, consumption and sustainability practices, culture and identity, and social inequality and environmental justice. Although the focus of the field is the relationship between society and environment in general, environmental sociologists typically place special emphasis on studying the social factors that cause environmental problems, the societal impacts of those problems, and efforts to solve the problems. In addition, considerable attention is paid to the social processes by which certain environmental conditions become socially defined as problems. Most research in environmental sociology examines contemporary societies.

History
Environmental sociology emerged as a coherent subfield of inquiry after the environmental movement of the 1960s and early 1970s. The works of William R. Catton, Jr. and Riley Dunlap, among others, challenged the constricted anthropocentrism of classical sociology. In the late 1970s, they called for a new holistic, or systems perspective, which lead to a marked shift in the field’s focus. Since the 1970s, general sociology has noticeably transformed to include environmental forces in social explanations. Environmental sociology has now solidified as a respected, interdisciplinary field of study in academia.

Existential dualism
The duality of the human condition rests with cultural uniqueness and evolutionary traits. From one perspective, humans are embedded in the ecosphere and co-evolved alongside other species. Humans share the same basic ecological dependencies as other inhabitants of nature. From the other perspectives, humans are distinguished from other species because of their innovative capacities, distinct cultures and varied institutions. Human creations have the power to independently manipulate, destroy, and transcend the limits of the natural environment.

According to Buttel (2004), there are five major traditions in environmental sociology today: the treadmill of production and other eco-Marxisms, ecological modernization and other sociologies of environmental reform, cultural-environmental sociologies, neo-Malthusianisms, and the new ecological paradigm. In practice, this means five different theories of what to blame for environmental degradation, i.e., what to research or consider as important. These ideas are listed below in the order in which they were invented. Ideas that emerged later built on earlier ideas, and contradicted them.

Neo-Malthusianism
Works such as Hardin's "Tragedy of the Commons" (1969) reformulated Malthusian thought about abstract population increases causing famines into a model of individual selfishness at larger scales causing degradation of common pool resources such as the air, water, the oceans, or general environmental conditions. Hardin offered privatization of resources or government regulation as solutions to environmental degradation caused by tragedy of the commons conditions. Many other sociologists shared this view of solutions well into the 1970s (see Ophuls). There have been many critiques of this view particularly political scientist Elinor Ostrom, or economists Amartya Sen and Ester Boserup.

Even though much of mainstream journalism considers Malthusianism the only view of environmentalism, most sociologists would disagree with Malthusianism since social organizational issues of environmental degradation are more demonstrated to cause environmental problems than abstract population or selfishness per se. For examples of this critique, Ostrom in her book Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective Action (1990) argues that instead of self-interest always causing degradation, it can sometimes motivate people to take care of their common property resources. To do this they must change the basic organizational rules of resource use. Her research provides evidence for sustainable resource management systems, around common pool resources that have lasted for centuries in some areas of the world.

Amartya Sen argues in his book Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation (1980) that population expansion fails to cause famines or degradation as Malthusians or Neo-Malthusians argue. Instead, in documented cases a lack of political entitlement to resources that exist in abundance, causes famines in some populations. He documents how famines can occur even in the midst of plenty or in the context of low populations. He argues that famines (and environmental degradation) would only occur in non-functioning democracies or unrepresentative states.

Ester Boserup argues in her book The Conditions of Agricultural Growth: The Economics of Agrarian Change under Population Pressure (1965) from inductive, empirical case analysis that Malthus's more deductive conception of a presumed one-to-one relationship with agricultural scale and population is actually reversed. Instead of agricultural technology and scale determining and limiting population as Malthus attempted to argue, Boserup argued the world is full of cases of the direct opposite: that population changes and expands agricultural methods.

Eco-Marxist scholar Allan Schnaiberg (below) argues against Malthusianism with the rationale that under larger capitalist economies, human degradation moved from localized, population-based degradation to organizationally caused degradation of capitalist political economies to blame. He gives the example of the organized degradation of rainforest areas which states and capitalists push people off the land before it is degraded by organizational means. Thus, many authors are critical of Malthusianism, from sociologists (Schnaiberg) to economists (Sen and Boserup), to political scientists (Ostrom), and all focus on how a country's social organization of its extraction can degrade the environment independent of abstract population.

New Ecological Paradigm
In the 1970s, the New Ecological Paradigm (NEP) conception critiqued the claimed lack of human-environmental focus in the classical sociologists and the sociological priorities their followers created. This was critiqued as the Human Exemptionalism Paradigm (HEP). The HEP viewpoint claims that human-environmental relationships were unimportant sociologically because humans are 'exempt' from environmental forces via cultural change. This view was shaped by the leading Western worldview of the time and the desire for sociology to establish itself as an independent discipline against the then popular racist-biological environmental determinism where environment was all. In this HEP view, human dominance was felt to be justified by the uniqueness of culture, argued to be more adaptable than biological traits. Furthermore, culture also has the capacity to accumulate and innovate, making it capable of solving all natural problems. Therefore, as humans were not conceived of as governed by natural conditions, they were felt to have complete control of their own destiny. Any potential limitation posed by the natural world was felt to be surpassed using human ingenuity. Research proceeded accordingly without environmental analysis.

