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John Proctor (Salem witch trials)

John Proctor (October 9, 1632 – August 19, 1692) was a landowner in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. He and his wife Elizabeth were tried and convicted of witchcraft as part of the Salem Witch Trials, whereupon he was hanged.

Early life
Proctor was born in Suffolk, England, to John Proctor (1594–1672) and Martha Harper (1607–1667). When he was just three years old, his parents brought their family to America. They sailed from London on 12 April 1635 on a ship called the Susan and Ellen.

Upon arrival, they settled in the Chebacco area of Ipswich, Massachusetts. The elder Proctor owned many properties and was considered one of the wealthiest residents of Ipswich. He had two shares in Plum Island in 1664. He also held various offices within the colony.

Adult life
Proctor was a good businessman, comfortable working with people from all levels of society. Around 1653, Proctor married Martha. They had four children: John (1653–1658), Martha (1655–1658), Mary (1656/57–1657/58) and Benjamin (1659–1720). Many people have given Martha the surname of Giddon or Giddens, but no sources have been located to verify the accuracy of this information.

Martha died in childbirth on 13 June 1659. Her death registry reads "Martha, wife of John Procter, died the 13 June 1659"; Benjamin Proctor was the only surviving child from this marriage.

On 1 December 1662, Proctor married Elizabeth Thorndike (1641–1672), daughter of John Thorndike, founder of Ipswich, Massachusetts. They had seven children: Elizabeth (1663–1736) married in 1681 to Thomas Very; Martha (1665–?); Martha married Nathaniel Gowing; Mary (1667–1668); John (1668–1748); Mary (1669–?); Thorndike (1672–1759), married in 1697 to Hannah Felton, widow of Samuel Endicott, the grandson of John Endicott, the first Governor of Massachusetts Bay Colony and daughter of Nathaniel Felton and Mary Skelton.

In 1666, Proctor moved to Salem and leased a 700-acre estate called Groton farm (also known as Downing Farm ) in Salem Farms, the section of Salem Township just to the south of Salem Village. The farm was leased from Emmanuel Downing, brother-in-law to John Winthrop. In 1668, Proctor received his first license to operate a tavern here and the license was renewed annually. The Inn was located on Ipswich Road about a mile south of the Salem Village line. Elizabeth (Thorndike) Proctor died on 30 August 1672 shortly after she gave birth to their seventh child, Thorndike Proctor. Proctor's father also died in 1672 and he inherited 1/3 of the estate in Ipswich. His brothers Benjamin and Joseph inherited the other 2/3 of the estate. Each portion was valued at 1,200 pounds.

On 1 April 1674, Proctor married Elizabeth Bassett (1651–?), daughter of William and Sarah (Burt) Bassett of Lynn, Massachusetts. They had seven children: William (1674/5 – after 1695); Sarah (1677 –1751); Samuel (1685–1765); Elisha (1687–1688); Abigail (1689 – after 1695); Joseph (before 1691 – ?); John (1693–1745).

Elizabeth and some of the older children ran the tavern while Proctor and his eldest son, Benjamin, tended to their extensive farm properties in Salem and Ipswich. If customers in the tavern had insufficient funds, Elizabeth insisted they pay with pawned goods.

Giles Corey became easily frustrated with his neighbors. At one point, he filed a lawsuit against Proctor who had suggested that Corey was responsible for setting the Proctor house on fire. Later, one of Proctor's sons confessed.

Accusations and trial
Initial accusations were aimed at Proctor's third wife, Elizabeth (Bassett). When he began to defend her and vocally express his disbelief in the accusers, fingers were then pointed at him as well. Although Abigail Williams was John Proctor's chief accuser, he was also named by Mary Walcott, who stated he tried to choke her and by his former servant Mary Warren on 21 April. Warren told magistrates that Proctor had beaten her for putting up a prayer bill before forcing her to touch the Devil's Book. Further allegations of an increasingly salacious nature followed. Proctor continued to challenge the veracity of spectral evidence and the validity of the Court of Oyer and Terminer, which led to a petition signed by 32 neighbors in his favor. The signatories stated that Proctor had lived a "Christian life in his family and was ever ready to help such as they stood in need".

The Proctors were tried on 5 August 1692, found guilty, and sentenced to death by hanging. While Proctor and his wife were still in jail, the sheriff seized all of their household belongings. The cattle were sold cheaply, slaughtered, or shipped to the West Indies. The beer barrels at the tavern were emptied. Their children were left with no means of support. Proctor was hanged on 19 August 1692. Elizabeth, who was then pregnant, was given a reprieve until she gave birth, which came after the trials ended.

Accusations against other Proctor family members
In 1692, one hundred and forty-one complaints were filed. Of those, twelve were against relatives or extended members of the Proctor family. John Proctor, Elizabeth Proctor, and Rebecca Nurse were convicted, and John and Rebecca were executed.

 * 1) John Proctor, husband of Elizabeth Bassett aka Elizabeth Proctor and the father of Benjamin, William, and Sarah Proctor.
 * 2) Elizabeth Bassett Proctor, third wife of John Proctor.
 * 3) Benjamin Proctor, son of John Proctor and his first wife Martha.
 * 4) William Proctor, son of John Proctor and his third wife, Elizabeth Bassett Proctor.
 * 5) Mary Bassett DeRich was the sister of Elizabeth Bassett Proctor.

Extended family: Family Tree:
 * 1) Thomas Farrar Sr., father-in-law of Elizabeth (Hood) Farrar, sister of Sarah Hood aka Sarah Bassett
 * 2) Elizabeth Hutchinson, wife of Isaac Hart whose daughter, Deborah Hart, was married to Benjamin Proctor, brother of John Proctor.
 * 3) Elizabeth Proctor, daughter of John Proctor and Elizabeth Thorndike Proctor, married Thomas Very in 1681. His sister, Elizabeth Very was the second wife of John Nurse, the eldest son of Francis and Rebecca (née Towne) Nurse.
 * 4) Rebecca Nurse, sister of Mary Eastey and Sarah Cloyce.
 * 5) Mary Eastey, sister of Rebecca Nurse and Sarah Cloyce.
 * 6) Sarah Cloyce, sister of Rebecca Nurse and Mary Eastey.
 * 7) Esther Elwell (née Dutch), aka Hester Elwell, was wed to Samuel Elwell, brother of Thomas Elwell; sister-in-law to Sarah Bassett Elwell, another of Elizabeth Bassett Proctor's sisters.

Related accuser
One other family member was drawn into the Trials, joining the accusers: 16-year-old John DeRich, son of the imprisoned Bassett, and her husband, Michel DeRich, who had recently died.

Aftermath
In January 1693, while still in jail, Elizabeth Bassett Proctor gave birth to a son, whom she named John. Elizabeth and her son remained in jail until May 1693, when a general release freed all of those prisoners who remained jailed. Unfortunately, even though the general belief was that innocent people had been wrongly convicted, Elizabeth had been convicted and was considered guilty. In the eyes of the law, she was considered a "dead woman" and could not claim any of her husband's estate. Elizabeth petitioned the court for a reversal of attainder to restore her legal rights. No action was taken for seven years.

In June 1696, Elizabeth filed an appeal to contest her husband's will. She testified in court that "in that sad time of darkness before my said husband was executed it is evident somebody had contrived a will and brought it to him to sign, wherein his whole estate is disposed of." The will had already been probated and assets distributed and she stated that her step-children "will not suffer me to have one penny of the estate, neither upon the account of my husband's contract with me before marriage nor yet upon the account of the dower which, as I humbly conceive, doth belong or ought to belong to me by law, for they say that I am dead in the law".

On 22 September 1696, Elizabeth remarried to Daniel Richards. On 19 April 1697, the probate court ordered Elizabeth's step-children to return to her the dowry as she was "now restored to benefit of law.

On 2 March 1703, twenty-one spouses and children of those condemned, as well as three women who were convicted but not executed, including Elizabeth, filed petitions before any action was taken on Elizabeth's appeal for reversal of attainder. They requested that "something may be publicly done to take off infamy from the names". Two more petitions were filed in June 1703. These included requests from eleven ministers to reconsider the convictions and restore the good names of the citizens. The Massachusetts House of Representatives finally passed a bill disallowing spectral evidence. However, they only gave a reversal of attainder for those who had filed petitions.

In 1705, another petition was filed requesting a more equitable settlement for those wrongly accused. In May 1709, 22 people who had been convicted of witchcraft, or whose parents had been convicted of witchcraft, presented the General Court with a petition to take action on the 1705 proposal demanding both a reversal of attainder and compensation for financial losses. In May 1710, the legislature appointed a committee to hear the petitions. After many delays, on 17 October 1711, the General Court passed a bill reversing the judgment against the people listed in the 1709 petition and Governor Joseph Dudley signed the bill into law. There were still an additional seven people who had been convicted but had not signed the petition. There was no reversal of attainder for them. The bill read as follows:

"Province of Massachusetts Bay Anno Regni, Anna Reginae Decimo.

An act to remove the attainders of George Burroughs and others for Witchcraft.

Forasmuch as in the year of Our Lord, one thousand six hundred and ninety-two several towns within the Province were infested with a horrible witchcraft or possession of devils. And at a special court of Oyer and Termina holden at Salem in the county of Essex in the same year 1692, George Burroughs of Wells, John Proctor, George Jacobs, John Williard, Giles Corey and Martha his wife, Rebecca Nurse and Sarah Good, all of Salem aforesaid; Elizabeth How of Ipswich; Mary Easty, Sarah Wilde and Abigail Hobbs all of Topsfield; Samuel Wardwell, Mary Parker, Martha Carrier, Abigail Faulkner, Ann Foster, Rebecca Eames, Mary Post and Mary Lacey, all of Andover; Mary Bradbury of Salisbury, and Dorcas Hoar of Beverly, were severally indicated, convicted and attainted of witchcraft, and some of them put to death, others lying still under the like sentence of the said court and liable to have the same executed upon them.

The influence and energy of the evil spirit so great at that time acting in and upon those who were the principal accusers and witnesses proceeding so far as to cause a prosecution to be had of persons of known and good reputation which caused a great dissatisfaction and a stop to be put thereunto until their majesties pleasure should be known therein; and upon a representation thereof accordingly made, her late Majesty, Queen Mary, the Second of Blessed Memory, by Her royal letter given at her court at Whitehall the fifteenth of April 1693, was graciously pleased to approve the care and circumspection therein; and to will and require that in all proceedings against persons accused for witchcraft, or being possessed by the Devil, the greatest moderation and all due circumspection be used so far as the same may be without impediment to the ordinary course of justice.

