text:
Talk:Doom engine

Article start
As of 7 March 2004, this article has been restarted with new base content. All the content was copied over from this Everything2 writeup, with the author's permission. Credit to Simon "fraggle" Howard for his generous contribution of an excellent article! Fredrik 20:21, 7 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Licensees
The article mentions other games "produced by licensees" using the Doom engine but does not list them. Perhaps someone could list them, or make a list at another article and link it? Some guy 20:36, 13 October 2005 (UTC)

BSP? Really? I thought it was RayCasting?
Binary Space Partitioning was first used on Quake, not Doom. The Doom games uses a technology called RayCasting, also invented by Carmack. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 83.254.5.211 (talk) 09:01, 30 January 2009 (UTC)

 * Have you looked at the source code? Ray casting was used in Wolfenstein, doom uses BSP. It is a 2D BSP tree. Quake uses a 3D BSP tree with precalculated leaf-to-leaf visibility. 76.119.233.105 (talk) 20:13, 17 August 2009 (UTC)

RayCasting is the render algorithm, while BSP was the data structure used in order to narrow (minimize) the number of data to process each frame. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 201.222.214.252 (talk) 15:47, 13 November 2009 (UTC)
 * This is correct; an engine has more than one "thing" to it, after all... The type and the sorting/culling method are independent of each other. Among raycasters, Wolfenstein 3D used a simple block-check method. Meanwhile, Doom/Id Tech 1 used a BSP tree, and as another example, the Jedi engine was portal-based, relying instead on the relation between sectors to cull and prioritize. Furthermore, both the BSP tree and portal methods were equally adaptable to use for true-3D engines; id Tech 2/3 use BSP, while id Tech 4 uses portals. Nottheking (talk) 20:24, 10 March 2010 (UTC)

The Doom engine using ray casting seems to be a common misconception. The Doom renderer uses a BSP tree in order to find and sort wall segments from near to far. The segments are drawn near to far by finding the distance to the left and right side of the wall and using linear interpolation for the values in between. Where the walls are drawn, top and bottom occulsion variables are set up to prevent far walls from being drawn over near walls (which means the renderer has no over draw until masked (transparent) elements are drawn). The top and bottom of the wall is also used to generate visplane information for drawing the floors in a separate pass. At no point does the renderer ever have to cast a ray in order to determine where the first intersection is.

More details on this can be found here: http://fabiensanglard.net/doomIphone/doomClassicRenderer.php

It is worth noting that ray casting is slower than BSP rendering even back in the day. This is the reason Wolfenstein 3D for SNES and derived ports (3DO, Jaguar, and Mac) actually use a similar BSP renderer as well. There's a video of John Carmack playing Wolf3D where he mentions this IIRC. Blzut3 (talk) 22:22, 9 October 2013 (UTC)

Download
Does anyone know where can i download Doom engine for free ? Some guy 20:36, 31 Augest 2006 (UTC)

As a guess, ID's website. They certainly used to have their Wolfenstein engine there for download.

Really id Tech 1?
Hello. According to some other source, id Tech 1 is the Quake engine. On the id Software webpage, id Tech 2 only identify Quake 2 and they dont talk about the 1. So, are you sure about that? If any body can contact id to know the official reference, it can be very helpful. bayo 20:43, 7 November 2007 (UTC)
 * Well, the Quake 2 source is derived from the Quake 1 source. They're pitching this as technology to be licensed; there's no reason you would choose to license Quake 1 rather than Quake 2.  The source to Quake 1/2 are much more closely linked than others.  fraggle 08:58, 12 November 2007 (UTC)
 * Any way we cant choose the Doom or Quake 1 engine licence, id dont support it more. But, this explanation convince me. Thanks for your answer. bayo 13:45, 14 November 2007 (UTC)
 * As opposed to the official name of the engine, this should at most be added as a trivia note, as even if they eventually classified it as "id Tech 1" for general business reasons id Software does not use it as such in any way nor explicitly calls it thus anywhere. They don't offer "idTech1" deals to developers, for one. Who is like God? (talk) 00:49, 2 April 2008 (UTC)
 * The name id Tech 1 simply does not exist. Todd Hoellensted said in an interview that he considers id Tech 1 to be the Doom AND Quake 1 technology, but that can not be id Tech 1 because those are two fastly different game engines. Also you can't go like Quake 1 is simmilar enough to Quake 2 to be id Tech 2, so Doom is id Tech 1, because it's unsourced and such reasoning does not answer the question what number the other earlier three id engines (Commander Keen, Wolfenstein 3D and Shadowcaster, that weren't renamed either) would have. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 89.245.3.126 (talk) 09:28, 8 October 2009 (UTC)
 * Don't forget the Hovertank 3D engine as well. The "id Tech" naming system has quite a few holes in it. Personally, I think that to be safe, someone try and find an additional reference to id using the term "id Tech 1" to refer to Doom's engine. Nottheking (talk) 20:33, 10 March 2010 (UTC)
 * Every engine id Software has released source for since Quake shows that each engine is directly derivative to the engine before. I acknowledge that Quake and Quake 2 are closely tied: Quake even has #ifdef blocks of early Quake 2 code interspersed. The rationale that they should be considered the same engine due to close similarity, though, is plainly absurd in the same way that Doom is being called id Tech 1 when it has nearly zero relation code-wise to every engine succeeding it. I'm not sure if any of the Doom code was used in Quake whatsoever; Having done modifications on both engines, I don't think I recognized any shared code between them. Doom just doesn't fit into the direct engine lineage of Quake->Quake 2->Quake 3->Doom 3->RAGE. To me, Doom is no more related to the id Tech branding than Wolfenstein 3D and Commander Keen. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 99.5.214.24 (talk) 04:04, 23 August 2011 (UTC)
 * I am pretty sure that id Tech 1 = Quake 1 engine and not Doom engine! AFAIK Quake 1 was the very first real 3D shooter, while e.g. Duke Nukem 3D and the like were mere 2D shooters. But no matter matter how much (or little) the Doom1 engine has in common with the Quake engine, id tech1 = quake. ScotXW (talk) 12:19, 4 March 2014 (UTC)

Doom Sourceports?
Would a section on improvements (such as slopes, DECORATE/SOC scripts, OpenGL) from Doom Sourceports be acceptable on this page? - Snip3rNife (talk) 03:14, 19 February 2008 (UTC)

A very simple 3D engine that is equivalent to that of DOOM
When you have a sprite or wall texture, it has x,y and z coordinates. When it is not parallel to the coordinate axes, you could have to rotate it first or use the Bresenham algorithm to make it oblique while you store each pixel of the texture into a buffer (iteratively count through each x and y coordinate of the texture and put each pixel with x,y and z coordinates into a buffer). If the player has turned to the side angles, you rotate every pixel of the sprite in oppsite direction(around the position of the player) with the degree of the angle before the projection. You rotate around the coordinate axes using sinus and cosinus. It's like moving each pixel on a circle with the same angle. For example, rotation on the Y axis would be done that way: x2 = x*cos(angle)+z*sin(angle) z2=-x*sin(angle)+z*cos(angle) y2=y.

After the rotation, you put each pixel on the screen using a central projection. This is very simple. To get the x coordinate of the pixel on the screen, you subtract the X-position of the projection point ( here: the player X-coordinate) from the X-position of the object pixel. Then you divide it by the Z difference ( object Z minus player Z ) and multiply it with a scale factor. Then you do the same thing with the y coordinate. The results are then added to the middle of the screen and then you got it placed on the screen. For example:

x_screen=(screenXresolution/2)+scale*-1*(object.x-cam.x)/z; y_screen=(screenYresolution/2)+scale*-1*(object.y-cam.y)/z;

Values can also be signed. z is not the absolute z value, but the z value relative to the camera position. If z is signed, the pixel will not be put on the screen because it is behind the camera/player.

After you have brought the color value of the pixel on the screen, you store it's old z value for it's screen coordinates in a buffer. Next time a pixel will only be set on the same screen position when it's z value is smaller than the old one. And players and enemies are only scaled sprites. This is the reason they don't rotate when you try to watch them from the side. They could have used different sprites in dependance from the angle, but they were sloppily under time pressure.

You can also count the number of pixels set and abort the "rendering" when the screen is full. You'll have to combine that with a coarse sorting of the texture walls according to the distance from the player. A lot of speed can be gained when you size down the resolution of the textures the bigger their distance from the player is before transferring them into the buffer. Sometimes z is too small so there would be gaps on the screen. Then you only have to put several pixels next to each other (depending how many) on z and also note that in the z buffer.

Also the player movements will be done with a rotatable vector. You'll figure it out. It's simple. 10th grade knowledge.

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title: Talk:Doom engine


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Baron Tennyson

Baron Tennyson, of Aldworth in the County of Sussex and of Freshwater in the Isle of Wight, is a title in the Peerage of the United Kingdom. It was created in 1884 for the poet Alfred Tennyson. His son, the second Baron, served as Governor-General of Australia, and his grandson, the third Baron, as a captain for the English cricket team. On the death in 2006 of the latter's younger son, the fifth Baron, the line of the eldest son of the first Baron failed. The title was inherited by the late Baron's second cousin once removed, the sixth and present holder of the peerage. He is the great-grandson of Hon. Lionel Tennyson, second son of the first Baron.

Another member of the Tennyson family was the naval architect Sir Eustace Tennyson-d'Eyncourt, 1st Baronet. He was the grandson of Charles Tennyson-d'Eyncourt, uncle of the first Baron Tennyson.