In the 1970s, sociological scholars Riley Dunlap and William R. Catton, Jr. began recognizing the limits of what would be termed the Human Excemptionalism Paradigm. Catton and Dunlap (1978) suggested a new perspective that took environmental variables into full account. They coined a new theoretical outlook for sociology, the New Ecological Paradigm, with assumptions contrary to HEP.

The NEP recognizes the innovative capacity of humans, but says that humans are still ecologically interdependent as with other species. The NEP notes the power of social and cultural forces but does not profess social determinism. Instead, humans are impacted by the cause, effect, and feedback loops of ecosystems. The Earth has a finite level of natural resources and waste repositories. Thus, the biophysical environment can impose constraints on human activity. They discussed a few harbingers of this NEP in 'hybridized' theorizing about topics that were neither exclusively social nor environmental explanations of environmental conditions. It was additionally a critique of Malthusian views of the 1960s and 1970s.

Dunlap and Catton's work immediately received a critique from Buttel who argued to the contrary that classical sociological foundations could be found for environmental sociology, particularly in Weber's work on ancient "agrarian civilizations" and Durkheim's view of the division of labor as built on a material premise of specialization/specialization in response to material scarcity. This environmental aspect of Durkheim has been discussed by Schnaiberg (1971) as well.

Treadmill of Production Theory
The Treadmill of Production is a theory coined and popularized by Schnaiberg as a way to answer for the increase in U.S. environmental degradation post World War II. At its simplest, this theory states that the more product or commodities are created, the more resources will be used, and the higher the impact will be.

Eco-Marxism
In the middle of the HEP/NEP debate Neo-Marxist ideas of conflict sociology were applied to environmental conflicts. Therefore, some sociologists wanted to stretch Marxist ideas of social conflict to analyze environmental social movements from the Marxist materialist framework instead of interpreting them as a cultural "New Social Movement", separate from material concerns. So "Eco-Marxism" was developed based on using Neo-Marxist Conflict theories concepts of the relative autonomy of the state and applying them to environmental conflict.

Two people following this school were James O'Connor (The Fiscal Crisis of the State, 1971) and later Allan Schnaiberg.

Later, a different trend developed in eco-Marxism via the attention brought to the importance of metabolic analysis in Marx's thought by John Bellamy Foster. Contrary to previous assumptions that classical theorists in sociology all had fallen within a Human Exemptionalist Paradigm, Foster argued that Marx's materialism lead him to theorize labor as the metabolic process between humanity and the rest of nature. In Promethean interpretations of Marx that Foster critiques, there was an assumption his analysis was very similar to the anthropocentric views critiqued by early environmental sociologists. Instead, Foster argued Marx himself was concerned about the Metabolic rift generated by capitalist society's social metabolism, particularly in industrial agriculture—Marx had identified an "irreparable rift in the interdependent process of social metabolism," created by capitalist agriculture that was destroying the productivity of the land and creating wastes in urban sites that failed to be reintegrated into the land and thus lead toward destruction of urban workers health simultaneously. Reviewing the contribution of this thread of eco-marxism to current environmental sociology, Pellow and Brehm conclude, "The metabolic rift is a productive development in the field because it connects current research to classical theory and links sociology with an interdisciplinary array of scientific literatures focused on ecosystem dynamics."

Foster emphasized that his argument presupposed the "magisterial work" of Paul Burkett, who had developed a closely related "red-green" perspective rooted in a direct examination of Marx's value theory. Burkett and Foster proceeded to write a number of articles together on Marx's ecological conceptions, reflecting their shared perspective

More recently, Jason W. Moore, inspired by Burkett's value-analytical approach to Marx's ecology and arguing that Foster's work did not in itself go far enough, has sought to integrate the notion of metabolic rift with world systems theory, incorporating Marxian value-related conceptions. For Moore, the modern world-system is a capitalist world-ecology, joining the accumulation of capital, the pursuit of power, and the production of nature in dialectical unity. Central to Moore's perspective is a philosophical re-reading of Marx's value theory, through which abstract social labor and abstract social nature are dialectically bound. Moore argues that the emergent law of value, from the sixteenth century, was evident in the extraordinary shift in the scale, scope, and speed of environmental change. What took premodern civilizations centuries to achieve—such as the deforestation of Europe in the medieval era—capitalism realized in mere decades. This world-historical rupture, argues Moore, can be explained through a law of value that regards labor productivity as the decisive metric of wealth and power in the modern world. From this standpoint, the genius of capitalist development has been to appropriate uncommodified natures—including uncommodified human natures—as a means of advancing labor productivity in the commodity system.

