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Salisbury Convention

The Salisbury Convention (officially called the Salisbury Doctrine, the Salisbury-Addison Convention or the Salisbury/Addison Convention) is a constitutional convention in the United Kingdom under which the House of Lords should not oppose the second or third reading of any government legislation promised in its election manifesto. The origins of the convention date back to the late 19th century, at which time the Conservatives held a majority in the House of Lords and, with the support of the third Marquess of Salisbury, developed the "Referendal Theory", which applied solely to Liberal legislation, under which the House of Lords could obstruct legislation until it had received majority approval at a general election. This was changed following the landslide Labour Party victory in the 1945 general election, which produced a Labour government seen as having a popular mandate for significant reform, while once again there was a Conservative majority in the House of Lords. The fifth Marquess of Salisbury (grandson of the third) announced that the Lords "would not seek to thwart the main lines of Labour's legislation provided it derived from the party's manifesto for the previous election". From this point, manifesto bills were only to be adjusted by the Lords; however, on non-manifesto bills, the Lords were able to act as they had before.

Prior practice
From the Liberal split over the Irish Home Rule Bill 1886 until the effects of the House of Lords Act 1999, the second chamber had a Conservative majority (or, in later years, quasi-majority given the overall tendency of the crossbenchers to side with Conservatives) so manifesto commitments of the Liberal Party and Labour Party could not be sure of passing. Since the Lords threw out the Liberal budget in 1909, there had been a convention that they do not interfere on financial matters. In the Parliament Act 1911 the Peers lost their right to vote down a financial measure and their veto over other measures was reduced to a two-year delaying power, later reduced to one year by the Parliament Act 1949.

A Conservative majority of Lords used their maximum power, of delaying via wrecking amendments, certain Bills tabled by the 1929–1931 minority Labour ministry. Most legislation worked its way through by threatening use of the Parliament Act 1911.

Creation
At the time of the landslide Labour general election victory in 1945, 16 of more than 761 peers qualified to sit in the House of Lords were Labour-affiliated. This small minority was led by Lord Addison.

As Clement Attlee's Labour government had a clear electoral mandate to deliver the policies of nationalisation and welfare state measures, supporters and commentators supposed that the unelected House of Lords would not oppose the second reading of such legislation. Ministers and ex-ministers in the Lords echoed that the destruction and social plight caused by World War II called for more state spending. However, Lord Salisbury, Conservative Leader in the Lords, offered a lasting statement of principles, now regarded as a constitutional convention, as to the etiquette of how the House of Lords should treat bills fulfilling manifesto promises.

Definition
Lord Addison and the pre-accelerated Lord Salisbury, the Conservative leader in the House of Lords from 1942 to 1957, both with memories of the troubles leading to the passing of the Parliament Act 1911, agreed principles as follows:

 * any tabled bills set out in the governing party's manifesto may be subjected to possible short delay but pass; but anything else would be subject to full debate.

In its modern form, the convention:
 * permits the offering of reasoned amendments to a motion for second reading of a Government bill, provided such amendments are not wrecking amendments designed to destroy the bill.

Liberal Democrat dissent in 2005
After the Labour general election victory in 2005, the Liberal Democrats indicated that they did not feel bound by the Salisbury Convention as a result of decreasing voter turnout, the low share of the vote received by the Government, and the changes to the composition of the House of Lords introduced in 1999 by the Labour Government.

Application to hung parliament coalitions and minority governments
It is mooted that during minority governments and post-election coalitions in which the main party in government does not have a clear majority the Convention does not hold, somewhat enhancing the Lords' power to delay and suggest redrafting of bills.

Following the hung parliament in 2017, the government argued that the convention continued to apply. Baroness Evans of Bowes Park, Leader of the House of Lords, claimed that the convention applied to the Conservative manifesto, but not to their DUP confidence-and-supply partners. Baroness Smith of Basildon, Shadow Leader of the House of Lords, said it was "far from clear that the Salisbury-Addison Convention was ever intended to apply to minority governments". Amendments made by the House of Lords to the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 were described by some MPs, such as Bill Cash, as "wrecking amendments", a view which was contested by Lords.

Proposal to codify the Salisbury convention
In 2006, Tony Blair appointed Lord Cunningham of Felling, to chair a joint committee (of both Houses) to investigate possibilities of formalising numerous conventions including the Salisbury Convention. The proposals were dropped in favour of maintaining such conventions as part of the more ad hoc unwritten constitution.

title: Salisbury Convention


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Christopher Fraser

Christopher James Fraser, OBE (born 25 October 1962) is a former British Conservative Party politician who was the Member of Parliament (MP) for Mid Dorset and North Poole from the 1997 general election to 2001 and South West Norfolk from 2005 to 2010.

Early life
He was born in Hertfordshire and educated at the University of Westminster, graduating with a BA degree. He worked as chairman of a communications company. He was elected as a councillor to the Three Rivers District Council for four years from 1992.

Parliamentary career
Fraser was elected to the House of Commons at the 1997 general election for the new seat of Mid Dorset and North Poole with a majority of 681. He made his maiden speech on 4 July 1997. He lost his seat at the 2001 general election to the Liberal Democrat Annette Brooke. Although his percentage of the vote increased, Fraser was edged out by the Liberal Democrats by 384 votes, after a tactical voting campaign urging Dorset residents to cast their votes in the best way to defeat the incumbent Conservatives and saw his defeat, along with that of Ian Bruce in neighbouring South Dorset. He returned to Westminster at the 2005 general election for South West Norfolk following the retirement of the former Secretary of State for Education Gillian Shephard. He held the seat with a comfortable majority of 10,086, and managed to achieve a small swing of 0.3 over Labour.

He served as a member of the culture, media and sport select committee from 1997 until he lost his seat. He was appointed as the Parliamentary Private Secretary to Lord Strathclyde, the Shadow Leader of the House of Lords. Following his re-election in 2005 he was a member of the Northern Ireland select committee and was appointed to the Northern Ireland Grand Committee. He was Chairman of the All Party Parliamentary Northern Ireland Group. He was a member of the UK delegation to the Council of Europe and the Assembly of the Western European Union (2005–2007).

In 2009 his expenses claims were highlighted in the Daily Telegraph; according to the newspaper, Fraser claimed £1,800 in public money for buying 215 trees and marking out the boundary of his second home in the constituency. The Lynn News reported "In February 2007 Mr Fraser claimed £1,808.28 for new fencing and hedging to provide security for his new constituency home."

On 28 May 2009 he announced that he would be standing down as an MP at the next general election citing family reasons.

The Telegraph 2010 election website stated that he "stood down on account of his wife's health problems".

Fraser was appointed Officer of the Order of the British Empire (OBE) in the 2013 New Year Honours for public and political service.

Personal life
Fraser married in February 1987 and he has a son and a daughter. He became a Freeman of the City of London in 1992. He receives income from land and property in London and Dorset.

News items

 * Fens flooding in February 2007

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Christopher Fraser


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British Columbia Party

The British Columbia Party was a right-wing political party in the Canadian province of British Columbia, founded in 1998 as a populist party by John Motiuk, a North Vancouver lawyer.

The party did not nominate candidates in the 2001 provincial election. It nominated two candidates for the 2005 provincial election: David Andrew Wright, who won 185 votes (0.86% of the total) in Delta North, and Jack Kortmeyer, who won 169 votes (1.39% of the total) in Bulkley Valley-Stikine. It did not nominate candidates in the 2009 provincial election.

The party was one of five whose members merged to form the British Columbia Unity Party, but like all but one of the others, the party later left BC Unity.

The party ran three candidates in the 2013 general election: Carra-Lynn Hodgson in North Vancouver-Lonsdale, Trevor Hendry in Skeena, and Jim Laurence in Surrey-White Rock.

It did not nominate candidates in the 2017 general election.

Leadership
The party was led by former Social Credit leader Eric Buckley. Buckley was ousted by the party's board of directors, and replaced by former Reform Party of BC Leader Wilf Hanni.

Hanni was subsequently ousted by the board and replaced by Grant Mitton. Mitton, a popular former radio talk show host, had run as a candidate for Social Credit in 2001, winning over 17% of the vote in his riding. He left the moribund Socreds to join the British Columbia Party as a "traditional conservative party", hoping to attract support from conservatives, particularly social conservatives dissatisfied with the policies of the ruling British Columbia Liberal Party.

Mitton and Hanni left the BC Party, and joined the British Columbia Conservative Party.

Founding philosophy
The philosophy of the British Columbia Party is rooted in traditional conservatism: the protection and preservation of whatever is beneficial, respect for the individual, economic responsibility, and government which is enabling, not restrictive. Essential components of the philosophy:
 * 1) Honouring the will of the people as the highest authority in a democratic society, obeying the mandate of the majority while respecting the rights and opinions of the minority.
 * 2) Recognition that the individual is the most important element in an organized society, and that government must protect individual citizens' inalienable rights and remain responsive to their potential and their needs.
 * 3) Responsible management of public affairs by government, to achieve the objectives of the electorate, ensuring that what is physically possible and morally correct is financially viable.
 * 4) Security of person and property.
 * 5) Belief in the supremacy of God and the rule of law as declared in the Constitution of Canada.