Barons Tennyson (1884)

 * Alfred Tennyson, 1st Baron Tennyson (1809–1892)
 * Hallam Tennyson, 2nd Baron Tennyson (1852–1928), elder son of the first baron
 * Lionel Hallam Tennyson, 3rd Baron Tennyson (1889–1951), son of the 2nd baron
 * Harold Christopher Tennyson, 4th Baron Tennyson (1919–1991), elder son of the 3rd baron
 * Mark Aubrey Tennyson, 5th Baron Tennyson (1920–2006), younger son of the 3rd baron
 * David Harold Alexander Tennyson, 6th Baron Tennyson (b. 1960), great-great-grandson of the 1st baron

The heir presumptive is the present holder's brother, Alan James Drummond Tennyson (b. 1965)

Line of succession

 * Coronet of a British Baron.svg Alfred Tennyson, 1st Baron Tennyson (1809–1892)
 * Hon. Lionel Tennyson (1854–1886)
 * Alfred Browning Stanley Tennyson (1878–1952)
 * James Alfred Tennyson (1913–2001)
 * Coronet of a British Baron.svg David Harold Alexander Tennyson, 6th Baron Tennyson (b. 1960)
 * (1) Alan James Drummond Tennyson (b. 1965)
 * Sir Charles Bruce Locker Tennyson (1879–1977)
 * (Beryl) Hallam Augustine Tennyson (1920–2005)
 * (2) (Charles) Jonathan Penrose Tennyson (b. 1955)
 * (3) Alexander Hallam Hopson Tennyson (b. 1986)
 * (4) Matthew James Tennyson (b. 1988)
 * (5) Frederick Penrose Tennyson (b. 1991)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Baron Tennyson


text:
Hisham I of Córdoba

Hisham I Al-Reda ibn Abd ar-Rahman (هشام بن عبد الرحمن الداخل) was the second Emir of Cordoba, ruling from 788 to 796 in al-Andalus.

Hisham was born April 26, 757 in Cordoba. He was the first son of Abd al-Rahman I (r. 756-788) and his wife, Halul, and the younger half brother of Suleiman.

Domestic rebellions
At the beginning of his reign, in 788, he faced rebellions from his brothers, Suleiman and 'Abd Allah.

Expedition to Septimania
Faced with Carolingian penetration south across the western and eastern Pyrenees, in 793 he called a jihad against the Christian Franks, sent over troops to Girona and Narbonne, but those strongholds stood firm. The Umayyad general Abd al-Malik ibn Abd al-Wahid ibn Mughith was more fortunate on his approach to Carcassonne, where he defeated Louis the Pious' Carolingian mentor William of Orange. However, surprisingly, the expedition did not advance deeper into Carolingian territory, but resulted in hefty loot and numerous slaves, which in turn provided the funds to expand the Great Mosque of Cordoba and build many mosques.

Expeditions against Asturians and Basques
As of 794, his generals, the above-mentioned Abd al-Malik and his brother Abd al-Karim ibn Abd al-Wahid ibn Mughith, campaigned every year of his reign against the northern principalities, namely Álava, Old Castile, and Asturias, deep into the last's newly established capital city of Oviedo (794). The city in turn was sacked. Alfonso II of Asturias fled, and initiated contacts with Charlemagne. These expeditions didn't aim to destroy the northern Christian principalities, but seem to have been a goal in themselves, raids for the purpose of amassing loot and re-asserting Cordovan military superiority over both restive local Andalusian garrisons and lords prone to detachment, the Kingdom of Asturias, and the Basques.

Death and assessment
Hisham died in 796 C.E. at the age of forty, after a rule of eight years. He was a prototype of Umar II, and strove to establish the Islamic way of life, living simply and avoiding ostentation. He was a God-fearing man and was known for his impartial justice and sound administration. After his death, 'Abd Allah returned from exile and claimed Valencia and Suleiman claimed Tangiers against Hisham's son, al-Hakam I.

Hisham was dubbed “the just.”

Hisham was a model of righteousness and a loyal prince. He lived in hopes of salvation and at the time of his succession to the throne, he believed, on the basis of his horoscope, that he had just eight years to live. He, therefore, abandoned all earthly enjoyments and sought redemption through charitable giving. He wore the simplest clothes, he would walk alone through the roads of Cordova, mingle with the ordinary people, visit the sick, enter the dwellings of the poor, and with genuine concern showed interest in all of their needs, requests, and complaints. At night, even in the pouring rain, he would take food from his palace and bring it to the poor. He was prompt in his religious duties, he urged his subjects to follow his example, and on rainy nights would dispense his wealth to those taking part in evening services at the mosques. After eight years, Hisham died as predicted and left to his successor a respectable kingdom.

title: Hisham I of Córdoba


text:
Fathers 4 Justice

Fathers 4 Justice (or F4J) is a fathers' rights organisation in the United Kingdom. Founded in 2003, the group aims to gain public and parliamentary support for changes in UK legislation on fathers' rights, mainly using stunts and protests, often conducted in costume.

History
Fathers 4 Justice was founded in the UK by Matt O'Connor, a marketing consultant. He is the sole shareholder and a director of Fathers For Justice Ltd.

Activities
On 21 October 2003, campaigners Eddie "Goldtooth" Gorecki and Jonathan "Jolly" Stanesby scaled the Royal Courts of Justice, dressed respectively as Batman and Robin. The following day, the group's members protested through London in a military tank in support of Goreckwi and Stanesby. Nine days later, David Chick climbed a 120 ft crane near Tower Bridge, London while dressed as Spider-Man. The Metropolitan Police set up a cordon around the area that disrupted traffic through some of East London for several days. Chick was subsequently cleared of criminal charges.

In 2004, Stanesby carried out a "citizen's arrest" of Hodge at a conference, handcuffing himself to her and stating: "Margaret Hodge, I'm arresting you for covering up child abuse." Both Stanseby and Jason Hatch (who had also attempted to handcuff himself to Hodge) were later cleared by a jury of charges of false imprisonment. On 19 May 2004, an alert was caused when two members of the group threw purple flour bombs at Tony Blair during Prime Minister's Questions at the House of Commons. Charged with public order offences, activist Guy Harrison was fined £600, and Ron Davis given a conditional discharge. Following the House of Commons incident, The Times wrote that the group "has succeeded in becoming the most prominent guerrilla pressure group in Britain ... within eighteen months of its founding". In September 2004, member Jason Hatch climbed the walls of Buckingham Palace dressed as Batman. All charges relating to his protest were later dropped. Also in September, David Chick climbed the London Eye, forcing the attraction to close. He was found not guilty of charges of causing a public nuisance.

In May 2005, campaigners dressed as superheroes protested on top of the Crucible Theatre in Sheffield during the World Snooker Championship. Protester Ray Barry climbed St Peter's Collegiate Church in Wolverhampton on Fathers Day in 2005. He was cleared of a charge of a public order offence, and then repeated the protest on Christmas Day. On 27 September 2005, protester Guy Harrison climbed the Palace of Westminster unveiling a banner stating "Does Blair care? For Fawkes sake change family law". A jury acquitted him of the charge of committing a public nuisance offence.

During January 2006, the newspaper The Sun published a story in which it claimed F4J members planned to kidnap Leo Blair, the young son of former Prime Minister Tony Blair "for a few hours as a symbolic gesture". The police said they were aware of such a plan, but added it had probably never progressed beyond the "chattering stage". Founder O'Connor condemned the alleged plot and threatened to shut down the group because of it. Within days, Fathers 4 Justice had been disbanded. The group re-formed in May of the same year, and protested during the showing of the BBC lottery show The National Lottery: Jet Set. The show was taken off-air for several minutes after six Fathers 4 Justice protesters ran from the audience onto the stage displaying posters.

In March 2006, F4J member and barrister Michael Cox was jailed for refusing to pay money he owed to the Child Support Agency. Cox told a hearing in Southampton he refused to pay on principle, as he had joint custody of his children, and his former wife wrote to the court in support of him.

On 8 June 2008, two fathers from Fathers 4 Justice climbed onto the roof of Labour Party deputy leader Harriet Harman's house wearing superhero-style costumes and calling themselves "Captain Conception" and "Cash Gordon". One of the pair, Mark Harris, said he wanted fathers to have the same rights as their children's mothers' new partners. He also said they would not come down unless Harman read her book, Family Court Hell. In the same month, Bristol Family Court was evacuated after a fire alarm was set off in the building during a F4J protest outside the building. On 9 July 2008, Fathers 4 Justice members Nigel Ace and Tony Ashby, this time in Spider-Man and Batman outfits, climbed Harman's roof and draped a banner that read "Stop The War On Dads".

In July 2011, F4J founder Matt O'Connor staged a hunger strike just outside UK Prime Minister David Cameron's home in Oxfordshire, demanding that he honour what O'Connor said were pledges about grandparents' rights to see their grandchildren and over shared parenting.

In 2012, F4J staged a naked protest inside the Oxford Street branch of retailer Marks and Spencer in order to protest the shop's advertising on parenting website Mumsnet, which F4J believes "promotes gender hatred".

In June 2013, Paul Manning glued a picture of his 11-year-old son to John Constable's 1821 painting The Hay Wain in the National Gallery in London. Two weeks earlier, Tim Haries had spraypainted the word "Help" on a portrait of Queen Elizabeth at Westminster Abbey. The group's founder, Matt O'Connor, announced that he would target other art works in order to highlight his campaign. Fathers 4 Justice publicly withdrew support for Manning in January 2014, following alleged breaches of their Terms & Conditions.