And some of the principal accusers and witnesses in those dark and severe prosecutions have since discovered themselves to be persons of profligate and vicious conversation. Upon the humble petition and suite of several of said persons and of the children of others of them whose parents were executed.

Be it declared and enacted by His Excellency, the Governor, Council and Representatives authority of the same, That the several convictions, in General Court assembled, and by the judgements and attainders against the said George Burroughs, John Proctor, George Jacobs, John Williard, [sic] Giles Core, Martha Core, Rebecca Nurse, Sarah Good, Elizabeth How, Mary Easty, Sarah Wild, Abagail [sic] Hobbs, Samuel Wardell, Mary Parker, Martha Carrier, Abagail  [sic] Faulkner, Anne Foster, Rebecca Eames, Mary Post, Mary Lacey, Mary Bradbury, Dorcas Hoar, and any of them be and are hereby reversed made and declared to be null and void to all intents, constitutionalism and purposes whatsoever as if no such convictions, judgements and attainders had ever been had or given, and that no penalties or forfeitures of goods or chattels be by the said judgements and attainders or either of them had or incurred. Any law, usage or custom to the contrary notwithstanding. And that no sheriff, constable, goaler [sic] or other officer shall be liable to any prosecution in the law for anything they then legally did in the execution of their respective offices.

Made and passed by the Great and General Court or Assembly of Her Majestys Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, held at Boston the 17th day of Oct. 1711."

The 22 people in the 1709 petition were awarded the sum of £578-12-0 to be divided among the survivors and relatives of those accused. However, reversal of attainder and monies were only awarded to the accused and their heirs who had asked for it. £150 were awarded to "John Proctor and wife, but Elizabeth's name was not specifically mentioned. Thorndike Proctor received money for his family's suffering. His older brother Benjamin objected as he had been the one responsible for taking care of his siblings during this time. The court took no action, leaving it up to the family to determine how to divide the funds. Most of the accounts were settled within a year. The award to the Proctor family was $1500, much more money from the Massachusetts General Court than most families of accused witches, a possible indicator of the wealth of the families involved.

Thorndike Proctor purchased the Groton Farm from the Downing family of London, England, following the hanging of his father. The farm was renamed Downing Farm. Thorndike subsequently sold nearly half of Downing Farm to his half-brother Benjamin. Eight generations of Proctors resided on the Downing farm, until 1851.

By 1957, not all the condemned had been exonerated. Descendants of those falsely accused demanded the General Court clear the names of their family members. In 1957, an act was passed pronouncing the innocence of those accused, however, it only listed Ann Pudeator by name and the others as "certain other persons", still not including all names of those convicted. They also included a resolution prohibiting further lawsuits based on old court proceedings.

In 1992, the Danvers Tercentennial Committee persuaded the Massachusetts House of Representatives to issue a resolution honoring "the courage and steadfastness of these condemned persons who adhered to truth when the legal, clerical, and political institutions failed them". While the document did list the names of all those not previously granted reversal of attainder, it only noted that these individuals were "worthy of remembrance and commemoration".

After concerted efforts by a Salem schoolteacher named Paula Keene, and Representatives J. Michael Ruane and Paul Tirone et al, a proclamation of innocence for all the victims was finally signed by Governor Jane Swift on 31 October 2001. More than 300 years after the witch trials, all of its victims were finally exonerated of their supposed guilt.

The Crucible
In The Crucible by Arthur Miller, a 1953 fictionalized version of the trials portrayed as a theatrical play, John Proctor is cast as the main character whose story is centered around his powerful and unrivaled position in the society and consequential wrongfully convicted fate. However, the story line of the play diverges from his actual history in numerous ways, including:

 * 1) Proctor is portrayed as being in his thirties and Abigail Williams is seventeen years old, while the real John Proctor and Abigail Williams were about sixty and eleven or twelve years old, respectively, at the time of the witch trials.
 * 2) Proctor is revealed to have had an affair with Abigail Williams but he has a hatred to Reverend Samuel Parris because he is entirely materialistic. He hates him so much he does not attend church for many months. When they are discovered, Elizabeth Proctor discharges Abigail from the Proctor household and as a result, Abigail accuses Elizabeth Proctor of witchcraft as retaliation, as well as to get her out of the picture so she and John can further pursue their "relationship". In reality, Elizabeth Proctor was initially named by Ann Putnam on 6 March, alleging that Proctor's specter attacked the girl. She was accused by Abigail on 14 March, and further accusations were made by Mercy Lewis.
 * 3) Miller has Mary Warren accusing Proctor of afflicting her but this followed his initial accusation by Abigail in early April 1692. There is no historical evidence to suggest that Abigail even knew John Proctor before she accused him of witchcraft.

In the 1957 screen adaptation of Miller's piece, Proctor was depicted by Yves Montand. In the 1996 film based on the play, Proctor was played by Daniel Day-Lewis.

Cited references

 * Felton, Cyrus (1886) "A Genealogical History of the Felton Family: Descendants of Lieutenant Nathaniel Felton Who Came to Salem Massachusetts in 1633; with Few Supplements and Appendices of the Names of Some of the Ancestors and Families that have Intermarried with them; An Index Alphabetically Arranged of the Felton Families and an Index of Other Names than Felton", Pratt Brothers Printers and Publishers, Marlborough |
 * Foulds, Diane E. (2010), Death in Salem, The Private Lives Behind the 1692 Witch Hunt, Globe Pequot Press, Guilford, CT, ISBN 978-0-7627-5909-5
 * Hall, David D. Witch-Hunting in Seventeenth-Century New England: A Documentary History 1638–1693, Second Edition; Duke University Press; Boston, Mass., USA; 2005, pp. 185–189. ISBN 0-822-336138
 * Hill, Frances (2000). The Salem Witch Trials Reader, Da Capo Press, Boston, Massachusetts, ISBN 0-306-80946-X
 * Nevins, Winfield S. (1916), Witchcraft in Salem Village in 1692, Together with a Review of the Opinions of Modern Writers and Psychologists in Regard to the Outbreak of the Evil in America, fifth edition with preface of striking interest, Salem Press Company, Salem, Massachusetts Witchcraft in Salem Village in 1692: Together with a Review of the Opinions of Modern Writers and Psychologists in Regard to Outbreak of the Evil in America
 * Proctor, A. Carlton (1979 & 1982), Proctor Genealogy ca 1562 to 1982, Descendants of Evan and Mary Proctor, St. Albans, Hertfordshire, England; Robert and Jane (Hildreth) Proctor, Concord-Chelmsford, Massachusetts, USA; John and Martha Proctor, Yorkshire, England and Many of their Related Families,
 * Roach, Marilynne K. (2002), The Salem Witch Trials, A Day-By-Day Chronicle of a Community Under Siege, p. 587, New York: Cooper Square Press. ISBN 0-8154-1221-5
 * Robinson, Enders A. (1991). The Devil Discovered: Salem Witchcraft, 1692, Hippocrene Books, New York, ISBN 0-87052-009-1

General sources

 * Boyer, Paul, and Stephen Nissenbaum, ed. The Salem witchcraft papers: verbatim transcripts of the legal documents of the Salem witchcraft outbreak of 1692 volume 1, compiled and transcribed by the Works Progress Administration, under the supervision of Archie N. Frost; edited and with an introduction and index by Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum; Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Library; Essex County Archives, Salem—Witchcraft
 * Boyer, Paul. Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft
 * Hanson, J. W. (1848). The History of the Town of Danvers, from its Earliest Settlement to 1848, published by the author, printed at the Courier Office, Danvers, Massachusetts
 * Hill, Frances. A Delusion of Satan: The Full Story of the Salem Witch Trials
 * Jackson, Shirley. The Witchcraft of Salem Village
 * Miller, Arthur (1953). The Crucible
 * Robotti, Francis Diane. Chronicles of Old Salem, A History in Miniature
 * Smith, Sarah Saunders (1897). The Founders of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, A Careful Research of the Earliest Records of Many of the Foremost Settlers of the New England Colony: Compiled From The Earliest Church and State Records, and Valuable Private Papers Retained by Descendants for Many Generations, Press of the Sun Printing Company, Pittsfield Massachusetts.
 * Starkey, Marion L. (1949). The Devil in Massachusetts: A Modern Enquiry Into the Salem Witch Trials, Anchor Books / Doubleday Books, New York
 * Starkey, Marion Lena. The Visionary Girls: Witchcraft in Salem Village
 * Taylor, Betsy (2003). "Documents Shed New Light On Witchcraft Trials", The Salem News, Danvers, Massachusetts
 * Trask, Richard B. The Devil Hath Been Raised: A Documentary History of the Salem Village Witchcraft Outbreak of March 1692
 * Famous American Trials: Salem Witchcraft Trials 1692: John Proctor—University of Missouri-Kansas City
 * Upham, Charles W. Salem Witchcraft; With an Account of Salem Village and a History of Opinions on Witchcraft and Kindred Subjects
 * Upham, William P. (1904). House of John Proctor, Witchcraft Martyr, 1692, Press of C. H. Shephard, Peabody, Massachusetts
 * Winwar, Frances (1938). Puritan City: The Story of Salem, Robert M. McBride & Company, New York.

title: John Proctor (Salem witch trials)


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Luther Jordan

Luther Henry Jordan, Jr. (1 June 1950 – 23 April 2002) was a Democratic politician from North Carolina and a senior member of the North Carolina General Assembly.

Jordan was born in New York City and moved to North Carolina as a child. He graduated from New Hanover High School in 1969 and received training in mortuary science at Gupton Jones College. He ran a funeral home business in Wilmington, North Carolina and served on the Wilmington City Council for 15 years. Jordan was elected to the North Carolina Senate in 1993 and served in that body until his death in 2002. Jordan earned a bachelor's degree from Shaw University in 1997, at the age of 46. From 1999 to 2002, he served as the Senate Democratic majority whip.

