text:
Millennium Line

The Millennium Line is the second line of the SkyTrain rapid transit system in the Metro Vancouver region of British Columbia, Canada. The line is owned and operated by BC Rapid Transit Company, a subsidiary of TransLink, and links the cities of Vancouver, Burnaby, Coquitlam and Port Moody. The line was opened in 2002 and was named in recognition of the new millennium.

Route
The Millennium Line operates from VCC–Clark station in Vancouver to Lafarge Lake–Douglas station in Coquitlam. The line is elevated to Burquitlam station, where it then goes through a 2 km bored tunnel to the city of Port Moody. In Port Moody, the line runs at grade level, rising to cross railway tracks. From Coquitlam Central station, the line is elevated to the terminus at Lafarge Lake–Douglas station.

When the Evergreen Extension opened in late 2016, eastbound trains crossed the westbound tracks to access the new northernmost platform (Platform 3) at Lougheed Town Centre station. Trains then operated left-track running to a crossover junction just before Burquitlam Station, where trains crossed back to right-track running. Westbound Millennium Line trains crossed over to left-hand running just south of Burquitlam station, which allowed them to access westbound Platform 2 at Lougheed Town Centre station. This unusual service design allowed same-platform interchange for Expo Line passengers arriving at Lougheed Town Centre and continuing west towards VCC–Clark station on the Millennium Line.

On June 25, 2018, service patterns were changed to eliminate all left-track running. This change meant passengers arriving westbound at Lougheed on the Expo Line who wished to continue towards VCC–Clark could either change platforms at Lougheed or remain on their Expo Line train until its terminus at the next station, Production Way–University, where they could make a same-platform transfer to a westbound Millennium Line train. For passengers arriving eastbound at Lougheed, transfers between eastbound Millennium and Expo Line trains were now same-platform. TransLink stated the change to traditional right-track running would provide faster and more reliable trips for passengers as the many track changes the initial service pattern required had resulted in delays.

Early proposals
When the Expo Line was opened in 1985, an extension to Lougheed Mall in east Burnaby was proposed. The most likely junction point for the spur to Lougheed Mall would have been from Royal Oak station, up Edmonds Street to Lougheed Mall, although early SkyTrain route maps also suggested an extension northeast from New Westminster. Neither plan was realized, although the extension of Expo Line tracks to Columbia Station in 1989 and the completion of the SkyBridge to Surrey in 1990 resulted in a short spur east of Columbia station, which was later incorporated into the new Millennium Line.

Phase I: Columbia to Commercial Drive (2002)
In 1995, the British Columbia government announced that an entirely new line, a street-level light rail line, would be built along Broadway and Lougheed Highway to Lougheed Mall (served by Lougheed Town Centre station), as the first phase of the "T"-Line (one of three Intermediate Capacity Transit System lines) outlined in the Metro Vancouver's Livable Region Strategic Plan that extended into Coquitlam. An 18-month review of rapid transit was scheduled and started in January 1998 but was cut short by the government's announcement of its choice of Bombardier's technology in June 1998. This meant that the first phase of the line would have to connect to the existing Expo Line to use its maintenance yard. Connecting the two lines at Broadway station was deemed impracticable, so the lines were connected in New Westminster. Switches to the Millennium Line were installed on the Expo Line just east of Columbia station. Expo Line service was reduced to a single track over the Skybridge during the installation of these switches.

The Millennium Line opened for revenue service on January 7, 2002 (a preview for SkyTrain passengers took place on the prior two days), with trains operating between Waterfront station on the Expo Line and Braid station in eastern New Westminster.

For the second phase, service was extended to Commercial Drive station (since merged with Broadway station to form Commercial–Broadway) on August 31, 2002 (with full integration with the bus network occurring on September 3, 2002).

Lake City Way and extension to VCC–Clark (2003–2006)
Lake City Way station, located between Sperling–Burnaby Lake and Production Way–University stations, opened on November 21, 2003. Three years later, the line was extended to its present terminus, VCC–Clark station, on January 6, 2006. The Millennium Line was now completed at a cost of $1.2billion, $40million under budget.

In 2007, the non-interlined portion of the Millennium Line served an average of 70,000 passengers per day. Of these, 14,000 passengers arrived on trains travelling from Expo Line stations west of Columbia station, and 7,000 transferred from the Surrey section of the Expo Line. In 2009, it was estimated that ridership had grown to at least 80,000 passengers per day.

Initially, the Millennium Line service followed the Expo Line from Waterfront to Columbia stations, then looped back into Vancouver via the new route, passing through Commercial–Broadway again at a different platform, and terminating at VCC–Clark station. After a reconfiguration on October 22, 2016, in preparation for the opening of the Evergreen Extension, the Millennium Line ran between VCC–Clark station in the west to Lougheed Town Centre station in the east. Transfers to the Expo Line were now made possible at Production Way–University and Lougheed Town Centre stations. Braid and Sapperton stations were reassigned to the Expo Line.

Phase II: Evergreen Extension (2016)
The second phase of the Millennium Line was to be an extension from Lougheed Mall to Coquitlam (then known as the Port Moody–Coquitlam (PMC) Line), which would have provided a "one-seat ride" from Coquitlam to VCC–Clark station. A short spur and switches to the PMC Line were installed to the east of Lougheed Town Centre station and a third platform was roughed-in in anticipation of the extension. Phase II was placed on hold following a change in provincial government.

A SkyTrain extension from Lougheed Town Centre station to Coquitlam Town Centre was proposed when the original Millennium Line was built and the necessary junction tracks for such an extension were built at the station during its initial construction. At one point prior to 2008, the mode planned for the extension was changed to light rail instead of SkyTrain, which meant that the junction tracks would have remained unused. However, in February 2008, plans reverted to the use of SkyTrain technology for the extension, to facilitate higher ridership, shorten travel times and to integrate seamlessly with the existing SkyTrain network. As a result, the junction tracks and roughed-in third platform at Lougheed Town Centre station were used as part of the Evergreen Extension.

Construction of the Evergreen Extension began in 2013 and was completed in late 2016. The extension opened for revenue service on December 2, 2016.

Broadway extension
On March 16, 2018, the provincial government approved the construction of the "Broadway Subway Project", an initiative which will extend the Millennium Line west to Arbutus Street and add six new stations. The extension will be 5.7 km long, all but 700 m of which will be underground, and cost an estimated $2.83billion. Originally scheduled for a 2025 opening, the expected opening was pushed back to early 2026 in November 2022. The delay was caused by a labour dispute involving concrete workers which started in June 2022. On May 24, 2024, the province revealed that the project would be delayed further, to late 2027.

While six new stations are confirmed for the Broadway extension, one will become part of the existing Broadway–City Hall Canada Line station, which is scheduled to be upgraded as part of the project:
 * Great Northern Way–Emily Carr station, at Great Northern Way and Thornton Street adjacent to the Emily Carr University
 * Mount Pleasant station, at Main Street and East Broadway
 * Broadway–City Hall station, at Cambie Street and West Broadway. The existing Broadway–City Hall station on the Canada Line, originally designed with a "knock-out" panel to accommodate a connection to a future Millennium Line extension, will be upgraded and connected to the extension. An adjacent development was required by the City of Vancouver to provide space for an additional entrance to the Millennium Line portion of the station.
 * Oak–VGH station, at Laurel Street and West Broadway near Vancouver General Hospital (VGH)
 * South Granville station, at Granville Street and West Broadway
 * Arbutus station, at Arbutus Street and West Broadway. The 99 B-Line bus route, which follows much of the extension's route, will be truncated to terminate at this station.

Construction
Preliminary work on the extension began on February 19, 2019, with the installation of trolley poles and wires on 12th Avenue between Arbutus and Granville Streets that were required in order to reroute trolley buses off of Broadway for the duration of the construction of the subway. On June 22, 2020, trolleybuses were removed from Broadway. The provincial government initially had a plan to have a contractor selected by April 2020 to allow for construction to begin later that year. On July 17, 2020, the provincial Ministry of Transportation announced that Acciona Infrastructure, a Spanish conglomerate, and Ghella, an Italian company, would be in charge of construction. Demolition of buildings, to make room for station entrances and construction staging areas, began in February 2021.