Policy and principles

 * 1) While members of the legislature are responsible primarily to their constituents, they must vote in accordance with party principles. In issues not guided by party principles, they must be allowed to vote freely, in accordance with their consciences and the best interests of their constituents.
 * 2) The executive, legislative and judicial branches of government and all their members will be held fully accountable for the execution of their duties and all their activities in the public arena.
 * 3) The government is responsible for protecting the rights and freedoms of all citizens. These include the right to life; freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, association and movement; the right to own private property, and equality before the law.
 * 4) Taxes must be responsible and fair. A balanced budget must be maintained.
 * 5) The private sector is recognized as the most effective and equitable area for job creation and economic stability.
 * 6) A balanced labour/management relationship must be maintained to encourage investment and stimulate job creation.
 * 7) There must be simultaneous and coordinated management of natural resources and protection of the environment to provide maximum sustainable benefit for the citizens of British Columbia.
 * 8) Social security and supporting infrastructure must balance the roles of government, individuals and charities, with services provided efficiently and effectively.
 * 9) An educational system providing the highest standards of academic opportunities must be universally available, with full public funding for the education of every minor and freedom for parents to choose the mode of education most suitable to each child's individual needs within that system.
 * 10)  A comprehensive health care system must be based on accessibility and portability for the user, affordability and accountability for the government. Priority health care disbursements will be given to essential services.

title: British Columbia Party


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Richard Ryder

Richard Ryder may refer to:

 * Richard D. Ryder (born 1940), British psychologist and animal rights advocate
 * Richard Ryder, Baron Ryder of Wensum (born 1949), British Conservative Party British politician and current member of the House of Lords
 * Richard Ryder (politician, born 1766) (1766–1832), British politician
 * Richard Ryder (actor) (1942–1995), actor who guest starred in Star Trek: Deep Space Nine and other television shows and movies
 * Nova (Richard Rider), a Marvel Comics superhero whose name is often misspelled as Ryder
 * Richard Ryder (comedian), Canadian comedian and broadcaster

title: Richard Ryder


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Louis Antoine de Saint-Just

Louis Antoine Léon de Saint-Just (25 August 1767 – 10 Thermidor, Year II [28 July 1794]), sometimes nicknamed the Archangel of Terror,  was a French revolutionary, political philosopher, member and president of the French National Convention, a Jacobin club leader, and a major figure of the French Revolution. As the youngest member elected to the National Convention, Saint-Just belonged to the Mountain faction. A steadfast supporter and close friend of Robespierre, he was swept away in his downfall during 9th Thermidor.

Renowned for his eloquence, he stood out for the uncompromising nature and inflexibility of his principles advocating equality and virtue, as well as for the effectiveness of his missions during which he rectified the situation of the Army of the Rhine and contributed to the victory of the republican armies at Fleurus. Politically combating the Girondins, the Hebertists, and then the Indulgents, he pushed for the confiscation of the property of the enemies of the Republic for the benefit of poor patriots. He was the designated speaker for the Robespierrists in their conflicts with other political parties in the National Convention, launching accusations and requisitions against figures like Danton or Hébert. To prevent the massacres for which the sans-culottes were responsible in the departments, particularly in Vendée, or to centralize repression (a point still unclear), he had the departmental revolutionary tribunals abolished and consolidated all procedures at the Revolutionary Tribunal of Paris.

He was also a political theorist, and notably inspired the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1793, the Constitution of Year I, he also authored works on the principles of the French Revolution.

On the 9th Thermidor, he defended Robespierre against accusations made by Barère and Tallien. Arrested alongside him, he remained silent until his death the following day, when he was guillotined on the Place de la Révolution with the 104 Robespierrists executed, at the age of 26. His body and head were then thrown into a mass grave.

The dark legend surrounding this figure, and Robespierrists in general, persisted in historical research until the second half of the 20th century, before gradually being reassessed from that period onward by more recent historians. Until then, he was perceived as cruel, bloodthirsty, and having a wild and violent sexuality.

Early life
Louis Antoine de Saint-Just was born at Decize in the former Nivernais province of central France. He was the eldest child of Louis Jean de Saint-Just de Richebourg (1716–1777), a retired French cavalry officer (and knight of the Order of Saint Louis), and Marie-Anne Robinot (1736–1811), the daughter of a notary. He had two younger sisters, born in 1768 and 1769. The family later moved north and in 1776 settled in the village of Blérancourt in the former Picardy province, establishing themselves as a countryside noble family living off the rents from their land. A year after the move, Louis Antoine's father died leaving his mother with their three children. She saved diligently for her only son's education, and in 1779 he was sent to the Oratorian school at Soissons. After a promising start, his teachers soon viewed Saint-Just as a troublemaker—a reputation later compounded by infamous stories (almost certainly apocryphal) of how he led a students' rebellion and tried to burn down the school. Nonetheless, he graduated in 1786.

His restive nature, however, did not diminish. As a young man, Saint-Just was "wild, handsome [and] transgressive". Well-connected and popular, he showed a special affection toward a young woman of Blérancourt, Thérèse Gellé. She was the daughter of a wealthy notary, a powerful and autocratic figure in the town; he was still an undistinguished adolescent. He is said to have proposed marriage to her, which she is said to have desired. Though no evidence of their relationship exists, official records show that on 25 July 1786, Thérèse was married to Emmanuel Thorin, the scion of a prominent local family. Saint-Just was out of town and unaware of the event, and tradition portrays him as brokenhearted. Whatever his true state, it is known that a few weeks after the marriage he abruptly left home for Paris unannounced having gathered up a pair of pistols and a good quantity of his mother's silver. His venture ended when his mother had him seized by police and sent to a reformatory (maison de correction) where he stayed from September 1786 to March 1787. Upon returning, Saint-Just attempted to begin anew: he enrolled as a student at Reims University's School of Law. After a year, however, he drifted away from law school and returned to his mother's home in Blérancourt penniless, without any occupational prospects.

Organt

At a young age Saint-Just had shown a fascination with literature, and he wrote works of his own including a one-act play Arlequin Diogène. During his stay at the reformatory, he began writing a lengthy poem that he published anonymously more than two years later in May 1789 at the very outbreak of the Revolution. The 21-year-old Saint-Just thereby added his own touch to the social tumult of the times with Organt, poem in twenty cantos. The poem, a medieval epic fantasy relaying the quest of young Antoine Organt, extols the virtues of primitive man, praising his libertinism and independence while blaming all present-day troubles on modern inequalities of wealth and power. Written in a style mimicking Ariosto, the work foreshadowed its author's future political extremism. Spiked with brutal satire and scandalous pornographic episodes, it also unmistakably attacked the monarchy, the nobility, and the Church.

Contemporaries regarded Organt as a salacious novelty and it was quickly banned. Nevertheless, censors who tried to confiscate copies discovered that few were available anywhere. It did not sell well and resulted in a financial loss for its author. The public's taste for literature had shifted in the prelude to the Revolution, and Saint-Just's taste shifted along with it: he devoted his future writing almost entirely to unadorned essays of sociopolitical theory, aside from a few pages of an unfinished novel found amidst his papers at the end of his life. With his previous ambitions of literary and lawyerly fame unfulfilled, Saint-Just directed his focus on the single goal of revolutionary command.

Early revolutionary career
The rapid development of the Revolution in 1789 upended Blérancourt's traditional power structure. The notary Gellé, previously an undisputed town leader, was challenged by a group of reformists who were led by several of Saint-Just's friends, including the husband of his sister Louise. Their attempts were unsuccessful until 1790 when Blérancourt held its first open municipal elections. Mandated by the National Constituent Assembly, the new electoral structure allowed Saint-Just's friends to assume authority in the village as mayor, secretary, and, in the case of his brother-in-law, head of the local National Guard. Despite not meeting the legal age and tax qualifications, the jobless Saint-Just was allowed to join the Guard.

He immediately exhibited the ruthless discipline for which he would be famous. Within a few months he was the commanding officer, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. At local meetings he moved attendees with his patriotic zeal and flair: in one much-repeated story, Saint-Just brought the town council to tears by thrusting his hand into the flame of a burning anti-revolutionary pamphlet, swearing his devotion to the Republic. He had powerful allies when he sought to become a member of his district’s electoral assembly. He initiated correspondence with well-known leaders of the Revolution like Camille Desmoulins. Mid August 1790, he wrote to Robespierre for the first time, expressing his admiration and asking him to consider a local petition. The letter was filled with the highest of praise, beginning: "You, who uphold our tottering country against the torrent of despotism and intrigue; you whom I know, as I know God, only through his miracles...."

L'Esprit de la Revolution
While Saint-Just waited for the next election, he composed an extensive work, L'Esprit de la Revolution et de la constitution de France, published in the spring of 1791. His writing style had shed all satire and now reflected the stern and moralizing tone of classical Romans so adored by French revolutionaries. It presented a set of principles deeply influenced by Montesquieu, and remained fully confined to a paradigm of constitutional monarchy. He expressed abhorrence at the violence in the Revolution thus far, and he disdained the character of those who partook in it as little more than "riotous slaves." Instead, he heaped his praise upon the people's representatives in the Legislative Assembly, whose sober virtue would guide the Revolution best. Spread out over five books, L'Esprit de la Revolution is inconsistent in many of its assertions but still shows clearly that Saint-Just no longer saw government as oppressive to man's nature but necessary to its success: its ultimate object was to "edge society in the direction of the distant ideal."

The new work, like its predecessor, attracted minimal readership. On 21 June 1791, just days after it was published, all attention became focused on King Louis XVI's ill-fated flight to Varennes. Saint-Just's theories about constitutional monarchy were suddenly outdated. The episode fostered public anger toward the King which simmered all year until a Parisian mob finally attacked the Tuileries Palace on 10 August 1792. In response, the Assembly declared itself ready to step down ahead of schedule and called for a new election, this one under universal male suffrage. The timing was excellent for Saint-Just, who turned the legal age of 25 before the end of the month. The fear inspired by the invasion of the Tuileries made most of his opponents retire from the scene. Guard commander Saint-Just was able to win election as one of the deputies for the département of Aisne. He left for Paris to join the National Convention as the youngest of its 749 members.