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title: Luther Jordan


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ADH

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Ii Naosuke

Ii Naosuke (井伊 直弼) was a daimyō (feudal lord) of Hikone (1850–1860) and also Tairō of the Tokugawa shogunate, Japan, a position he held from April 23, 1858, until his death, assassinated in the Sakuradamon Incident on March 24, 1860. He is most famous for signing the Harris Treaty with the United States, granting access to ports for trade to American merchants and seamen and extraterritoriality to American citizens. He was also an enthusiastic and accomplished practitioner of the Japanese tea ceremony, in the Sekishūryū style, and his writings include at least two works on the tea ceremony.

Under Ii Naosuke's guidance, the Tokugawa shogunate navigated past a particularly difficult conflict over the succession to the ailing and childless Tokugawa Iesada. Ii Naosuke managed to coerce the Tokugawa shogunate to the last brief resurgence of its power and position in Japanese society before the start of the Meiji period. Ii was assassinated in the Sakuradamon incident by a group of 17 Mito and 1 Satsuma samurai on March 24, 1860.

Early life
Ii Naosuke was born on November 29, 1815, as the 14th son of Ii Naonaka, the daimyō of Hikone by his concubine. Since Naosuke was the 14th son, he was not in line for a prominent position and early in his life was sent to a Buddhist temple where he lived on a small stipend from his family. Fortunately for Ii, even though he was sent to the monastery, his 13 elder brothers were either adopted into other families who needed an heir, or died before they succeeded their father. Accordingly, when his father died in 1850, Ii was called back from the monastery and became the daimyō of Hikone, a fudai domain, and took the family name of Ii. As the daimyō of Hikone, Ii was one of the daimyōs who were eligible for a position in the bakufu, the council of the shōgun's advisors. His childhood name was Tetsunosuke (鉄之介).

Ii became involved in national politics, rapidly rising to lead a coalition of daimyōs. In 1853 Ii put forward a proposal concerning the Japanese negotiations with U.S. Commodore Matthew C. Perry during Perry's mission to open Japan to the outside world. Realizing that Japan was faced with immediate military danger  Ii argued that Japan should use their relationship with the Dutch to allow them to buy enough time to develop armed forces, which could resist invasion. Ii recommended that only the port of Nagasaki be opened for trade with foreigners Ii, like Hotta Masayoshi, refused to remain silent while shogunal advisor Abe Masahiro appeased the anti-foreign party. Ii led the fudai daimyōs in their effort to bring about the downfall of Abe Masahiro and replace him with Hotta Masayoshi. This alienated many reformist daimyōs, leading them to strengthen their association with the Imperial court.

Family

 * Father: Ii Naonaka (1766–1831)
 * Mother: Otomi no Kata (1785–1819)
 * Foster father: Ii Naoaki (1794–1850)
 * Wife: Masako (1834–1885)
 * Concubines:
 * Senda Shizue
 * Nishimura Sato
 * Children:
 * Ii Naonori by Nishimura Sato
 * daughter
 * Son
 * Chiyoko (1846–1927) married Matsudaira Yoritoshi
 * Ii Naotomo (1849–1887) by Masako
 * Ii Naoyasu (1851–1935) by Nishimura Sato
 * daughter
 * son
 * Manchiyo
 * daughter
 * son
 * Michiyo
 * daughter
 * Ii Naoyuki (1858–1927) by Masako
 * Tokiko married Aoyama Yukiyoshi

Tairō

In 1858 after Hotta Masayoshi's disastrous attempt to obtain the emperor's approval for the Harris treaty the Tokugawa shōgun Tokugawa Iesada chose Ii Naosuke to be the Tairō (Great Elder); a decision influenced by the Kii Party. The position of Tairō, a post traditionally held by members of the Ii family, was rarely filled; in fact there had only been three Tairō between 1700 and Ii Naosuke's rise to power 158 years later. Ii's promotion to the post of Tairō annoyed many of the shinpan daimyōs (daimyōs related to the shōgun, they were unable to be members of the bakufu, but in the event of the shōgun dying heirless the next shōgun would be chosen from one of the shinpan families) including Tokugawa Nariaki. As the Tairō Ii Naosuke had both prestige and power second only to the shōgun; Ii also enjoyed the full backing of the fudai daimyōs. An intelligent and capable politician Ii Naosuke was determined to restore the power of the bakufu in Japanese policy making, both in a domestic and a foreign role.

Ii Naosuke regarded the Harris treaty, which Hotta Masayoshi had negotiated with the American envoy Townsend Harris as in Japan's best interests. In accordance with the protocol he asked the three house lords of the gosankyō for their views in writing. However Ii faced a problem in the form of an obstructionist policy from members of the Hitotsubashi faction led by Hitotsubashi Keiki's father Tokugawa Nariaki.

Ii was unwilling to sign the Harris treaty without approval from Emperor Kōmei in Kyoto. However the daimyōs of the Hitotsubashi faction were preventing him from presenting the treaty to the emperor by withholding their approval. At this time Harris started putting pressure on the shogunal officials to sign the treaty. Ii decided not to risk aggravating the Americans and on July 29, 1858, encouraged by the full backing of the bakufu officials, Ii ordered the Harris treaty to be signed. Soon after this Ii negotiated a number of similar unequal treaties with the Dutch, the Russians, the British and the French. Bakufu critics considered the treaties signed by Ii Naosuke to have seriously compromised Japan's sovereignty, and recovery of this power became the basis of a large part of the policies formed during the Meiji period.

Due to the frail health of the shōgun Tokugawa Iesada, the members of the Hitotsubashi faction wanted to force Ii to support Hitotsubashi Keiki as the heir to the ailing shōgun. Hitotsubashi Keiki was the reformist candidate, supported by the reformist faction, headed by his father Tokugawa Nariaki; his supporters pointed to his experience and skill in handling policy decisions. Ii was aware that Japan needed strong leadership, but unlike the reformist daimyōs, Ii was not prepared to accept strong leadership from outside the traditional forms of government. The bakufu, led by Ii, wanted the 12-year-old daimyō of Kii, Tokugawa Yoshitomi, to ascend to the position of shōgun. The bakufu supported such a young candidate because they felt that it would be easier for them to influence and control a young and inexperienced shōgun.

To end meddling in bakufu affairs, shortly after he signed the Harris treaty Ii settled the matter of the shogunal succession by claiming that the shogunal succession was a matter for the Tokugawa house alone and neither the shinpan daimyōs or the Emperor had the right to interfere. As head councilor of the Tokugawa house Ii was now free to influence the decision in favor of whichever candidate he preferred without any interference. In this way Ii was able to ignore the daimyōs who supported Hitotsubashi Keiki, the reformist candidate for the office of shōgun and crowned the fudai daimyō's candidate, Tokugawa Yoshitomi who changed his name to Tokugawa Iemochi, as the 14th Tokugawa shōgun.

Ii's decision made him very unpopular with Imperial loyalists, especially with the Mito samurai. Towards the end of 1858 the reformists went to the emperor with the hopes of restraining Ii. In response to the attempt by Tokugawa Nariaki and his supporters to denounce him in the emperor's court Ii had a shogunal decree passed which allowed him to conduct the Ansei Purge. During the rest of 1858 and into 1859 Naosuke purged over 100 officials from the bakufu, the imperial court and the lands of various daimyōs. Eight of the officials who were purged were executed; the remainder were forced into retirement. During the Ansei purge Ii Naosuke was able to force Hitotsubashi Keiki's supporters to retire and place Hitotsubashi and his family under house arrest. Ii Naosuke was also able to remove officials who had expressed unhappiness with his handling of the Harris treaty and the shogunal succession from public life.

Kōbu gattai and the Kazunomiya marriage
In early 1859 Ii Naosuke's agent in the Imperial Court, Nagano Shuzen, approached him with the idea of kōbu gattai. Kōbu gattai was a policy binding Kyoto and Edo closer together to shore up the failing shogunate with the prestige of the imperial court. This policy was to be carried out by means of a marriage between the shōgun and the Emperor's younger sister, Princess Kazunomiya. Naosuke broached the topic to the Imperial court through his Envoy Manabe Akibuke. Manabe was tasked with gauging the measure of acceptability for the proposed marriage between Shogun Iemochi and Princess Kazunomiya. Prominent court official Konoe Tadahiro responded favorably to the proposal, insinuating a marriage between the shogun and Princess Kazunomiya was possible if her present engagement failed. However, in March 1859 Konoe was forced to retire from the court by Naosuke's Ansei purge, and the idea of kōbu gattai faded into the background until 1861, after the death of Ii Naosuke. In 1861 due to the further deteriorating status of the shogunate the marriage between Tokugawa Iemochi and Princess Kazunomiya finally took place, though their marriage was cut short by Iemochi's death in 1866.

Death and consequences

Although Ii's Ansei purge was very effective in silencing the officials and his high ranking opponents, it did not have the same effect on lower-ranking samurai. Ii Naosuke's 20-month dictatorial reign as tairō came to an abrupt end in the third month of Ansei 7 (March 24, 1860).

In the Sakuradamon incident, Ii was attacked by a band of 17 young samurai loyalists from the Mito Province and cut down just in front of one of the gates of the shōgun's Edo castle entering to meet with the shōgun. The assassination of Ii Naosuke, who was seen as the symbol of the bakufu's power and authority, was construed as crushing any hopes for the resurrection of the shogunate's power. His assassins additionally left a note accusing him of building heretical Buddhist temples in Japan; this in fact referred to his allowing Christianity to return to the region, building on earlier Japanese heresiological discourse.

The death of Tairō Ii Naosuke started a wave of loyalist terrorism across Japan, the poet Tsunada Tadayuki even wrote a poem praising Ii's assassins. Soon attempts were being made on the lives of other members of the bakufu and their informants. The wave of popular dissent also turned against officials with a connection to Ii Naosuke, no matter how distant it was. Shimada Sakon, retainer of the Kujō, (one of the Sekke families; the 5 regent houses, and among the most powerful in the court), Imperial regent, was killed by dissidents for supporting the Harris treaty and helping Ii's confidant, Nagano Shuzen, expose members of the court who were targeted during the Ansei purge.

The shōgun and the Bakufu were astounded and taken completely off-guard by the death of Ii Naosuke. They didn't even announce his death until several months after the assassination took place. Instead, during this time the shōgun and the bakufu first pretended that Ii was still alive and rendering service to the shōgun. Then they faked an illness and had him render his resignation to the shōgun before announcing his death. In this way Ii continued to serve the shōgun, even after death. Ii's assassins were later granted a general amnesty by the bakufu, a precedent later used by Yamagata Aritomo, a key member of the Meiji restoration and a main architect of the military and political foundations of early modern Japan and Japanese militarism, to show that any action can be forgiven if it is performed for the betterment of the emperor.