Major construction on the extension began on May 13, 2021. "Traffic decks" began to be installed over Mount Pleasant, Broadway–City Hall, Oak–VGH, South Granville, and Arbutus stations, to avoid closing Broadway while station construction takes place underneath. Construction of the elevated guideway at the eastern end of the extension began on December 13, 2021. This 700 m guideway is the only above-ground portion of the extension, and connects the existing VCC–Clark station to a tunnel portal adjacent to the Emily Carr University of Art and Design.

The tunnel boring machines for the project were delivered to Vancouver between April and June 2022. Two identical machines, each 6 m in diameter and 150 m in length, would dig about 18 m of tunnel per day, at a depth of 15 to 20 m below the surface. The two machines were given the names Elsie and Phyllis; the first machine, Elsie, began tunneling the eastbound tunnel from Great Northern Way–Emily Carr station in October 2022, with Phyllis beginning work on the westbound tunnel in late November. Both machines had reached Broadway–City Hall station by May 26, 2023, and South Granville station by February 8, 2024. Phyllis completed boring at Arbutus station on March 20, 2024, and the tunnel boring phase was fully completed when Elsie reached Arbutus on April 26, 2024.

University of British Columbia extension
On January 14, 2008, the Government of British Columbia announced a commitment to the expansion of the Millennium Line to the University of British Columbia (UBC) by 2020 as part of a $14-billion transit spending package to address global warming. It was not clear what route the new line would take, but it was hinted that there would be less use of cut-and-cover tunnelling to minimize disruption to businesses along Broadway and avoid the same problems seen during the Canada Line construction along Cambie Street. This expansion failed to materialize.

On February 15, 2019, the TransLink Mayors' Council again approved an extension of the line to the UBC campus, although funding for this continuation past Arbutus Street had not yet been secured. In 2022, TransLink unveiled a proposed route for the extension: the line would continue west under Broadway, with stations at Macdonald and Alma Streets. It would then deviate slightly north to a station serving the redevelopment at the Jericho Lands. In the University Endowment Lands, the line would either take an elevated route following University Boulevard, or a tunnelled route underneath the University Golf Club, to get to UBC at a station under the University Boulevard bus loop. The station locations at Macdonald Street, Alma Street, and the Jericho Lands were approved by the Vancouver City Council in March 2022.

Port Coquitlam extension
When the Evergreen Extension was built, the first few metres of track and a track switch to allow for an eventual eastward extension to Port Coquitlam were built at Coquitlam Central station. This would create two branches where trains would alternate between going east to Lafarge Lake–Douglas station or to Port Coquitlam. A feasibility study was conducted, started during early 2020 and running for about six months. Port Coquitlam mayor Brad West, the Port Coquitlam city council, and the Coquitlam City Council all voiced support for the extension. However, as of 2022, no funding had been secured nor a formal plan created.

title: Millennium Line


text:
Kirovsky District, Russia

Kirovsky District is the name of several administrative and municipal divisions in Russia. The districts are generally named for Sergey Kirov, a Soviet statesman.

Districts of the federal subjects

 * Kirovsky District, Republic of Crimea, an administrative and municipal district in the Republic of Crimea
 * Kirovsky District, Kaluga Oblast, an administrative and municipal district of Kaluga Oblast
 * Kirovsky District, Leningrad Oblast, an administrative and municipal district of Leningrad Oblast
 * Kirovsky District, Republic of North Ossetia-Alania, an administrative and municipal district of the Republic of North Ossetia–Alania
 * Kirovsky District, Primorsky Krai, an administrative and municipal district of Primorsky Krai
 * Kirovsky District, Saint Petersburg, an administrative district of the federal city of Saint Petersburg
 * Kirovsky District, Stavropol Krai, an administrative and municipal district of Stavropol Krai

City divisions

 * , a city district of Astrakhan, the administrative center of Astrakhan Oblast
 * , a city district of Irkutsk, the administrative center of Irkutsk Oblast
 * 1) Kirovsky City District, Kazan, a city district of Kazan, the capital of the Republic of Tatarstan
 * , a city district of Kemerovo, the administrative center of Kemerovo Oblast
 * , a city district of Khabarovsk, the administrative center of Khabarovsk Krai
 * , a city district of Krasnoyarsk, the administrative center of Krasnoyarsk Krai
 * , an administrative and municipal city district of Makhachkala, the capital of the Republic of Dagestan
 * 1) Kirovsky City District, Novosibirsk, a city district of Novosibirsk, the administrative center of Novosibirsk Oblast
 * , an administrative okrug of the city of Omsk, the administrative center of Omsk Oblast
 * 1) Kirovsky City District, Perm, a city district of Perm, the administrative center of Perm Krai
 * 2) Kirovsky City District, Rostov-on-Don, a city district of Rostov-on-Don, the administrative center of Rostov Oblast
 * 3) Kirovsky City District, Samara, an administrative and municipal city district of Samara, the administrative center of Samara Oblast
 * , a city district of Saratov, the administrative center of Saratov Oblast
 * , a city district of Tomsk, the administrative center of Tomsk Oblast
 * , a city district of Ufa, the capital of the Republic of Bashkortostan
 * , a city district of Volgograd, the administrative center of Volgograd Oblast
 * , a city district of Yaroslavl, the administrative center of Yaroslavl Oblast
 * , a city district of Yekaterinburg, the administrative center of Sverdlovsk Oblast

Historical districts

 * Kirovsky District, Murmansk Oblast (1935–1954), a district of Murmansk Okrug of Leningrad Oblast (1935–1938) and then of Murmansk Oblast (1938–1954)
 * Kirovsky District, Kalinin Oblast (1929–1963), a district of Rzhev Okrug of Western Oblast (1929–1935) and then of Kalinin Oblast (1938–1963). It was abolished in 1963 and re-established in 1965 as Selizharovsky District.

Historical city districts

 * Kirovsky City District, Murmansk, a city district of Murmansk, Murmansk Oblast, which existed in 1939–1948 and 1951–1958

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Kirovsky District, Russia


text:
Bureau of Indian Affairs

The Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), also known as Indian Affairs (IA), is a United States federal agency within the Department of the Interior. It is responsible for implementing federal laws and policies related to Native Americans and Alaska Natives, and administering and managing over 55700000 acre of reservations held in trust by the U.S. federal government for indigenous tribes. It renders services to roughly 2 million indigenous Americans across 574 federally recognized tribes. The BIA is governed by a director and overseen by the Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs, who answers to the Secretary of the Interior.

The BIA works with tribal governments to help administer law enforcement and justice; promote development in agriculture, infrastructure, and the economy; enhance tribal governance; manage natural resources; and generally advance the quality of life in tribal communities. Educational services are provided by Bureau of Indian Education—the only other agency under the Assistant Secretary for Indian affairs—while health care is the responsibility of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services through its Indian Health Service.

The BIA is one of the oldest federal agencies in the U.S., with roots tracing back to the Committee on Indian Affairs established by Congress in 1775. First headed by Benjamin Franklin, the committee oversaw trade and treaty relations with various indigenous peoples, until the establishment of the Bureau of Indian Affairs by Secretary of War John C. Calhoun in 1824. The BIA gained statutory authority in 1832, and in 1849 was transferred to the newly created Department of the Interior. Until the formal adoption of its current name in 1947, the BIA was variably known as the Indian office, the Indian bureau, the Indian department, and the Indian Service.

The BIA's mission and mandate historically reflected the U.S. government's prevailing policy of forced assimilation of native peoples and the annexation of their land; beginning with the Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act of 1975, the BIA has increasingly emphasized tribal self-determination and peer-to-peer relationships between tribal governments and federal government.

Between 1824 and 1977, the BIA was led by a total of 42 commissioners, of whom six were of indigenous descent. Since the creation of the position of Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs in 1977, all thirteen occupants up to the present day have been Indigenous, including Bay Mills Indian Community's Bryan Newland, appointed and confirmed to the position in 2021. the majority of BIA employees are American Indian or Alaska Native, the most at any time in the agency's history.

Organization
Headquartered in the Main Interior Building in Washington, D.C., the BIA is headed by a bureau director who reports to the assistant secretary for Indian affairs. The current assistant secretary is Bryan Newland.