Deputy to the Convention
Among the deputies, Saint-Just was watchful but interacted little at first. He joined the Parisian Jacobin Club, but he remained aloof from Girondins and Montagnards alike. He waited until 13 November 1792 to give his first speech to the Convention, but when he did the effect was spectacular. What brought him to the lectern was the discussion over how to treat the deposed King. In dramatic contrast to the earlier speakers, Saint-Just delivered a blazing condemnation of him. He demanded "Louis Capet should be judged not as a king or even a citizen, but as a traitor, an enemy who deserves death. "As for me," he declared, "I see no middle ground: this man must reign or die! He oppressed a free nation; he declared himself its enemy; he abused the laws: he must die to assure the repose of the people, since it was in his mind to crush the people to assure his own." Towards the end of his speech, he uttered an ominous observation: "No one can reign innocently."

The young deputy's speech electrified the Convention. Saint-Just was interrupted frequently by bursts of applause. Robespierre was particularly impressed—he spoke from the lectern the next day in terms almost identical to those of Saint-Just, and their views became the official position of the Jacobins. By December, that position had become law: the King was taken to a trial before the Convention, sentenced to death, and executed by guillotine on 21 January 1793.

On 29/30 May 1793 Saint-Just was added to the Committee of Public Safety; Couthon became secretary, which was one day before the Insurrection of 31 May – 2 June.

Constitution of 1793

Because the first French Constitution had included a role for the king, it was long since invalid and needed to be updated for the Republic. Many drafts had circulated within the Convention since Louis XVI's execution, and Saint-Just submitted his own lengthy proposal on 24 April 1793. His draft incorporated the most common assertions of the others: the right to vote, the right to petition, and equal eligibility for employment were among the basic principles that made his draft tenable. He stood out from the pack, however, on the issue of elections: Saint-Just argued against all complex voting systems, and supported only the classical style of a simple majority of citizens in a nationwide vote. Amid a flurry of proposals by other deputies, Saint-Just held inflexibly to his "one man one vote" plan, and this conspicuous homage to Greco-Roman traditions (which were particularly prized and idealized in French culture during the Revolution) enhanced his political cachet. When no plan gained enough votes to pass, a compromise was made which tasked a small body of deputies as official constitutional draftsmen. Saint-Just was among the five elected members. In recognition of the importance of their mission, the draftsmen were all added to the powerful new Committee of Public Safety.

The Convention had given the Committee extraordinary authority to provide for state security since the outbreak of the French Revolutionary War in early 1793. Committee members were originally intended to serve for periods of only thirty days before replacements were elected, so they needed to work quickly. Saint-Just took charge of the issue and led the development of the French Constitution of 1793. Before the end of his first term the new document was completed, submitted to the Convention, and ratified as law on 24 June 1793.

The new constitution was never implemented. Emergency measures for wartime were in effect, and those measures called for a moratorium on constitutional democracy. Wartime gave supreme power to the sitting Convention, with the Committee of Public Safety at the top of its administrative pyramid. Robespierre, with Saint-Just's assistance, fought vigorously to ensure that the government would remain under emergency measures—"revolutionary"—until victory.

Arrest of the Girondins
During the time that Saint-Just was working on the constitution, dramatic political warfare was taking place. The sans-culottes—deemed "the people" by many radicals, and represented by the Paris Commune—had grown antipathetic to the moderate Girondins. On 2 June 1793, in a mass action supported by National Guardsmen, they surrounded the Convention and arrested the Girondin deputies. The other deputies—even the Montagnards, who had long enjoyed an informal alliance with the sans-culottes—resented the action but felt compelled politically to permit it. The Girondin leader, Jacques Pierre Brissot, was indicted for treason and scheduled for trial, but the other Brissotins were imprisoned (or pursued) without formal charges. The Convention debated their fate and the political disorder lasted for weeks. Saint-Just had previously remained silent about the Girondins, but now clearly stood with Robespierre who had been thoroughly opposed to most of them for a long time. When the initial indictment by the Committee was served, it was Saint-Just who delivered the report to the Convention.

In its secret negotiations, the Committee of Public Safety was initially unable to form a consensus concerning the jailed deputies, but as some Girondins fled to the provinces and attempted to incite an insurrection, its opinion hardened. By early July, Saint-Just was able to address the Convention with a lengthy report in the name of the Committee. His damning attack left no room for any further conciliation. The Girondins' trials must proceed, he said, and any verdicts must be severe. The proceedings dragged on for months, but Brissot and twenty of his allies were eventually condemned and sent to the guillotine on 31 October 1793. Saint-Just used their situation to gain approval for intimidating new laws, culminating in the Law of Suspects (17 September 1793) which gave the Committee vast new powers of arrest and influence.

Military commissar
On 10 October the Convention decreed to recognize the Committee of Public Safety as the supreme "Revolutionary Government", (which was consolidated on 4 December). The provisional government would be revolutionary until peace according to Saint-Just. Saint-Just proposed that deputies from the Convention should directly oversee all military efforts, a proposal which was approved on 10 October 1793. Amid worsening conditions at the front in the fall of that year, several deputies were designated représentant en mission and sent to the critical area of Alsace to shore up the disintegrating Army of the Rhine. Results were not sufficiently forthcoming, so at the end of the month Saint-Just was sent there along with an ally from the Convention, Philippe-François-Joseph Le Bas. The mission lasted from November through December 1793. The two men were charged with "extraordinary powers" to impose discipline and reorganize the troops.

From the start, Saint-Just dominated the mission. He was relentless in demanding results from the commanders as well as sympathetic to the complaints of common soldiers. On his first day at the front, he issued a proclamation promising "examples of justice and severity as the Army has not yet witnessed." The entire army was placed immediately under the harshest discipline. Within a short time, many officers were dismissed and many more, including at least one general, were executed by firing squad.

Among soldiers and civilians alike, Saint-Just repressed opponents of the Revolution, but he did not agree to the mass executions ordered by some of the other deputies on the mission. He vetoed much of the deputies' work and had many of them recalled to Paris. Local politicians were just as vulnerable to him: even Eulogius Schneider, the powerful leader of Alsace's largest city, Strasbourg, was arrested on Saint-Just's order, and much equipment was commandeered for the army. Saint-Just worked closely only with General Charles Pichegru, a reliable Jacobin whom he respected. Under Saint-Just's unblinking surveillance, Pichegru and General Lazare Hoche ably secured the frontier and began an invasion of the German Rhineland.

With the army revitalized, Saint-Just returned briefly to Paris where his success was applauded. However, there was little time to celebrate. He was quickly sent back to the front lines, this time in Belgium where the Army of the North was experiencing the same problems of discipline and organization. During January and February 1794, he again delivered results ruthlessly and effectively, but after less than a month the mission was cut short. As Paris convulsed in political violence, Robespierre required his assistance.

President of the Convention
With the republican army advancing and the Girondins destroyed, the left-wing Montagnards, led by the Jacobins and Robespierre, controlled the Convention. In these circumstances, on the first day of Ventôse in Year II of the Revolution (19 February 1794), Saint-Just was elected President of the National Convention for the next two weeks.

With this new power he persuaded the chamber to pass the radical Ventôse Decrees, under which the régime would confiscate aristocratic émigré property and distribute it to needy sans-culottes (commoners). But these acts of wealth redistribution, arguably the most revolutionary of the French Revolution, never went into operation. The Committee faltered in creating procedures for their enforcement, and the frantic pace of unfolding political events left them behind.

Opponents of the Jacobins saw the Ventôse Decrees as a cynical ploy to appeal to the militant extreme left. Sincere or not, Saint-Just made impassioned arguments for them. One week after their adoption, he urged that the Decrees be exercised vigorously and hailed them for ushering in a new era: "Eliminate the poverty that dishonors a free state; the property of patriots is sacred but the goods of conspirators are there for the wretched. The wretched are the powerful of the earth; they have the right to speak as masters to the governments who neglect them."

Arrest of the Hébertists
As the spring of 1794 approached, the Committee of Public Safety, led by Robespierre, Saint-Just, and Georges Couthon, exercised near complete control over the government. Despite the vast reach of their powers, however, rivals and enemies remained. One of the thorniest problems, at least to Robespierre, was populist agitator Jacques Hébert, who discharged torrents of criticism against perceived bourgeois Jacobinism in his newspaper, Le Père Duchesne. Ultra-radical Hébertists in the Cordeliers Club undermined Jacobin efforts to court and manage the sans-culottes, and the most extreme Hébertists even called openly for insurrection.

Saint-Just, in his role as president of the Convention, announced unequivocally that "whoever vilified or attacked the dignity of the revolutionary government should be condemned to death". The Convention agreed in a vote on 13 Ventôse Year II (3 March 1794). Robespierre joined Saint-Just in his attacks on Hébert. Hébert and his closest associates were arrested the following day. A little over a week later, Saint-Just told the Convention that the Hébertists' activities were part of a foreign plot against the government. The accused were sent to face the Revolutionary Tribunal. Saint-Just vowed, "No more pity, no weakness towards the guilty... Henceforth the government will pardon no more crimes." On 4 Germinal (24 March 1794), the Tribunal sent Hébert, Charles-Philippe Ronsin, François-Nicolas Vincent, and most other prominent Hébertists to the guillotine.