On 9 August 2013, Fathers 4 Justice protester Martyn Judd climbed onto the balcony of the Hilton Birmingham Metropole Hotel to protest what he asserted to be the inequality of fathers' treatment in family court cases during a CAFCASS conference at the hotel. The protest came to an end when sprinklers flooded the hotel.

On 8 January 2014, Tim Haries was found guilty of defacing the portrait of the Queen. On 5 February 2014, Haries was sentenced by Judge McCreath at Southwark Crown Court to six months in custody.

On 30 November 2015, two men involved with the group were arrested after a few hours of standing on the roof of Queens Gallery, an art gallery on Buckingham Palace grounds.

Three Fathers4Justice protesters stormed the stage of ITV's Loose Women shouting "No Kids No Cash", on 15 June 2016. The show was briefly taken off air.

On 22 August 2016, Matt O’Connor, a 49-year-old campaigner for Fathers4Justice, walked on stage dressed as a priest during a live broadcast of the Rose of Tralee during Cavan Rose Lisa Reilly's interview with host Dáithí Ó Sé. He was removed from the stage by security staff before being taken away by Gardaí.

On 4 September 2018, streamed live on the Fathers4Justice Facebook page, Matt O'Connor and his fellow protester Paul Robinson staged a messy protest at an ASDA Supermarket in Peterborough by pouring Coco Pops and milk all over the floor in the cereal isle. The pair claimed that Kellogg's latest slogan "Loved By Kids, Approved By Mums" was promoting cereal discrimination against dads. The pair had paid for the items afterwards when the police were called to the protest.

Criticism
Members of the group have been accused of conducting intimidating attacks in order to upset court staff, family lawyers and Members of Parliament. During protests outside the offices of the Children and Family Court Advisory and Support Service (CAFCASS), individual case workers were identified by name. One office of CAFCASS was forcibly entered by F4J members, who detained an unnamed employee. No criminal proceedings are known to have resulted.

Former members of the group have claimed Fathers4Justice/the Matt O' Connor family, have "lost its way" by being sidetracked from reforming family law, and descending into personal attacks on Twitter, libel (for which they were sued), and allegations of illegal acts such as putting an MP under surveillance and tracking her movements with a GPS tracking unit. Former members, who do not agree with Matt O'Connor's leadership, formed the New Fathers 4 Justice group, in 2008.

Impact
An unintended result of the F4J campaign has been the exposure of flaws in security at Buckingham Palace, resulting in security enquiries or reviews there and at the House of Commons.

title: Fathers 4 Justice


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P. N. Menon (director)

Palissery Narayanankutty Menon alias P. N. Menon (2 January 1926 – 9 September 2008) was an Indian film director and art director in the Malayalam cinema. He is also famous as the Designer of Promotional Posters. Menon was also the uncle of another popular film director Bharathan, being the younger brother of the latter's father. In 2001, he was honoured with the J. C. Daniel Award, Kerala government's highest honour for contributions to Malayalam cinema.

Early life
Born in Wadakkancherry, he completed his studies at Thrissur and from School of Art in Chennai. He came to Chennai when he was only 20 years old. He couldn't find any job in Chennai, so travelled to Salem and become a production boy in a Studio. But, after two-and-a-half years, the studio was shut down and went back to Chennai. He got back to sketches, then painting, then doing magazine covers. One of his designing assignments was for one of Producer B. Nagi Reddy's magazines. The production house was so impressed with his talent that when they bought Vahini Studio in 1951, Nagi Reddy's son appointed him as a paid apprentice in the painting department.

He got a job as an art director in an English play produced by the daughter of the then Andhra Chief Minister. They had three performances in Delhi, one for the then Vice President Dr. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, another for then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and the third for then Army Chief Field Marshal K. M. Cariappa. Ninamaninja Kalpadukal was his first movie Malayalam movie as the art director and his debut in the field of film direction in the 60s with the film Rosie (1965).

Career
Menon's Olavum Theeravum based on M. T. Vasudevan Nair's script and released in 1970. It won the Kerala State Film Award for Best Film. Menon's boldest film is Kuttiyedathi (Eldest Sister), again based on a short story by M. T. Vasudevan Nair.

Perhaps his most successful commercial film was Chembarathi (Hibiscus) which was based on a script by Malayattoor Ramakrishnan and starred newcomers like Raghavan, Sudhir and Roja Ramani (Sobhana) along with veteran actors like Madhu and Rani Chandra. Another script of Malayattoor Ramakrishnan named Gayathri which was directed by him was awarded the President's Special Film Award Medal for National Integration. Menon's film Malamukalile Daivam, has won National Award too.

After a long period of absence lasting more than a decade, he directed a film, Nerkkuneraey ("Face to Face"), in (2004).

Poster Designer
Menon made a name as a versatile Poster Designer as well. He artistic posters always helped the film to gain attention of cinegoers. He has also done posters even for Bollywood films like Anokha Rishta starring Rajesh Khanna. Some of the Malayalam films he had designed posters are Oomakkuyil, Kakkothikkavile Appooppan Thaadikal, Itha Innu Muthal, Poomadhathe Pennu, Aavanazhi, Amrutham Gamaya and Manivathoorile Aayiram Sivarathrikal.

Personal life
His wife's name was Bharathi Menon and they had two daughters, named Rajasree and Jayasree. Popular film director Bharathan was his nephew, and was trained by him in direction. Bharathan predeceased his uncle.

Death
During his last years, Menon lived with his daughter in Kochi. He suffered from many serious illnesses like Alzheimer's disease during this period. Finally, he died on 9 September 2008 aged 82, at a private hospital in Kochi. He was cremated with full state honours at Ravipuram Crematorium the next day.

Kerala State Film Awards

 * 1970 – Best Film: Olavum Theeravum
 * 1972 – Second Best Film: Chembarathi
 * 1973 – Second Best Film: Gayathri
 * 1983 – Special Jury Award: Malamukalile Daivam
 * 2001 – J. C. Daniel Award

National Film Awards

 * 1973 – Best Feature Film in Malayalam: Gayathri
 * 1983 – Best Feature Film in Malayalam: Malamukalile Daivam

title: P. N. Menon (director)


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Talk:Communal reinforcement

Shouldn't this page be merged with groupthink Andries 20:23, 7 Mar 2004 (UTC)

A lot of personal opinion

 * Ghosts
 * Hypnosis
 * Race (human classification to subspecies according to morphological features)
 * God
 * The devil
 * Demons
 * Angels
 * Hell
 * Heaven
 * Infalibility of the Pope
 * transubstantiation
 * reincarnation
 * the soul
 * destiny and predestination
 * kharma
 * auras
 * synchronicity
 * out-of-body experiences
 * psychic abilities
 * past-life regression
 * astrology and horoscopes
 * communicating with the dead
 * tarot cards
 * witchcraft and spells
 * divination
 * psychic mediums
 * augurs
 * virgin births
 * psychic surgery
 * faith healing
 * tea leaf reading
 * palm reading
 * crystal ball gazing
 * stigmata

Whoever put this together is apparently giving their own personal opinion, that all the bullet points above have no basis in reality. People merely keep telling each other that these things are true.

Well, the contributor might be correct, but our readers aren't interested in opinions -- unless they are attribute to specific sources. No fair saying "considered to be..." --Uncle Ed 18:57, 23 Mar 2004 (UTC)

I have moved the other two links also. This is all personal opinion. This is in the nature of the definition.(UFOs,Alien abductions) mydogategodshat 05:05, 24 Mar 2004 (UTC)

I introduced the expression "communal reinforcement" for The Skeptic's Dictionary. I've added a note about this entry to my entry on this term. Here it is for your perusal:

There are no references for this entry because I coined this expression to describe a common phenomenon. I'm sure sociologists have a better term for it and I'm not sure that my use of this term is not an example of cryptomnesia. Google lists 4,380 English pages for "communal reinforcement." The Wikipedia article expands my use of the term. I had no concern for the way cultures pass on claims that are likely to be accurate, such as arithmetic or physics. And I had no concern for lumping every source of error affecting large numbers of people as being due to communal reinforcement. The Wikipedia article makes an unsubstantiated claim that Wikipedia has been "criticized as a place which can strengthen misconceptions, through communal reinforcement." Wikipedia is full of errors and misconceptions but it does not pass them all on by communal reinforcement. Also, Wikipedia has expanded my use of the term when it notes that ideas that are communally reinforced can be for the social good or bad. The way I use the term ideas become accepted because they are repeated. This is always a social evil because it encourages belief without thought, reflection, or concern for the evidence.

Skepdic 14:18, 18 October 2007 (UTC)Bob Carroll

I concur with Uncle Ed. Opinions have no place here, unless supported by references. It is fine to have an article that is weighted, where that weight represents the consensus. The problem here is that it still reads like personal opinion, not widely supported and referenced material. Andrewaskew (talk) 05:44, 18 May 2012 (UTC)

Baths
Are we clear that "the avoidance of bathing in Medieval Europe" is a fact, and if it is, that it is a sufficiently general fact as to warrant such a generalised statement? Or indeed, that bathing under either mediaeval European (in general) or modern global (in general) circumstances is sufficiently safe or advantageous to warrant the implication that avoidance is (in general) socially harmful?

n.b. "untrue" is a little ambiguous here.