The BIA oversees 574 federally recognized tribes through four offices:

 * Office of Indian Services: operates the BIA's general assistance, disaster relief, Indian child welfare, tribal government, Indian self-determination, and Indian Reservation Roads Program.
 * Office of Justice Services (OJS): directly operates or funds law enforcement, tribal courts, and detention facilities on federal Indian lands. OJS funded 208 law enforcement agencies, consisting of 43 BIA-operated police agencies, and 165 tribally operated agencies under contract, or compact with the OJS. The office has seven areas of activity: Criminal Investigations and Police Services, Detention/Corrections, Inspection/Internal Affairs, Tribal Law Enforcement and Special Initiatives, the Indian Police Academy, Tribal Justice Support, and Program Management. The OJS also provides oversight and technical assistance to tribal law enforcement programs when and where requested. It operates four divisions: Corrections, Drug Enforcement, the Indian Police Academy, and Law Enforcement.
 * Office of Trust Services: works with tribes and individual American Indians and Alaska Natives in the management of their trust lands, assets, and resources.
 * The Office of Field Operations: oversees 12 regional offices; Alaska, Great Plains, Northwest, Southern Plains, Eastern, Navajo, Pacific, Southwest, Eastern Oklahoma, Midwest, Rocky Mountain, and Western; and 83 agencies, which carry out the mission of the bureau at the tribal level.

Early US agencies and legislation: Intercourse Acts
Agencies related to Native Americans originated in 1775, when the Second Continental Congress created a trio of Indian-related agencies. Benjamin Franklin and Patrick Henry were appointed among the early commissioners to negotiate treaties with Native Americans to obtain their neutrality during the American Revolutionary War.

Office of Indian Trade (1806–1822)
In 1789, the U.S. Congress placed Native American relations within the newly formed War Department. By 1806 the Congress had created a Superintendent of Indian Trade, or "Office of Indian Trade" within the War Department, who was charged with maintaining the United States Government Fur Trade Factory System. The post was held by Thomas L. McKenney from 1816 until the abolition of the factory system in 1822.

The government licensed traders to have some control in Indian territories and gain a share of the lucrative trade.

Bureau of Indian Affairs (1824–present)
The abolition of the factory system left a vacuum within the U.S. government regarding Native American relations. The Bureau of Indian Affairs was formed on March 11, 1824, by Secretary of War John C. Calhoun, who created the agency as a division within his department, without authorization from the United States Congress. He appointed McKenney as the first head of the office, which went by several names. McKenney preferred to call it the "Indian Office", whereas the current name was preferred by Calhoun.

The Removal Era (1830–1850)
The BIA's goal to protect domestic and dependent nations, was reaffirmed by the 1831 court case Cherokee Nation v. Georgia. The Supreme Court originally refused to hear the case, because the Cherokee nation was not an independent state and could not litigate in the federal court. It was not until the court case Worcester v. Georgia, when Chief Justice John Marshall allowed Native American tribes to be recognized as "domestic dependent nations." These court cases set precedent for future treaties, as more Native tribes were recognized as domestic and dependent nations.

This period was encompassed by westward expansion and the removal of Native Nations. In 1833 Georgians fought for the removal of the Cherokee Nation from the state of Georgia. Despite the rulings of Worcester v. Georgia, President Jackson and John C. Calhoun created a plan for removal. The removal of the Cherokee Nation occurred in 1838 and was accompanied by the Treaty of 1846. When reparations from the treaty were unfulfilled, the Senate Committee on the Indian Affairs made the final settlement in 1850. This settlement, "supported the position of the Cherokee that the cost of maintaining the tribesman during their removal and the years upkeep after their arrival West should be paid by the federal government, and the expense of the removal agents should be paid as well."

In 1832 Congress established the position of Commissioner of Indian Affairs. In 1849 Indian Affairs was transferred to the newly established U.S. Department of the Interior. In 1869, Ely Samuel Parker was the first Native American to be appointed as commissioner of Indian affairs.

Assimilation (1890–1930)
One of the most controversial policies of the Bureau of Indian Affairs was the late 19th to early 20th century decision to educate native children in separate boarding schools, such as the Carlisle Indian Industrial School. The goal was to train students in the proper behavior according to prevailing standards of "civilization." That way they could assimilate into American society and not be permanently trapped in reservations. The boarding schools prohibited students from using their indigenous languages, practices, and cultures.

Another force for assimilation and Euro-American control was the Bureau of Indian Affairs tribal police force. This was designed by its agents to decrease the power of American Indian leaders.

Reform and reorganization (mid to late 20th century)
The bureau was renamed from Office of Indian Affairs to Bureau of Indian Affairs in 1947.

With the rise of American Indian activism in the 1960s and 1970s and increasing demands for enforcement of treaty rights and sovereignty, the 1970s were a particularly turbulent period of BIA history. The rise of activist groups such as the American Indian Movement (AIM) worried the U.S. government; the FBI responded both overtly and covertly (by creating COINTELPRO and other programs) to suppress possible uprisings among native peoples.

As a branch of the U.S. government with personnel on Indian reservations, BIA police were involved in political actions such as:

The occupation of BIA headquarters in Washington, D.C., in 1972: On November 3, 1972, a group of around 500 American Indians with the AIM took over the BIA building, the culmination of their Trail of Broken Treaties walk. They intended to bring attention to American Indian issues, including their demands for renewed negotiation of treaties, enforcement of treaty rights and improvement in living standards. They occupied the Department of Interior headquarters from November 3 to 9, 1972.
 * Feeling the government was ignoring them, the protesters vandalized the building. After a week, the protesters left, having caused $700,000 in damages. Many records were lost, destroyed or stolen, including irreplaceable treaties, deeds, and water rights records, which some Indian officials said could set the tribes back 50 to 100 years.

 * The Wounded Knee Incident of 1973, where activists at the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation occupied land for more than two months.
 * The 1975 Pine Ridge shootout (for which Leonard Peltier was convicted of killing two FBI agents).

The BIA was implicated in supporting controversial tribal presidents, notably Dick Wilson, who was charged with being authoritarian; using tribal funds for a private paramilitary force, the Guardians of the Oglala Nation (or "GOON squad"), which he employed against opponents; intimidation of voters in the 1974 election; misappropriation of funds, and other misdeeds. Many native peoples continue to oppose policies of the BIA. In particular, problems in enforcing treaties, handling records and trust land incomes were disputed.

21st century
In 2002 Congress worked with the Bureau to prepare bill S.1392, which established procedures for tribal recognition. A separate bill S. 1393 ensured full and fair participation in decision-making processes at the Bureau via grants. Both bills addressed what services, limitations, obligations, and responsibilities a federally recognized tribe possessed. The bills excluded any splinter groups, political factions, and any groups formed after December 31, 2002.

In 2013 the Bureau was greatly affected by sequestration funding cuts of $800 million, which particularly affected the already-underfunded Indian Health Service.

Employee overtime
The Bureau of Indian Affairs has been sued four times in class action overtime lawsuits brought by the Federation of Indian Service Employees, a union which represents the federal civilian employees of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Bureau of Indian Education, the assistant secretary of Indian affairs and the Office of the Special Trustee for Indian Affairs. The grievances allege widespread violations of the Fair Labor Standards Act and claim tens of millions of dollars in damages.

Trust assets
Cobell vs. Salazar, a major class action case related to trust lands, was settled in December 2009. The suit was filed against the U.S. Department of Interior, of which the BIA is a part. A major responsibility has been the management of the Indian trust accounts. This was a class-action lawsuit regarding the federal government's management and accounting of more than 300,000 individual American Indian and Alaska Native trust accounts. A settlement fund totaling $3.4 billion is to be distributed to class members. This is to compensate for claims that prior U.S. officials had mismanaged the administration of Indian trust assets. In addition, the settlement establishes a $2 billion fund enabling federally recognized tribes to voluntarily buy back and consolidate fractionated land interests.

Mission
The bureau is currently trying to evolve from a supervisory to an advisory role. However, this has been a difficult task as the BIA is known by many Indians as playing a police role in which the U.S. government historically dictated to tribes and their members what they could and could not do in accordance with treaties signed by both.