Arrest of the Dantonists
The ongoing political combat—bloody enough since at least the time of the arrest of the Girondins to be known as the Reign of Terror—spread inexorably. After the Hébertists fell, attention turned on the Indulgents, starting with Fabre d'Églantine and Robespierre's once-close friend Georges Danton. Danton was among the most vocal of the moderates who opposed the Committee. He was especially opposed to Saint Just’s fanaticism and "extravagant" use of violence. On 30 March the two committees decided to arrest Danton and the Indulgents after Saint-Just became uncharacteristically angry. On 31 March Saint-Just publicly attacked both. In the Convention criticism was voiced against the arrests, which Robespierre silenced with "...whoever trembles at this moment is guilty."

Danton’s criticism of the Terror won him some support, but a financial scandal involving the French East India Company provided a pretext for his downfall. Robespierre again sent Saint-Just to the Convention to deliver a Committee report (31 March 1794) in which he announced the arrest of Danton and "the last partisans of royalism". In addition to charges of corruption related to the trading company, Saint-Just accused Danton of conspiring to restore the monarchy. He denounced him as a "bad citizen", a "false friend", and a "wicked man". Danton continued to demand the right to call witnesses. Saint-Just went to the Convention and told them that the prisoners were fomenting insurrection against the court. After a tumultuous trial, described by some as a show-trial, Fabre, Desmoulins, and other top supporters of Danton went to the scaffold with their leader on 16 Germinal (5 April 1794). In his report, Saint-Just had promised that this would be a "final cleansing" of the Republic's enemies. However, there is evidence to suggest that Saint-Just was becoming uneasy about the progressions of these events. He privately wrote that “The Revolution is frozen; all principles are weakened."

The violent removal of the Hébertists and Dantonists provided only a mirage of stability. Their deaths caused deep resentment in the Convention, and their absence only made it more difficult for the Jacobins to influence the dangerously unpredictable masses of sans-culottes. The elimination of popular demagogues and the consequent loss of support in the streets would prove disastrous for Saint-Just, Robespierre, and other Jacobins during the events of Thermidor.

As the deliverer of Committee reports, Saint-Just served as the public face of the Terror, and later writers dubbed him the "Angel of Death". On 23 April Saint-Just helped create a new bureau of "general police" for the Committee of Public Safety which matched—and usurped—the powers that had been given officially to the Committee of General Security. Shortly after its establishment, however, administration of the new bureau passed to Robespierre when Saint-Just left Paris once more for the front lines.

Last days
The Revolutionary army was still in a defensive posture, and Saint-Just was sent back to Belgium to help prepare for the coming conflict. From April through June 1794, he again took supreme oversight of the Army of the North and contributed to the victory at Fleurus. This hotly contested battle on 26 June 1794 saw Saint-Just apply his most draconian measures, ordering all French soldiers who turned away from the enemy to be summarily shot. He felt vindicated when the victory sent the Austrians and their allies into a full retreat from all the Southern Netherlands. Fleurus marked the turning point in the War of the First Coalition: France remained on the offensive until its eventual victory in 1797. After his return from the battle, Saint-Just was treated as a hero and "cheered from all sides".

After returning to Paris, Saint-Just discovered that Robespierre's political position had degraded significantly. As the Terror reached its apogee—the so-called "Great Terror"—the danger of a counter strike by his enemies became almost inevitable. Carnot described Saint-Just and Robespierre as "ridiculous dictators". Saint-Just, however, remained unshakable in his alliance with Robespierre. The French victory at Fleurus and others which followed, reduced the need for national security during the war, which originally had been predicated as a justification for the Terror. "The excuse for the Terror was at an end". Opponents of the Terror used Saint-Just's own words against him by demanding a full implementation of the constitution of 1793.

With political combat reaching a fever pitch, the Committee introduced a bill to establish a newer version of the "Law of Suspects"—the Law of 22 Prairial. The law established a new category of "enemies of the people" in terms so vague that virtually anyone could be accused and convicted. Defendants were not permitted legal counsel, and the Revolutionary Tribunal was instructed to impose no sentence other than death. Robespierre swiftly shepherded the bill into law, and although Saint-Just was not directly involved in its composition, he was almost certainly supportive. Vastly expanding the Tribunal’s power, the new statutes catalyzed the Great Terror: in the first month they were in effect, the number of executions in Paris rose from an average of five daily to seventeen daily, soaring in the following month to twenty-six. The Law of Prairial was the breaking point for opponents of the Committee. For the second time, Carnot described Saint-Just and Robespierre as "ridiculous dictators". Carnot and Cambon proposed to end the terror. On 22 and 23 July, the two committees met in a plenary session. The Commune published a new maximum, limiting the wages of employees (in some cases halving them) which provoked a sharp protest in the sections. Almost all the workers in Paris were on strike.

Resistance to the Terror spread throughout the Convention, and Saint-Just was compelled to address the division. Saint-Just declared in negotiations with Barère that he was prepared to make concessions on the subordinate position of the Committee of General Security. Bertrand Barère and other Thermidorians claimed that he was trying to propose that Robespierre and those aligned with him have dictatorial authority. In return, Saint-Just supported Carnot's decision to send companies of gunners out of Paris. However, for a time some of the Thermidorians nevertheless considered Saint-Just to be redeemable, or at the very least useful for their own ambitions. Their attitude toward him shifted later when he delivered an uncompromising public defense of Robespierre on 9 Thermidor (27 July 1794).

They set off to the Committee of Public Safety, where they found Saint-Just working. They asked him if he was drawing up their bill of indictment. Saint-Just promised to show them his speech before the session began. He replied he sent the beginning to a friend and refused to show them his notes. Collot d'Herbois, who chaired the Convention, decided not to let him speak and to make sure he could not be heard on the next day. According to Barère: "We never deceived ourselves that Saint-Just, cut out as a more dictatorial boss, would have ended up overthrowing him to put himself in his place; we also knew that we stood in the way of his projects and that he would have us guillotined; we had him stopped".

Thermidor

At noon, Saint-Just went straight to the convention, likely prepared to place blame on Billaud, Collot d'Herbois and Carnot. He began: "I am from no faction; I will contend against them all". Billaud-Varennes complained about how he was treated in the Jacobin club on the evening before and that Saint-Just had not kept his promise to show his speech before the meeting. As the accusations began to pile up, Saint-Just remained silent. During the ensuing debate he was accused by his fellow deputy Fréron of forming a triumvirate with Robespierre and Couthon, a reference to the first triumvirate of Julius Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus which led to the end of the Roman Republic. Finally, several of them physically shoved him away from the lectern, and each started his own address in which they called for the removal of Robespierre and all his supporters. Amid the uproar, recalled Barras, Saint-Just "did not leave the platform, in spite of the interruptions which would have driven any one else away. He only came down a few steps, then mounted again, to continue his discourse proudly.... Motionless, unmoved, he seemed to defy everyone with his calm".

Saint-Just saved his dignity at the lectern but not his life. Rising in his support, Robespierre sputtered and lost his voice; his brother Augustin, Philippe Lebas, and other key allies all tried swaying the deputies, but failed. The meeting ended with an order for their arrest. Saint-Just was taken to the "Écossais". After several hours, however, the five were invited to take refuge in the Hôtel de Ville by the mayor. At around 11 p.m., Saint-Just was delivered. At around 2 a.m., Barras and Bourdon, accompanied by several members of the Convention, arrived in two columns. When Grenadiers broke inside, a number of the defeated Jacobins tried to commit suicide. The unperturbed Saint-Just gave himself up without a word. Among the captured, "only St. Just, his hands bound but his head held high, was able to walk". Robespierre, Saint-Just, and twenty of their associates were guillotined the next day, and Saint-Just reputedly accepted his death with coolness and pride. As a last formality of identification, he gestured to a copy of the Constitution of 1793 and said, "I am the one who made that". Saint-Just and his guillotined associates were buried in the Errancis Cemetery, a common place of interment for those executed during the Revolution. In the mid-19th century, their skeletal remains were transferred to the Catacombs of Paris.

Other writings
Throughout his political career, Saint-Just continued to work on books and essays about the meaning of the Revolution, but he did not survive to see any of them published. In later years, these drafts and notes were put together in various collections along with Organt, Arlequin Diogène, L'Esprit de la Revolution, public speeches, military orders, and private correspondence.

Many of Saint-Just's legislative proposals were compiled after his death to form an outline for a communal and egalitarian society. They were published as a single volume, Fragments sur les institutions républicaines. The proposals were far more radical than the Constitution of 1793, and identify closely with the legendarily fearsome traditions of ancient Sparta. Saint-Just proposed the electoral system now known as Single non-transferable voting in 1793 in a proposal to the French National Convention. His suggestion was to have the whole country as one multi-seat district and each voter having just one vote. It was not adopted in France at that time.

Many of his proposals are interpreted as proto-socialist precepts: the overarching theme is equality, which Saint-Just at one point summarizes as: "Man must be independent... There should be neither rich nor poor".

De la Nature
Saint-Just also composed a lengthy draft of his philosophical views, De la Nature, which remained hidden in obscurity until its transcription by Albert Soboul in 1951. He first published this work in 1951 under the title "Un manuscrit oublié de Saint-Just" in the Annales historiques de la révolution française, No. 124. Alain Liénard's Saint-Just, théorie politique and later collections include an expanded version. De la Nature outlines Saint-Just's ideas on the nature of society; the actual date it was written is disputed, but the most agreed upon range is between 1791 and 1792.

Based on the assumption that man is a social animal, Saint-Just argues that in nature there is no need for contracts, legislation, or acts of force. These constructs only become necessary when a society is in need of moral regeneration and serve merely as unsatisfactory substitutes for the natural bonds of free people. Such constructs permit small groups to assume unwarranted powers which, according to Saint-Just, leads to corruption within society. Because a return to the natural state is impossible, Saint-Just argues for a government composed of the most educated members of society, who could be expected to share an understanding of the larger social good. Outside the government itself, Saint-Just asserts there must be full equality between all men, including equal security in material possessions and personal independence. Property must be protected by the state but, to secure universal independence, all citizens (including women) must own property.