Societal-environment dialectic
In 1975, the highly influential work of Allan Schnaiberg transfigured environmental sociology, proposing a societal-environmental dialectic, though within the 'neo-Marxist' framework of the relative autonomy of the state as well. This conflictual concept has overwhelming political salience. First, the economic synthesis states that the desire for economic expansion will prevail over ecological concerns. Policy will decide to maximize immediate economic growth at the expense of environmental disruption. Secondly, the managed scarcity synthesis concludes that governments will attempt to control only the most dire of environmental problems to prevent health and economic disasters. This will give the appearance that governments act more environmentally consciously than they really do. Third, the ecological synthesis generates a hypothetical case where environmental degradation is so severe that political forces would respond with sustainable policies. The driving factor would be economic damage caused by environmental degradation. The economic engine would be based on renewable resources at this point. Production and consumption methods would adhere to sustainability regulations.

These conflict-based syntheses have several potential outcomes. One is that the most powerful economic and political forces will preserve the status quo and bolster their dominance. Historically, this is the most common occurrence. Another potential outcome is for contending powerful parties to fall into a stalemate. Lastly, tumultuous social events may result that redistribute economic and political resources.

In 1980,the highly influential work of Allan Schnaiberg entitled The Environment: From Surplus to Scarcity (1980) was a large contribution to this theme of a societal-environmental dialectic.

Ecological modernization and reflexive modernization
By the 1980s, a critique of eco-Marxism was in the offing, given empirical data from countries (mostly in Western Europe like the Netherlands, Western Germany and somewhat the United Kingdom) that were attempting to wed environmental protection with economic growth instead of seeing them as separate. This was done through both state and capital restructuring. Major proponents of this school of research are Arthur P.J. Mol and Gert Spaargaren. Popular examples of ecological modernization would be "cradle to cradle" production cycles, industrial ecology, large-scale organic agriculture, biomimicry, permaculture, agroecology and certain strands of sustainable development—all implying that economic growth is possible if that growth is well organized with the environment in mind.

Reflexive modernization

The many volumes of the German sociologist Ulrich Beck first argued from the late 1980s that our risk society is potentially being transformed by the environmental social movements of the world into structural change without rejecting the benefits of modernization and industrialization. This is leading to a form of 'reflexive modernization' with a world of reduced risk and better modernization process in economics, politics, and scientific practices as they are made less beholden to a cycle of protecting risk from correction (which he calls our state's organized irresponsibility)—politics creates ecodisasters, then claims responsibility in an accident, yet nothing remains corrected because it challenges the very structure of the operation of the economy and the private dominance of development, for example. Beck's idea of a reflexive modernization looks forward to how our ecological and social crises in the late 20th century are leading toward transformations of the whole political and economic system's institutions, making them more "rational" with ecology in mind.

Neo-Liberalism
Neo-liberalism includes deregulation, free market capitalism, and aims at reducing government spending. These Neo-liberal policies greatly affect environmental sociology. Since Neo-liberalism includes deregulation and essentially less government involvement, this leads to the commodification and privatization of unowned, state-owned, or common property resources. Diana Liverman and Silvina Vilas mentions that this results in payments for environmental services; deregulation and cuts in public expenditure for environmental management; the opening up of trade and investment; and transfer of environmental management to local or nongovernmental institutions. The privatization of these resources have impacts on society, the economy, and to the environment. An example that has greatly affected society is the privatization of water.

Social construction of the environment
Additionally in the 1980s, with the rise of postmodernism in the western academy and the appreciation of discourse as a form of power, some sociologists turned to analyzing environmental claims as a form of social construction more than a 'material' requirement. Proponents of this school include John A. Hannigan, particularly in Environmental Sociology: A Social Constructionist Perspective (1995). Hannigan argues for a 'soft constructionism' (environmental problems are materially real though they require social construction to be noticed) over a 'hard constructionism' (the claim that environmental problems are entirely social constructs).

Although there was sometimes acrimonious debate between the constructivist and realist "camps" within environmental sociology in the 1990s, the two sides have found considerable common ground as both increasingly accept that while most environmental problems have a material reality they nonetheless become known only via human processes such as scientific knowledge, activists' efforts, and media attention. In other words, most environmental problems have a real ontological status despite our knowledge/awareness of them stemming from social processes, processes by which various conditions are constructed as problems by scientists, activists, media and other social actors. Correspondingly, environmental problems must all be understood via social processes, despite any material basis they may have external to humans. This interactiveness is now broadly accepted, but many aspects of the debate continue in contemporary research in the field.