Commissioners and assistant secretaries
Commissioners and assistant secretaries of Indian Affairs include:

Heads of the Bureau of Indian Affairs

 * 1822–1824 William Clark
 * 1824–1830 Thomas L. McKenney
 * 1830–1831 Samuel S. Hamilton
 * 2002–2004 Terry Virden
 * 2004–2005 Brian Pogue
 * 2005–2007 Patrick Rasdale
 * 2007–2010 Jerold L. Gidner
 * 2010–2016 Michael S. Black
 * 2016–2017 Weldon Loudermilk
 * 2017–2018 Bryan C. Rice

 * 2018–present Darryl LaCounte

Commissioners of Indian Affairs

 * 1832–1836 Elbert Herring
 * 1836–1838 Carey A. Harris
 * 1838–1845 Thomas Hartley Crawford
 * 1845–1849 William Medill
 * 1849–1850 Orlando Brown
 * 1850–1853 Luke Lea
 * 1853–1857 George Washington Manypenny
 * 1857–1858 James W. Denver
 * 1858 Charles E. Mix
 * 1858–1859 James W. Denver
 * 1859–1861 Alfred B. Greenwood
 * 1861–1865 William P. Dole
 * 1865–1866 Dennis N. Cooley
 * 1866–1867 Lewis V. Bogy
 * 1867–1869 Nathaniel Green Taylor
 * 1869–1871 Ely S. Parker, the only Native American to hold the position before 1960s
 * 1871–1872 Francis A. Walker
 * 1873–1875 Edward Parmelee Smith
 * 1875–1877 John Q. Smith
 * 1877–1880 Ezra A. Hayt
 * 1880–1881 Rowland E. Trowbridge
 * 1881–1885 Hiram Price
 * 1885–1888 John DeWitt Clinton Atkins
 * 1888–1889 John H. Oberly
 * 1889–1893 Thomas Jefferson Morgan
 * 1893–1897 Daniel M. Browning
 * 1897–1904 William Arthur Jones
 * 1905–1909 Francis E. Leupp
 * 1909–1913 Robert G. Valentine
 * 1913–1921 Cato Sells
 * 1921–1929 Charles H. Burke
 * 1929–1933 Charles J. Rhoads
 * 1933–1945 John Collier
 * 1945–1948 William A. Brophy
 * 1948–1949 William R. Zimmerman (acting)
 * 1949–1950 John R. Nichols
 * 1950–1953 Dillon S. Myer
 * 1953–1961 Glenn L. Emmons
 * 1961 John O. Crow (acting)
 * 1961–1966 Philleo Nash
 * 1966–1969 Robert L. Bennett
 * 1969–1972 Louis R. Bruce
 * 1973–1976 Morris Thompson
 * 1976–1977 Benjamin Reifel

Assistant Secretaries of the Interior for Indian Affairs

 * 1977–1978 Forrest Gerard
 * 1979–1981 William E. Hallett
 * 1981–1984 Kenneth L. Smith
 * 1985–1989 Ross Swimmer
 * 1989–1993 Eddie Frank Brown
 * 1993–1997 Ada E. Deer
 * 1997–2001 Kevin Gover
 * 2001 James H. McDivitt (acting)
 * 2001–2003 Neal A. McCaleb
 * 2003–2004 Aurene M. Martin (acting)
 * 2004–2005 Dave Anderson
 * 2005–2007 Jim Cason (acting)
 * 2007–2008 Carl J. Artman
 * 2008–2009 George T. Skibine (acting)
 * 2009–2012 Larry Echo Hawk
 * 2012 Donald "Del" Laverdure (acting)
 * 2012–2015 Kevin K. Washburn
 * 2016–2017 Lawrence S. Roberts (acting)
 * 2017 Michael S. Black (acting)
 * 2017–2018 John Tahsuda (acting)
 * 2018–2021 Tara Sweeney
 * 2021–present Bryan Newland

Assistant to the Secretary for Indian Affairs

 * February 7, 1973 – December 4, 1973 Marvin L. Franklin

title: Bureau of Indian Affairs


text:
Krasnoarmeysky District, Russia

Krasnoarmeysky District is the name of several administrative and municipal divisions in Russia. The districts are generally named for the Red Army.

Districts of the federal subjects

 * Krasnoarmeysky District, Chelyabinsk Oblast, an administrative and municipal district of Chelyabinsk Oblast
 * Krasnoarmeysky District, Chuvash Republic, an administrative and municipal district of the Chuvash Republic
 * Krasnoarmeysky District, Krasnodar Krai, an administrative and municipal district of Krasnodar Krai
 * Krasnoarmeysky District, Primorsky Krai, an administrative and municipal district of Primorsky Krai
 * Krasnoarmeysky District, Samara Oblast, an administrative and municipal district of Samara Oblast
 * Krasnoarmeysky District, Saratov Oblast, an administrative and municipal district of Saratov Oblast

City divisions

 * Krasnoarmeysky City District, a city district of Volgograd, the administrative center of Volgograd Oblast

title: Krasnoarmeysky District, Russia


text:
Polycythemia

Polycythemia (also known as polycythaemia) is a laboratory finding in which the hematocrit (the volume percentage of red blood cells in the blood) and/or hemoglobin concentration are increased in the blood. Polycythemia is sometimes called erythrocytosis, and there is significant overlap in the two findings, but the terms are not the same: polycythemia describes any increase in hematocrit and/or hemoglobin, while erythrocytosis describes an increase specifically in the number of red blood cells in the blood.

Polycythemia has many causes. It can describe an increase in the number of red blood cells ("absolute polycythemia") or to a decrease in the volume of plasma ("relative polycythemia"). Absolute polycythemia can be due to genetic mutations in the bone marrow ("primary polycythemia"), physiologic adaptations to one's environment, medications, and/or other health conditions. Laboratory studies such as serum erythropoeitin levels and genetic testing might be helpful to clarify the cause of polycythemia if the physical exam and patient history do not reveal a likely cause.

Mild polycythemia on its own is often asymptomatic. Treatment for polycythemia varies, and typically involves treating its underlying cause. Treatment of primary polycythemia (see polycythemia vera) could involve phlebotomy, antiplatelet therapy to reduce risk of blood clots, and additional cytoreductive therapy to reduce the number of red blood cells produced in the bone marrow.

Definition
Polycythemia is defined as serum hematocrit (Hct) or hemoglobin (HgB) exceeding normal ranges expected for age and sex, typically Hct >49% in healthy adult men and >48% in women, or HgB >16.5 g/dL in men or >16.0 g/dL in women. The definition is different for neonates and varies by age in children.

Polycythemia in adults
Different diseases or conditions can cause polycythemia in adults. These processes are discussed in more detail in their respective sections below.

Relative polycythemia is not a true increase in the number of red blood cells or hemoglobin in the blood, but rather an elevated laboratory finding caused by reduced blood plasma (hypovolemia, cf. dehydration). Relative polycythemia is often caused by loss of body fluids, such as through burns, dehydration, and stress. A specific type of relative polycythemia is Gaisböck syndrome. In this syndrome, primarily occurring in obese men, hypertension causes a reduction in plasma volume, resulting in (amongst other changes) a relative increase in red blood cell count. If relative polycythemia is deemed unlikely because the patient has no other signs of hemoconcentration, and has sustained polycythemia without clear loss of body fluids, the patient likely has absolute or true polycythemia.

Absolute polycythemia can be split into two categories:
 * Primary polycythemia is the overproduction of red blood cells due to a primary process in the bone marrow (a so-called myeloproliferative disease). These can be familial or congenital, or acquired later in life.
 * Secondary polycythemia is the most common cause of polycythemia. It occurs in reaction to chronically low oxygen levels, medications, other genetic mutations that impact the body's ability to transport or detect oxygen, or, rarely because of certain cancers.
 * Alternatively, additional red blood cells may have been received through another process—for example, being over-transfused (either accidentally or, as blood doping, deliberately).

Polycythemia in neonates
Polycythemia in newborns is defined as hematocrit > 65%. Significant polycythemia can be associated with blood hyperviscosity, or thickening of the blood. Causes of neonatal polycythemia include:

 * Hypoxia: Poor oxygen delivery (hypoxia) in utero resulting in compensatory increased production of red blood cells (erythropoeisis). Hypoxia can be either acute or chronic. Acute hypoxia can occur as a result of perinatal complications. Chronic fetal hypoxia is associated with maternal risk factors such as hypertension, diabetes and smoking.
 * Umbilical cord stripping: delayed cord clamping and the stripping of the umbilical cord towards the baby can cause the residual blood in the cord/placenta to enter fetal circulation, which can increase blood volume.
 * The recipient twin in a pregnancy undergoing twin-to-twin transfusion syndrome can have polycythemia.