Anihl (talk) 00:11, 9 July 2008 (UTC)

"the avoidance of bathing in Medieval Europe" is most definitely not a fact - and following the link in "bath" would have given counter-examples! Will rephrase, as this may have been an attempt to use the myth of non-bathing as an example. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Whitelaughter (talk • contribs) 05:48, 15 August 2011 (UTC)

Well, kudos to whoever added that explanatory paragraph on the 'theory of gravity'. Really good job! -- etcetc. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 69.17.59.250 (talk) 15:35, 13 November 2008 (UTC)

Trouble with See Also
I tried to add List_of_common_misconceptions to the see also, but it appears like a broken link, even though when you click it it takes you to the article. I don't know how to fix this.--Jeiki Rebirth (talk) 22:10, 16 June 2009 (UTC)

Does "community reinforcement" actually belong here?
"Community reinforcement" is not "communal reinforcement", even though the two are related. The "community reinforcement" section seems overly specific and out of place in this article. I would like to remove that section or move it into its own article. Any support / objections? --24.185.86.218 (talk) 03:51, 23 September 2014 (UTC)

I agree with 24.185.86.218. It would be easy for the reader to confuse Communal reinforcement with Community reinforcement, or even think they are the practically the same term. It should be moved to it’s own page. Two of the links are broken and I would like to remove them. Abmay28 (talk) 18:51, 23 January 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Communal reinforcement


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Stringer

Stringer may refer to:

Structural elements

 * Stringer (aircraft), or longeron, a strip of wood or metal to which the skin of an aircraft is fastened
 * Stringer (slag), an inclusion, possibly leading to a defect, in cast metal
 * Stringer (stairs), the structural member in a stairway that supports the treads and risers
 * Stringer (surfing), a thin piece of wood running from nose to tail of a surfboard

Other uses

 * Stringer (name), includes a list of people with the name
 * Stringer (journalism), a type of freelance journalist
 * Stringer, Mississippi, an unincorporated community
 * Fish stringer, a piece of cord or chain used to keep fish alive and secured while an angler continues fishing
 * The Stringers, nickname of Hailsham Town F.C., English football club

title: Stringer


text:
Publication bias

In published academic research, publication bias occurs when the outcome of an experiment or research study biases the decision to publish or otherwise distribute it. Publishing only results that show a significant finding disturbs the balance of findings in favor of positive results. The study of publication bias is an important topic in metascience.

Despite similar quality of execution and design, papers with statistically significant results are three times more likely to be published than those with null results. This unduly motivates researchers to manipulate their practices to ensure statistically significant results, such as by data dredging.

Many factors contribute to publication bias. For instance, once a scientific finding is well established, it may become newsworthy to publish reliable papers that fail to reject the null hypothesis. Most commonly, investigators simply decline to submit results, leading to non-response bias. Investigators may also assume they made a mistake, find that the null result fails to support a known finding, lose interest in the topic, or anticipate that others will be uninterested in the null results. The nature of these issues and the resulting problems form the five diseases that threaten science: "significosis, an inordinate focus on statistically significant results; neophilia, an excessive appreciation for novelty; theorrhea, a mania for new theory; arigorium, a deficiency of rigor in theoretical and empirical work; and finally, disjunctivitis, a proclivity to produce many redundant, trivial, and incoherent works."

Attempts to find unpublished studies often prove difficult or are unsatisfactory. In an effort to combat this problem, some journals require studies submitted for publication pre-register (before data collection and analysis) with organizations like the Center for Open Science.

Other proposed strategies to detect and control for publication bias include p-curve analysis and disfavoring small and non-randomized studies due to high susceptibility to error and bias.

Definition
Publication bias occurs when the publication of research results depends not just on the quality of the research but also on the hypothesis tested, and the significance and direction of effects detected. The subject was first discussed in 1959 by statistician Theodore Sterling to refer to fields in which "successful" research is more likely to be published. As a result, "the literature of such a field consists in substantial part of false conclusions resulting from errors of the first kind in statistical tests of significance". In the worst case, false conclusions could canonize as being true if the publication rate of negative results is too low.

Publication bias is sometimes called the file-drawer effect, or file-drawer problem. This term suggests that results not supporting the hypotheses of researchers often go no further than the researchers' file drawers, leading to a bias in published research. The term "file drawer problem" was coined by psychologist Robert Rosenthal in 1979.

Positive-results bias, a type of publication bias, occurs when authors are more likely to submit, or editors are more likely to accept, positive results than negative or inconclusive results. Outcome reporting bias occurs when multiple outcomes are measured and analyzed, but the reporting of these outcomes is dependent on the strength and direction of its results. A generic term coined to describe these post-hoc choices is HARKing ("Hypothesizing After the Results are Known").

Evidence

There is extensive meta-research on publication bias in the biomedical field. Investigators following clinical trials from the submission of their protocols to ethics committees (or regulatory authorities) until the publication of their results observed that those with positive results are more likely to be published. In addition, studies often fail to report negative results when published, as demonstrated by research comparing study protocols with published articles.

The presence of publication bias was investigated in meta-analyses. The largest such analysis investigated the presence of publication bias in systematic reviews of medical treatments from the Cochrane Library. The study showed that statistically positive significant findings are 27% more likely to be included in meta-analyses of efficacy than other findings. Results showing no evidence of adverse effects have a 78% greater probability of inclusion in safety studies than statistically significant results showing adverse effects. Evidence of publication bias was found in meta-analyses published in prominent medical journals.

Meta-analyses (reviews) have been performed in the field of ecology and environmental biology. In a study of 100 meta-analyses in ecology, only 49% tested for publication bias. While there are multiple tests that have been developed to detect publication bias, most perform poorly in the field of ecology because of high levels of heterogeneity in the data and that often observations are not fully independent.

, "No trial published in China or Russia/USSR found a test treatment to be ineffective."

Impact on meta-analysis
Where publication bias is present, published studies are no longer a representative sample of the available evidence. This bias distorts the results of meta-analyses and systematic reviews. For example, evidence-based medicine is increasingly reliant on meta-analysis to assess evidence.

Meta-analyses and systematic reviews can account for publication bias by including evidence from unpublished studies and the grey literature. The presence of publication bias can also be explored by constructing a funnel plot in which the estimate of the reported effect size is plotted against a measure of precision or sample size. The premise is that the scatter of points should reflect a funnel shape, indicating that the reporting of effect sizes is not related to their statistical significance. However, when small studies are predominately in one direction (usually the direction of larger effect sizes), asymmetry will ensue and this may be indicative of publication bias.

Because an inevitable degree of subjectivity exists in the interpretation of funnel plots, several tests have been proposed for detecting funnel plot asymmetry. These are often based on linear regression including the popular Eggers regression test, and may adopt a multiplicative or additive dispersion parameter to adjust for the presence of between-study heterogeneity. Some approaches may even attempt to compensate for the (potential) presence of publication bias, which is particularly useful to explore the potential impact on meta-analysis results.

In ecology and environmental biology, a study found that publication bias impacted the effect size, statistical power, and magnitude. The prevalence of publication bias distorted confidence in meta-analytic results, with 66% of initially statistically significant meta-analytic means becoming non-significant after correcting for publication bias. Ecological and evolutionary studies consistently had low statistical power (15%) with a 4-fold exaggeration of effects on average (Type M error rates = 4.4).

The presence of publication bias can be detected by Time-lag bias tests, where time-lag bias occurs when larger or statistically significant effects are published more quickly than smaller or non-statistically significant effects. It can manifest as a decline in the magnitude of the overall effect over time. The key feature of time-lag bias tests is that, as more studies accumulate, the mean effect size is expected to converge on its true value.

Compensation examples
Two meta-analyses of the efficacy of reboxetine as an antidepressant demonstrated attempts to detect publication bias in clinical trials. Based on positive trial data, reboxetine was originally passed as a treatment for depression in many countries in Europe and the UK in 2001 (though in practice it is rarely used for this indication). A 2010 meta-analysis concluded that reboxetine was ineffective and that the preponderance of positive-outcome trials reflected publication bias, mostly due to trials published by the drug manufacturer Pfizer. A subsequent meta-analysis published in 2011, based on the original data, found flaws in the 2010 analyses and suggested that the data indicated reboxetine was effective in severe depression (see Reboxetine § Efficacy). Examples of publication bias are given by Ben Goldacre and Peter Wilmshurst.

In the social sciences, a study of published papers exploring the relationship between corporate social and financial performance found that "in economics, finance, and accounting journals, the average correlations were only about half the magnitude of the findings published in Social Issues Management, Business Ethics, or Business and Society journals".

One example cited as an instance of publication bias is the refusal to publish attempted replications of Bem's work that claimed evidence for precognition by The Journal of Personality and Social Psychology (the original publisher of Bem's article).

An analysis comparing studies of gene-disease associations originating in China to those originating outside China found that those conducted within the country reported a stronger association and a more statistically significant result.

Risks
John Ioannidis argues that "claimed research findings may often be simply accurate measures of the prevailing bias." He lists the following factors as those that make a paper with a positive result more likely to enter the literature and suppress negative-result papers:
 * The studies conducted in a field have small sample sizes.
 * The effect sizes in a field tend to be smaller.
 * There is both a greater number and lesser preselection of tested relationships.
 * There is greater flexibility in designs, definitions, outcomes, and analytical modes.
 * There are prejudices (financial interest, political, or otherwise).
 * The scientific field is hot and there are more scientific teams pursuing publication.

Other factors include experimenter bias and white hat bias.