Accounts of the dramatic event were sent via ship across the Pacific to San Francisco and then sped by Pony Express across the American West. On June 12, The New York Times reported that Japan's first diplomatic mission to the West received the news about what had happened in Edo.

Legacy
After his death, Ii Naosuke was quickly both vilified and defended. Even his enemies would admit that, along with Tokugawa Nariaki, Ii was one of the most important political figures of the late Edo period of Japanese history. Due to the often-tyrannical means Ii used to maintain his power, he was the subject of extremely negative press and was portrayed as a villain in much of the literature from his time, for example in the poems of Tsunada Tadayuki. Historians such as Miyauchi and Beasley consider that Ii was nonetheless a patriot who carried out all of his acts in the belief that they were for the good of Japan and the Emperor. They base this theory upon Ii's 1853 proposal concerning the Japanese negotiations with Commodore Perry, where Ii realized that Japan could not stand up to the Western powers and therefore suggested a policy of placation while the Japanese built up their armed forces (which was the policy chosen by the Meiji government). Ii's successors could not overturn his policy decisions, and his attitude towards the foreigners became the cornerstone of Japanese policy well into the Meiji period.

After Ii Naosuke's death, the Ii family was disgraced for many years; recently, however, Ii's actions have been looked at in a more favorable light and Ii Naosuke has taken his place as one of the most important political figures of Japanese history. On October 7, 2009, Ii Naotake, a family descendant of Naosuke, attended a memorial ceremony with the people of Fukui in reconciliation over the execution of Hashimoto Sanai in the Ansei Purge.

Ii is buried in the temple of Gōtoku-ji, in Setagaya, Tokyo.

title: Ii Naosuke


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User talk:Nanoflop

Hi, welcome to Wikipedia! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Drop us a note at New user log so we can meet you and help you get started. If you need editing help, visit How does one edit a page. For format questions, visit our manual of style. If you have any other questions about the project then check out Help or add a question to the Village pump. Meelar 01:40, 27 Feb 2004 (UTC) P.S. Feel free to ask me questions on my talk page as well. Good to have you!

Image Tagging for Image:Beach_field.jpg
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Image stuff
Hi there. I read you post on the new user's log. The image you uploaded requires 2 things: I hope this answers your question, if not, don't hesitate to write to me on my talk page. Akamad 11:43, 15 February 2006 (UTC)
 * 1) You also need to tag it with the appropriate copyright tag (see: Image copyright tags). For example, if the image is that of an album cover, the tag to use is . See  for an example. To add the tag, simply click "edit" on the image page and simply add whichever tag is appropriate.
 * 2) The source of the image: did you make it yourself? Or did you copy it from a website? etc. This is not as important as the first one.
 * In the summary section, simply put the url, stating something along the lines of: "image obtained from url". That's all that is needed. - Akamad 01:22, 16 February 2006 (UTC)

title: User talk:Nanoflop


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James A. Kelly

James Andrew Kelly (born September 15, 1936) is an American foreign policy advisor who served as Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs from 2001 to 2005.

Education
Raised in Atlanta, Georgia, Kelly attended Georgia Tech for one year before receiving an appointment to the United States Naval Academy. In 1959, he earned a Bachelor of Science from the Naval Academy. Kelly later earned an MBA from the Harvard Business School in 1968. He graduated from the National War College in 1977.

Career
Kelly served in the United States Navy from 1959 to 1982, concluding his active duty as a Captain in the Navy Supply Corps. From June 1983 to March 1986, Kelly worked at the Pentagon as deputy assistant secretary of defense for international security affairs (East Asia and Pacific). Kelly served special assistant for national security affairs to President Ronald Reagan, and as senior director for Asian affairs on the United States National Security Council from March 1986 to March 1989. From 1989 to 1994, Kelly was president of EAP Associates, Inc., of Honolulu, which provided international business consulting services with an Asia and Pacific focus to private clients.

From 1994 to 2001, Kelly was president of Pacific Forum International, which has analyzed and led dialogue on Asia–Pacific political, security, and economic/business issues since 1975. He has served as a senior adviser and distinguished alumni at CSIS. In 2002, Kelly worked as an envoy to North Korea.

From 2001 to 2005, Kelly served as Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs. President George W. Bush nominated Kelly on April 3, 2001. He was confirmed by the U.S. Senate on April 26, 2001 and sworn in on May 1, 2001.

In 2020, Kelly, along with over 130 other former Republican national security officials, signed a statement that asserted that President Trump was unfit to serve another term, and "To that end, we are firmly convinced that it is in the best interest of our nation that Vice President Joe Biden be elected as the next President of the United States, and we will vote for him."

Kelly currently serves as Chairman of the Board of the Directors of Pacific Forum International.

title: James A. Kelly


text:
Charles Newell Carter

Charles Newell Carter Jr. (born May 9, 1967) is a Democratic politician from North Carolina who served two terms in the North Carolina General Assembly.

Carter was born in Asheville, North Carolina and graduated from Asheville School. He earned a bachelor's degree in international studies and history from Oglethorpe University, after which he taught in the public schools of Buncombe County. In 1996, he ran unsuccessfully for the North Carolina Senate in the 28th Senate District. In 1998 and 2000, Carter was elected to the Senate, and he served through 2002.

More recently, he opened several Port City Java cafes in the Asheville area. In May, 2007, Charles Carter broke away from the Port City Java corporation and created a locally owned chain of cafes known as Mountain Java. Mountain Java is now closed.

Carter also serves on the advisory board of the North Carolina DonorsChoose organization.

title: Charles Newell Carter


text:
Charles Carter

Charles, Charlie, or Chuck Carter may refer to:

Arts and entertainment

 * Charles Joseph Carter (1874–1936), American stage magician
 * Charles Thomas Carter (c. 1735–1804), Irish composer and organist
 * Charlton Heston (J. Charles Carter, 1923–2008), American film actor, known in private life as Charles or Chuck Carter
 * Chuck Carter (born 1957), video game and film artist

Politics and law

 * Charles Carter (of Cleve) (1707–1764), Virginia planter and politician
 * Charles Carter (of Ludlow) (1732–1796), son of Charles Carter (of Cleve), Virginia planter and politician
 * Charles Carter (Alaska politician) (1870–1961), Alaskan politician, mayor of Juneau
 * Charles Carter (New Zealand politician) (1822–1896), philanthropist, contractor, and politician
 * Charles Bonham-Carter (1876–1955), British Army officer and Governor of Malta
 * Charles D. Carter (1868–1929), U.S. Representative from Oklahoma
 * Charles Hill Carter (1732–1806), Virginia planter (at Shirley and Coromotan) and politician
 * Charles Newell Carter (born 1967), American politician from North Carolina
 * Charles Samuel Carter (1878–1968), Virginia banker and Democratic party leader, chair of State Commission on Conservation and Development
 * Charles Carter (Bahamian journalist) (1943–2021), Bahamian journalist and politician

Sports

 * Charles B. Carter (1880–1927), American football player, lawyer and politician
 * Kid Carter (Charles Carter, fl. 1903–1906), American baseball player
 * Charlie Carter (born 1971), Irish hurler
 * Charlie Carter (cricketer) (born 1947), English cricketer
 * Charlie Carter (footballer) (born 1996), English footballer

Others

 * Charles Frederick Carter (1919–2002), English economist and university administrator
 * Charles Henry Carter (1828–1914), English Baptist missionary to Ceylon
 * Charles Howard Carter (1927–1990), American professor of history
 * Charles John Carter (died 1851), English architect and surveyor

title: Charles Carter


text:
James Kelly

James, Jimmy or Jim Kelly may refer to:

Arts, Entertainment

 * James E. Kelly (artist) (1855–1933), American sculptor and illustrator
 * James F. Kelly, American actor
 * James Kelly (artist) (1913–2003), American painter
 * James Martin Kelly (born 1954), American actor and writer
 * James Patrick Kelly (born 1951), American writer
 * Jim Kelly (martial artist) (1946–2013), karate champion and film actor
 * Jim Kelly (author) (born 1957), British crime writer and journalist
 * Jimmy Kelly (singer) (born 1971), Irish-American singer and musician
 * James Kelly, member of Irish metal group Altar of Plagues
 * James Kelly (fiddler) (born 1957), Irish fiddler, member of folk group Patrick Street

Crime and law

 * James Kelly (pirate) (died 1701), English pirate
 * James Kelly (crimper), 19th-century American criminal
 * James McGirr Kelly (1928–2005), U.S. federal judge
 * James Kelly (Irish Army officer) (1929–2003), cleared of attempting to import arms for the IRA in 1970
 * James Kelly (murderer) (1860–1929), English murderer and Jack the Ripper suspect
 * Jimmy Kelly (saloon keeper) (fl. 1900–1914), organizer and underworld figure in New York

United States

 * James Kelly (U.S. representative) (1760–1819), for the Federalist Party, Pennsylvania, 1805–1809
 * James K. Kelly (1819–1903), U.S. senator for Oregon (1871–1877)
 * James C. Kelly (1857-1947), American politician and farmer from Minnesota
 * James W. Kelly Jr. (1908–1990), mayor of East Orange, New Jersey
 * James H. Kelly (1919–1984), American politician
 * James A. Kelly Jr. (1926–2013), member of Massachusetts House of Representatives and Senate
 * James A. Kelly (born 1936), Assistant U.S. Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, 2001–2005
 * James B. Kelly III (born 1941), Pennsylvania politician
 * James M. Kelly (Boston politician) (1940–2007), Boston City Council member
 * James Paul Kelly (1911-1972), American politician, Missouri state senator
 * Jim Kelly (Kansas politician) (born 1947), member of the Kansas House of Representatives
 * James M. Kelly (Maryland politician) (born 1960)

Other politics

 * James Whyte Kelly (1855–1938), New Zealand politician
 * James Kelly (Fianna Fáil politician), Irish Fianna Fáil politician
 * James Kelly (Repeal Association politician) (1808–1875), Irish Repeal Association politician
 * James Kelly (Scottish politician) (born 1963), member of the Scottish Parliament
 * James Kelly, MP for the Irish constituency of Limerick City, 1844–1847
 * James Francis Kelly, Ontario MPP for Muskoka—Ontario, 1934–1945