Pathophysiology
The pathophysiology of polycythemia varies based on its cause. The production of red blood cells (or erythropoeisis) in the body is regulated by erythropoietin, which is a protein produced by the kidneys in response to poor oxygen delivery. As a result, more erythropoeitin is produced to encourage red blood cell production and increase oxygen-carrying capacity. This results in secondary polycythemia, which can be an appropriate response to hypoxic conditions such as chronic smoking, obstructive sleep apnea, and high altitude. Furthermore, certain genetic conditions can impair the body's accurate detection of oxygen levels in the serum, which leads to excess erythropoeitin production even without hypoxia or impaired oxygen delivery to tissues. Alternatively, certain types of cancers, most notably renal cell carcinoma, and medications such as testosterone use can cause inappropriate erythropoeitin production that stimulates red cell production despite adequate oxygen delivery.

Primary polycythemia, on the other hand, is caused by genetic mutations or defects of the red cell progenitors within the bone marrow, leading to overgrowth and hyperproliferation of red blood cells regardless of erythropoeitin levels.

Increased hematocrit and red cell mass with polycythemia increases the viscosity of blood, leading to impaired blood flow and contributing to an increased risk of clotting (thrombosis).

History and physical exam
The first step to evaluate new polycythemia in any individual is to conduct a detailed history and physical exam. Patients should be asked about smoking history, altitude, medication use, personal bleeding and clotting history, symptoms of sleep apnea (snoring, apneic episodes), and any family history of hematologic conditions or polycythemia. A thorough cardiopulmonary exam including auscultation of the heart and lungs can help evaluate for cardiac shunting or chronic pulmonary disease. An abdominal exam can assess for splenomegaly, which can be seen in polycythemia vera. Examination of digits for erythromelalgia, clubbing or cyanosis can help assess for chronic hypoxia.

Laboratory evaluation
Polycythemia is often initially identified on a complete blood count (CBC). The CBC is often repeated to evaluate for persistent polycythemia. If an etiology of polycythemia is unclear from history or physical, additional laboratory evaluation might include:

 * Blood smear to evaluate cell morphology
 * Iron panel to evaluate for concurrent iron deficiency
 * JAK2 mutation testing
 * Serum erythropoeitin (EPO) levels
 * Oxygen saturation (usually via pulse oximetry or blood gas tests) or oxygen dissociation tests

Additional testing

 * Sleep studies if high suspicion for sleep apnea
 * Abdominal imaging, such as ultrasound
 * Erythropoietin receptor or von Hippel–Lindau (VHL) genetic testing, if high suspicion for familial erythrocytosis
 * Hemoglobin (globin-gene) sequencing or high-performance liquid chromatography to evaluate for high-affinity hemoglobin variants
 * Bone marrow biopsy might be considered in specific cases

Primary polycythemia
Primary polycythemias are myeloproliferative diseases affecting red blood cell precursors in the bone marrow. Polycythemia vera (PCV) (a.k.a. polycythemia rubra vera (PRV)) occurs when excess red blood cells are produced as a result of an abnormality of the bone marrow. Often, excess white blood cells and platelets are also produced. A hallmark of polycythemia vera is an elevated hematocrit, with Hct > 55% seen in 83% of cases. A somatic (non-hereditary) mutation (V617F) in the JAK2 gene, also present in other myeloproliferative disorders, is found in 95% of cases. Symptoms include headaches and vertigo, and signs on physical examination include an abnormally enlarged spleen and/or liver. Studies suggest that mean arterial pressure (MAP) only increases when hematocrit levels are 20% over baseline. When hematocrit levels are lower than that percentage, the MAP decreases in response, which may be due, in part, to the increase in viscosity and the decrease in plasma layer width. Furthermore, affected individuals may have other associated conditions alongside high blood pressure, including formation of blood clots. Transformation to acute leukemia is rare. Phlebotomy is the mainstay of treatment.

Primary familial polycythemia, also known as primary familial and congenital polycythemia (PFCP), exists as a benign hereditary condition, in contrast with the myeloproliferative changes associated with acquired PCV. In many families, PFCP is due to an autosomal dominant mutation in the EPOR erythropoietin receptor gene. PFCP can cause an increase of up to 50% in the oxygen-carrying capacity of the blood; skier Eero Mäntyranta had PFCP, which is speculated to have given him an advantage in endurance events.

Secondary polycythemia
Secondary polycythemia is caused by either natural or artificial increases in the production of erythropoietin, hence an increased production of erythrocytes.

Secondary polycythemia in which the production of erythropoietin increases appropriately is called physiologic polycythemia. Conditions which may result in physiologic polycythemia include: Conditions where the secondary polycythemia is not caused by physiologic adaptation, and occurs irrespective of body needs include:
 * Altitude related – Polycythemia can be a normal adaptation to living at high altitudes (see altitude sickness). Many athletes train at high altitude to take advantage of this effect, which can be considered a legal form of blood doping, although the efficacy of this strategy is unclear.
 * Hypoxic disease-associated – for example, in cyanotic heart disease where blood oxygen levels are reduced significantly; in hypoxic lung disease such as COPD; in chronic obstructive sleep apnea; conditions that reduce blood flow to the kidney e.g. renal artery stenosis. Chronic carbon monoxide poisoning (which can be present in heavy smokers) and rarely methemoglobinemia can also impair oxygen delivery.
 * Genetic – Heritable causes of secondary polycythemia include abnormalities in hemoglobin oxygen release, which results in a greater inherent affinity for oxygen than normal adult hemoglobin and reduces oxygen delivery to tissues.
 * Neoplasms – Renal cell carcinoma, liver tumors, Von Hippel–Lindau disease, and endocrine abnormalities including pheochromocytoma and adrenal adenoma with Cushing's syndrome.
 * Anabolic steroid use – people whose testosterone levels are high, including athletes who abuse steroids, people on testosterone replacement for hypogonadism or transgender hormone replacement therapy.
 * Blood doping – Athletes who take erythropoietin-stimulating agents or receive blood transfusions to increase their red blood cell mass.
 * Post-transplant erythrocytosis – About 10–15% of patients after renal transplantation are found to have polycythemia at 24 months after transplantation, which can be associated with increased thrombotic (clotting) risk.

Altered oxygen sensing
Rare inherited mutations in three genes which all result in increased stability of hypoxia-inducible factors, leading to increased erythropoietin production, have been shown to cause secondary polycythemia:
 * Chuvash erythrocytosis or Chuvash polycythemia is an autosomal recessive form of erythrocytosis endemic in patients from the Chuvash Republic in Russia. Chuvash erythrocytosis is associated with homozygosity for a C598T mutation in the von Hippel–Lindau gene (VHL), which is needed for the destruction of hypoxia-inducible factors in the presence of oxygen. Clusters of patients with Chuvash erythrocytosis have been found in other populations, such as on the Italian island of Ischia, located in the Bay of Naples. Patients with Chuvash erythrocytosis experience a significantly elevated risk of events.
 * PHD2 erythrocytosis: Heterozygosity for loss-of-function mutations of the PHD2 gene are associated with autosomal dominant erythrocytosis and increased hypoxia-inducible factors activity.
 * HIF2α erythrocytosis: Gain-of-function mutations in HIF2α are associated with autosomal dominant erythrocytosis and pulmonary hypertension.

Symptoms
Polycythemia is often asymptomatic; patients may not experience any notable symptoms until their red cell count is very high. For patients with significant elevations in hemoglobin or hematocrit (often from polycythemia vera), some non-specific symptoms include:
 * A ruddy (red) complexion, or plethora
 * Headache, transient blurry vision (amaurosis fugax), other signs of a transient ischemic attack (TIA) or stroke
 * Dizziness, fatigue
 * Unusual bleeding, nosebleeds
 * Pain in abdomen from enlarged spleen in polycythemia vera
 * Pain in hands and feet (erythromelalgia)
 * Itchiness, especially after a hot shower (aquagenic pruritis)
 * Numbness or tingling in different body parts

Epidemiology
The prevalence of primary polycythemia (polycythemia vera) was estimated to be approximately 44–57 per 100,000 individuals in the United States. Secondary polycythemia is considered to be more common, but its exact prevalence is unknown. In one study using the NHANES dataset, the prevalence of unexplained erythrocytosis is 35.1 per 100,000, and was higher among males and among individuals between ages 50–59 and 60–69.