Remedies
Publication bias can be contained through better-powered studies, enhanced research standards, and careful consideration of true and non-true relationships. Better-powered studies refer to large studies that deliver definitive results or test major concepts and lead to low-bias meta-analysis. Enhanced research standards such as the pre-registration of protocols, the registration of data collections and adherence to established protocols are other techniques. To avoid false-positive results, the experimenter must consider the chances that they are testing a true or non-true relationship. This can be undertaken by properly assessing the false positive report probability based on the statistical power of the test and reconfirming (whenever ethically acceptable) established findings of prior studies known to have minimal bias.

Study registration
In September 2004, editors of prominent medical journals (including the New England Journal of Medicine, The Lancet, Annals of Internal Medicine, and JAMA) announced that they would no longer publish results of drug research sponsored by pharmaceutical companies, unless that research was registered in a public clinical trials registry database from the start. Furthermore, some journals (e.g. Trials), encourage publication of study protocols in their journals.

The World Health Organization (WHO) agreed that basic information about all clinical trials should be registered at the study's inception, and that this information should be publicly accessible through the WHO International Clinical Trials Registry Platform. Additionally, public availability of complete study protocols, alongside reports of trials, is becoming more common for studies.

Megastudies
In a megastudy, a large number of treatments are tested simultaneously. Given inclusion of different interventions in the study, a megastudy's publication likelihood is less dependent on the statistically significant effect of any specific treatment, so it has been suggested that megastudies may be less prone to publication bias. For example, an intervention found to be ineffective would be easier to publish as part of a megastudy as just one of many studied interventions, whereas it might go unreported due to the file-drawer problem if it were the sole focus of a contemplated paper. For the same reason, the megastudy research design may encourage researchers to study not only the interventions they consider more likely to be effective but also those interventions that researchers are less certain about and that they would not pick as the sole focus of the study due to the perceived high risk of a null effect.

title: Publication bias


text:
Baron Terrington

Baron Terrington, of Huddersfield in the County of York, is a title in the Peerage of the United Kingdom. It was created in 1918 for the former Liberal Member of Parliament for Huddersfield, Sir James Woodhouse, Kt. He was succeeded by his eldest son, the second Baron. His wife Vera Woodhouse, Lady Terrington, was one of the first female Members of Parliament. She represented Wycombe as a Liberal from 1923 to 1924. On the second Baron's death the titles passed to his younger brother, the third Baron. He notably served as a Deputy Speaker and Deputy Chairman of Committees in the House of Lords. His son, the fourth Baron, was also Deputy Chairman of Committees in the House of Lords. He had no sons and was succeeded by his younger brother, the fifth Baron. Known as Monty Woodhouse, he was a Conservative politician and an expert on Greek affairs. the titles are held by his eldest son, the sixth Baron, who succeeded in 2001. He is a urologist.

Barons Terrington (1918)

 * James Thomas Woodhouse, 1st Baron Terrington (1852–1921)
 * Harold James Selborne Woodhouse, 2nd Baron Terrington (1877–1940)
 * Horace Marton Woodhouse, 3rd Baron Terrington (1887–1961)
 * (James Allen) David Woodhouse, 4th Baron Terrington (1915–1998)
 * (Christopher) Montague Woodhouse, 5th Baron Terrington (1917–2001)
 * Christopher Richard James Woodhouse, 6th Baron Terrington (born 1946)

The heir apparent is the present holder's son, the Hon. Jack Henry Lehmann Woodhouse (born 1978).

title: Baron Terrington


text:
Epeli Ganilau

Brigadier-General Ratu Epeli Ganilau, MC, MSD, (10 October 1951 – 23 March 2023) was a Fijian military officer and politician. His career previously encompassed such roles as Commander of the Fiji Military Forces and Chairman of the Bose Levu Vakaturaga (Great Council of Chiefs). On 15 January 2007 he was sworn in as Minister for Fijian Affairs in the interim Cabinet formed in the wake of the 2006 Fijian coup d'état which deposed the Qarase government on 5 December 2006.

Early life
Ganilau was educated at Wanganui Collegiate School, in New Zealand, from 1965. He later graduated from the University of the South Pacific and from the Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, England, and the Royal New Zealand Air Force Staff College.

Military career
He enlisted in the Royal Fiji Military Forces in June 1972, and attended the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in the UK. He had served several tours of duty with the UN forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and with the Multinational Force & Observers (MFO) in Sinai, Egypt. In 1979, as a company commander with the Fijian battalion serving with UN forces in Lebanon (1st Battalion, Fiji Infantry Regiment) Ganilau was awarded the Military Cross (MC) for his leadership on operations at a time when UN forces and the Fijian battalion in particular, was being frequently attacked by armed groups in southern Lebanon. He attended the RNZAF Staff College in Auckland, NZ, and rose through the ranks to attain the rank of Brigadier. In July 1991, he was appointed Commander of the Military, succeeding Sitiveni Rabuka. He held this office for eight years, retiring in 1999 to pursue a career in politics.

First foray into politics
In 1998, he helped to found the Christian Democratic Alliance, which won three seats in the House of Representatives in the 1999 election, although he personally was not elected. He chose not to run in the 2001 elections. He also contested the traditional title of Tui Cakau in 2001 which was vacant at the time. Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu succeeded to the title of Tui Cakau, the Paramount Chief of the Tovata Confederacy which encompasses the provinces of Cakaudrove and Lau.

Chairman of the Great Council of Chiefs
Ganilau was appointed to the Bose Levu Vakaturaga (Great Council of Chiefs) in 1999 as one of six representatives of the Fijian government. Ganilau was elected chairman on 3 May 2001 after his predecessor, Sitiveni Rabuka, stepped down amid accusations that he (Rabuka) may have been involved in the George Speight-led ethno-nationalist coup that deposed Fiji's elected government in May 2000. The Bose Levu Vakaturaga was a formal assembly of Fijian hereditary chiefs, along with a number of specially qualified commoners, chosen mainly by Fiji's provincial councils. The Council of Chiefs also had a constitutional role in functioning as an electoral college to elect the President of the Republic of Fiji, the Vice-President of Fiji, as well as 14 of the 32 Senators.

As chairman, Ganilau took a strong stand for law and order, and supported the prosecution of persons implicated in the 2000 coup. On 11 April 2003, he was quoted as saying that the ethnic politics promoted by nationalist politicians had resulted in coups that caused immense damage to the country. He spoke in support of Commodore Frank Bainimarama, who was then becoming increasingly vocal in his criticism of the Qarase government's ethno-nationalist leanings and sympathies for the 2000 coupists.

Both Ganilau and Army Commander, Frank Bainimarama, viewed Qarase's appeals to the primordial instincts of indigenous Fijians with deep suspicion. They saw Qarase's affirmative action policies and his subtle use of imagined threats to indigenous Fijian interests as polarising society along ethnic lines. They resented Qarase's use of ethnicity as a device to mobilise indigenous Fijian support. As far as Ganilau and Bainimarama were concerned, Fiji under Qarase was sliding headlong down a slippery slope towards a divided society with the spectre of a failed state looming large on the horizon. More importantly, it was a view shared by the Army.

On 6 August that year, Ganilau said that all persons implicated in that coup should be brought to justice, regardless of their position in the community. Culture and tradition should not, he said, impede the investigation of chiefs who had participated in the George Speight coup. He also rejected a call from Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu, a Cabinet Minister and the Paramount Chief of the Tovata Confederacy, for the Great Council of Chiefs to replace the Senate as the upper house of the legislature. Ganilau argued that the chiefly system with its class distinctions and quasi-feudal values was incompatible with the democratic values underpinning modern representative government. To merge the two would create further confusion in the minds of indigenous Fijians who were already subject to two different administrative systems i.e. the laws and regulations of the central government viz a viz the laws regulating indigenous Fijian society under the Fijian Affairs Act (administered by the Ministry of i'Taukei Affairs).

Ganilau held the chairmanship until 21 July 2004 when Prime Minister Qarase did not renew Ganilau's membership on the Council and replaced him with Ratu Ovini Bokini, a former deputy chairman and the chief of Tavua.

He was a government appointee to the Council and the government decision not to renew his membership effectively removed him from that body.

The Qarase government gave no reason for its decision not to reappoint Ganilau but there were strained relations between Ganilau and the ethno-nationalists in Qarase's Cabinet who did not agree with Ganilau's multiracial agenda. Information Minister and staunch nationalist, Simione Kaitani, had criticised Ganilau for calling for the resignation of Vice-President Ratu Jope Seniloli, who in 2004 was on trial for his involvement in the 2000 ethno-nationlist coup led by George Speight. Defending Seniloli, Kaitani argued that Seniloli was legally entitled to a presumption of innocence until proven guilty and until such guilt was proven, Seniloli should remain as President. Kaitani went on to accuse Ganilau of hypocrisy, saying that he (Ganilau) was involved in the forced resignation of his father-in-law, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, as President on 29 May 2000.

There were also accusations that Ganilau was undermining the so-called political neutrality of the Bose Levu Vakaturaga with his calls for a revival of the defunct Alliance Party, the multi-racial political party founded by Ratu Mara, which governed Fiji from 1967 to 1987. Ganilau's call received support from a number of political factions, including the Indo-Fijian-dominated National Federation Party, but received a cold reception from Prime Minister Qarase's Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua. They saw Ganilau's multiracial agenda as an unwelcome threat to the nationalist i'taukei vote they required to remain in power. Ganilau had hinted that he himself would play a role in reviving the proposed Alliance with its focus on multiracialism. The decision to oust Ganilau from the leadership of the Great Council of Chiefs was widely seen as a move by Qarase to prevent Ganilau from using the Council as a platform to advance his (Ganilau) political agenda. Clearly, Qarase regarded Ganilau as a threat and had set a course to neutralise him.