Complete collections

 * Oeuvres de Saint-Just, représentant du peuple a la Convention Nationale Œuvres de Saint-Just, précédés d'une notice historique sur sa vie] edited by Adolphe Havard, Paris, 1834.
 * Œuvres complètes de Saint-Just in two volumes edited by Charles Vellay, Paris, 1908.
 * Œuvres complètes, edited by Michèle Duval, Paris, 1984.
 * Œuvres complètes, edited by Anne Kupiec and Miguel Abensour, Paris, 2004.

Character

Ambitious and active-minded, Saint-Just worked urgently and tirelessly towards his goals: he wrote that "For Revolutionists there is no rest but in the tomb". He was repeatedly described by contemporaries as arrogant, believing himself to be a skilled leader and orator as well as having proper revolutionary character. Detractors claimed he had a superiority complex and always "made it clear… that he considered himself to be in charge and that his will was law". Camille Desmoulins wrote of Saint-Just, "He carries his head like a sacred host".

Saint-Just's rise to prominence wrought a remarkable change in his personality. Freewheeling and passionate in his youth, Saint-Just quickly became focused on the revolutionary cause, described by one author "tyrannical and pitilessly thorough". He became "the ice-cold ideologist of republican purity", "as inaccessible as stone to all the warm passions". A measure of his change can be inferred from the experience of his former love interest Thérèse, who is known to have left her husband and taken up residence in a Parisian neighborhood near Saint-Just in late 1793. Saint-Just—who had already developed something of a relationship, tepid but potentially expedient, with the sister of his colleague Le Bas—refused to see her. Thérèse stayed there for over a year, returning to Blérancourt only after Saint-Just was dead. No record exists of any exchanges they might have had, but Saint-Just is known to have written to a friend complaining impatiently about the rumors connecting him to "citizen Thorin".

In his public speaking, Saint-Just was even more daring and outspoken than his mentor Robespierre. Regarding France's internal strife, he spared few: "You have to punish not only the traitors, but even those who are indifferent; you have to punish whoever is passive in the republic, and who does nothing for it". He thought the only way to create a true republic was to rid it of enemies, to enforce the "complete destruction of its opposite". Regarding the war, he declared without regret to the Convention, "The vessel of the Revolution can arrive in port only on a sea reddened with torrents of blood". He urged the deputies to embrace the notion that "a nation generates itself only upon heaps of corpses".

Despite his flaws, Saint-Just is often accorded respect for the strength of his convictions. Although his words and actions may be viewed by some as reprehensible, his commitment to them is rarely questioned: he was "implacable but sincere". Like Robespierre, he was incorruptible in the sense that he exhibited no attraction to material benefits but devoted himself entirely to the advancement of a political agenda.

Camus and Saint-Just
In Albert Camus's The Rebel (1951), Saint-Just is discussed extensively in the context of an analysis of rebellion and man's progression towards enlightenment and freedom. Camus identifies Saint-Just's successful argument for the execution of Louis XVI as the moment of death for monarchical divine right, a Nietzschean Twilight of the Idols. Saint-Just's dedication to "the sovereignty of the people and the sacred power of laws" is described as "a source of absolutism" and indeed "the new God". His kind of "deification of the political" is examined as the source of the creeping totalitarianism which grew so powerfully in Camus' own lifetime. Camus also references Saint-Just in The Plague (1947).

In popular culture
Representations of Saint-Just include those found in the novels Stello (1832) by Alfred de Vigny, and A Place of Greater Safety by Hilary Mantel, and The Sandman comic "Thermidor" by Neil Gaiman; as well as in the plays Danton's Death (1835, by Georg Büchner) and Poor Bitos (Pauvre Bitos, ou Le dîner de têtes, 1956, by Jean Anouilh). Saint-Just’s quote, “Nobody can rule guiltlessly,” appears as an epigraph before chapter one in Arthur Koestler’s 1941 anti-totalitarian novel Darkness At Noon. In film, Saint-Just has been portrayed by Abel Gance in Napoléon (1927); Jess Barker in Reign of Terror (1949); Bogusław Linda in Danton (1983); and Christopher Thompson in La Révolution française (1989). Jean-Pierre Léaud plays a farcical caricature of Saint-Just in Jean-Luc Godard's Week End (1967).

Quotations from Saint-Just appear in many parts of the garden Ian Hamilton Finlay created at Little Sparta in Scotland. There is also a large golden head of 'Apollon Terroriste' which has his features.

Louis Antoine Léon de Saint-Just is a dateable non-player character in the historically-based dating sim video game Ambition: A Minuet in Power published by Joy Manufacturing Co.

Saint-Just is portrayed in the manga and anime The Rose of Versailles by Riyoko Ikeda.

title: Louis Antoine de Saint-Just


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John Gunnell

William John Gunnell (1 October 1933 – 28 January 2008) was a Labour Party politician in the United Kingdom.

Early life
He was born in Birmingham, and educated at King Edward's School, Birmingham. He gained a BSc in General Studies in 1955, and a PGCE in 1958 from the University of Leeds. As a conscientious objector during National Service he was a hospital porter at St Bartholomew's Hospital, London. In the 1960s he was a chemistry teacher at the United Nations International School in New York City. From 1970 to 1988 he was a Lecturer in the School of Education at the University of Leeds.

From 1977 to 1986 he was a councillor on West Yorkshire County Council, being the leader 1981–86. He was also a councillor on Leeds City Council 1986–92.

Parliamentary career
Gunnell initially stood for Parliament at Leeds North East in February and October 1974, but was beaten by Sir Keith Joseph on both attempts.

At the 1992 election he was returned as Member of Parliament (MP) for Morley and Leeds South. That constituency was abolished at the 1997 election, and he was re-elected for the new Morley and Rothwell constituency. At the 2001 election he retired due to ill-health, and the seat was held for Labour by Colin Challen.

Personal life
He was married with three sons and one daughter. He was a keen follower of sport, being a Member of both Yorkshire and Warwickshire County Cricket Clubs. He supported West Bromwich Albion Football Club as a child and watched most of Leeds United's home games between 1970 and 2005.

Gunnell died on 28 January 2008 in Wakefield aged 74.

title: John Gunnell


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Mike Watson, Baron Watson of Invergowrie

Michael Goodall Watson, Baron Watson of Invergowrie (born 1 May 1949), is a British Labour Party politician. He has served in two legislatures in the United Kingdom and served as Minister for Culture and Sport in the Scottish Executive Cabinet.

Watson was expelled from his party on 22 September 2005 following his conviction and imprisonment for fire-raising at Prestonfield House, but was re-admitted to the Labour Party in July 2012. He currently sits as a Labour member of the House of Lords and is an Associate Director of the Edinburgh public affairs and communications company Caledonia Consulting.

On 18 September 2015, the new Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn appointed Watson as Education spokesman in the House of Lords.

Early life
Watson was born in Cambuslang, South Lanarkshire, but his family moved to Invergowrie, Perth and Kinross when he was very young. He was educated at Invergowrie Primary School, the High School of Dundee and Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh, graduating with a B.A. Hons in Economics and Industrial Relations in 1974.

Prior to entering politics Watson worked as a tutor/organiser for the Workers' Educational Association and in the trade union movement, for the Association of Scientific, Technical and Managerial Staffs (ASTMS) and the Manufacturing, Science and Finance union (MSF).

Political career
Watson was elected to the Parliament of the United Kingdom as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Glasgow Central at a by-election in 1989, following the death of Bob McTaggart MP. He was re-elected in the 1992 election and represented that constituency until it was abolished in 1997. He sought the nomination from the Labour party to run for the Govan seat at the 1997 election, but after initially winning the nomination by one vote, he lost a re-run to Mohammad Sarwar.

On 6 November 1997, he was created a life peer as Baron Watson of Invergowrie, of Invergowrie in Perth and Kinross.

In 1999 Lord Watson was elected as the Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) for the Glasgow Cathcart constituency and was re-elected in 2003. On 20 July 1999 Watson announced his intention to introduce the Protection of Wild Mammals bill as a member's bill to the Scottish Parliament to outlaw fox hunting. The bill passed a vote 83–36 on 13 February 2002 and received Royal Assent on 15 March, becoming the Protection of Wild Mammals (Scotland) Act 2002 and becoming law on 1 August. This was a precursor to the Hunting Act 2004 banning fox hunting in England and Wales.

When Jack McConnell became First Minister in 2001, Watson entered the Scottish Executive as Minister for Tourism, Culture and Sport. He left the Executive in 2003, having lost his position in a reshuffle after the 2003 election. He subsequently became deputy convener of the enterprise and culture committee.

On 15 November 2004, Watson was charged with wilful fire raising, and the Labour whip was withdrawn from him in the Holyrood and Westminster parliaments. On 1 September 2005 he admitted the offence and resigned from the Scottish Parliament. Watson was also expelled from the Labour Party when the sentence was announced. After serving a prison sentence he was released in May 2006.

In January 2007 Watson was appointed as an Associate Director with Caledonia Consulting, while also attending the House of Lords on a regular basis. Watson was re-admitted to membership of the Labour Party in July 2012, after a vote of the National Executive Committee. In September 2015, Jeremy Corbyn appointed Watson as the Labour spokesman on education in the Lords.

Fire-raising conviction
On 15 November 2004, Lord Watson was charged with two counts of "wilful fire raising" after a private reception at Edinburgh's Prestonfield Hotel following the Scottish Politician of the Year awards on 11 November. The first alleged that he set fire to a curtain in the hotel's reception, and the second that he set fire to a curtain in the hotel's Yellow Room. On being charged, the Labour whip was suspended in the Holyrood and Westminster parliaments.