Management
The management of polycythemia varies based on its etiology:

 * See polycythemia vera for management of primary polycythemia, which involves reducing thrombotic risk, symptom amelioration and monitoring for further hematologic complications. Treatment can include phlebotomy, aspirin, and myelosuppressive or cytoreductive medications based on risk stratification.
 * For secondary polycythemia, management involves addressing the underlying etiology of increased erythropoeitin production, such as smoking cessation, CPAP for sleep apnea, or removing any EPO-producing tumours. Phlebotomy is not typically recommended for patients with physiologic polycythemia, who rely on additional red cell mass for necessary oxygen delivery, unless the patient is clearly symptomatic and experiences relief from phlebotomy. It is unclear if patients with secondary polycythemia are at elevated thrombotic risk, but aspirin can be considered for patients at elevated cardiovascular risk or for patients with Chuvash polycythemia. The first-line treatment for post-transplant erythrocytosis specificity is angiotensin-converting enzyme (ACE) inhibitors or angiotensin receptor blockers.

Relation to athletic performance
Polycythemia is theorized to increased performance in endurance sports due to the blood being able to store more oxygen. This idea has led to the illegal use of blood doping and transfusions among professional athletes, as well as use of altitude training or elevation training masks to simulate a low-oxygen environment. However, the benefits of altitude training for athletes to improve sea-level performance are not universally accepted, with one reason being athletes at altitude might exert less power during training.

title: Polycythemia


text:
User:Kra~enwiki

no:Bruker:Kra

Hello! I'm a last year student at Norwegian School of Management located in Sandvika. I'm borned in Oslo and have lived here my whole life. Last semester I was a studyabroad student at the University of Sydney. I'm playing soccer and going cross-country skiing in my leisure as well as being with friends. In late June I'll get a working cocker spaniel puppy.

title: User:Kra~enwiki


text:
Rebellion

Rebellion is a violent uprising against one's government. A rebel is a person who engages in a rebellion. A rebel group is a consciously coordinated group that seeks to gain political control over an entire state or a portion of a state.

Classification

An insurrection is an armed rebellion.

A revolt is a rebellion with an aim to replace a government, authority figure, law, or policy.

If a government does not recognize rebels as belligerents then they are insurgents and the revolt is an insurgency. In a larger conflict the rebels may be recognized as belligerents without their government being recognized by the established government, in which case the conflict becomes a civil war.

Civil resistance movements have often aimed at, and brought about, the fall of a government or head of state, and in these cases could be considered a form of rebellion. In many of these cases, the opposition movement saw itself not only as nonviolent, but also as upholding their country's constitutional system against a government that was unlawful, for example, if it had refused to acknowledge its defeat in an election. Thus the term rebel does not always capture the element in some of these movements of acting to defend the rule of law and constitutionalism.

Macro approach
The following theories broadly build on the Marxist interpretation of rebellion. Rebellion is studied, in Theda Skocpol's words, by analyzing "objective relationships and conflicts among variously situated groups and nations, rather than the interests, outlooks, or ideologies of particular actors in revolutions".

Marxist view
Karl Marx's analysis of revolutions sees such expression of political violence not as anomic, episodic outbursts of discontents but rather the symptomatic expression of a particular set of objective but fundamentally contradicting class-based relations of power. The central tenet of Marxist philosophy, as expressed in Das Kapital, is the analysis of society's mode of production (societal organization of technology and labor) and the relationships between people and their material conditions. Marx writes about "the hidden structure of society" that must be elucidated through an examination of "the direct relationship of the owners of the conditions of production to the direct producers". The conflict that arises from producers being dispossessed of the means of production, and therefore subject to the possessors who may appropriate their products, is at the origin of the revolution. The inner imbalance within these modes of production is derived from the conflicting modes of organization, such as capitalism emerging within feudalism, or more contemporarily socialism arising within capitalism. The dynamics engineered by these class frictions help class consciousness root itself in the collective imaginary. For example, the development of the bourgeoisie class went from an oppressed merchant class to urban independence, eventually gaining enough power to represent the state as a whole. Social movements, thus, are determined by an exogenous set of circumstances. The proletariat must also, according to Marx, go through the same process of self-determination which can only be achieved by friction against the bourgeoisie. In Marx's theory, revolutions are the "locomotives of history" because revolution ultimately leads to the overthrow of a parasitic ruling class and its antiquated mode of production. Later, rebellion attempts to replace it with a new system of political economy, one that is better suited to the new ruling class, thus enabling societal progress. The cycle of revolution, thus, replaces one mode of production with another through the constant class friction.

Ted Gurr: Roots of political violence
In his book Why Men Rebel, Ted Gurr looks at the roots of political violence itself applied to a rebellion framework. He defines political violence as: "all collective attacks within a political community against the political regime, its actors [...] or its policies. The concept represents a set of events, a common property of which is the actual or threatened use of violence". Gurr sees in violence a voice of anger that manifests itself against the established order. More precisely, individuals become angry when they feel what Gurr labels as relative deprivation, meaning the feeling of getting less than one is entitled to. He labels it formally as the "perceived discrepancy between value expectations and value capabilities". Gurr differentiates between three types of relative deprivation: Anger is thus comparative. One of his key insights is that "The potential for collective violence varies strongly with the intensity and scope of relative deprivation among members of a collectivity". This means that different individuals within society will have different propensities to rebel based on the particular internalization of their situation. As such, Gurr differentiates between three types of political violence:
 * 1) Decremental deprivation: one's capacities decrease when expectations remain high. One example of this is the proliferation and thus depreciation of the value of higher education.
 * 2) Aspirational Deprivation: one's capacities stay the same when expectations rise. An example would be a first-generation college student lacking the contacts and network to obtain a higher paying job while watching her better-prepared colleagues bypass her.
 * 3) Progressive deprivation: expectation and capabilities increase but the former cannot keep up. A good example would be an automotive worker being increasingly marginalized by the automatization of the assembly line.
 * 1) Turmoil when only the mass population encounters relative deprivation;
 * 2) Conspiracy when the population but especially the elite encounters relative deprivation;
 * 3) Internal War, which includes revolution. In this case, the degree of organization is much higher than turmoil, and the revolution is intrinsically spread to all sections of society, unlike the conspiracy.

Charles Tilly: Centrality of collective action
In From Mobilization to Revolution, Charles Tilly argues that political violence is a normal and endogenous reaction to competition for power between different groups within society. "Collective violence", Tilly writes, "is the product of just normal processes of competition among groups in order to obtain the power and implicitly to fulfill their desires". He proposes two models to analyze political violence: Revolutions are included in this theory, although they remain for Tilly particularly extreme since the challenger(s) aim for nothing less than full control over power. The "revolutionary moment occurs when the population needs to choose to obey either the government or an alternative body who is engaged with the government in a zero-sum game. This is what Tilly calls "multiple sovereignty". The success of a revolutionary movement hinges on "the formation of coalitions between members of the polity and the contenders advancing exclusive alternative claims to control over Government.".
 * 1) The polity model takes into account government and groups jockeying for control over power. Thus, both the organizations holding power and the ones challenging them are included. Tilly labels those two groups "members" and "challengers".
 * 2) The mobilization model aims to describe the behavior of one single party to the political struggle for power. Tilly further divides the model into two sub-categories, one that deals with the internal dynamics of the group, and the other that is concerned with the "external relations" of the entity with other organizations and/or the government. According to Tilly, the cohesiveness of a group mainly relies on the strength of common interests and the degree of organization. Thus, to answer Gurr, anger alone does not automatically create political violence. Political action is contingent on the capacity to organize and unite. It is far from irrational and spontaneous.

Chalmers Johnson and societal values
For Chalmers Johnson, rebellions are not so much the product of political violence or collective action but in "the analysis of viable, functioning societies". In a quasi-biological manner, Johnson sees revolutions as symptoms of pathologies within the societal fabric. A healthy society, meaning a "value-coordinated social system" does not experience political violence. Johnson's equilibrium is at the intersection between the need for society to adapt to changes but at the same time firmly grounded in selective fundamental values. The legitimacy of political order, he posits, relies exclusively on its compliance with these societal values and in its capacity to integrate and adapt to any change. Rigidity is, in other words, inadmissible. Johnson writes "to make a revolution is to accept violence for the purpose of causing the system to change; more exactly, it is the purposive implementation of a strategy of violence in order to effect a change in social structure". The aim of a revolution is to re-align a political order on new societal values introduced by an externality that the system itself has not been able to process. Rebellions automatically must face a certain amount of coercion because by becoming "de-synchronized", the now illegitimate political order will have to use coercion to maintain its position. A simplified example would be the French Revolution when the Parisian Bourgeoisie did not recognize the core values and outlook of the King as synchronized with its own orientations. More than the King itself, what really sparked the violence was the uncompromising intransigence of the ruling class. Johnson emphasizes "the necessity of investigating a system's value structure and its problems in order to conceptualize the revolutionary situation in any meaningful way".