Both Qarase and Ganilau held visions of Fiji that were incompatible. Ganilau had ideas of a united multiracial Fiji that was modelled on Ratu Mara's Alliance government that governed the Dominion of Fiji from 1970 to 1987. In that set up the chiefs played an important mediating role among the various races in Fiji. Ganilau yearned for a return to those heady days when leadership was respected, political power was in the hands of respected Fijian high chiefs and race relations were stable. But in 1987 Mara and his chiefs lost power and indigenous Fijian paramountcy was restored through the Rabuka coup. After the coup of 1987, race and racial issues dominated the political discourse. Indigenous Fijian ethno-nationalism ran rampant. It divided Fiji society along racial lines. Ethnic minorities were marginalised. The Indo-Fijian community in particular was targeted. Many of them were thrown off the land they leased. Displaced Indo-Fijians congregated in refugee camps in some of the major towns. For the first time refugee camps were established in Fiji; indeed the whole South Pacific region. Thousands migrated overseas depriving Fiji of valuable human capital. This was the spectre that haunted Ganilau and other moderates like him who represented the silent majority in Fiji. They saw first hand the cost of racial politics and undertook to guard against its re-emergence. These issues provided the context for Ganilau's multiracial vision. It was a vision that competed against the primordialism pursued by Qarase and the ethno-nationalists behind him.

Founder of the National Alliance Party
On 18 January 2005, Ganilau formally registered the National Alliance Party of Fiji. Joining him were university lecturer Meli Waqa as party secretary, and Manu Korovulavula as treasurer. Ganilau said the party would be multiracial and would pursue national reconciliation, something he had attempted without success as Chairman of the Bose Levu Vakaturaga. "I was quite outspoken about the need to respect the rights all citizens in Fiji during my role as chairman of the Great Council of Chiefs," he said, "but that did not go down well with some. That is why I decided it was best to continue the fight on a political platform."

In a speech to the Fiji Institute of Accountants on 28 April 2005, Ganilau called for a sense of national unity to be built by an emphasis on common values, shared by Indo-Fijians as well as indigenous Fijians. These values should, he said, include a vision of the kind of society Fiji should be – "a Fiji where people of different ethnicities, religions and cultures can live and work together for the good of all, can differ without rancour, govern without violence and accept responsibility as reasonable people intent on serving the best interest of all". He called racism "a primary force of evil designed to destroy good men," and asked all Fijian citizens to learn from the past to build a better future. "I would like to make the point that we cannot undo the past but we can learn from it, and we cannot predict the future but we can shape and build it," Ganilau said.

On 3 May 2005, Ganilau strongly criticised Prime Minister Qarase for his calls for ethnic Fijians to unite politically to provide stable national leadership. Ganilau said this policy was "divisive and a travesty of good governance and responsible leadership in a multiracial country like Fiji." He called on his fellow-chiefs to take a stand against what he considered a move to pit indigenous Fijians against other races. Ganilau also spoke of the importance of chiefly institutions, saying that chiefs provided permanent leadership for the Fijian people, unlike politicians who could be dismissed at the ballot box and were susceptible to the temptation to appeal to voters' racist sympathies to win power. "Very often, to remain in power the easiest option for them would be to play the racist card, drum up fears of marginalisation and extinction of other ethnic groups," he said. He said the country would prosper if all political leaders would support the role of chiefly leaders and make "a serious effort" to bring together all the people of Fiji.

In a speech to the Lautoka Rotary Club on 13 May 2005, Ganilau called for better pay for professional and skilled workers, and also attacked racial discrimination in the employment, saying that it was socially and economically harmful and resulted in second rate replacements for talented people. "When we leave out people on the grounds of ethnicity we limit our options, he said. "As such, we become poorer because we are not making optimum use of our human resources, thereby depriving us of the returns and full benefit of our capabilities."

Domestic policies
Ganilau was an outspoken but moderate chief and politician, who opposed the divisive and inflammatory statements of political leaders. He was an idealist in many respects with a vision for a united, multicultural Fiji. Perhaps his greatest error as a politician lay in his underestimation of the strength and persistence of ethnic politics in Fiji. In opposition, Laisenia Qarase, advocated for policies to benefit indigenous Fijians, who are the majority population compared to the ethnic Indian minority.

Reconciliation, Tolerance, and Unity Bill
Ganilau spoke against the plans of the Qarase government to establish a Reconciliation and Unity Commission, with the power to grant amnesty to perpetrators of the 2000 coup and compensation to its victims. Ganilau first aired his opposition to the bill on 4 May 2005, saying that it was an unwarranted interference in the judicial process and represented a naïve and uncaring attitude to people who had suffered as a result of the coup. On 18 May he went further, saying that he saw "nothing reconciliatory about the bill" and that "To use the word reconciliation is a gross violation of the rights of everyone in this nation."

On 16 June, Ganilau continued his attack on the legislation. He said that there was a widespread belief in Fiji that it was designed to provide for the freeing of coup perpetrators, a belief supported by the Tui Vaturova, Ratu Ilisoni Rokotuibua who said early in June that it would allow members of the Counter Revolutionary Warfare Unit, who had been jailed for mutiny, to be released. Having built up such expectations, Ganilau said, the government had better be prepared for a strong backlash if they are not fulfilled. He criticised Qarase for expecting the people, as ordinary mortals, to do as only God could do by legislating forgiveness and freeing people from the consequences of their actions.

On 23 June, Ganilau accused the Prime Minister of having committed a "monumental deception" by asking church leaders to support the legislation without honestly explaining its real purpose to them. He was reacting to revelations from Roman Catholic Archbishop Petero Mataca and other church leaders that at a meeting with the Prime Minister on 2 May, they had been told of the reconciliation and compensation provisions of the legislation, but not about its amnesty provisions. "It does not say much about the credibility of the Prime Minister for him to be saying publicly that the Christian churches support the bill after these deliberate acts of deception." Ganilau said. He called on churches to join with other religions to put together an alternative blueprint to the government's reconciliation proposals.

Law and order, moral values
Speaking at the Crime Prevention/Reconciliation Sports Day in Flagstaff on 4 June 2005, Ganilau called on the older generation to instill basic moral values in their children. "Increasing lawlessness and criminal activity can be interpreted as discourteous behaviour and lack of respect for other people and their property. So what we need to do if we want to salvage the situation is to go back to the basics," he said. The same day, he strongly criticised the country's leadership, saying that they were taking Fiji in the wrong direction, "spreading their gospel of fear and hate and not doing anything to help the ordinary people put bread on their table for their families." He warned against retaliation, however: "I believe we must not fight fire with fire, we will be burnt."  The only way extremist ethno-nationalists could be stopped from destroying the nation, he said, was to deny them the opportunity to control the destiny of the nation. This was seen as an oblique reference to the ethno-nationalists in Qarase's cabinet. He also called on people to respect one another, saying that it was the only way for lasting unity and reconciliation.

At the 80th birthday celebration of Satya Sai Baba at Lautoka's Girmit Centre on 23 November 2005, Ganilau called for more religious programs to promote morality in private and public life. Most politicians were selfish and lacked moral values, he claimed. Teaching young people good values at home and at school would be "useless" if adults and political leaders were doing what children were taught not to do, he declared. He said that the country had strayed from spiritual values and had lost its way, with bribery, extortion, misuse of public funds, abuse of office, and racism having become common place at all levels of government. He claimed that the number of beggars and unschooled children was increasing while politicians were engaged in "egotistical pursuits."

In the same address, Ganilau also declared that all religions have the same essential teaching about the unity of divinity and the cultivation of universal love, and condemned those he considered responsible for creating "confusion" and "chaos" by "fragmenting divinity". "How often have we seen the bigotry of the religious fanaticisms and intolerance that have occurred in Fiji?" he asked. "Temples have been desecrated, places of worship are destroyed, all in the prejudice view that one religion is the true one and others are not."

Ethnic relations
Ganilau was a guest speaker at the Lautoka conference of the Fiji Labour Party, with which his own party subsequently formed a coalition to contest the general election scheduled for 2006, on 30 July 2005. Calling for changes in the attitudes of indigenous Fijians to allow everyone born in Fiji to be classified as "Fijian," he said that the country could not afford to remain fragmented and polarised on racial lines, and that racially based measures enacted by the present government were shortening the fuse on a time bomb. "Government seems unaware that the more race-based measures it tries to put in place the faster that time bomb burns to detonation point," Ganilau said. He said that until Fiji Islanders got out of their ethnic boxes and embraced multiculturalism, Fiji's future as a nation would not be secure. He expressed disbelief that after a century and a quarter of sharing the land, the level of cultural interaction between the major racial groups was so low.

Speaking at the launch in Rakiraki of his own party's campaign for the 2006 election on 6 August 2005, Ganilau said that the future of the nation's children would not be secure unless the people freed themselves from what he called "the comfort zone of our race." He said it was important to break down the imaginary ethnic wall separating the people. "We should not allow ourselves, individually or our ethnic communities to become easy tools for politics of race that will continue to segregate us mentally and emotionally," he said. He strongly criticised recent moves to form an ethnic Fijian electoral block, saying that would be divisive and would never lead to national unity. He accused "unscrupulous politicians" of promoting racially divided visions for Fiji.