Association football

 * James Kelly (footballer, born 1865) (1865–1932), Scottish football player (Renton FC, Celtic FC, national team) and administrator
 * James Kelly (Lincoln City footballer) (fl. 1892–93), Scottish footballer (Lincoln City FC)
 * James Kelly (American soccer) (c. 1920s), U.S. soccer player
 * Jimmy Kelly (footballer, born 1907) (1907–1984), English professional footballer
 * Jimmy Kelly (footballer, born 1911) (1911–1970), Irish international footballer
 * Jimmy Kelly (footballer, born 1931) (1931–2003), English footballer active in the 1950s and 1960s
 * Jimmy Kelly (footballer, born 1933), Scottish footballer active in the 1950s
 * Jimmy Kelly (footballer, born 1954), Northern Irish footballer active in England and North America in the 1970s and 1980s
 * Jimmy Kelly (footballer, born 1957), English footballer for Manchester United and NASL teams
 * Jimmy Kelly (footballer, born 1973), English footballer for Wrexham and Wolverhampton Wanderers
 * Jimmy Kelly (Northern Ireland footballer) (fl. 1920s), Northern Irish footballer

American football

 * Jim Kelly (born 1960), American football Hall of Fame quarterback
 * Jimmy Kelly (American football), NFL player
 * Jim Kelly (tight end, born 1942), American football player
 * Jim Kelly (tight end, born 1951), American football player

Other sports

 * Jim Kelly (baseball) (1884–1961), American
 * Jimmy Kelly (Mooncoin hurler) (1884–1966), Irish hurler
 * Jimmy Kelly (Carrickshock hurler) (1916–1985), Irish hurler
 * Jim Kelly (coach) (1893–1972), American basketball, football, and track and field coach
 * Jim Kelly (Australian cricketer) (1867–1938), wicket-keeper
 * Jim Kelly (New Zealand cricketer) (1928–1995), Wellington representative cricketer in 1951
 * Jim Kelly (boxer) (1912–?), Northern Irish boxer of the 1920s, '30s and '40s
 * Jimmy Kelly (boxer, born 1992), Irish boxer
 * Jim Kelly (martial artist) (1946–2013), karate champion and film star
 * James Kelly (Australian footballer) (born 1983), Australian rules footballer
 * Jim Kelly (sportscaster), American sportscaster
 * James Kelly (basketball) (born 1993), American basketball player

Other

 * James Kelly (Australian explorer) (1791–1859), Australian mariner and explorer
 * James Kelly (journalist) (1809–1895), founder of Chicago Tribune
 * James Kelly (bishop) (1832–1907), Anglican bishop of Newfoundland and Scotland
 * James Kelly (priest) (1877–1939), New Zealand Catholic priest and editor
 * James W. Kelly (1913–1989), U.S. Navy admiral
 * James Kelly (historian) (born 1959), professor of Irish history
 * James M. Kelly (astronaut) (born 1964), NASA astronaut on Space Shuttle missions
 * James Graves Kelly (1843–1923), officer in the British Indian Army
 * James Gordon Kelly, professor of psychology
 * James Johnson Kelly (1928–2018), Tuskegee Airman
 * James P. Kelly, CEO of United Parcel Service, 1997–2001
 * Jim Kelly, managing editor of Time magazine (2001–2005)

title: James Kelly


text:
Vargas Era

The Vargas Era (Portuguese: Era Vargas; ) is the period in the history of Brazil between 1930 and 1946 when the country was governed by president Getúlio Vargas. The period from 1930 to 1937 is known as the Second Brazilian Republic, and the other part of Vargas Era, from 1937 until 1946 is known as the Third Brazilian Republic (or Estado Novo).

The Brazilian Revolution of 1930 marked the end of the First Brazilian Republic. The coup deposed President Washington Luís and blocked swearing-in of president-elect Júlio Prestes on the grounds that the election had been rigged by his supporters. The 1891 Constitution was abrogated, the National Congress dissolved, then the provisional military junta ceded power to Vargas. Federal intervention in state governments increased and the political landscape was altered by suppressing the traditional oligarchies of São Paulo and Minas Gerais states.

The Vargas Era comprises three successive phases:
 * the period of the Provisional Government (1930–1934), when Vargas governed by decree as Head of the Provisional Government instituted by the revolution, pending the adoption of a new Constitution.
 * the period of the Brazilian Constitution of 1934, when a new Constitution was drafted and approved by the Constituent Assembly of 1933–1934 and Vargas, elected by the Constituent Assembly under the transitional provisions of the Constitution, governed as president alongside a democratically elected legislature.
 * the Estado Novo period (1937–1946) began when, in order to stay in power, Vargas imposed a new dictatorial Constitution in a coup d'état and shut down the Legislature to rule Brazil as a dictator.

The deposition of Getúlio Vargas and the Estado Novo regime in 1945 led to the subsequent re-democratization of Brazil with the adoption of a new Constitution in 1946, marking the end of the Vargas Era and the beginning of the Fourth Brazilian Republic.

Downfall of the Old Republic
The tenente rebellions did not faze Brazil's bourgeois social reformers, but the ruling paulista coffee oligarchy could not withstand the economic meltdown of 1929.

Brazil's vulnerability to the Great Depression had its roots in the heavy dependence of its economy on foreign markets and loans. Despite some industrial development in São Paulo, coffee and other agricultural exports of coffee and other agricultural products was still the mainstay of the economy.

Days after the U.S. stock market crash on 29 October 1929, coffee quotations immediately fell 30% to 60%. and continued to fall. Between 1929 and 1931, coffee prices fell from 22.5 cents a pound to 8 cents per pound. As world trade contracted, the coffee exporters suffered a vast drop in foreign exchange earnings.

The Great Depression possibly had a more dramatic effect on Brazil than on the United States. The collapse of Brazil's valorization (price support) program, a safety net in times of economic crisis, was strongly intertwined with the collapse of the central government, and its base of support in the landed oligarchy. The coffee planters had grown dangerously dependent on government valorization. In the aftermath of the recession following World War I, the government was not short of the cash needed to bail out the coffee industry. But between 1929 and 1930, world demand for Brazil's primary products had fallen far too drastically to maintain government revenues. By the end of 1930, Brazil's gold reserves had been depleted, pushing its exchange rate down to a new low. The program for warehoused coffee collapsed altogether.

The government of president Washington Luís faced a deepening balance-of-payments crisis and the coffee growers were stuck with an unsaleable harvest. Since power ultimately rested on a patronage system, wide-scale defections in the delicate balance of regional interests left the regime of Washington Luís vulnerable. Government policies designed to favor foreign interests further exacerbated the crisis, leaving the regime alienated from almost every segment of society.

Following the Wall Street panic, the government attempted to please foreign creditors by maintaining convertibility according to the money principles preached by the foreign bankers and economists who set the terms for Brazil's relations with the world economy, despite lacking any support from a single major sector in Brazilian society.

Despite capital flight, Washington Luís clung to a hard money policy, guaranteeing the convertibility of the Brazilian currency into gold or British sterling. Once the gold and sterling reserves were exhausted amid the collapse of the valorization program, the government was finally forced to suspend convertibility of the currency. Foreign credit had now evaporated.

Rise of Getúlio Vargas
A populist governor of Brazil's southernmost Rio Grande do Sul state, Vargas was a cattle rancher with a doctorate in law and the 1930 presidential candidate of the Liberal Alliance. Vargas was a member of the gaucho-landed oligarchy and had risen through the system of patronage and clientelism, but had a fresh vision of how Brazilian politics could be shaped to support national development. He came from a region with a positivist and populist tradition, and was an economic nationalist who favored industrial development and liberal reforms. Vargas built up political networks, and was attuned to the interests of the rising urban classes. In his early years Vargas even relied on the support of the tenentes of the 1922 rebellion.

Vargas understood that with the breakdown of direct relations between workers and owners in the growing factories of Brazil, workers could become the basis for a new form of political power – populism. Using such insights, he gradually established such mastery over the Brazilian political world that, upon achieving power, he stayed in power for 15 years. During this time, as the stranglehold of the agricultural elites eased, new urban industrial leaders acquired more influence nationally, and the middle class began to show strength.

Aside from the Great Depression and the emergence of the Brazilian bourgeoisie, Brazil's historic dynamic of interregional politics was a significant factor encouraging the alliance that Getúlio Vargas forged during the Revolution of 1930 between the new urban sectors and the landowners hostile to the government in states other than São Paulo.

Along with the urban bourgeois groups, northeastern sugar barons were left with a legacy of longstanding grievances against the paulista coffee oligarchs of the south. Northeastern landowners opposed Washington Luís' 1930 discontinuance of the drought relief projects of his predecessor. The decay of established sugar oligarchies of the northeast had begun dramatically with the severe drought of 1877. The rapid growth of coffee-producing São Paulo state started at the same time. After the abolition of slavery in 1888, Brazil saw a mass exodus of emancipated slaves and other peasants from the northeast to the southeast of the country, ensuring a steady supply of cheap labor for the coffee planters.

Under the Old Republic, the politics of café com leite ("coffee with milk)" rested on the domination of the republic's politics by the southeastern states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais, which were Brazil's largest states in terms of population and economy.

Given the grievances with ruling regime in the northeast and Rio Grande do Sul, Getúlio Vargas chose João Pessoa of the northeastern state of Paraíba as his vice-presidential candidate in the 1930 presidential election. With the understanding that the dominance of the landowners in the rural areas was to continue under Liberal Alliance government, the Northeastern oligarchies were thus integrated into the Vargas alliance in a subordinate status via a new political party, the Social Democratic Party (PSD).

As a candidate in 1930, Vargas utilized populist rhetoric to promote middle class concerns, thus opposing the primacy (but not the legitimacy) of the paulista coffee oligarchy and the landed elites, who had little interest in protecting and promoting industry.

However, behind the façade of Vargas' populism lay the intricate nature of his coalition – ever-changing from this point onward. Consequently, these locally dominant regional groups – the gaúchos of Rio Grande do Sul and the sugar barons of the northeast – themselves ushered the new urban groups into the forefront of Brazilian political life in a revolution from above, tilting the balance of the central government in favor of the Liberal Alliance.