Theda Skocpol and the autonomy of the state
Skocpol introduces the concept of the social revolution, to be contrasted with a political revolution. While the latter aims to change the polity, the former is "rapid, basic transformations of a society's state and class structures; and they are accompanied and in part carried through by class-based revolts from below". Social revolutions are a grassroots movement by nature because they do more than change the modalities of power, they aim to transform the fundamental social structure of society. As a corollary, this means that some "revolutions" may cosmetically change the organization of the monopoly over power without engineering any true change in the social fabric of society. Her analysis is limited to studying the French, Russian, and Chinese revolutions. Skocpol identifies three stages of the revolution in these cases (which she believes can be extrapolated and generalized), each accordingly accompanied by specific structural factors which in turn influence the social results of the political action: Here is a summary of the causes and consequences of social revolutions in these three countries, according to Skocpol:
 * 1) The Collapse of the Old-Regime State: this is an automatic consequence of certain structural conditions. She highlights the importance of international military and economic competition as well as the pressure of the misfunctioning of domestic affairs. More precisely, she sees the breakdown of the governing structures of society influenced by two theoretical actors, the "landed upper class" and the "imperial state". Both could be considered as "partners in exploitation" but in reality competed for resources: the state (monarchs) seek to build up military and economic power to ascertain their geopolitical influence. The upper class works in a logic of profit maximization, meaning preventing as much as possible the state to extract resources. All three revolutions occurred, Skocpol argues, because states failed to be able to "mobilize extraordinary resources from the society and implement in the process reforms requiring structural transformations". The apparently contradicting policies were mandated by a unique set of geopolitical competition and modernization. "Revolutionary political crises occurred because of the unsuccessful attempts of the Bourbon, Romanov, and Manchu regimes to cope with foreign pressures." Skocpol further concludes "the upshot was the disintegration of centralized administrative and military machinery that had theretofore provided the solely unified bulwark of social and political order".
 * 2) Peasant Uprisings: more than simply a challenge by the landed upper class in a difficult context, the state needs to be challenged by mass peasant uprisings in order to fall. These uprisings must be aimed not at the political structures per se but at the upper class itself so that the political revolution becomes a social one as well. Skocpol quotes Barrington Moore who famously wrote: "peasants [...] provided the dynamite to bring down the old building". Peasant uprisings are more effective depending on two given structural socioeconomic conditions: the level of autonomy (from both an economic and political point of view) peasant communities enjoy, and the degree of direct control the upper class on local politics. In other words, peasants must be able to have some degree of agency in order to be able to rebel. If the coercive structures of the state and/or the landowners keep a very close check on peasant activity, then there is no space to foment dissent.
 * 3) Societal Transformation: this is the third and decisive step after the state organization has been seriously weakened and peasant revolts become widespread against landlords. The paradox of the three revolutions Skocpol studies is that stronger centralized and bureaucratic states emerge after the revolts. The exact parameters depend, again, on structural factors as opposed to voluntarist factors: in Russia, the new state found most support in the industrial base, rooting itself in cities. In China, most of the support for the revolt had been in the countryside, thus the new polity was grounded in rural areas. In France, the peasantry was not organized enough, and the urban centers not potent enough so that the new state was not firmly grounded in anything, partially explaining its artificiality.

Microfoundational evidence on causes
The following theories are all based on Mancur Olson's work in The Logic of Collective Action, a 1965 book that conceptualizes the inherent problem with an activity that has concentrated costs and diffuse benefits. In this case, the benefits of rebellion are seen as a public good, meaning one that is non-excludable and non-rivalrous. Indeed, the political benefits are generally shared by all in society if a rebellion is successful, not just the individuals that have partaken in the rebellion itself. Olson thus challenges the assumption that simple interests in common are all that is necessary for collective action. In fact, he argues the "free rider" possibility, a term that means to reap the benefits without paying the price, will deter rational individuals from collective action. That is, unless there is a clear benefit, a rebellion will not happen en masse. Thus, Olson shows that "selective incentives", only made accessible to individuals participating in the collective effort, can solve the free rider problem.

The Rational Peasant
Samuel L. Popkin builds on Olson's argument in The Rational Peasant: The Political Economy of Rural Society in Vietnam. His theory is based on the figure of a hyper rational peasant that bases his decision to join (or not) a rebellion uniquely on a cost-benefit analysis. This formalist view of the collective action problem stresses the importance of individual economic rationality and self-interest: a peasant, according to Popkin, will disregard the ideological dimension of a social movement and focus instead on whether or not it will bring any practical benefit to him. According to Popkin, peasant society is based on a precarious structure of economic instability. Social norms, he writes, are "malleable, renegotiated, and shifting in accord with considerations of power and strategic interaction among individuals" Indeed, the constant insecurity and inherent risk to the peasant condition, due to the peculiar nature of the patron-client relationship that binds the peasant to his landowner, forces the peasant to look inwards when he has a choice to make. Popkin argues that peasants rely on their "private, family investment for their long run security and that they will be interested in short term gain vis-à-vis the village. They will attempt to improve their long-run security by moving to a position with higher income and less variance". Popkin stresses this "investor logic" that one may not expect in agrarian societies, usually seen as pre-capitalist communities where traditional social and power structures prevent the accumulation of capital. Yet, the selfish determinants of collective action are, according to Popkin, a direct product of the inherent instability of peasant life. The goal of a laborer, for example, will be to move to a tenant position, then smallholder, then landlord; where there is less variance and more income. Voluntarism is thus non-existent in such communities.

Popkin singles out four variables that impact individual participation: Without any moral commitment to the community, this situation will engineer free riders. Popkin argues that selective incentives are necessary to overcome this problem.
 * 1) Contribution to the expenditure of resources: collective action has a cost in terms of contribution, and especially if it fails (an important consideration with regards to rebellion)
 * 2) Rewards : the direct (more income) and indirect (less oppressive central state) rewards for collective action
 * 3) Marginal impact of the peasant's contribution to the success of collective action
 * 4) Leadership "viability and trust" : to what extent the resources pooled will be effectively used.

Opportunity cost of rebellion
Political Scientist Christopher Blattman and World Bank economist Laura Ralston identify rebellious activity as an "occupational choice". They draw a parallel between criminal activity and rebellion, arguing that the risks and potential payoffs an individual must calculate when making the decision to join such a movement remains similar between the two activities. In both cases, only a selected few reap important benefits, while most of the members of the group do not receive similar payoffs. The choice to rebel is inherently linked with its opportunity cost, namely what an individual is ready to give up in order to rebel. Thus, the available options beside rebellious or criminal activity matter just as much as the rebellion itself when the individual makes the decision. Blattman and Ralston, however, recognize that "a poor person's best strategy" might be both rebellion illicit and legitimate activities at the same time. Individuals, they argue, can often have a varied "portofolio" of activities, suggesting that they all operate on a rational, profit maximizing logic. The authors conclude that the best way to fight rebellion is to increase its opportunity cost, both by more enforcement but also by minimizing the potential material gains of a rebellion.

Selective incentives based on group membership
The decision to join a rebellion can be based on the prestige and social status associated with membership in the rebellious group. More than material incentives for the individual, rebellions offer their members club goods, public goods that are reserved only for the members inside that group. Economist Eli Berman and Political Scientist David D. Laitin's study of radical religious groups show that the appeal of club goods can help explain individual membership. Berman and Laitin discuss suicide operations, meaning acts that have the highest cost for an individual. They find that in such a framework, the real danger to an organization is not volunteering but preventing defection. Furthermore, the decision to enroll in such high stakes organization can be rationalized. Berman and Laitin show that religious organizations supplant the state when it fails to provide an acceptable quality of public goods such a public safety, basic infrastructure, access to utilities, or schooling. Suicide operations "can be explained as a costly signal of "commitment" to the community". They further note "Groups less adept at extracting signals of commitment (sacrifices) may not be able to consistently enforce incentive compatibility." Thus, rebellious groups can organize themselves to ask of members proof of commitment to the cause. Club goods serve not so much to coax individuals into joining but to prevent defection.