After initially registering not guilty pleas to both charges on 23 August 2005, he changed his plea on 1 September to guilty on the first count, and had a not guilty plea accepted on the second charge.

On the same day that Lord Watson admitted his guilt, he resigned from the Scottish Parliament. He resigned as a director of Dundee United Football Club. It was not possible for a life peer to resign from the House of Lords at that time and there was no provision for peers convicted of criminal offences to be stripped of their titles. Such legislation was last proposed following the conviction of Jeffrey Archer for perjury in 2001, but rejected. The House of Lords Reform Act 2014 made resignation possible.

On 22 September 2005, Lord Watson was sentenced to 16 months' imprisonment. Sheriff Kathrine Mackie justified the sentence, stating that there was both "a significant risk of re-offending" and that Lord Watson offered no explanation. She also told Lord Watson that consumption of alcohol "neither excuses nor fully explains your behaviour". The sentence was reduced from 20 months to 16 because Watson had pleaded guilty before the case reached trial. Watson appealed against his sentence on 23 March 2006 but the appeal judges refused to cut the term, and he was returned to prison. After serving half of his sentence (eight months), he was released on 23 May 2006.

Views on Jeremy Corbyn
In an interview with The House magazine in March 2017, Lord Watson was asked whether Labour could win a UK general election under Jeremy Corbyn. He said: "Probably not. There are trends there that suggest we're not getting through and the result in Copeland certainly suggested that, so it will be difficult to turn that around. But we shouldn't underestimate the extent to which the government can get into difficulties over the European Union exit negotiations. It's not going to be anything approaching plain sailing for them."


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Internal and external angles

In geometry, an angle of a polygon is formed by two adjacent sides. For a simple (non-self-intersecting) polygon, regardless of whether it is convex or non-convex, this angle is called an  (or interior angle) if a point within the angle is in the interior of the polygon. A polygon has exactly one internal angle per vertex.

If every internal angle of a simple polygon is less than a straight angle ($π$ radians or 180°), then the polygon is called convex.

In contrast, an  (also called a turning angle or exterior angle) is an angle formed by one side of a simple polygon and a line extended from an adjacent side.

Properties

 * The sum of the internal angle and the external angle on the same vertex is π radians (180°).
 * The sum of all the internal angles of a simple polygon is π(n−2) radians or 180(n–2) degrees, where n is the number of sides. The formula can be proved by using mathematical induction: starting with a triangle, for which the angle sum is 180°, then replacing one side with two sides connected at another vertex, and so on.
 * The sum of the external angles of any simple convex or non-convex polygon, if only one of the two external angles is assumed at each vertex, is 2π radians (360°).
 * The measure of the exterior angle at a vertex is unaffected by which side is extended: the two exterior angles that can be formed at a vertex by extending alternately one side or the other are vertical angles and thus are equal.

Extension to crossed polygons
The interior angle concept can be extended in a consistent way to crossed polygons such as star polygons by using the concept of directed angles. In general, the interior angle sum in degrees of any closed polygon, including crossed (self-intersecting) ones, is then given by 180(n–2k)°, where n is the number of vertices, and the strictly positive integer k is the number of total (360°) revolutions one undergoes by walking around the perimeter of the polygon. In other words, the sum of all the exterior angles is 2πk radians or 360k degrees. Example: for ordinary convex polygons and concave polygons, k = 1, since the exterior angle sum is 360°, and one undergoes only one full revolution by walking around the perimeter.

title: Internal and external angles


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Cape Breton Regional Municipality

Cape Breton Regional Municipality (often referred to as simply "CBRM") is the Canadian province of Nova Scotia's second largest municipality and the economic heart of Cape Breton Island. As of 2021 the municipality has a population of 93,694. The municipality was created in 1995 through the amalgamation of eight municipalities located in Cape Breton County.

The region is home to a significant concentration of government services, social enterprise and private sector companies, including the Canadian Coast Guard College, Cape Breton University, NSCC Marconi campus, and New Dawn Enterprises. The rural areas of the municipality continue to host resource industries such as agriculture, fishing, mining, and forestry. CBRM is host to many cultural landmarks and institutions such as the historic Savoy Theatre, the Celtic Colours International Festival, the Cape Breton Centre for Craft, the Highland Arts Theatre, and Holy Angels Arts & Cultural centre, currently undergoing a $12-million renovation.

The area hosts one of Nova Scotia's premier tourism destinations, the Fortress of Louisbourg national park site, operated by Parks Canada as a living history museum. The site stands as the largest reconstruction project in North America. The Port of Sydney was projected to welcome a record 135,000 cruise ship visitors in 2017, a 67 per cent increase on 2016. The Trans-Canada Highway terminates in North Sydney where Marine Atlantic ferries connect to both Channel-Port aux Basques, Newfoundland and Labrador, where the highway starts again, and Argentia.

Early history
The glaciers began their retreat from the Maritimes approximately 13,500 years ago, with final deglaciation, post-glacial rebound, and sea level fluctuation ending and leaving the New England-Maritimes region virtually ice free 11,000 years ago. The earliest evidence of Paleo-Indian settlement in the region follows rapidly after deglaciation. Evidence of settlement found in the Debert Palaeo-Indian Site dates to 10,600 before present, though settlement seems likely to have occurred earlier, following large game animals such as the caribou as they expanded into the land revealed by the retreating glaciers. The record of continuous habitation through the paleo and archaic period over ten thousand years culminated in the development of the culture, traditions, and language of the First Nations people now known as the Mi'kmaq.

Mi'kmaq
The Palaeoindians inhabiting the area prior to European arrival lived a semi-nomadic lifestyle, following the cycle of the seasons in search of food and resources, which required the frequent moving from place to place. The area known as Cape Breton Island has been a part of the territory of the Mi'kmaq nation of Mi'kma'ki. Mi'kma'ki included what is now the Maritimes, parts of Maine, Newfoundland and the Gaspé Peninsula.

French settlement
The French were the first Europeans to claim the region, which was named Acadia. Control passed back and forth between the English and French throughout the late 17th and early 18th centuries. Under the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713, France retained control of "Île Royale". In 1719, France began construction on a fortified town located along the sheltered southwestern shore of Havre Louisbourg, naming the settlement Louisbourg.

The fortress was captured by British colonial forces, then returned by the British to France. It was captured again during the Seven Years' War which saw the inhabitants expelled and the fortress completely destroyed by British Army engineers in 1760.

Post-Acadian settlement
By proclamation of October 17, 1763, after termination of the Seven Years' War, Île Royale was renamed Cape Breton Island and was formally annexed to Nova Scotia. For a time thereafter Cape Breton Island was part of Halifax County. On December 10, 1765, Cape Breton Island was set apart as a separate county. In 1784, the island was made a separate colony with its capital at Sydney however by 1820 the colony was remerged into Nova Scotia.

Industrial activity
Coal mining began during the 18th century to supply Fortress Louisbourg. Industrial mining began in 1826 under the General Mining Association monopoly, followed in later years by independent American-owned mines south of Sydney Harbour. Large-scale mining commenced in 1893 under the auspices of the Dominion Coal Company (DOMCO) which merged these independent mines. Coal production under Dominion Steel and Coal Corporation (DOSCO) peaked in the early 1940s and in 1957 the company became a subsidiary of Hawker Siddeley Group. The company announced in 1965 that it would be exiting the coal mining business within months.

In response to a public outcry, the minority government of Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson announced J.R. Donald would head a Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Cape Breton coal industry, with hearings held in 1965 and 1966. The Donald Commission recommended that a federal Crown corporation be established to acquire and manage DOSCO's coal operations, with the aim being to slowly wean the area economy from its dependence on the coal industry.

On July 7, 1967, the Cape Breton Development Corporation (DEVCO), was established to operate the mines in the interim, while phasing them out throughout the 1970s and, at the same time, develop new economic opportunities for the surrounding communities. At the same time, the provincial government expropriated DOSCO's steel mill in Sydney, creating the Sydney Steel Corporation (SYSCO), while DEVCO would continue to operate the adjacent coke ovens. By 1992 the Lingan Colliery was closed followed by the Phalen Colliery in 1999 and the Prince Colliery in 2001. At the same time, the provincial government decided to dismantle and sell SYSCO.

DEVCO ceased to exist on December 31, 2009, with its remaining assets and staff turned over to Enterprise Cape Breton Corporation (ECBC), a federal government economic development initiative, in an attempt to diversify the CBRM economy. On June 19, 2014, the operations of ECBC were transferred to both the Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency and the Public Works and Government Services Canada.

Amalgamation
In 1992, the Task Force on Local Government Report (often called the Hayward report) stated that 67 municipalities in Nova Scotia were too many to efficiently and cost effectively provide services in a province having a population of slightly more than 900,000. The report was commissioned for the Progressive Conservative government of Donald Cameron, but was taken up and implemented by the incoming Liberal government of John Savage.

The provincial government subsequently forced the amalgamation of both Halifax and Cape Breton counties and supported the voluntary amalgamation of Queens county. The Cape Breton Regional Municipality Act was implemented and the CBRM was created on August 1, 1995, whereas the amalgamation in Halifax County didn't take place until April 1, 1996, and Queens County several years later.

The municipalities from which the CBRM was created included the Municipality of the County of Cape Breton, the City of Sydney, the Towns of Glace Bay, Sydney Mines, New Waterford, North Sydney, Dominion and Louisbourg.