Second Brazilian Republic
Vargas' tenuous coalition lacked a coherent program, beyond a broad vision of "modernization", but little that was more definitive. Balancing such conflicting ideological constituencies, regionalisms, and economic interests in a vast, diverse, and socio-economically varied nation would, thus, not only explain the sole constant factor that marked Vargas' long career—abrupt shifts in alliances and ideologies, but also his eventual dictatorship, similar to European fascism.

Between 1930 and 1934, Vargas tried to reconcile the radically diverging interests of his supporters with social reformism. His policies collectively approximate those of fascist Italy under Benito Mussolini, with an increased reliance on populism. Reflecting the influence of the tenentes, he even advocated a program of social welfare and reform similar to the New Deal in the United States, prompting U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt to proudly refer to him as "one of two people who invented the New Deal."

Vargas sought to bring Brazil out of the Great Depression through statist-interventionist policies and satisfied the demands of the rapidly growing urban bourgeois groups, voiced by the new (to Brazil) mass ideologies of populism and nationalism. Like Roosevelt, his first steps focused on economic stimulus, a program with which all factions could agree.

Favoring a interventionist policy of tax breaks, lowered duties, and import quotas to expand the domestic industrial base, Vargas linked his pro-middle class policies to nationalism, advocating heavy tariffs to "perfect our manufacturers to the point where it will become unpatriotic to feed or clothe ourselves with imported goods!"

Vargas sought to mediate disputes between labor and capital. For instance, the provisional president quelled a paulista female workers' strike by co-opting much of their platform and requiring their "factory commissions" to use government mediation in the future.

With the northeastern oligarchies now incorporated into the ruling coalition, the government focused on restructuring agriculture. To placate friendly agrarian oligarchs, the modernizing state not only left the impoverished domains of the rural oligarchs untouched, but also helped the sugar barons cement their control over rural Brazil. The peasantry, to the surprise of many accustomed to overlooking Brazil's peripheral regions, was not that servile. Banditry was common but so were messianism, anarchic uprisings, and tax evasion, all of which were already common practice before 1930. The state crushed a wave of banditry in the northeast known as cangaço, marking the reversal of the drastic but gradual decline of the northeastern latifundios from the 1870s to the 1930 revolution. At the expense of the indigent peasantry—85 percent of the workforce—not only did Vargas renege on his promises of land reforms, he denied agricultural workers in general the working class' gains in labor regulations. Likely to the detriment of that region's long-term economic development, Vargas' static conservatism on rural matters arguably exacerbated the disparities between the impoverished, semi-feudal northeast and the dynamic, urbanized southeast to this day.

Opposition arose among the powerful paulista coffee oligarchs to this unprecedented interventionism, as well as to the increased centralization of the government, its increasingly populist and fascist stance, its protectionist and/mercantilist policies (protecting politically favored producers at the expense of consumers) and the increasing dictatorial Vargas himself.

Appeasement of landed interests, traditionally dominant forces in Brazil, required a realignment of the Vardas coalition, forcing him to turn against its left wing. After mid-1932 the influence of the tenente group over Vargas rapidly waned, although individual moderate tenentes of moderate continued to hold important positions in the regime. The ouster of the center-left tenentes from his coalition marked his rightward shift would by 1934.

Towards dictatorship
By 1934 Vargas developed what Thomas E. Skidmore and Peter H. Smith called "a legal hybrid" between Mussolini's Italy and Salazar's Estado Novo in Portugal. Vargas copied fascist tactics, and shared their rejection of liberal capitalism. He abandoned the "provisional government" (1930–34) characterized by social reformism that appeared to favor the generally left wing of his revolutionary coalition, the tenentes.

A conservative insurgency in 1932 was the key turning point to the right. After the July 1932 Constitutionalist Revolution — a thinly-veiled attempt by the paulista coffee oligarchs to retake the central government — Vargas tried to recover support of the landed elites, including the coffee growers, in order to establish a new alliance of power.

The revolt was caused by Vargas' appointment of João Alberto, a center-left tenente as "interventor" (provisional governor) in place of the elected governor of São Paulo. The paulista elite loathed Alberto, resenting his centralization efforts and alarmed by his economic reforms, such as 5% wage increase and the minor distribution of some land to participants of the revolution. Amid threats of revolt, Vargas replaced João Alberto with a civilian from São Paulo, appointed a conservative paulista banker as his minister of finance, and announced a date for the holding of a constituent assembly. This only emboldened coffee oligarchs who launched a revolt in July 1932, which collapsed after three months of armed combat.

Regardless of the attempted revolution, Vargas was determined to maintain his alliance with the original farmer wing of his coalition and to strengthen his ties with the São Paulo establishment. The result was further concessions, alienating the left wings of his coalition. The essential compromise was failing to honor the promises of land reform made during the campaign of 1930. Vargas also pardoned half the bank debts of the coffee planters, who still had a significant grip on the state's electoral machinery, alleviating the crisis stemming from the collapse of the valorization program. To pacify his old paulista adversaries after their failed revolt, he ordered the Bank of Brazil to assume the war bonds issued by the rebel government.

Vargas was also increasingly threatened by pro-communist elements in labor critical of the rural latifundios by 1934, who sought an alliance with the country's peasant majority by backing land reform. Despite the populist rhetoric of the "father of the poor", the gaucho Vargas was ushered into power by planter oligarchies of peripheral regions amid a revolution from above, and was thus in no position to meet communist demands, had he desired to do so.

In 1934, armed with a new constitution drafted with extensive influence from European fascist models, Vargas began reining in even moderate trade unions and turning against the tenentes. His further concessions to the latifundios pushed him toward an alliance with the integralists, Brazil's mobilized fascist movement. Following the end of the provisional presidency, Vargas' regime between 1934 and 1945 was characterized by the co-optation of Brazilian unions through state-run, sham syndicates, and suppression of opposition, particularly leftist opposition.

Suppression of communist movement
Aside from these political disputes, long-term trends suggest the atmosphere in São Paulo was conducive to ideological extremism. The rapidly changing and industrializing southeast was conducive to the growth of European-style mass-movements. The Brazilian Communist Party was established in 1922 and the postwar period witnessed the rise of the country's first waves of general strikes waged by viable trade unions. The Great Depression intensified their strength.

The Great Depression that ushered Vargas into power also emboldened calls for social reforms. With the Constitutionalist Revolt out of the way, and the mass-mobilization of a potential new enemy, the urban proletariat. Vargas grew more concerned with imposing a paternalistic tutelage over the working class, and both control and co-opt them. Vargas' backers in both urban and rural Brazil began to view labor, larger and better organized than ut had been directly after the First World War, as an ominous threat.

Vargas could unite the landed elites, however, to stem the communists. With the cangaço thoroughly repressed in the northeast, the new bourgeoisie and the landed oligarchs shifted their well-founded fears toward the trade unions and socialist sentiments of the burgeoning urban proletariat. Often composed of immigrants, the proletariat came from the more urbanized southeast, more European in terms of population, culture, ideology, and industrial development). In 1934, Vargas' delicate alliance with labor disintegrated, and Brazil entered an agitated period. According to Skidmore and Smith, Brazil's major cities began to resemble the Nazi-Communist battles in Berlin of 1932–33. By mid-1935 Brazilian politics had been drastically destabilized.

Vargas focused on the two national ideological movements, both committed to European-style mass-mobilization: one pro-communist and the other pro-fascist. The mass-movement intimidating Vargas was the National Liberation Alliance (ANL) launched in 1935, a leftwing popular front of socialists, communists, and other progressives led by the Communist Party and Luís Carlos Prestes, the "knight of hope" of the tenente rebellion (though he was not a Marxist at the time). A revolutionary forerunner of Che Guevara, Prestes led the futile Prestes Column through the rural Brazilian interior after the failed 1922 tenente rebellion against the coffee oligarchs. This experience, however, left Prestes, who only died in 1990, and some of his comrades skeptical of armed conflict for the rest of his life. Prestes' well-cultivated skepticism later helped precipitate the 1960s schism between hard-line militant Maoists and orthodox Marxist-Leninism, which persists in Brazilian Communist Party into the 21st century. With center-left tenentes out of the coalition and the left crushed, Vargas turned to the only mobilized base of support on the right, elated by the atrocious, fascist-style crackdown against the ANL. As his coalition moved to the right after 1934, Vargas' ideological character and association with a global ideological orbit remained ambiguous. Integralism, with a rapidly growing membership throughout Brazil by 1935, began filling this ideological void, especially among the approximately one million Brazilians of German descent.

Plínio Salgado, a writer and politician, founded Brazilian Integralist Action in October 1933. He party had Fascist and Nazi symbolism and the Roman salute. The party had all the visible elements of European fascism: a green-shirt-uniformed paramilitary organization, street demonstrations, and aggressive rhetoric directly financed in part by the Italian embassy. The integralists borrowed their propaganda campaigns directly from Nazi materials, including the traditionalist excoriations of Marxism and liberalism, and espousals of fanatical nationalism, Antisemitism and "Christian virtues". In particular, they drew support from military officers, especially in the navy.

Economic development
The strong parallels between the political economy of Vargas and the European police states thus began to appear by 1934, when a new constitution was enacted with direct fascist influence. After 1934, fascist-style programs would serve two important aims: stimulating industrial growth (under the guise of nationalism and autarchy) and suppressing the working class. Passed on July 16, the Vargas government claimed that the corporatist provisions of the constitution of 1934 would unite all classes in mutual interests—the stated purpose of a similar governing document in Fascist Italy. Actually, this propaganda point had somewhat of a basis in reality. In practice, this meant decimating independent organized labor and attracting the "working class" to the corporative state. Of course, the advance of industry and urbanization enlarged and strengthened the ranks of urban laborers, presenting the need to draw them into some sort of alliance committed to the modernization of Brazil. Vargas, and later Juan Perón in neighboring Argentina, emulated Mussolini's strategy of consolidating power by means of mediating class disputes under the banner of nationalism.

The constitution established a new Chamber of Deputies that placed government authority over the private economy and established a system of corporatism aimed at industrialization and reducing foreign dependency. These provisions essentially designated corporate representatives according to class and profession, organizing industries into state syndicates, but generally maintained private ownership of Brazilian-owned businesses.