He continued his attack on racially divisive politics with a number of speeches and interviews in the last week of August. He condemned Senator Apisai Tora for saying that indigenous Fijians would not accept a non-indigenous Prime Minister, and charged the government with fostering ethnic tensions to distract the public from its own "non-performance". He also accused the government of handling its relations with Opposition parties in a "crude and amateurish way" which prevented any cross-party agreement on land reform, necessary for obtaining the two-thirds parliamentary majority for amending the Constitution. This would create a mess for the next government to clean up after the 2006 election, Ganilau said on 27 August.

Chiefs and the political order
On 4 September, Ganilau strongly criticised Prime Minister Qarase for comments made at the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association in Nadi on 29 August. Qarase had said that while Fiji "accepted" western-style democracy, it was an alien concept and certain aspects of it clashed with Fijian traditions, in which chiefs were at the apex by virtue of their birth and rank. Ganilau ridiculed Qarase's speech, saying that Fiji's political and judicial institutions were firmly rooted in western democracy and that the Fijian people should not be "misled" by the Prime Minister's claims that democracy was alien to the country. "Mr Qarase should answer whether he wants the western system of governance which allows him to be Prime Minister, or the Fijian tradition which requires the chiefs to rule by virtue of their birthright and rank. Otherwise, he is just being hypocritical to save face," Ganilau said.

Ganilau spoke out on 16 September to dismiss claims that most of Fiji's problems were being caused by the "disrespect" of Indo-Fijians and other non-indigenous communities towards the country's chiefs. Making a parliamentary submission on controversial Unity Bill, Masi Kaumaitotoya had declared that the jailing of chiefs on coup-related offences was a clear sign of disrespect, and that indigenous Fijians were being taken advantage of by others. In response, Ganilau said as the former Chairman of the Great Council of Chiefs that he believed that the chiefs were well respected by all communities. He also called on his fellow chiefs to play a greater role in promoting national unity by serving all citizens in their district or confederacy, regardless of race. Chiefs who had participated in the 2000 coup should not get preferential treatment, he added.

The AIDS crisis
There was a spike in AIDS cases in Fiji, jumping from only 10 cases in the year 2000 to 111 in 2003, with indigenous Fijians making up 80% of cases. Ganilau signed an agreement with the UN AIDS Pacific in 2004, and planned follow up meetings to determine how to combat the spread of the virus. Fiji's Great Council of Chiefs hosted a week-long workshop called 'Accelerating Action Against Aids in the Pacific' that was also sponsored by UNAIDS.

Speaking at the Pan Pacific HIV/AIDS Conference in Auckland, New Zealand in late October 2005, Ganilau called for strong leadership to confront HIV/AIDS, saying that it was a global war which threatened the very future of Pacific Islands nations. "We can only ignore this battle at the cost of being regarded by future generations of Pacific Islanders as lacking the will, the foresight, the understanding to tackle this issue, which threatens our very future," he told the delegates.

Criticism of affirmative action
Launching the Lautoka branch of his party on 24 November 2005, Ganilau said that affirmative action in favour of indigenous Fijians had not benefited ordinary Fijians, but had served only to facilitate the survival of the government in power and acted as a cover-up for the lack of effective policies. Instead of affirmative action, he said, the government should do more to assist Fijian landowners to develop their land commercially, and to improve educational and economic opportunities for ordinary people.

The politicisation of the military
In an interview with Australian ABC Television's Asia Pacific Focus programme on 27 November 2005, Ganilau regretted the way the military had become politicised since the 1987 coups. People including former failed politicians with no military training whatsoever were rewarded for their political support of Rabuka by being commissioned as officers. These included senior NCOs who were promoted beyond their competence to commissioned rank thus leaving a yawning gap at the NCO level that resulted in a loss of capability. The high standards of professionalism of the Fijian military was seriously compromised. Its reputation as an apolitical professional military organisation was in tatters. It would take several years, he said, before the military could regain its professional standards and the respect it previously enjoyed from the community.

2006 election
The National Alliance Party announced on 17 March 2006 that Ganilau would lead the party into the election scheduled for 6–13 May, and that he would contest the Suva City Open Constituency. The attempt was unsuccessful; neither Ganilau nor any of his party's candidates were elected.

2006 coup d'état
Months of tension between the government and the Republic of Fiji Military Forces culminated in a military coup on 5 December 2006. Citing alleged governmental corruption, Ganilau told Fiji Television that he supported the "cause" of the military, but not its method, and denied public rumours that he had been a party to the planning of the coup. He called on his fellow-chiefs, however, to accept the "reality" of the Military takeover and work to move the country forward. He also claimed that he had been asked to mediate between the Great Council of Chiefs and the Military, as a former head of both bodies, but the council chairman, Ratu Ovini Bokini, angrily denied making any such request. "I never made a request to meet the commander. Whoever said that is lying. I don't intend to see the commander. He has to make a request to me if he wants to meet me," Bokini declared. In making that statement Bokini regarded the Great Council of Chiefs as remaining above secular politics as well as the various institutions of government, including the Army. It was an unrealistic and erroneous notion given the history of chiefly support for the ethno-nationalist coups of 1987 and 2000.

In the interim government that was formed after the coup, Ganilau served for one year as Minister of Defense, at the request of President Ratu Josefa Iloilo, but resigned a year later when it became clear that the interim government was not delivering on its promise to hold elections.

Ganilau was the Minister of Defense under Bainimarama, but resigned in 2010.

2013 Constitution
Frank Bainimarama and those behind him had ideas to create another Constitution that would purportedly assuage ethic Fijian fears and form the basis of a united, multicultural Fiji. The drawing up of a new Constitution was a complicated process that needed time. Indeed, it was not until 2014 that national elections under a new (2013) Constitution took place. Critics of the 2013 Constitution of Fiji say it should have been put to a referendum to give it credibility. They say it was foisted upon the people without their consent. For the Bainimarama government the elections of 2014 and 2018 gave legitimacy to the Constitution.

The unfettered powers the Bainimarama government enjoyed during its term as an unelected military government (2006-2014) led it to retain some of the draconian laws and decrees it had introduced during its tenure. It retained the modus operandi of maintaining a very close watch over the population where dissenters and potential dissenters were victimised. New rules and regulations covering virtually every activity in society led some to complain that Fiji was a small country with so many rules. Those who disagreed with the decisions of government were soon marginalised. Fijians living overseas including academics who were critical of government policy were banned from ever returning to Fiji. Senior public servants who did not toe the government line were soon pushed out to pasture and investigated by the government's 'anti corruption" watchdog. The security forces exceeded their powers in the bashing of dissenters. It created a climate of fear. Government was accused of paranoia.

Democracy was a facade,the critics argued. Real power was being exercised by two men backed by the Army and Police: viz the inarticulate Prime Minister reading from prepared scripts written for him by hired US publicity agents QORVIS; backed by his ambitious Indo-Fijian Attorney General and Deputy Prime Minister who saw things in black and white and who micro-managed all aspects of government policy and administration. He was regarded as the 'real prime minister' making decisions behind the scenes for his bumbling leader. He was a man not to be crossed, a highly polarising figure.

The i'Taukei (indigenous population) felt their rights were being eroded and their identity disrespected. The results of the 2018 elections confirmed the polarisation of races. The noble aims of the 2013 Constitution existed only in theory. At the practical level, the personal attacks and mudslinging against the indigenous leaders and those opposed to government served to galvanise political unity within the indigenous population against the Bainimarama government. Group identity and solidarity in the face of perceived threats was being emphasised by the Opposition. Ironically, the political behaviour of the Bainimarama government towards its political opponents compelled the latter to play upon the primordial instincts of indigenous Fijians. Backed into a corner the Opposition had no other choice. They were between a rock and a hard place.

Ratu Epeli Ganilau was named a presidential candidate in 2015, but the position was won by Jioji Konrote. Konrote was not a member of the Council of Chiefs. This election was the first secret ballot cast under the 2013 Fijian Constitution.

In the November 2018 elections, the governing Fiji First Party was returned with a very much reduced majority securing just over 50% of the votes and losing six seats in the process. A strategic shift in voting patterns against the Fiji First government had taken place. In the face of perceived threats to its identity indigenous Fijian group interests increasingly came to determine their political choices. Whether this trend will gain sufficient momentum over the next four years to bring about a change of government in 2022 remains to be seen. Ni sa moce.

Personal life
Ganilau hailed from the village of Somosomo, in Taveuni. He was the son of the late Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau, the first President of the Republic of Fiji (1987–1993). Like his late father, Ratu Epeli was a member of the same Mataqali Valelevu (the tribal landowning unit) of which the Tui Cakau is the head. Originally they were a migrant tribe who referred to themselves as the Ai Sokula who settled and subsequently merged with their host society, the Cakaudrove people on the south coast of Vanua Levu near the village of Vunisavisavi. The Ai Sokula led by their chief, the Tui Cakau, achieved ascendancy over others through conquest. They subsequently moved to Taveuni and later occupied the village site of Somosomo which became the seat of the Tui Cakau and the Vanua of Lalagavesi. Ratu Epeli was a member of the Ai Sokula (the term refers to the chiefs of the Vanua of Lalagavesi). He was a relative of the current Tui Cakau (Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu). Ratu Epeli Ganilau was married to Adi Ateca Mara, the eldest daughter of Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, the founding father of modern Fiji. Adi Ateca died in November 2018. They had two sons and two daughters. Ganilau also had nine grandchildren. His hobbies included rugby, boxing, and shooting.

Ganilau died on 23 March 2023, at the age of 71.

title: Epeli Ganilau


text:
United States Navy reserve fleets

The United States Navy maintains a number of its ships as part of a reserve fleet, often called the "Mothball Fleet". While the details of the maintenance activity have changed several times, the basics are constant: keep the ships afloat and sufficiently working as to be reactivated quickly in an emergency.