Greed vs grievance model
World Bank economists Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffler compare two dimensions of incentives: Vollier and Hoeffler find that the model based on grievance variables systematically fails to predict past conflicts, while the model based on greed performs well. The authors posit that the high cost of risk to society is not taken into account seriously by the grievance model: individuals are fundamentally risk-averse. However, they allow that conflicts create grievances, which in turn can become risk factors. Contrary to established beliefs, they also find that a multiplicity of ethnic communities make society safer, since individuals will be automatically more cautious, at the opposite of the grievance model predictions. Finally, the authors also note that the grievances expressed by members of the diaspora of a community in turmoil has an important on the continuation of violence. Both greed and grievance thus need to be included in the reflection.
 * 1) Greed rebellion: "motivated by predation of the rents from primary commodity exports, subject to an economic calculus of costs and a military survival constraint".
 * 2) Grievance rebellion: "motivated by hatreds which might be intrinsic to ethnic and religious differences, or reflected objective resentments such as domination by an ethnic majority, political repression, or economic inequality". The two main sources of grievance are political exclusion and inequality.

The Moral Economy of the Peasant
Spearheaded by political scientist and anthropologist James C. Scott in his book The Moral Economy of the Peasant, the moral economy school considers moral variables such as social norms, moral values, interpretation of justice, and conception of duty to the community as the prime influencers of the decision to rebel. This perspective still adheres to Olson's framework, but it considers different variables to enter the cost/benefit analysis: the individual is still believed to be rational, albeit not on material but moral grounds.

Early conceptualization: E. P. Thompson and bread riots in England
British historian E.P. Thompson is often cited as being the first to use the term "moral economy", he said in his 1991 publication that the term had been in use since the 18th century. In his 1971 Past & Present journal article, Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century, he discussed English bread riots, and other localized form of rebellion by English peasants throughout the 18th century. He said that these events have been routinely dismissed as "riotous", with the connotation of being disorganized, spontaneous, undirected, and undisciplined. He wrote that, on the contrary, such riots involved a coordinated peasant action, from the pillaging of food convoys to the seizure of grain shops. A scholar such as Popkin has argued that peasants were trying to gain material benefits, such as more food. Thompson sees a legitimization factor, meaning "a belief that [the peasants] were defending traditional rights and customs". Thompson goes on to write: "[the riots were] legitimized by the assumptions of an older moral economy, which taught the immorality of any unfair method of forcing up the price of provisions by profiteering upon the necessities of the people". In 1991, twenty years after his original publication, Thompson said that his, "object of analysis was the mentalité, or, as [he] would prefer, the political culture, the expectations, traditions, and indeed, superstitions of the working population most frequently involved in actions in the market". The opposition between a traditional, paternalist, and the communitarian set of values clashing with the inverse liberal, capitalist, and market-derived ethics is central to explain rebellion.

James C. Scott and the formalization of the moral economy argument
In his 1976 book The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia, James C. Scott looks at the impact of exogenous economic and political shocks on peasant communities in Southeast Asia. Scott finds that peasants are mostly in the business of surviving and producing enough to subsist. Therefore, any extractive regime needs to respect this careful equilibrium. He labels this phenomenon the "subsistence ethic". A landowner operating in such communities is seen to have the moral duty to prioritize the peasant's subsistence over his constant benefit. According to Scott, the powerful colonial state accompanied by market capitalism did not respect this fundamental hidden law in peasant societies. Rebellious movements occurred as the reaction to an emotional grief, a moral outrage.

Other non-material incentives
Blattman and Ralston recognize the importance of immaterial selective incentives, such as anger, outrage, and injustice ("grievance") in the roots of rebellions. These variables, they argue, are far from being irrational, as they are sometimes presented. They identify three main types of grievance arguments:

 * 1) Intrinsic incentives holds that "injustice or perceived transgression generates an intrinsic willingness to punish or seek retribution". More than material rewards, individuals are naturally and automatically prompted to fight for justice if they feel they have been wronged. The ultimatum game is an excellent illustration: player one receives $10 and must split it with another player who does not get the chance to determine how much he receives, but only if the deal is made or not (if he refuses, everyone loses their money). Rationally, player 2 should take whatever the deal is because it is better in absolute term ($1 more remains $1 more). However, player 2 is most likely unwilling to accept less than 2 or 2 dollars, meaning that they are willing to pay a-$2 for justice to be respected. This game, according to Blattman and Ralston, represents "the expressive pleasure people gain from punishing an injustice".
 * 2) Loss aversion holds that "people tend to evaluate their satisfaction relative to a reference point, and that they are 'loss adverse". Individuals prefer not losing over the risky strategy of making gains. There is a substantial subjective part to this, however, as some may realize alone and decide that they are comparatively less well off than a neighbor, for example. To "fix" this gap, individuals will in turn be ready to take great risks so as to not enshrine a loss.
 * 3) Frustration-aggression: this model holds that the immediate emotional reactions to highly stressful environments do not obey to any "direct utility benefit but rather a more impulsive and emotional response to a threat". There are limits to this theory: violent action is to a large extent a product of goals by an individual which are in turn determined by a set of preferences. Yet, this approach shows that contextual elements like economic precarity have a non-negligible impact on the conditions of the decisions to rebel at minimum.

Recruitment
Stathis N. Kalyvas, a political science professor at Yale University, argues that political violence is heavily influenced by hyperlocal socio-economic factors, from the mundane traditional family rivalries to repressed grudges. Rebellion, or any sort of political violence, are not binary conflicts but must be understood as interactions between public and private identities and actions. The "convergence of local motives and supralocal imperatives" make studying and theorizing rebellion a very complex affair, at the intersection between the political and the private, the collective and the individual. Kalyvas argues that we often try to group political conflicts according to two structural paradigms: Kalyvas' key insight is that the central vs periphery dynamic is fundamental in political conflicts. Any individual actor, Kalyvas posits, enters into a calculated alliance with the collective. Rebellions thus cannot be analyzed in molar categories, nor should we assume that individuals are automatically in line with the rest of the actors simply by virtue of ideological, religious, ethnic, or class cleavage. The agency is located both within the collective and in the individual, in the universal and the local. Kalyvas writes: "Alliance entails a transaction between supralocal and local actors, whereby the former supply the later with external muscle, thus allowing them to win decisive local advantage, in exchange the former rely on local conflicts to recruit and motivate supporters and obtain local control, resources, and information- even when their ideological agenda is opposed to localism". Individuals will thus aim to use the rebellion in order to gain some sort of local advantage, while the collective actors will aim to gain power. Violence is a mean as opposed to a goal, according to Kalyvas.
 * 1) The idea that political violence, and more specifically rebellion, is characterized by a complete breakdown of authority and an anarchic state. This is inspired by Thomas Hobbes' views. The approach sees rebellion as being motivated by greed and loot, using violence to break down the power structures of society.
 * 2) The idea that all political violence is inherently motivated by an abstract group of loyalties and beliefs, "whereby the political enemy becomes a private adversary only by virtue of prior collective and impersonal enmity". Violence is thus not a "man to man" affair as much as a "state to state" struggle, if not an "idea vs idea" conflict.

The greater takeaway from this central/local analytical lens is that violence is not an anarchic tactic or a manipulation by an ideology, but a conversation between the two. Rebellions are "concatenations of multiple and often disparate local cleavages, more or less loosely arranged around the master cleavage". Any pre-conceived explanation or theory of a conflict must not be placated on a situation, lest one will construct a reality that adapts itself to his pre-conceived idea. Kalyvas thus argues that political conflict is not always political in the sense that they cannot be reduced to a certain discourse, decisions, or ideologies from the "center" of collective action. Instead, the focus must be on "local cleavages and intracommunity dynamics". Furthermore, rebellion is not "a mere mechanism that opens up the floodgates to random and anarchical private violence". Rather, it is the result of a careful and precarious alliance between local motivations and collective vectors to help the individual cause.

Rebel governance
Rebel governance is the development of institutions, rules and norms by rebel groups with an intent to regulate civilians' social, economic and political life, usually in areas under the territorial control of the rebel groups. Rebel governance may include systems of taxation, regulations on social conduct, judicial systems, and public goods provision.

Peace agreements
One third of rebel leaders who sign peace agreements with the state experience exile, imprisonment, or unnatural death while two thirds go into regular politics or pursue further rebellion.

title: Rebellion