Government

The Cape Breton Regional Municipality is governed by Cape Breton Regional Council, which is composed of a mayor elected at-large and 12 councillors each elected to represent a separate district. Regional Council is responsible for all facets of the municipal government, including police, fire, library, transit, and water. The municipality oversaw an operating budget of $146 million and a combined capital and water capital budget of $32.375 million in the 2016/17 fiscal year. The current mayor is Amanda McDougall. Council and its committees meet at least once a month.

Municipal governments in Nova Scotia are elected every four years and the most recent round of elections took place on October 17, 2020. The provincial legislation that creates and empowers the municipality is the Nova Scotia Municipal Government Act. Under former Mayor John Morgan, the council authorized several studies regarding fairness and equity, fighting for a larger share of the federal equalization funding from the province, including an ultimately unsuccessful legal challenge in 2004. Nova Scotians for Equalization Fairness is a citizens group that continues to argue for a greater share of equalization payments paid to CBRM, arguing that CBRM receives $15 million in equalization and should receive $239 million, based on per capita distribution of federal equalization to the province.

In addition to municipal government there are two First Nations in CBRM operating under band government, the Eskasoni First Nation and the Membertou First Nation. CBRM is represented by seven ridings in the Nova Scotia House of Assembly. The municipality shares representation by two ridings in Canada's House of Commons, as well as by Senator Michael L. MacDonald, who identifies as representing the Senate Division of Cape Breton.

Economy
After a long struggle to recover from the disappearance of coal and steel industries and while continuing to suffer from high annual population loss the economy of Cape Breton is projected to achieve sustainable growth from 2017 to 2021. Cape Breton Island, of which CBRM is home to over three quarters of the population, has continued economic strength in its fishing and forestry primary sectors and in services (trade, transportation and warehousing, business and other support services), education, health care, and accommodation & food. While the region boasts a diverse industrial economy when compared to other regions in Nova Scotia, the region continues to struggle with an unemployment rate of 13.7% in December 2017, significantly higher than the Nova Scotia and national averages.

CBRM is home to a significant tourism industry. Nearby attractions such as the Cape Breton Highlands, Bras d'Or Lake and Fortress of Louisbourg have made Cape Breton Island a tourism destination for many years. Visitors can experience the art and history that Sydney and area has to offer, or experience Sydney's surging culinary scene. A growing cruise ship business has been making use of the port of Sydney to give cruise passengers access to the area. The Port of Sydney hosts more than 70 cruise ships per season, most notably the Queen Mary 2, Queen Elizabeth 2, and MS Maasdam. A recent study found that a strong tourism cluster is emerging and will be reinforced with the recent announcement of a second cruise ship dock in Sydney.

Currently, the former Sydney Steel Corporation's site in Sydney has been transformed into the Harbourside Commercial Park focused on office and light industrial use, connected in 2010 by the Sydney Port Access Road to Highway 125. As the province's second largest municipality, recent federal policy of increased infrastructure spending will provide added economic stimulus.

Geography
The boundary of CBRM includes all of Cape Breton County except for the Eskasoni and Membertou First Nations.

Climate
The climate of the CBRM is cool and wet although it is warmer than most other places in Canada. The average annual temperature is close to 6 C. The average summer maximum temperature is 25 C.

Temperatures rarely rise above 30 C. The average winter low is −10 C and temperatures rarely drop below −20 C although strong winter winds can make it seem much colder.

Demographics
In the 2021 Census of Population conducted by Statistics Canada, the Cape Breton Regional Municipality had a population of living in  of its  total private dwellings, a change of NaN% from its 2016 population of. With a land area of 2419.7 km2, it had a population density of in 2021.

Within the regional municipality there are multiple census population centres (previously known as urban areas). These include Cape Breton-Sydney (population: 30,960), Glace Bay (population: 16,915), Sydney Mines (population: 12,353), New Waterford (population: 6,723), and Howie Centre (population: 1,106).

Language
Mother tongue language (2021)  The most reported mother tongues aside from English or French were Punjabi (0.7%), Chinese Languages (0.5%), and Malayalam (0.4%).

Religion
75.6% of Cape Breton residents identify as Christian in 2021, down from 90.5% in 2011. About 21.9% affiliate with no religion, up from 8.5% in 2011. The remaining 2.6% affiliate with another religion, up from 0.9% in 2011. The largest non-Christian religion was Hinduism with 0.7% of the population. In 2011 there were zero recorded Sikh residents, however by 2021 they accounted for 0.6% of the population making Sikhs the second largest non-Christian group.

Transportation
The Port of Sydney Development Corporation was established in 2015. Owned by the municipality, the port corporation manages and operates the port, including the emerging cruise ship business, the Joan Harriss Cruise Pavilion and Marina. International investors have announced construction of the Novaporte, the deep-water marine container facility able to accommodate ultra-class container ships at the port. Novaporte is proposed to operate as an officially designated Canadian Foreign Trade Zone. The Port of Sydney was projected to welcome a record 135,000 cruise ship visitors in 2017, a 67% increase on 2016.

J.A. Douglas McCurdy Sydney Airport serves CBRM and Cape Breton Island, providing domestic flight connections via Air Canada and WestJet as well as charter flight service. The airport is classified as an airport of entry, staffed by the Canada Border Services Agency. The region is served by Maritime Bus, a coach bus service connecting North Sydney and Sydney to the mainland via Whycocomagh and Wagmatcook. The Cape Breton and Central Nova Scotia Railway provided rail service connecting Cape Breton to the mainland and CN Rail in Truro. Service ended December 30, 2014 though negotiations between the province and the owner to revive the railway are ongoing. Sydney Coal Railway is a short line railway connecting the coaling piers on Sydney Harbour in Sydney to the Lingan Generating Station near New Waterford.

The municipality is the western terminus of the Marine Atlantic ferry services to Newfoundland. It is also the eastern terminus of two east–west highways in the province: Highway 105, the Trans-Canada Highway, runs along the north shore of Bras d'Or Lake and accesses the northern part of CBRM, whereas Trunk 4 extends along the southern part of Bras d'Or Lake and accesses the western and eastern part of the municipality. Within the municipality communities are served by Highway 125, a regional 4-lane arterial limited access highway that circles Sydney Harbour.

Public transit service is delivered by Transit Cape Breton, which offers thirteen bus routes within the municipality, serving the region's larger communities: Sydney, Sydney River, Glace Bay, New Waterford, Dominion, Reserve Mines, North Sydney and Sydney Mines. Handi-Trans paratransit is available for passengers whose disabilities restrict them from using Transit Cape Breton's regular bus service. Fares range from $1.25 to $5, depending on how many zones are travelled.

Education
The regional municipality is home to several institutions of higher learning:
 * Cape Breton University
 * NSCC Marconi Campus
 * Canadian Coast Guard College

English language public schools in CBRM are operated by the Cape Breton – Victoria Regional Centre for Education on behalf of the provincial government's Department of Education. This regional education office provides instruction for grades primary to 12 in CBRM as well as in neighbouring Victoria County.

French language public school education is administered throughout the province by the Conseil Scolaire Acadien Provincial.

Culture
While Cape Breton Island is known for its Scottish Gaelic or Celtic culture and heritage, the industrial strength of Sydney and industrial Cape Breton attracted a diverse community from around the world. CBRM's cultural scene continues to be influenced by a mixture of these other cultures including African Canadian, Jewish, Irish, and a variety of Eastern European countries.

The region is home to several festivals of art and music such as the Celtic Colours International Festival, Lumiere Art at Night, the Cape Breton International Drum Festival, Makin' Waves, and Gobblefest Music Festival. The area is also known for its vibrant music scene, which includes celtic, singer-songwriter, and country artists, as well as underground alternative rock, metal, and punk bands who have played the local circuit since the mid to late 1990s. Among the musicians from CBRM was Canadian country singer Rita MacNeil from the CBRM community of Big Pond, and known for her songs including "Flying On Your Own" and "Working Man." Other notable artists include Tom Fun Orchestra, Slowcoaster, Pretty Archie, Matt Minglewood, Jordan Musycsyn, Carmen Townsend, Morgan Toney, Alicia Penney, and Fire Valley Fire.

CBRM is home to several performance centres, including the Centre 200 sports arena in Sydney, home to the Cape Breton Screaming Eagles (a Quebec Major Junior Hockey League team), the Highland Arts Theatre performing arts centre, also in Sydney, and the historic Savoy Theatre, in Glace Bay. The Holy Angels Arts & Cultural centre is currently undergoing a $12 million renovation. Glace Bay is also home to the Cape Breton Miners' Museum, the Marconi National Historic Site and the Glace Bay Heritage Museum. Louisbourg is home to Fortress of Louisbourg, the largest historical reconstruction in North America.

CBRM is home to several media outlets. CBC Radio broadcasts local morning and afternoon broadcasts across Cape Breton Island. Caper Radio, a campus and community radio station, broadcasts local music and college radio from the Student's Union Building in Cape Breton University. There are also five commercial radio stations. Cape Breton's daily newspaper the Cape Breton Post is a broadsheet focusing on Cape Breton Island. Its editorial style is populist conservative, and it is owned by The Chronicle Herald''.

Police
The Cape Breton Regional Police Service provides policing for all areas of CBRM with the exception of the First Nation community of Eskasoni which is policed by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). The CBRPS operates out of three geographic divisions, Central (Sydney), East (Glace Bay) and North (North Sydney). The CBRPS works towards providing efficient law enforcement and working within the community and has recently cracked down on drug related crime in CBRM. The current Chief of Police is Robert Walsh.

Policing in Cape Breton County prior to amalgamation was delivered by individual police forces in the urban areas and RCMP in the rural county. In the late 1990s, after a divisive debate, the municipality expanded CBRPS coverage to also cover the rural area of CBRM.