The 1934–37 constitution, and especially the Estado Novo afterwards, heightened efforts to centralize authority in Rio de Janeiro and drastically limit provincial autonomy in the traditionally devolved, sprawling nation. This was its more progressive role, seeking to consolidate the 1930 revolution, displacing the institutional power of the paulista coffee oligarchs with a centralist policy that respected local agro-exporting interests, but created the necessary urban economic base for the new urban sectors. The modernizing legacy is firmly evident: state government was to be rationalized and regularized, freed from the grips of coronelismo.

The constitution of 1934 thus established a more direct mechanism for the federal executive to control the economy, pursuing a policy of planning and direct investment for the creation of important industrial complexes. State and mixed public-private companies dominated heavy and infrastructure industries, and private Brazilian capital predominated in manufacturing. There was also a significant growth of direct foreign investment in the 1930s as foreign corporations sought to enlarge their share of the internal market and overcome tariff barriers and exchange problems by establishing branch plants in Brazil. The state thus emphasized the basic sectors of the economy, facing the difficult task of forging a viable capital base for future growth in the first place, including mining, oil, steel, electric power, and chemicals.

Third Brazilian Republic (Estado Novo)
Vargas' four-year term as president under the 1934 Constitution was due to expire in 1938, and he was barred from re-election. However, on 10 November 1937, Vargas made a national radio address denouncing the existence of a communist plot to overthrow the government, called the "Cohen Plan". In reality, however, the Cohen Plan was forged by the government with the objective of creating a favourable atmosphere for Vargas to stay in power, perpetuating his rule and assuming dictatorial powers.

The communists had indeed attempted to take over the Government in November 1935, in a botched coup attempt known as the Communist Uprising. In the wake of the failed communist uprising, the congress had already given greater powers to Vargas, and approved the creation of a "National Security Tribunal" (Tribunal de Segurança Nacional (TSN)), established by a statute adopted on 11 September 1936.

In his address of 10 November 1937, Vargas, invoking the supposed communist threat, decreed a state of emergency and dissolved the Legislature. He also announced the adoption by presidential fiat of a new, severely authoritarian Constitution that effectively placed all governing power in his hands. The 1934 Constitution was thus abolished, and Vargas proclaimed the establishment of a "New State". The short interval was further evidence that the self-coup had been planned well in advance.

Under this dictatorial regime the powers of the National Security Tribunal were streamlined, and it focused on the prosecution of political dissenters. Also, the powers of the police were greatly enhanced, with the establishment of the "Department of Political and Social Order" (Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS)), a powerful political police and secret service. When created in 1936, the National Security Tribunal was supposed to be a temporary Court, and defendants could file appeals against its judgements to the "Superior Military Court" (Superior Tribunal Militar), Brazil's Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces, which was in turn subordinate to the nation's Supreme Court. Thus, communists and other defendants accused of plotting coups were judged by the military court-martial system (with the National Security Tribunal as the trial court of first instance for those cases), and not by the ordinary courts. With the advent of the Estado Novo regime, the National Security Tribunal became a permanent Court, and became autonomous from the rest of the Court system. It gained authority to adjudicate not only cases of communist conspirators and other coup plotters, but it also tried anyone accused of being subversive or dangerous to the Estado Novo regime. Also, several extrajudicial punishments were inflicted by the police itself (especially the DOPS), without trial.

The 1937 Constitution provided for elections to a new Congress, as well as a referendum to confirm Vargas' actions. However, neither was held — ostensibly due to the dangerous international situation. Instead, under an article of the Constitution that was supposed to be transitional pending new elections, the President assumed legislative as well as executive powers. For all intents and purposes, Vargas ruled for eight years under what amounted to martial law. Also, under the 1937 Constitution, Vargas should have remained President for only six more years (until November 1943); instead, presumably due to the dangerous international situation, he remained in power until his overthrow in 1945.

The Estado Novo dictatorship also greatly curtailed the autonomy of the Judicial branch, and suppressed the autonomy of the Brazilian States, that were governed by federal interventors, who discharged (on a formally temporary basis), the legislative and executive powers.

In December 1937, one month after the Estado Novo coup, Vargas signed a Decree disbanding all political parties, including the fascist "Brazilian Integralist Action" (Ação Integralista Brasileira (AIB)). The integralists had until then been supportive of Vargas' anti-communist measures. On May 11, 1938, the integralists, angered by the closing of the AIB, invaded the Guanabara Palace, attempting to depose Vargas. This episode is known as Integralist Uprising and was unsuccessful.

Between 1937 and 1945, during the Estado Novo, Vargas gave continuity to the formation of structure and professionalism in the State. Vargas oriented the state to intervene in the economy, promoting economic nationalism. The movement towards a "New State" was significant, in that along with the dismissal of Congress and its political parties, he wanted to recognize the indigenous population. He gained great favour in their eyes, and was called the "Father of the Poor". Besides gaining popularity with them, he provided them with tools to assist them in the improvement of their agrarian lifestyles. He felt that if the country were to progress, the Indians, the very symbol of Brazilianness, should reap the benefits. This was important to establish a unified society. The intention was to form a strong impulse toward industrialization.

In this period, a number of industrial bodies were created:
 * The "National Oil Advisor" (Conselho Nacional do Petróleo (CNP))
 * The "Administration Department of Public Service" (Departamento Administrativo do Serviço Público (DASP))
 * The "National Iron Smelting Company" (Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional (CSN))
 * The "Rio Doce Valley Company" (Companhia Vale do Rio Doce)
 * The "São Francisco Hydroelectric Company" (Companhia Hidro-Elétrica do São Francisco)
 * The "National Motor Plant" (Fábrica Nacional de Motores (FNM))

The Estado Novo had a powerful effect on "Modernist architecture in Brazil" (Arquitetura modernista no Brasil), because it provided sufficient authority to implement urban planning on a large scale in Brazil. Although sufficient wealth was not available to complete the plans, they had a powerful, lasting effect on the cities and their organization. One of the best-planned cities in the world, Curitiba, received its first planning during the Estado Novo. One notable urban planner was Alfred Agache.

A series of measures were used to restrain opposition, such as the nomination of Intervenors for the States and censorship of the media, performed by the "Department of Press and Propaganda" (Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda (DIP)). This agency also promoted the ideology of the Estado Novo, designed the official propaganda of the government, and tried to direct public opinion.

In 1943, Vargas promulgated the Consolidation of Labor Laws (CLT), guaranteeing that a job would be stable after ten years of service. It also provided weekly rest, regulated the work of minors and women, regulated night-time work and set a working day to eight hours.

Tensions with Argentina
The liberal revolution of 1930 overthrew the oligarchic coffee plantation owners and brought to power an urban middle class and business interests that promoted industrialization and modernization. Aggressive promotion of new industry turned around the economy by 1933. Brazil's leaders in the 1920s and 1930s decided that Argentina's implicit foreign policy goal was to isolate Portuguese-speaking Brazil from its Spanish-speaking neighbors, thus facilitating the expansion of Argentine economic and political influence in South America. Even worse, was the fear that a more powerful Argentine Army would launch a surprise attack on the weaker Brazilian Army. To counter this threat, President Getúlio Vargas forged closer links with the United States. Meanwhile, Argentina moved in the opposite direction. During World War II, Brazil was a staunch ally of the United States and sent an expeditionary force to Europe. The United States provided over $370 million in Lend-Lease grants, in return for free rent on air bases used to transport American soldiers and supplies across the Atlantic, and naval bases for anti-submarine operations. In sharp contrast, Argentina was officially neutral and at times favored Germany.

World War II
With the start of World War II, in 1939, Vargas maintained neutrality until 1941, when an agreement, proposed by Brazilian foreign relations minister Oswaldo Aranha, was formed between American continental nations to align with any American country in the event of an attack by an external power. Due to this agreement, from Pearl Harbor Brazil's entering the war became just a matter of time. American policy also financed Brazilian iron ore extraction and steel production and placed military bases along the Brazilian North-Northeast coast, headquartered in Natal. With the conquest of Southeast Asia by Japanese troops, Getúlio signed a treaty, the Washington Accords, in 1942, which provisioned the supply of natural rubber from the Amazon to the Allies, resulting in the second rubber boom and the forced migration of many people from the drought-stricken northeast to the heart of Amazônia. These people were known as Soldados da Borracha ("rubber soldiers"). After the sinking of over 25 Brazilian merchant ships by German and Italian submarines throughout 1942, popular mobilization forced the Brazilian government to abandon its passiveness and declare war on Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy in August, 1942. Popular mobilization to make the war declaration effective, with the despatching of Brazilian troops to Europe, continued, but a decision by the Brazilian Government to actually send troops to fight the enemy was only made in January 1943, when Vargas and the U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt met in Natal, where the first official agreement was made to create the Brazilian Expeditionary Force (BEF). In July 1944 the first BEF group was sent to fight in Italy, and, despite being poorly equipped and trained, it accomplished its main missions.

Soon after the war, however, fearing the BEF's popularity and possible political use of the allied victory by some BEF members, the then Brazilian government decided to make demobilization effective, with the BEF still in Italy. Returning to Brazil, its members were also subjected to some restrictions. Civilian veterans were forbidden from wearing military decorations or uniforms in public, while military vets were transferred to regions far from great cities or to border garrisons.

The events related to Brazilian participation in the war and the ending of the conflict in 1945 strengthened pressures in favour of redemocratisation. Although there were some concessions by the regime, such as the setting of a date for presidential elections, amnesty for political prisoners, the freedom to organize political parties, and a commitment to choose a new Constitutional convention, Vargas was not able to retain support for the continuation of his presidency and was deposed by the military in a surprise coup launched from his own War Ministry on October 29, 1945.

Once Vargas was deposed, the military summoned his legal deputy, José Linhares, the President of the Supreme Federal Court (Brazil's chief justice), to assume the Presidency (the office of vice-president had been abolished, and no legislature had been elected under the 1937 Constitution, so that the President of the Supreme Court was the first person in the line of succession). José Linhares immediately summoned elections for president and for a Constituent Assembly. The elections were held in December, 1945, and José Linhares remained in office only until the inauguration of the Assembly and of the elected President (General Eurico Gaspar Dutra) which took place on January 31, 1946. The inauguration marked the end of the Estado Novo and the beginning of the Fourth Brazilian Republic.

title: Vargas Era


text:
Cal Cunningham

James Calvin "Cal" Cunningham III (born August 6, 1973) is an American lawyer, politician, and retired military officer. A member of the Democratic Party and a lieutenant colonel in the United States Army Reserve, he served one term as a North Carolina state senator from 2001 to 2003. Having previously run for United States Senate in a 2010 primary, Cunningham was the Democratic nominee for the 2020 U.S. Senate election in North Carolina, narrowly losing to incumbent Republican Thom Tillis.