In some cases (for instance, at the outset of the Korean War), many ships were successfully reactivated at a considerable savings in time and money. The usual fate of ships in the reserve fleet, though, is to become too old and obsolete to be of any use, at which point they are sold for scrapping or are scuttled in weapons tests.

In rare cases, the general public may intercede for ships from the reserve fleet that are about to be scrapped – usually asking for the Navy to donate them for use as museum ships, memorials, or artificial reefs.

Administration

In November 1976, the controlling organization was the Inactive Ship Division of the Naval Ship Systems Command. As of 2011, the controlling organization actually appears to be the Inactive Ships Management Office of the Program Executive Officer - Ships, Naval Sea Systems Command, Portsmouth, Virginia.

Merchant ships held in reserve are managed as part of the separate National Defense Reserve Fleet within MARAD (US Maritime Administration). Several of its sites, such as at Suisun Bay in California, are also used to store regular Navy ships.

Maintenance categories
Ships placed in the reserve fleets are categorized depending on priority, funding and the planned disposition.

Category B Ships in this category are prioritized over the other categories when it comes to maintenance and funding. They are retained for possible future mobilization and will receive updates and upgrades as funding permits.

Category C These are ships that will be maintained as-is; meaning no updates or improvements unless funding becomes available after that assigned for category B ships has been exhausted.

Category D Temporary state pending planned usage by the Navy, will be maintained as-is.

Category X Ships stricken from the Naval Vessel Register awaiting disposal. Receives no maintenance except ships on donation hold, which undergo dehumidification and cathodic protection.

Category Z This category is for nuclear-powered ships and related support ships pending disposal.

History
Around 1912, the Atlantic Reserve Fleet and the Pacific Reserve Fleet were established as reserve units with still operating ships, but on a greatly reduced schedule.

After the Second World War, with hundreds of ships no longer needed by a peacetime navy, each fleet consisted of a number of groups corresponding to storage sites, each adjacent to a shipyard for easier reactivation. For example, USS Brock (APD-93) was underway for Green Cove Springs, Florida, on 11 April 1945. Brock arrived there on 13 April 1945, and joined the Florida Group, 16th Fleet, which later became the Florida Group, Atlantic Reserve Fleet.

Many of the deactivated World War II merchant vessels were of a class called Liberty ships which were mass-produced ocean-going transports used primarily in the convoys going to/from the U.S., Europe, and Russia. Liberty ships were also used as the navy's support vessels for its fleet of warships and to ferry forces across the Pacific and Atlantic.

Most Liberty ships when deactivated were put into "mothball fleets" strategically located around the coasts of the U.S., or sold into commercial service. They began to be deactivated and scrapped in the early 1970s.

Atlantic Reserve Fleet
Vice Admirals Herbert F. Leary and Thomas C. Kinkaid served as Commanders, Sixteenth Fleet, after World War II. Sixteenth Fleet later became the Atlantic Reserve Fleet.

The groups of the Atlantic Reserve Fleet were at Boston, Charleston, Green Cove Springs, Florida, New London, MOTBY/New York Harbor, Norfolk, Philadelphia, and Texas.

Pacific Reserve Fleet
The Nineteenth Fleet became the Pacific Reserve Fleet.

The groups of the Pacific Reserve Fleet were at Alameda, Bremerton, Columbia River, Long Beach, Mare Island, San Diego, San Francisco, Stockton, Tacoma, and Olympia, Washington (Budd Inlet).

James River Reserve Fleet

The James River Reserve Fleet consists of a small number of decommissioned U.S. Navy auxiliaries and warships anchored in Virginia's James River near Newport News. The fleet originally comprised approximately 60 ships, most of which were gradually towed away for scrapping. From 2012 to 2016, among its few remaining vessels was MV Freedom Star, previously a NASA recovery ship for the Space Shuttle's solid rocket boosters, which was then loaned out to the Paul Hall Center for Maritime Training and Education in Piney Point, Maryland, as a training vessel.

Suisun Bay

A similar fleet, the National Defense Reserve Fleet, is anchored in Suisun Bay near Benicia, California, and has similarly been reduced. This location is known for hosting the Glomar Explorer after its recovery of portions of Soviet submarine K-129 during the Cold War before its subsequent reactivation as a minerals exploration ship.

Beaumont
The Beaumont Reserve Fleet, anchored in the Neches River near Beaumont, Texas, contains a number of transport ships.

Former fleets

 * Atlantic Reserve Fleet, Boston
 * Atlantic Reserve Fleet, Green Cove Springs also called Atlantic Reserve Fleet, Florida
 * Atlantic Reserve Fleet, Hudson River
 * Atlantic Reserve Fleet, New London
 * Atlantic Reserve Fleet, Orange
 * Atlantic Reserve Fleet, Wilmington
 * Atlantic Reserve Fleet, Norfolk then a NISMF
 * Atlantic Reserve Fleet, Charleston
 * Atlantic Reserve Fleet, Philadelphia now a NISMF site
 * Atlantic Reserve Fleet, New York
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, Astoria also called Pacific Reserve Fleet, Columbia River
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, Stockton
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, Hunters Point
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, Olympia
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, Mare Island
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, Alameda
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, Bremerton
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, San Diego
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, Long Beach
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, Tacoma
 * Pacific Reserve Fleet, San Francisco

Naval Inactive Ship Maintenance Facilities
A Naval Inactive Ship Maintenance Facility (NISMF) is a facility owned by the U.S. Navy as a holding facility for decommissioned naval vessels, pending determination of their final fate. All ships in these facilities are inactive, but some are still on the Naval Vessel Register, while others have been struck from that Register.

Philadelphia
The Philadelphia Naval Inactive Ship Maintenance Facility holds several dozen inactive warships, including the aircraft carrier USS John F. Kennedy (CV-67), Ticonderoga class cruisers, Oliver Hazard Perry class frigates, and numerous supply ships.

Bremerton
The Naval Inactive Ship Maintenance Facility at Puget Sound Naval Shipyard, located next to Bremerton, Washington, hosts, among its other ships two dozen decommissioned submarines, several frigates, and numerous supply ships. It is the former home of the nuclear cruiser USS Long Beach (CGN-9), which was scrapped.

Pearl Harbor
The Naval Inactive Ship Maintenance Facility at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, holds logistic support ships and amphibious transport dock ships.

Ready Reserve Force

 * The Ready Reserve Force (RRF) is a subset of ships in MARAD's National Defense Reserve Fleet (NDRF). Ready Reserve Force supports the rapid worldwide deployment of U.S. military forces.

title: United States Navy reserve fleets


text:
Baron Trevethin and Oaksey

Baron Trevethin, of Blaengawney in the County of Monmouth, is a title in the Peerage of the United Kingdom. It was created in 1921 for the prominent judge Sir Alfred Lawrence, Lord Chief Justice of England from 1921 to 1922.

The first baron's eldest son and heir, Hon. Clive Lawrence, predeceased him; he had been HM Procurator General and Treasury Solicitor from 1923 until his death in 1926. Hence, on the first baron's death, the title passed to his second son, Charles.

The first baron's third son, the Hon. Geoffrey Lawrence, was also a noted jurist and served as the main British judge at the Nuremberg trials. In 1947 he was himself raised to the peerage as Baron Oaksey, of Oaksey in the County of Wilts. In 1959 he succeeded his elder brother Charles as third Baron Trevethin, although he continued to be known as Lord Oaksey.

the titles are held by his grandson, the fifth Baron Trevethin and third Baron Oaksey, who succeeded in 2012. He is a KC who sits in the House of Lords as a Crossbench excepted hereditary peer following a by-election in 2015.

Barons Trevethin (1921)

 * Alfred Tristram Lawrence, 1st Baron Trevethin (1843–1936)
 * Charles Trevor Lawrence, 2nd Baron Trevethin (1879–1959)
 * Geoffrey Lawrence, 3rd Baron Trevethin and 1st Baron Oaksey (1880–1971)
 * John Geoffrey Tristram Lawrence, 4th Baron Trevethin and 2nd Baron Oaksey (1929–2012) – amateur jockey, horse racing journalist and television commentator
 * Patrick John Tristram Lawrence, 5th Baron Trevethin and 3rd Baron Oaksey (b. 1960)

The heir apparent is the present holder's son, Oliver John Tristram Lawrence (b. 1990)

Barons Oaksey (1947)
see above for further holders
 * Geoffrey Lawrence, 1st Baron Oaksey (1880–1971) (succeeded as Baron Trevethin in 1959)

title: Baron Trevethin and Oaksey


text:
User:Brunft~enwiki

de:benutzer:brunft

User brunft is from Austria, Salzburg and was born in 1978 deep in the Austrian Alps in Styria, and is no more since 6.3.2004 active Wikipedia member, since he did not know Wikipedia until this day (know this sounds unbelievable).

He is a 176 cm in size and 70 kg in weight human being made of flesh and blood and he loves nothing more than linking html sites. Thus he is the ideal canditate for Wikipedia.

His most favourite and meanwhile exclusive hobby is the computer and all one can do with it.

At time he is (job-related) programming in Visual Basic 6.0 and in the exotic Clarion. But his favourite programming language is Java since he is an OOP-Freak. Additionally he does some web design naturally dynamically in PHP.

His lastly read book is Frédéric Beigbeder: Windows on the World. - which he read in two days and can recommend to all nihilistic pseudo rebells (but consider it does not reach 39,90).

title: User:Brunft~enwiki