Modern environmentalism
United States

The 1960s built strong cultural momentum for environmental causes, giving birth to the modern environmental movement and large questioning in sociologists interested in analyzing the movement. Widespread green consciousness moved vertically within society, resulting in a series of policy changes across many states in the U.S. and Europe in the 1970s. In the United States, this period was known as the "Environmental Decade" with the creation of the United States Environmental Protection Agency and passing of the Endangered Species Act, Clean Water Act, and amendments to the Clean Air Act. Earth Day of 1970, celebrated by millions of participants, represented the modern age of environmental thought. The environmental movement continued with incidences such as Love Canal.

Historical studies
While the current mode of thought expressed in environmental sociology was not prevalent until the 1970s, its application is now used in analysis of ancient peoples. Societies including Easter Island, the Anaszi, and the Mayans were argued to have ended abruptly, largely due to poor environmental management. This has been challenged in later work however as the exclusive cause (biologically trained Jared Diamond's Collapse (2005); or more modern work on Easter Island). The collapse of the Mayans sent a historic message that even advanced cultures are vulnerable to ecological suicide—though Diamond argues now it was less of a suicide than an environmental climate change that led to a lack of an ability to adapt—and a lack of elite willingness to adapt even when faced with the signs much earlier of nearing ecological problems. At the same time, societal successes for Diamond included New Guinea and Tikopia island whose inhabitants have lived sustainably for 46,000 years.

John Dryzek et al. argue in Green States and Social Movements: Environmentalism in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and Norway (2003) that there may be a common global green environmental social movement, though its specific outcomes are nationalist, falling into four 'ideal types' of interaction between environmental movements and state power. They use as their case studies environmental social movements and state interaction from Norway, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Germany. They analyze the past 30 years of environmentalism and the different outcomes that the green movement has taken in different state contexts and cultures.

Recently and roughly in temporal order below, much longer-term comparative historical studies of environmental degradation are found by sociologists. There are two general trends: many employ world systems theory—analyzing environmental issues over long periods of time and space; and others employ comparative historical methods. Some utilize both methods simultaneously, sometimes without reference to world systems theory (like Whitaker, see below).

Stephen G. Bunker (d. 2005) and Paul S. Ciccantell collaborated on two books from a world-systems theory view, following commodity chains through history of the modern world system, charting the changing importance of space, time, and scale of extraction and how these variables influenced the shape and location of the main nodes of the world economy over the past 500 years. Their view of the world was grounded in extraction economies and the politics of different states that seek to dominate the world's resources and each other through gaining hegemonic control of major resources or restructuring global flows in them to benefit their locations.

The three volume work of environmental world-systems theory by Sing C. Chew analyzed how "Nature and Culture" interact over long periods of time, starting with World Ecological Degradation (2001)  In later books, Chew argued that there were three "Dark Ages" in world environmental history characterized by periods of state collapse and reorientation in the world economy associated with more localist frameworks of community, economy, and identity coming to dominate the nature/culture relationships after state-facilitated environmental destruction delegitimized other forms. Thus recreated communities were founded in these so-called 'Dark Ages,' novel religions were popularized, and perhaps most importantly to him the environment had several centuries to recover from previous destruction. Chew argues that modern green politics and bioregionalism is the start of a similar movement of the present day potentially leading to wholesale system transformation. Therefore, we may be on the edge of yet another global "dark age" which is bright instead of dark on many levels since he argues for human community returning with environmental healing as empires collapse.

More case oriented studies were conducted by historical environmental sociologist Mark D. Whitaker analyzing China, Japan, and Europe over 2,500 years in his book Ecological Revolution (2009). He argued that instead of environmental movements being "New Social Movements" peculiar to current societies, environmental movements are very old—being expressed via religious movements in the past (or in the present like in ecotheology) that begin to focus on material concerns of health, local ecology, and economic protest against state policy and its extractions. He argues past or present is very similar: that we have participated with a tragic common civilizational process of environmental degradation, economic consolidation, and lack of political representation for many millennia which has predictable outcomes. He argues that a form of bioregionalism, the bioregional state, is required to deal with political corruption in present or in past societies connected to environmental degradation.

After looking at the world history of environmental degradation from very different methods, both sociologists Sing Chew and Mark D. Whitaker came to similar conclusions and are proponents of (different forms of) bioregionalism.

Related journals
Among the key journals in this field are:

 * Environmental Sociology
 * Human Ecology
 * Human Ecology Review
 * Nature and Culture
 * Organization & Environment
 * Population and Environment
 * Rural Sociology
 * Society and Natural Resources

title: Environmental sociology