Early life and education
Cunningham was born in Winston-Salem, North Carolina, and grew up in Lexington, North Carolina. He attended Vanderbilt University before transferring to the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, graduating in 1996 with a bachelor's degree in political science and philosophy. In the summer of 1993, Cunningham attended American University and interned on Capitol Hill for a subcommittee chaired by Senator Carl Levin.

Cunningham received a Master of Science in public policy and public administration from the London School of Economics and a Juris Doctor from the University of North Carolina School of Law.

U.S. Army Reserve
In 2002, Cunningham was commissioned in the Army Reserve, Judge Advocate General's Corps. He is a graduate of the Officer Basic Course, Airborne School, and the Judge Advocate Officer Advanced Course.

From 2007 to 2008, Cunningham was mobilized as the senior trial counsel for the Multi-National Corps in Iraq. He was lead counsel in the first court-martial since 1968 of a contractor under the Uniform Code of Military Justice. In 2011, Cunningham was assigned to work with a special operations task force in Afghanistan.

State Senate
In November 2000, Cunningham was elected to represent the 23rd Senate district of the North Carolina General Assembly, which included parts of Davidson, Rowan, and Iredell Counties. At the time of his election, he was North Carolina’s youngest legislator. After his election, a defeated opponent challenged Cunningham’s eligibility on the basis that he had moved back to the district a few days too late to meet the requirement of having lived there for a full year, but the courts rejected the challenge. Cunningham declined to run for reelection after his district’s territory was split between three Republican-leaning districts.

Post-State Senate career
Cunningham worked at the Wallace & Graham law firm from 2003 until 2004, when he joined Kilpatrick Townsend.

Since 2003, Cunningham has served as an appointee of the Governor on the Board of Trustees of Davidson County Community College. He also served as an appointee of the Governor on the North Carolina Banking Commission. He is a former vice chair of the Governor's Crime Commission.

In 2013, Cunningham joined the environmental services company WasteZero as vice president, government affairs, and general counsel. WasteZero helps support pay-as-you-throw waste reduction systems which municipalities in North Carolina and elsewhere have debated implementing. Cunningham left WasteZero in March 2020, shortly after winning the Democratic nomination, but continues to work for the company as an independent contractor.

2010 primary campaign
In 2010, Cunningham ran for the U.S. Senate seat held by Richard Burr. Retired NATO Supreme Allied Commander General Wesley Clark endorsed Cunningham, saying that he would be "the first veteran of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to serve in the U.S. Senate", as did the state's largest organization of teachers, the North Carolina Association of Educators. He finished second in the primary, but since no candidate received 40% of the vote, he advanced to a runoff with the first-place finisher, North Carolina Secretary of State Elaine Marshall, who ultimately won the nomination.

2020 campaign
Cunningham originally declared his candidacy for lieutenant governor of North Carolina, but he withdrew in June 2019 to run for the United States Senate seat held by Thom Tillis instead. During the primary, a Republican-allied Super PAC spent $3 million on ads attacking Cunningham and supporting left-wing state Senator Erica Smith in order to "amplify fault lines in the Democratic party." On March 3, 2020, Cunningham won the Democratic primary with 57% of the vote.

Cunningham stated his support of the Affordable Care Act and called for the expansion of Medicaid in North Carolina, as well as a public health insurance option. He stated his opposition to the Green New Deal and his support for significant investment in green jobs and achieving net zero carbon emissions by 2050.

In July 2020, incumbent Republican Thom Tillis claimed Cunningham had been "silent" on the issue of defunding the police, saying, "I assume his silence is consent." Cunningham had published an op-ed a month earlier stating his opposition to defunding the police, instead advocating police reform, including policies that "counsel de-escalation, prohibit chokeholds, limit no-knock warrants, and specifically address the use of deadly force."

Cunningham led Tillis in the polls throughout much of the campaign.

On October 3, the New York Times wrote that the race had fallen into "utter mayhem" within a period of a few hours after Tillis tested positive for COVID-19 and Cunningham admitted to exchanging sexual text messages with a woman who was not his wife, damaging an image that leaned heavily on his character and military service. Days later, the woman stated that she had a consensual physical relationship with Cunningham in 2020. The Army Reserve started an investigation into Cunningham. The husband of the woman who stated that she had had an affair with Cunningham, himself an Army veteran, called on Cunningham to drop out of the Senate race. Asked repeatedly whether he had had other extramarital affairs, Cunningham declined to answer.

Following the disclosure of the texts and his response, Cunningham "assumed a position of complete radio silence, withdrawing from the campaign trail [save] for a last-minute appearance in Charlotte with the rapper Common". In late October, Cunningham's polling lead eroded.

Tillis defeated Cunningham, 48.7%-47%, on Election Day. On November 10, 2020, a week after Election Day, Cunningham called Tillis to concede the race.

Honors and awards
For his service in Iraq, Cunningham was awarded the Bronze Star Medal for meritorious service as a lead investigator examining contractors. In 2009, he received the General Douglas MacArthur Award for Leadership.

Cunningham is a recipient of a Jaycees' Distinguished Service Award.

In 2007, Cunningham was selected for a Marshall Memorial Fellowship.

Personal life
Cunningham and his wife, Elizabeth, have two children. As of September 2020, he was an ordained elder in the Presbyterian Church.

In October 2020, it was reported that Cunningham had exchanged sexually suggestive messages with a married woman who was not his wife. Cunningham confirmed the texts were authentic and apologized for his behavior. The woman stated that she had a consensual physical relationship with Cunningham in 2020. The Army Reserve started an investigation into Cunningham.

title: Cal Cunningham


text:
User talk:68samwong

Hello Insert Name Here, welcome to Wikipedia! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Drop us a note at New user log so we can meet you and help you get started. If you need editing help, visit How does one edit a page. For format questions, visit our manual of style. If you have any other questions about the project then check out Help or add a question to the Village pump. Meelar 01:54, 27 Feb 2004 (UTC)

P.S. Any questions can be addressed to my talk page. Good to have you!

title: User talk:68samwong


text: Talk:Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico

title: Talk:Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico


text:
Talk:Signal

Problem in the section "Quantization"
"If a signal is to be represented as a sequence of numbers, it is impossible to maintain arbitrarily high precision - each number in the sequence must have a finite number of digits. As a result, the values of such a signal are restricted to belong to a finite set; in other words, it is quantized." This looks wrong to me. First, representing a signal as a sequence does not imply that each number has a finite precision. A sequence of analog values periodically sampled has, in fact, arbitrary precision for signals with finite bandwidth (Shannon-Whitaker theorem). Second, even if the numbers are not analog, but also discrete, there are specific signals that still have exact digital representation.

I think that section about quantization should explain that a typical analog signal is approximated by a discrete signal representation (say, digital, for example). This discretization or digitalization is the same as quantization in this context. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Hldsc (talk • contribs) 15:46, 5 March 2013 (UTC)

 * I've changed the qualifier to "sequence of digital data". In mathematics "numbers" may have unbounded precision. Any practical system is bounded. The section above does talk about discrete time without discussing quantization. ~Kvng (talk) 17:48, 23 November 2022 (UTC)

is signal an alt tech
According to Wikipedia, MeWe is considered an alt-tech, even though it was not created as a platform for the far-right and is also popular among democratic activists in Hong Kong. By the same logic, we should mention in the beginning of this article that signal is an alt tech. Or we can do the more sense action and remove the claim of alt-tech from websites that are more grey. Anyway, as far as I see it, if Wikipedia is consistent with itself then both signal and MeWe should be labeled as alt-tech or non of them. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 141.226.169.229 (talk) 16:50, 27 January 2021 (UTC)
 * The question is beyond the scope of this article. BD2412  T 02:44, 12 March 2022 (UTC)
 * I'm guessing the article you meant to post this on is Signal (software) instead? This page is for the general concept of signals, not the messaging app. CaesiumTea (talk) 15:45, 29 March 2022 (UTC)

I think the generic term ‘signal’, which applies to human communication methods throughout history, is way, way too broad to apply a term like alt-tech to. The definition says alt-tech is a “social media platform or internet provider” --ChetvornoTALK 01:29, 18 March 2022 (UTC)

Scope of article
The section Requested move 3 April 2017 implies that a decision was made to turn this into a more general article about signals in various contexts, but does that actually still stand, or was it in fact reversed/abandoned? The maintenance template only says it needs corrections to tone, rather than mentioning anything about content changes still being wanted, even though the article clearly has only a technical context still. E.g., the very first words are still "In signal processing," which sounds like it's setting the context for the entire article.

If the decision was reversed somewhere else that's not documented on this talk page, then hopefully this section can serve to indicate it now. On the other hand, if the article is still meant to be expanded/rewritten, then I'll try to add an appropriate template for that type of changes. I might also take a stab at some of that rewriting, but I have a feeling that I'm already kind of in over my head as a newbie contributor. (My homepage conveniently suggested this as an "easy" first edit for me since it was only tagged for copy editing, hah!) --CaesiumTea (talk) 17:21, 29 March 2022 (UTC)

 * The first paragraph of the lead gives context for signal processing. The second gives more general context but is not well supported by the article body; the body is technology focused. Reviewing Signal (disambiguation), I don't think it is a mistake for us to consider the topics discussed here to be the WP:PRIMARYTOPIC at least for content already developed in the encyclopedia. Maybe a more general article could be written and perhaps you'd like to take a crack at it but, you're right, it certainly is not a beginner task. This is not the only can of worms you'll find on Wikipedia. ~Kvng (talk) 13:27, 1 April 2022 (UTC)

 * I agree the content of the article should be expanded to cover the topic better. There is a large field of signaling in biology: (Cell signaling, Signal transduction),  and evolution and animal behavior (Signalling theory), and use of the term in economics (Signalling (economics), Conspicuous consumption) and game theory (Signaling game).  That said, I agree with Kvng the WP:PRIMARYTOPIC is in communications technology, so an emphasis on that is WP:DUE WEIGHT. --ChetvornoTALK 17:51, 2 April 2022 (UTC)

Talk
Make friends — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2001:8003:95F0:FD00:AFE6:E174:5E3A:E635 (talk) 11:23, 15 March 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Signal