Fire & Emergency
Fire & emergency services for the CBRM are provided by the Cape Breton Regional Fire Service which consists of 36 fire stations dispersed throughout the municipality; two Sydney stations are staffed by career firefighters whereas the remaining 34 stations are staffed by volunteers. CBRFE has divisions for administration, fire departments, training, fire prevention, volunteer coordination, hazardous materials, building services and bylaws. In addition, paramedic ambulance service in Nova Scotia is provided by the provincial government's Emergency Health Services.

Emergency Measures Organization
The provincial Emergency Measures Act requires each municipality to develop an emergency measures organization. The municipality has an Emergency Measures Coordinator supported by an EMO Advisory Committee and an Emergency Preparedness Planning Committee.

Sister cities

 * Dalian, Liaoning, China (2015). The sister city arrangement, the first ever for a Cape Breton community, follows an announcement that China Communications Construction Company (CCCC) has agreed, contingent on a feasibility study, to design and build a deep water container terminal in Sydney.
 * Wałbrzych, Poland: On June 26, 2018, the Council of the Cape Breton Regional Municipality passed a resolution to recognize Wałbrzych as a partner city. This followed a resolution in Wałbrzych on June 21, 2018. The CBRM resolution cited commonalities in post-industrial heritage, and potential future collaboration among historic sites, schools, universities and businesses. Also noted was the Cape Breton Regional Municipality's longstanding Polish community. An agreement was formally signed by both mayors on January 11, 2019, during a video-conference session in the presence of students and representatives of organizations, schools, and universities.

Access routes
Highways and numbered routes that run through the county, including external routes that start or finish at the county limits:

 * Highways

 * Trunk Routes

 * Collector Routes:

 * External Routes:
 * None

Notable people

 * Mayann Francis, Fmr Lieutenant Governor - from Whitney Pier
 * Patriarch Vincent Waterman, Archbishop St. Philip’s African Orthodox Church
 * Rita MacNeil, songwriter, singer
 * Tracy Dares, pianist

title: Cape Breton Regional Municipality


text:
Talk:Cape Breton Regional Municipality

MAJOR UPDATE
I have added a "Canadian City" side bar for CBRM and have included content based on similar structures for other Canadian cities, especially the Halifax article.

As often as possible I have included a line the the "main article", around Acadia, Mikmaq, history, and communities.

I think good one to two line summaries are all that is needed for each main point of history and culture with links to the relevent articles.

Where it needs work: Culture. Needs to be much bigger. Famous People From is a great section, there is none. Climate and Geography. The section is basically empty.

The whole thing needs a good edit, section by section.

Some copyright released photos might be nice, if someone could provide em. A shot of the esplanade or the waterfront, maybe.... a shot of the city from across the harbour? Louisbourg? Rita's Tea Room?

WayeMason 14:38, 16 August 2005 (UTC)

Savoy Theatre
I noticed that the internal hyperlink (not sure if that's the right terminology) for the Savoy Theatre takes you to the page for the Savoy in London, England. I would edit it, but I'm not sure how to remove that link, or how to create one that says there's no article, but gives someone a chance to write one. Can anyone fix this?

Update: Since there is no wikipedia page for the Savoy Theatre (something hopefully to change in the future) I have removed the internal link as it pointed to a page that doesn't exist.(Mileages (talk) 06:59, 12 August 2012 (UTC))

"Racial" Statistics
Hi all. I just removed a list of "Racial" statistics that were unsourced. I believe that had been manufactured from several other data sources, and contained a statistic for "White" that was very troubling - on the census, there is a question about visible minority. If you answer that you are not a visible minority (which might be true or not - you might be mixed-race, or you might not feel that you wanted to talk about the issue) then you you are included as "not visible minority". Also, aboriginal Canadians are explicitly not included as a visible minority - so those who answer with information about aboriginal origins also go into the "not vis-min" category. However, many people (including the author who put this here, I think) assume that means "White". It doesn't. Personally, I don't think that we should have "racial" statistics here at all - I've removed them, and tried to put another line or two into the "Ethnic Origin" stats, because I think that they're more useful. I understand that this might be contentious for some people, but I'm happy to discuss it. Please feel free to respond here, or on my talk page: AshleyMorton (talk) 12:55, 18 April 2014 (UTC)

Rename and Move to Cape Breton, Nova Scotia 2014

 * The following discussion is an archived discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

The result of the move request was: Not moved. There is clear consensus that proposed title is not sufficiently unambiguous. Staberinde (talk) 18:33, 22 May 2014 (UTC)

Cape Breton Regional Municipality → Cape Breton, Nova Scotia – The name should reflect the single name like Halifax, Nova Scotia and Queens, Nova Scotia. Easternhfx (talk) 23:59, 14 May 2014 (UTC)

 * I'm not sure. I was the one who (most recently, the successful move) proposed the Halifax move. However, I'm not sure that it's true that people use just the term "Cape Breton" when they mean this specific area. It seems to me that most people who use the phrase "Cape Breton" on it's own are talking about the island, not the County/RM. If it had been renamed the "Sydney Regional Municipality", then I might agree with you, but I think that the "place" (take that in a general sense) called "Cape Breton" is, in most people's mind, the island or maybe the specific point of land at the end of the island. AshleyMorton (talk) 19:15, 15 May 2014 (UTC)

 * For now, I say oppose unless the discussion to follow changes my mind. I really don't know what changing the article name will accomplish, other than to cause confusion as to what the article is about because Cape Breton, Nova Scotia sounds more like the entire Island, not just the area that makes up the CBRM. Victoria County, Richmond County, Inverness County and Port Hawkesbury are also in Cape Breton, Nova Scotia but not the CBRM. Wouldn't they still be in Cape Breton, Nova Scotia if the CBRM name was changed? If the change is made than we would have to somehow distinguish in the opening that Cape Breton, Nova Scotia is not Cape Breton, Nova Scotia, but only part of Cape Breton, Nova Scotia. See how confusing this could be? Also looking at the bigger picture here, we have a new editor account that appears to have been created with the purpose of changing the name of articles because the HRM article name was changed. Is changing the name of this article to make a point really the way this should be done? Cmr08 (talk) 03:36, 16 May 2014 (UTC)

 * Weak Oppose Cape Breton is an island in Nova Scotia, therefore the proposed name is ambiguous disambiguation. To most people it would refer to the island. -- 65.94.171.126 (talk) 05:52, 16 May 2014 (UTC)
 * Strongly Support "Cape Breton, Nova Scotia" should be the proper title and it follows the Halifax, Nova Scotia change for Halifax Regional municipality and Queens, Nova Scotia for region of queens . Cape Breton Regional Municipality is too compilicaed for the title. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Easternhfx (talk • contribs) 12:18, 16 May 2014 (UTC)
 * Argyle, Nova Scotia,West Hants, Nova Scotia,St. Mary's, Nova Scotia,Guysborough, Nova Scotia,East Hants, Nova Scotiaand Clare, Nova Scotia are no different than Cape Breton Regional Municipalityor Halifax Regional Municipality and CBRM article title is not within the rules of Wikipedia.
 * What you are saying is not within Wikipedia-land, because "there are no rules". Your comparison of regional municipalities with regional districts is also apples and oranges plus a few kumquats.  The CBRM is *NOT* all of Cape Breton Island, never mind the Cape Breton region which includes more than the island.  The two terms are *NOT* equatable.Skookum1 (talk) 05:59, 17 May 2014 (UTC)
 * Oppose Unlike Halifax they did not change their branding. Also that region isn't generally known as Cape Breton. It would be commonly known as Sydney. The entire island would be more commonly known as Cape Breton, Nova Scotia not just the CBRM which only takes up a small part of the island. -DJSasso (talk) 12:37, 16 May 2014 (UTC)
 * Then why is the Halifax Regional Municipality still using on halifax.ca still using Halifax regional Municipality ? Do your homework . — Preceding unsigned comment added by Easternhfx (talk • contribs) 20:26, 16 May 2014 (UTC)
 * Because they are not done yet. They are still in the process of coming up with slogan etc and sites won't be updated until the process is completed which will be a couple of months. Do your research. -DJSasso (talk) 03:00, 20 May 2014 (UTC)
 * Strong Oppose. As observed, Port Hawkesbury is not in the CBRM, along with a lot of other places on Cape Breton Island or in the culture-area known as Cape Breton (which includes the 'Nish which is on the mainland).  This is not the same as the HRM/Halifax merger (which I opposed) or, for example, the comparison to Clare. There's a difference between regions and regional municipalities (and counties or, as with Clare, municipalities that cover agglomerations of distinct places within them), wiki-fudging/merging them is not part of reality.  This is like renaming the Fraser Valley the Fraser Valley Regional District or vice-versa; the FVRD only covers the eastern half of the Fraser Valley; the Comox Valley Regional District includes areas on the west coast of Vancouver Island which are not part of the Comox Valley region.  Merging/renaming without thinking or knowing is the bane of Wikipedia (one among many).Skookum1 (talk) 01:51, 17 May 2014 (UTC)

 * Oppose. As noted by others, "Cape Breton" is just as likely or more likely to refer to CBI or the cape itself.  —  AjaxSmack   15:14, 18 May 2014 (UTC)

 * Oppose Good points made above and need no further explanation IMO. Regards Aloha27 (talk) 23:52, 21 May 2014 (UTC)

 * Oppose Per others. Citobun (talk) 13:32, 22 May 2014 (UTC)
 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on this talk page or in a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

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 * Added tag to http://www.cbrm.ns.ca/portal/community/transit/documents/TransitRoutesOctober2007.pdf
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title: Talk:Cape Breton Regional Municipality